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CHAPTER 2: Research Methods

Test Bank for Chapter 2

Basic Terms and Definitions:
Independent and Dependent Variables

1. A(n) _____ is any characteristic of a person, place, or thing that can change over time or across situations.
a) stimulus
b) response
c) operation
d) variable
Answer: D
Page number: 51
Feedback: A variable is a characteristic of a person, place, or thing that can change (vary) over time or from one
situation to another.

2. Temperature, height, and hair color are all:

a) behaviors.
b) operations.
c) variables.
d) Both a and b are correct.
Answer: C
Page number: 51
Feedback: Temperature is an example of a variable; temperature varies from day to day, season to season, and
place to place. Height and weight are also examples of variables—people come in many different sizes and
shapes.

3. The _____ variable is that factor that varies across the different conditions in an experiment.
a) dependent
b) independent
c) extraneous
d) nondependent
Answer: B
Page number: 52
Feedback: The independent variable is the aspect of an experiment that is made to systematically vary across
the different conditions in the experiment.

4. The _____ variable is the outcome that is measured in an experiment.

RESEARCH METHODS 1
 a) dependent
b) independent
c) extraneous
d) confounding
Answer: A
Page number: 52
Feedback: The dependent variable is the aspect of an experiment that is allowed to vary freely to see if it is
affected by changes in the independent variable. In other words, the dependent variable is what is measured in
an experiment.

5. Cause is to effect as _____ variable is to _____ variable.

a) extraneous; dependent
b) dependent; extraneous
c) dependent; independent
d) independent; dependent
Answer: D
Page number: 52
Feedback: Changes in the dependent variable are dependent upon changes in the independent variable.

6. The outcome or effect in an experiment is the _____variable.

a) independent
b) dependent
c) extraneous
d) confounding
Answer: B
Page number: 52
Feedback: The dependent variable is the aspect of an experiment that is allowed to vary freely to see if it is
affected by changes in the independent variable.
QZ

7. In an experiment concerning the effect of food deprivation on activity level, food deprivation is the _____
variable.
a) dependent
b) confounding
c) independent
d) extraneous
Answer: C
Page number: 52
Feedback: Food deprivation is the independent variable in the experiment.
MD

8. In an experiment concerning the effect of food deprivation on activity level, activity level is the _____ variable.
a) dependent
b) confounding
c) independent
d) extraneous
Answer: A
Page number: 52
Feedback: In the experiment concerning the effect of food deprivation on activity level, activity level is the
dependent variable.

9. In the experiment with the rats and the goal box, the _____ is the independent variable.
a) level of activity
b) food
c) goal box

2 CHAPTER 2
 d) rat
Answer: B
Page number: 52
Feedback: In the experiment with the rats and the goal box, depending on the “experimental condition” to which
rats have been randomly assigned, they receive one, two, or three pellets of food each time they reach the goal
box. Thus, the independent variable in this experiment is the number of food pellets the rats in each group
receive when they reach the goal box.

10. Suppose you are experimenting with the effects of sleep deprivation on memory. In this case, sleep deprivation
is a(n):
a) extraneous variable.
b) dependent variable.
c) independent variable.
d) mediating variable.
Answer: C
Page number: 52
Feedback: If you are experimenting with the effects of sleep deprivation on memory, sleep deprivation is an
independent variable. The independent variable is the aspect of an experiment that is made to systematically
vary across the different conditions in the experiment. In other words, the independent variable is what is
manipulated in an experiment.

11. In the experiment with the rats and the goal box, the _____ is the dependent variable.
a) rat
b) goal box
c) level of activity
d) food
Answer: C
Page number: 52
Feedback: In the rat experiment, the dependent variable could be the total number of errors (i.e., number of
wrong turns) the rat makes while trying to find its way to the goal box. Alternatively, the speed with which the
rat reaches the goal box is also the dependent variable in the experiment.

12. In the experiment with the rats and the goal box, the number of food pellets given when the rats reach the goal
box is the:
a) extraneous variable.
b) confounding variable.
c) dependent variable.
d) independent variable.
Answer: D
Page number: 52
Feedback: The independent variable in this experiment is the number of food pellets the rats in each group
receive when they reach the goal box.
WWW

Functional Relationships

13. The relationship between changes in an independent variable and changes in a dependent variable is known as
a(n) _____ relationship.
a) operational
b) variable
c) mechanistic
d) functional
Answer: D
Page number: 52

RESEARCH METHODS 3
 Feedback: The relationship between changes in an independent variable and changes in a dependent variable is
known as a functional relationship.

14. If a certain diet affects the extent to which one is likely to acquire a certain disease, then there is a(n) _____
relationship between the diet and the disease.
a) operational
b) mechanistic
c) functional
d) independent
Answer: C
Page number: 52
Feedback: If a certain diet affects the extent to which one is likely to acquire a certain disease, then there is a
functional relationship between the diet and the disease. The relationship between changes in an independent
variable and changes in a dependent variable is known as a functional relationship.
FN

15. A cause-and-effect relationship could also be called a(n) _____ relationship.

a) independent
b) functional
c) derivative
d) mechanistic
Answer: B
Page number: 53
Feedback: A functional relationship can also be thought of as a cause-and-effect relationship, with changes in
the independent variable being the cause and changes in the dependent variable being the effect.

16. Every time Randy watches a horror movie, he has a nightmare that same evening. If he never has a nightmare
except when he watches a horror movie, it would indicate a(n) _____ between watching horror movies and
having nightmares.
a) spurious relationship
b) functional relationship
c) establishing operation
d) operational relationship
Answer: B
Page number: 52–53
Feedback: If Randy never has a nightmare except when he watches a horror movie, it would indicate a
functional relationship between watching horror movies and having nightmares. A functional relationship can
also be thought of as a cause-and-effect relationship, with changes in the independent variable being the cause
and changes in the dependent variable being the effect. Behaviorists are typically interested in discovering
functional relationships between changes in environmental events and changes in behavior.
QZ

17. Mosquito repellents that contain the chemical agent DEET are significantly more effective than those that do
not contain DEET. In other words, there is a _____ relationship between the presence of DEET and the number
of mosquito bites.
a) formational
b) nonformational
c) functional
d) nonfunctional
Answer: C
Page number: 52
Feedback: There is a functional relationship between the presence of DEET and the number of mosquito bites.
The relationship between changes in an independent variable and changes in a dependent variable is known as a
functional relationship.

4 CHAPTER 2
Stimulus and Response

18. A stimulus is any event that can:

a) potentially influence behavior.
b) be transformed into a behavior.
c) be measured.
d) be detected.
Answer: A
Page number: 53
Feedback: A stimulus is any event that can potentially influence behavior.

19. A flashing light, a loud bang, and a bad smell are all:
a) extraneous variables.
b) stimuli.
c) confounding variables.
d) responses.
Answer: B
Page number: 53
Feedback: A stimulus is any event that can potentially influence behavior. Light, sound, and odor are examples
of stimuli.

20. The sound of a door slam causes your cat to jump off the couch. The sound of the door slamming is a(n):
a) confounding variable.
b) stimulus.
c) extraneous variable.
d) reaction.
Answer: B
Page number: 53
Feedback: The sound of door slamming is a stimulus. A stimulus is any event that can potentially influence
behavior. Light, sound, and odor are examples of stimuli.

21. A _____ is a specific instance of behavior.

a) stimulus
b) releaser
c) response
d) operation
Answer: C
Page number: 53
Feedback: A response is a particular instance of a behavior.

22. With respect to a rat’s behavior of pressing a lever for food, a single lever press is an example of a(n):
a) operation.
b) stimulus.
c) independent variable.
d) response.
Answer: D
Page number: 53
Feedback: A stimulus is any event that can potentially influence behavior, and a response is a particular
instance of a behavior. With respect to a rat’s behavior of pressing a lever for food, a single lever press is an
example of a response.

23. Jan winks at Tyler. The wink is an example of a(n) _____ by Jan and a _____ for Tyler.
a) response; stimulus
b) stimulus; response
c) operation; dependent variable

RESEARCH METHODS 5
 d) response; response
Answer: A
Page number: 53
Feedback: A stimulus is any event that can potentially influence behavior, and a response is a particular instance
of a behavior. The wink is an example of a response by Jan and a stimulus for Tyler.

Overt and Covert Behavior

24. The term _____ behavior refers to any behavior that has the potential for being directly observed by another
individual.
a) covert
b) dependent
c) overt
d) independent
Answer: C
Page number: 54
Feedback: Overt behavior is behavior that can potentially be observed by an individual other than the one
performing the behavior.

25. The push-ups that I did this morning are best described as an example of a(n):
a) extraneous behavior.
b) impulsive behavior.
c) covert behavior.
d) overt behavior.
Answer: D
Page number: 54
Feedback: The push-ups that I did this morning are best described as an example of an overt behavior. Overt
behavior is behavior that can potentially be observed by an individual other than the one performing the
behavior.
QZ

26. The term _____ behavior refers to any behavior that can be subjectively perceived only by the person
performing the behavior.
a) covert
b) extraneous
c) overt
d) implosive
Answer: A
Page number: 54
Feedback: Covert behavior is behavior that can be perceived only by the person performing the behavior.

27. The dream I had last night is best described as an example of a(n):
a) extraneous behavior.
b) establishing operation.
c) covert behavior.
d) overt behavior.
Answer: C
Page number: 54
Feedback: The dream I had last night is best described as an example of a covert behavior. Covert behavior is
behavior that can be perceived only by the person performing the behavior.

28. Whenever Mehmed listens to a lecture by Dr. Dull, he begins to daydream. From Mehmed’s perspective, the
daydreaming is a(n) _____, while the lecture by Dr. Dull is a _____.
a) overt response; covert response
b) stimulus; covert response

6 CHAPTER 2
 c) overt response; stimulus
d) covert response; stimulus
Answer: D
Page number: 53–54
Feedback: From Mehmed’s perspective, the daydreaming is a covert response, while the lecture by Dr. Dull is a
stimulus. A stimulus is any event that can potentially influence behavior, and a response is a particular instance
of a behavior. Covert behavior is behavior that can be perceived only by the person performing the behavior.
WWW

29. Overt behavior is to _____ as covert behavior is to _____.

a) talking; daydreaming
b) thinking; acting
c) establishing; reacting
d) dreaming; thinking
Answer: A
Page number: 54
Feedback: Overt behavior is to talking as covert behavior is to daydreaming. Overt behavior is behavior that can
potentially be observed by an individual other than the one performing the behavior. Covert behavior is
behavior that can be perceived only by the person performing the behavior.

Appetitive and Aversive Stimuli

30. A(n) _____ stimulus is one that an organism will move toward.
a) functional
b) adversive
c) appetitive
d) aversive
Answer: C
Page number: 54
Feedback: An appetitive stimulus is an event that an organism will seek out.

31. A(n) _____ stimulus is one that an animal will move away from.
a) functional
b) aversive
c) appetitive
d) imperative
Answer: B
Page number: 54
Feedback: An aversive stimulus is an event that an organism will avoid.

32. Pleasant is to _____ as unpleasant is to _____.

a) functional; imperative
b) imperative; adversive
c) adversive; appetitive
d) appetitive; aversive
Answer: D
Page number: 54
Feedback: Pleasant is to appetitive as unpleasant is to aversive. An appetitive stimulus is an event that an
organism will seek out. An aversive stimulus is an event that an organism will avoid.

33. For most children, a bee sting is to _____ as candy is to _____.

a) adversive; imperative
b) appetitive; aversive
c) aversive; appetitive
d) adversive; appetitive

RESEARCH METHODS 7
 Answer: C
Page number: 54
Feedback: For most children, a bee sting is to aversive as candy is to appetitive. An appetitive stimulus is an
event that an organism will seek out. An aversive stimulus is an event that an organism will avoid.

34. If someone goes “looking for a fight,” then fighting must be a(n) _____ stimulus for that individual.
a) aversive
b) appositive
c) appetitive
d) nonfunctional
Answer: C
Page number: 54
Feedback: If someone goes “looking for a fight,” then fighting must be an appetitive stimulus for that
individual. An appetitive stimulus is an event that an organism will seek out.

Motivating Operations

35. Depriving an animal of food is an example of a(n):

a) functional operation.
b) establishing operation.
c) establishing response.
d) stimulus operation.
Answer: B
Page number: 56
Feedback: Depriving an animal of food is an example of an establishing operation. An establishing operation is
a procedure that increases the appetitiveness or aversiveness of an event.

36. A procedure that increases the appetitiveness or aversiveness of a stimulus is called a(n):
a) establishing procedure.
b) establishing operation.
c) consequence strengthening procedure.
d) consequence strengthening operation.
Answer: B
Page number: 56
Feedback: An establishing operation is a procedure that increases the appetitiveness or aversiveness of an event.

37. Jared got sick after eating too much cake. From then onward, he could no longer eat cake. The act of eating too
much cake functioned as a(n) _____ with respect to the subsequent likelihood of again eating cake.
a) establishing response
b) dependent variable
c) extraneous operation
d) establishing operation
Answer: D
Page number: 56
Feedback: Jared getting sick after eating too much cake is an example of an establishing operation. An
establishing operation is a procedure that increases the appetitiveness or aversiveness of an event.
MD

38. Joanna does not feed her dog during the day to ensure that he eats all of his dinner that evening. This is an
example of:
a) shaping.
b) negative punishment.
c) extinction.
d) an establishing operation.
Answer: D

8 CHAPTER 2
 Page number: 56
Feedback: Joanna feeding her dog only in the evening to ensure he eats all his dinner illustrates an establishing
operation. An establishing operation is a procedure that increases the appetitiveness or aversiveness of an event.
FN

39. A(n) _____ is a procedure that decreases the appetitiveness or aversiveness of an event.
a) deprivation procedure
b) establishing operation
c) abolishing operation
d) extinction procedure
Answer: C
Page number: 56
Feedback: An abolishing operation is a procedure that decreases the appetitiveness or aversiveness of an event.

40. Too much is to very little as _____ is to _____.

a) divestiture ; deprivation
b) deprivation; divestiture
c) satiation; deprivation
d) deprivation; satiation
Answer: C
Page number: 56
Feedback: Too much is to very little as satiation is to deprivation. Deprivation is the prolonged absence of an
event, and satiation is the prolonged exposure to or consumption of an event.

41. Deprivation usually _____ the _____ of an event.

a) decreases; appetitiveness
b) increases; appetitiveness
c) decreases; adversiveness
d) increases; imperativeness
Answer: B
Page number: 56
Feedback: Deprivation is an establishing operation that increases the appetitiveness of an event.

42. After eating a dozen hot dogs in one sitting, chances are that you would feel quite:
a) deprived.
b) famished.
c) satiated.
d) deviated.
Answer: C
Page number: 56
Feedback: After eating a dozen hot dogs in one sitting, chances are that you would feel quite satiated. Satiation
is the prolonged exposure to or consumption of an event.
QZ

43. Satiation usually _____ the _____ of an event.

a) decreases; appetitiveness
b) decreases; aversiveness
c) decreases; imperativeness
d) increases; appetitiveness
Answer: A
Page number: 56
Feedback: Satiation is the prolonged exposure to or consumption of an event that results in decrease in the
appetitiveness of an event.

Contiguity and Contingency

RESEARCH METHODS 9
44. Closeness is to _____ as prediction is to _____.
a) functionality; contiguity
b) contingency; functionality
c) contingency; contiguity
d) contiguity; contingency
Answer: D
Page number: 56–57
Feedback: Closeness is to contiguity as prediction is to contingency. Contiguity means “closeness or nearness,”
while contingency is a predictive (or functional) relationship between two events.

45. Prediction is to nearness as:

a) contingent is to noncontingent.
b) noncontingent is to contingent.
c) contiguous is to contingent.
d) contingent is to contiguous.
Answer: D
Page number: 56–57
Feedback: Prediction is to nearness as contingent is to contiguous. Contiguity means “closeness or nearness,”
while contingency is a predictive (or functional) relationship between two events.

46. The term _____ refers to the extent to which events occur close together in time.
a) temporal contiguity
b) spatial contiguity
c) temporal contingency
d) spatial contingency
Answer: A
Page number: 56
Feedback: Temporal contiguity is the extent to which events occur close together in time.

47. The term _____ refers to the extent to which events occur in close physical proximity to each other.
a) temporal contiguity
b) spatial contiguity
c) temporal contingency
d) spatial contingency
Answer: B
Page number: 57
Feedback: Spatial contiguity is the extent to which events are situated close to each other in space.

48. In a residence, students are often most likely to date those who live in units that are relatively near to their own.
In other words, _____ seems to be an important factor in the formation of relationships.
a) spatial contiguity
b) temporal contiguity
c) temporal contingency
d) spatial contingency
Answer: A
Page number: 57
Feedback: In the residence, spatial contiguity seems to be an important factor in the formation of relationships.
Spatial contiguity is the extent to which events are situated close to each other in space.

49. At the sound of the starter’s pistol, the sprinters quickly start running. Thus, the sound of the pistol and the start
of running are:
a) temporally conjunctive.
b) spatially contiguous.
c) temporally contiguous.

10 CHAPTER 2
 d) spatially contingent.
Answer: C
Page number: 56
Feedback: The sound of the pistol and the start of running are temporally contiguous. Temporal contiguity is
the extent to which events occur close together in time.

50. A chair and a table are side by side. This means that they are:
a) temporally contingent.
b) temporally contiguous.
c) spatially contingent.
d) spatially contiguous.
Answer: D
Page number: 57
Feedback: The chair and the table are spatially contiguous. Spatial contiguity is the extent to which events are
situated close to each other in space.
WWW

51. The term _____ refers to a predictive relationship between two events.
a) covariance
b) contiguity
c) contingency
d) correlation
Answer: C
Page number: 57
Feedback: A contingency is a predictive (or functional) relationship between two events, such that the
occurrence of one event predicts the probable occurrence of another.

52. Debbie suffers from insomnia whenever she drinks coffee in the evening. In other words, her insomnia is _____
upon coffee drinking.
a) spatially contiguous
b) contingent
c) covariable
d) functionally contiguous
Answer: B
Page number: 57
Feedback: Debbie’s insomnia is contingent upon coffee drinking. A contingency is a predictive (or functional)
relationship between two events, such that the occurrence of one event predicts the probable occurrence of
another.
FN

53. If there exists a causal relationship between event A and outcome B, then:
a) A is contingent on B.
b) B is contingent on A.
c) A is spatially contiguous with B.
d) B is spatially contiguous with A.
Answer: B
Page number: 57
Feedback: If there exists a causal relationship between event A and outcome B, then B is contingent on A. A
contingency is a predictive (or functional) relationship between two events, such that the occurrence of one
event predicts the probable occurrence of another.

Measurement of Behavior
Behavioral Definitions

54. A good behavioral definition should refer to some _____ aspect of the behavior.

RESEARCH METHODS 11
 a) subjective
b) covert
c) abstract
d) observable
Answer: D
Page number: 58
Feedback: Good behavioral definitions should be objective in the sense that they refer to some observable
aspect of an individual’s behavior.

55. A good behavioral definition should be:

a) objective and ambiguous.
b) subjective and abstract.
c) objective and unambiguous.
d) unambiguous and abstract.
Answer: C
Page number: 58
Feedback: Good behavioral definitions should be objective in the sense that they refer to some observable
aspect of an individual’s behavior.

56. Which of the following would constitute the most important aspect of a good behavioral definition of shyness?
a) Avoidance of groups of individuals
b) Feelings of shyness
c) Thoughts of shyness
d) Both b and c are correct.
Answer: A
Page number: 58
Feedback: Avoidance of groups of individuals would constitute the most important aspect of a good behavioral
definition of shyness. Good behavioral definitions should be objective in the sense that they refer to some
observable aspect of an individual’s behavior.

Recording Methods

57. A(n) _____ measure of behavior is the frequency with which a behavior occurs in a set period of time.
a) duration
b) interval
c) latency
d) rate
Answer: D
Page number: 59
Feedback: Rate of response is the frequency with which a response occurs in a certain period of time.

58. A useful device for measuring the _____ of a behavior is a cumulative recorder.
a) topography
b) rate
c) latency
d) intensity
Answer: B
Page number: 59–60
Feedback: Rate of response is the frequency with which a response occurs in a certain period of time. A
cumulative recorder is a classic device that measures the total number of responses over time and provides a
graphic depiction of the rate of behavior.

59. Rate of response is a favorite measure of behavior for some researchers because it is:
a) a very salient measure of behavior.
b) a very sensitive measure of behavior.

12 CHAPTER 2
 c) a very robust measure of behavior.
d) a very subjective measure of behavior.
Answer: B
Page number: 59
Feedback: Rate is a particularly favored measure among some behaviorists, because it tends to be highly
sensitive to the influence of other variables.

60. If I wish to measure the effect of slight changes in caffeine level on a rat’s behavior, I would need a sensitive
measure of behavior. I should consider using a(n) _____ measure of response.
a) interval
b) latency
c) rate
d) topography
Answer: C
Page number: 59
Feedback: Rate is a particularly favored measure among some behaviorists, because it tends to be highly
sensitive to the influence of other variables.

61. If I wish to test the effects of minor sleep deprivation on a rat’s behavior, it would probably be wise to use a
_____ measure of behavior, because it is very sensitive.
a) duration
b) rate
c) speed
d) topographical
Answer: B
Page number: 59
Feedback: Rate is a particularly favored measure among some behaviorists, because it tends to be highly
sensitive to the influence of other variables.
WWW

62. On a cumulative record, a _____ indicates a _____ of response.

a) flat line; high rate
b) steep line; low rate
c) shallow line; high rate
d) None of these are correct.
Answer: D
Page number: 60
Feedback: On a cumulative record, a low rate of response produces a line that slopes upward at a shallow angle
(because the pen is slowly moving upward while the paper passes beneath it), whereas a high rate of response
produces a line that slopes upward at a steep angle.

63. On a cumulative record, a _____ indicates a _____ of response.

a) flat line; lack of
b) steep line; low rate
c) shallow line: high rate
d) All of these are correct.
Answer: A
Page number: 60
Feedback: On a cumulative record, if there are no responses for a period of time, the pen remains stationary
while the paper unrolls beneath it. This results in a flat, horizontal line along the paper, with longer lines
indicating longer periods of no responding.
QZ

64. On a cumulative record, a _____ indicates a _____ of response.

a) flat line; high rate

RESEARCH METHODS 13
 b) steep line; high rate
c) shallow line; low rate
d) Both b and c are correct.
Answer: D
Page number: 60
Feedback: On a cumulative record, a low rate of response produces a line that slopes upward at a shallow angle
(because the pen is slowly moving upward while the paper passes beneath it), whereas a high rate of response
produces a line that slopes upward at a steep angle.
MD

65. On a cumulative record, a _____ indicates a _____ of response.

a) flat line; high rate
b) steep line; lack of
c) shallow line; low rate
d) Both b and c are correct.
Answer: C
Page number: 60
Feedback: On a cumulative record, a low rate of response produces a line that slopes upward at a shallow angle
(because the pen is slowly moving upward while the paper passes beneath it), whereas a high rate of response
produces a line that slopes upward at a steep angle.
FN

66. On a cumulative record, a _____ line indicates a period of _____ response.

a) vertical; no
b) shallow; rapid
c) steep; slow
d) horizontal; no
Answer: D
Page number: 60
Feedback: On a cumulative record, if there are no responses for a period of time, the pen remains stationary
while the paper unrolls beneath it. This results in a flat, horizontal line along the paper, with longer lines
indicating longer periods of no responding.
WWW

67. The _____ of a behavior is its force or magnitude.

a) topography
b) latency
c) intensity
d) rate
Answer: C
Page number: 60
Feedback: The intensity of a behavior is the force or magnitude of the behavior.

68. The loudness of my voice when I am in a stressful situation would be a(n) _____ measure of my stress level.
a) topography
b) latency
c) duration
d) intensity
Answer: D
Page number: 60
Feedback: The loudness of my voice when I am in a stressful situation would be an intensity measure of my
stress level. The intensity of a behavior is the force or magnitude of the behavior.

69. The number of hours that I clean house each week is a _____ measure of behavior, while the length of time that
I procrastinate before starting to clean house on a particular evening is a _____ measure of behavior.

14 CHAPTER 2
 a) latency; speed
b) duration; latency
c) speed; latency
d) duration; speed
Answer: B
Page number: 61–62
Feedback: The number of hours that I clean house each week is a duration measure of behavior, while the
length of time that I procrastinate before starting to clean house on a particular evening is a latency measure of
behavior. Duration is the length of time that an individual repeatedly or continuously performs a behavior. The
latency of a behavior is the length of time required for a behavior to begin.

70. The amount of time that I spend driving my car each week is an example of a _____ measure of behavior.
a) speed
b) duration
c) latency
d) rate
Answer: B
Page number: 61
Feedback: The amount of time that I spend driving my car each week is an example of a duration measure of
behavior. Duration is the length of time that an individual repeatedly or continuously performs a behavior.
WWW

71. Jonah’s piano teacher is trying to get him to shorten the time it takes for him to learn to play a Beethoven
sonata. The appropriate behavioral measure is therefore:
a) duration.
b) latency.
c) topography.
d) speed.
Answer: D
Page number: 61
Feedback: The appropriate behavioral measure in Jonah’s case is speed. Speed is the length of time it takes for
an episode of behavior to occur from start to finish.

72. In assessing a person’s sleep patterns, you include a measure of how long it takes before the person falls asleep
after he or she goes to bed. This would be regarded as a(n) _____ measure of his or her sleep behavior.
a) speed
b) intensity
c) topography
d) latency
Answer: D
Page number: 62
Feedback: The length of time it takes before a person falls asleep after he or she goes to bed would be regarded
as a latency measure of his or her sleep behavior. The latency of a behavior is the length of time required for a
behavior to begin.
FN

73. The length of time it takes me to finish cleaning my apartment, from start to finish, is a _____ measure of
behavior.
a) duration
b) latency
c) speed
d) interval
Answer: C
Page number: 61
Feedback: Speed is the length of time it takes for an episode of behavior to occur from start to finish.

RESEARCH METHODS 15
74. The amount of time it takes before I get out of bed in the morning is an example of _____; the amount of time it
takes me to finish shaving is an example of _____.
a) latency; speed
b) duration; latency
c) speed; duration
d) latency; duration
Answer: A
Page number: 61–62
Feedback: The amount of time it takes before I get out of bed in the morning is an example of latency; the
amount of time it takes me to finish shaving is an example of speed. The latency of a behavior is the length of
time required for a behavior to begin. Speed is the length of time it takes for an episode of behavior to occur
from start to finish.
QZ

75. As I watch television for four hours one evening, I make a record of whether there occurred at least one
example of sexual humor during each half-hour segment. This is an example of a(n) _____ method of
recording.
a) time-sample
b) duration
c) interval
d) rate
Answer: C
Page number: 62
Feedback: The scenario is an example of an interval method of recording. Interval recording is the measurement
of whether or not a behavior occurs during each interval within a series of continuous intervals.

76. Laura is concerned that her little daughter is watching too much television, and would, therefore, like to
measure the occurrence of this behavior. Given that Laura has a lot of other things to do each evening, her best
bet would be to use:
a) a rate measure.
b) interval recording.
c) time-sample recording.
d) a topographical procedure.
Answer: C
Page number: 63
Feedback: Since Laura has a lot of other things to do each evening, her best bet would be to use time-sample
recording. In time-sample recording, one measures whether or not a behavior occurs during each interval within
a series of discontinuous intervals.
WWW

77. As I watch television for a four-hour stretch one evening, I record the number of aggressive incidents that occur
during each one-hour period. I am taking a(n) _____ measure of the behavior.
a) time-sample
b) interval
c) rate
d) duration
Answer: B
Page number: 62
Feedback: Interval recording is the measurement of whether or not a behavior occurs during each interval
within a series of continuous intervals.

78. At the end of every 30-minute period, Sarah records whether her baby had cried at least once during that 30
minute period. She is using the method of _____ to assess the baby’s tendency to cry.

16 CHAPTER 2
 a) duration recording
b) interval recording
c) time-sample recording
d) latency recording
Answer: B
Page number: 62
Feedback: Sarah is using the method of interval recording to assess the baby’s tendency to cry. Interval
recording is the measurement of whether or not a behavior occurs during each interval within a series of
continuous intervals.

79. In an interval recording procedure, instances of noncompliant behavior are recorded within 4 of the 12 intervals;
no instances of noncompliant behavior are recorded within 8 of the 12 intervals. As a result, the level of
noncompliant behavior calculated is:
a) 33.3%.
b) 50%.
c) 66.7%.
d) This cannot be calculated without knowing the number of noncompliant behaviors within each interval.
Answer: A
Page number: 62
Feedback: The level of noncompliant behavior calculated is 33.3%. The percentage of intervals during which at
least one incident occurred is our overall measure of the behavior.
MD

80. The number of incidents of swearing occurring in each of ten 5-minute intervals is 2, 4, 0, 1, 1, 3, 2, 2, 5, 0.
Using an interval recording procedure, the overall level of swearing calculated is:
a) 2%.
b) 20%.
c) 8%.
d) 80%.
Answer: D
Page number: 62
Feedback: The overall level of swearing calculated is 80%. The percentage of intervals during which at least
one incident occurred is our overall measure of the behavior.

81. In a series of twenty intervals, John bites his nails the following number of times: 2, 0, 1, 2, 0, 1, 1, 1, 0, 1, 0, 2,
1, 1, 1, 2, 2, 1, 1, 0. Using an interval recording procedure, the overall level of nail-biting calculated is:
a) 1%.
b) 20%.
c) 100%.
d) 75%.
Answer: D
Page number: 62
Feedback: The overall level of nail-biting calculated is 75%. The percentage of intervals during which at least
one incident occurred is our overall measure of the behavior.
FN

82. I watch television for several one-hour periods randomly dispersed throughout the month. Each time I watch it,
I also make a note of whether at least one murder was depicted during that period of time. This is best described
as a(n) _____ method of determining the overall depiction of homicide on television.
a) time-sample
b) duration
c) interval
d) rate
Answer: A
Page number: 63

RESEARCH METHODS 17
 Feedback: The scenario illustrates a time-sample method of determining the overall depiction of homicide on
television. In time-sample recording, one measures whether or not a behavior occurs during each interval within
a series of discontinuous intervals.

83. The judges at a high diving competition are mostly concerned with the _____ of the behavior.
a) intensity
b) rate
c) duration
d) topography
Answer: D
Page number: 63
Feedback: The judges at a high diving competition are mostly concerned with the topography of the behavior.
The topography of a behavior is the physical form of the behavior.

84. Learning how to write neatly is an example of a change in:

a) rate.
b) speed.
c) latency.
d) topography.
Answer: D
Page number: 63
Feedback: Learning how to write neatly is an example of a change in topography. The topography of a
behavior is the physical form of the behavior.

85. The topography of a behavior is the:

a) physical intensity of the behavior.
b) physical form of the behavior.
c) amount of time it takes to complete a behavioral episode.
d) amount of time it takes to begin a behavioral episode.
Answer: B
Page number: 63
Feedback: The topography of a behavior is the physical form of the behavior.

86. In a dance competition, the judges are mostly concerned with the _____ of the behavior.
a) topography
b) latency
c) duration
d) intensity
Answer: A
Page number: 63
Feedback: In a dance competition, the judges are mostly concerned with the topography of the behavior. The
topography of a behavior is the physical form of the behavior.

87. If a dog trainer determines whether a dog is correctly performing a complicated trick by examining the physical
form of the behavior, she is measuring the behavior’s _____, but if she records the number of times the dog
makes a mistake, then she is measuring _____.
a) topography; intensity
b) intensity; rate
c) topography; error rate
d) interval; error rate
Answer: C
Page number: 63
Feedback: The topography of a behavior is the physical form of the behavior. Any behavior in which responses
can be categorized as right or wrong can be assessed in terms of the number of errors.

18 CHAPTER 2
88. A restaurant manager keeps track of the number of incorrect orders sent back to the kitchen. In this scenario, the
manager records the:
a) fault ratio.
b) error rate.
c) interval recording.
d) topography.
Answer: B
Page number: 63
Feedback: In the given scenario, the manager records the error rate. Any behavior in which responses can be
categorized as right or wrong can be assessed in terms of the number of errors.

Assessing Reliability

89. Which of the following is an acceptable rate of interobserver reliability?

a) 10%
b) 25%
c) 50%
d) 80%
Answer: D
Page number: 64
Feedback: 80% is often regarded as the minimum acceptable level of interobserver reliability and 90% as the
preferred level.

90. Two researchers have watched the same video in order to determine if incidents of aggression occurred during
various intervals of time during a single day in a daycare. One researcher saw incidents of aggression in 8 out of
10 intervals, and the second researcher saw incidents of aggression in 7 out of 10 intervals. They disagreed on 1
out of the 10 intervals. What is being measured in this example?
a) Fault ratio
b) Error rate
c) Interobserver reliability
d) Topography
Answer: C
Page number: 63–64
Feedback: Interobserver reliability is being measured in this example. This is an important issue when the data
is being gathered by observers who might vary widely in their judgments as to whether or not a particular
behavior has occurred.

Research Designs
Descriptive Research

91. The _____ methods of research do not involve the manipulation of variables.
a) single-subject
b) experimental
c) control group
d) descriptive
Answer: D
Page number: 65
Feedback: Descriptive research involves gathering information about a behavior and the circumstances within
which it occurs. It does not involve the manipulation of any variables.

92. Bird-watching is most similar to what type of research?

a) Case study
b) Naturalistic observation
c) Descriptive research
d) Both b and c are correct.

RESEARCH METHODS 19
 Answer: D
Page number: 65
Feedback: Bird watching is similar to both naturalistic observation and descriptive research. Descriptive
research involves gathering information about a behavior and the circumstances within which it occurs.
Naturalistic observation is one in which one systematically observes and records the occurrence of a behavior in
its natural environment.

93. Innate patterns of behavior in animals are often studied using the:
a) naturalistic observation approach.
b) case study approach.
c) control group design.
d) single-subject design.
Answer: A
Page number: 66
Feedback: Naturalistic observation is one in which one systematically observes and records the occurrence of a
behavior in its natural environment. It is a commonly used approach in ethology (or behavioral ecology), a
branch of zoology that focuses on the study of inherited behavior patterns in animals.

94. Descriptive research methods include:

a) single-subject designs and case studies.
b) the case study approach and the survey approach.
c) naturalistic observation and single-subject designs.
d) control group designs and single-subject designs.
Answer: B
Page number: 65
Feedback: Descriptive methods include the survey approach, in which individuals answer a series of questions,
and the case study approach, which involves the intensive study of a single individual.

95. A rare type of psychiatric disorder is most likely to be studied using the:
a) naturalistic observation approach.
b) case study approach.
c) control group design.
d) comparative design.
Answer: B
Page number: 65
Feedback: A rare type of psychiatric disorder is most likely to be studied using the case study approach. The
case study approach involves the intensive study of a single individual.

96. The intensive examination of a person’s life both prior to and after they have experienced an unpredictable
traumatic event is an example of the:
a) naturalistic approach.
b) case study approach.
c) simple comparison design.
d) reversal design.
Answer: B
Page number: 65
Feedback: The intensive examination of a person’s life both prior to and after they have experienced an
unpredictable traumatic event is an example of the case study approach. The case study approach involves the
intensive study of a single individual.

97. Problems with the descriptive research approach include:

a) the possibility of oversimplifying the behavior pattern.
b) the inability to determine cause-and-effect relationships.
c) the need for sophisticated statistical analysis of the results.
d) Both b and c are correct.

20 CHAPTER 2
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
Since she was childless, François de Montmorency was succeeded by his
brother Henri, who distinguished himself as one of the strongest opponents
of the Ligue. He, too, was created Constable, and subsequently assisted
Henri IV in the reconquest of his kingdom. His second wife, Louise de
Budos, died at the early age of twenty-three, soon after giving birth to a son
and heir, called Henri after his father. Their elder child, a daughter,
Charlotte, was renowned for her beauty; and Lord Herbert of Cherbury—
who in his Memoirs describes Chantilly at that period—expressed a wish
for her portrait in order that he might show it to the Queen of England.
Invited by Henri de Montmorency to make a lengthened stay at Chantilly,
he was so enchanted that he calls it “an incomparably fine residence,
admired by the greatest princes of Europe.” He relates that the Emperor
Charles V was received by the first Duc de Montmorency, Anne, the Grand
Connétable, whilst on his way across France from Spain to the Netherlands;
and that after that monarch had examined the castle with its moats, bridges,
and extensive forests, he was so overcome with admiration that he said he
would gladly give one of his provinces in the Netherlands for this
unsurpassable residence.
Lord Herbert further discourses upon the hangings of silk adorned with
gold, and of the pictures, statues, and works of art in the sumptuous
chambers of the Château. He also mentions the huge carp and trout in the
ponds, and the merry hunting parties attended along the avenues by packs
of hounds.
Another great admirer of Chantilly was Henri IV, who was on terms of
intimate friendship with Henri de Montmorency. This King was even
accustomed to visit Chantilly during the absence of its owner, and had his
own apartments there and his own garden, the so-called Jardin du Roy, of
which he enjoyed superintending the arrangements.
There was, however, another reason for his numerous surprise visits: no
less an object than Charlotte, Duke Henry’s beautiful daughter. Bereft of her
mother, as we have seen, at an early age, she was presented at the French
Court by her aunt, the Duchesse d’Angoulême, and her beauty, as described
by Bentivoglio, seems to have been of so irresistible a charm that it made a
deep impression on the fancy of the gallant King. So great indeed was the
admiration which he displayed for the young Charlotte de Montmorency
that it became a matter of public notoriety, and throws a curious light upon
the famous personages of that period and their morals.
 Although Charlotte had not yet attained her fifteenth year, a marriage
had been arranged for her with the brilliant Bassompière, at that time a
great favourite with the King. His Majesty had given his consent to the
marriage; but he nevertheless one day made the following proposals to
Bassompière: “Listen! I wish to speak to you as a friend. I am in love with
Mademoiselle de Montmorency, and that even madly. If you marry her and
she loves you, I should hate you; if she loved me, she would hate you. Now,
for the sake of our mutual friendship, it would be better that this marriage
should not take place, for I love you with real affection and inclination. I
have therefore resolved to arrange a marriage between Mademoiselle de
Montmorency and my nephew the Prince de Condé in order to keep her
near me. She will thus be the consolation of my old age. To my nephew,
who prefers the chase to the ladies, I shall give 100,000 francs a year and
claim nothing for it in return but the affection of the newly-married
couple!” After this confession, poor Bassompière understood that he had
better comply with the King’s wishes, and the fair Charlotte was therefore
married to Henri II de Bourbon, third Prince de Condé. The wedding was
celebrated at Chantilly with much pomp, and the King lavished splendid
jewels and rich dresses upon his new niece, making no secret of the
admiration he cherished for her. He spoke of it as only a fatherly affection;
but in spite of his good intentions his fancy took the character of so violent
a passion that he could not control it. Condé, not insensible to what was
going on, purposely retired to his remotest country-seats so as to protect his
wife from the gallantries of the King; but, unable to endure her absence,
Henri appeared disguised as a falconer at one of the hunting parties,
whereupon Charlotte, who was present, fainted on recognising him. His
distress at being separated from his “bel ange” was so great that even the
Queen, Marie de Medicis, took pity on him, and entreated Condé to return
with his charming wife to Court, and Malesherbes sang the amours of the
King in glowing love-poems. Condé, considering the honour of his young
wife at stake, carried her off instead to the Netherlands, on a visit to his
sister the Princess of Orange. When the King heard of this he was furious,
and asserted that the charming Princess had been compelled to leave her
country by force. He sent a captain of his own Guard to explain the matter
to the Archduchess Isabella, at that time Governess of the Netherlands,
whilst Chaussé, a police official, was ordered to follow up the fugitives and
prevent their reaching Belgium. Chaussé actually overtook the Princess,
who, having been obliged to leave her carriage near the River Somme, had
broken down after a fifteen hours’ ride on horseback.
Plate V.

HENRI II DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ. GENEVIÈVE DE BOURBON.

Musée Condé.

But we cannot digress here to pursue this love-affair of Henri IV and

Charlotte de Montmorency. Suffice it to say that, transferred to foreign
territory, it immediately became a cause célèbre, and even threatened for a
time to create serious political disturbances between France and Spain. The
fact that the Regent of the Netherlands, in order to please both parties,
allowed the Princesse de Condé to prolong her visit to the Princess of
Orange but at the same time ordered her husband to leave the Netherlands
within three days, was severely commented upon by the Marchese
Ambrogio di Spinola, at that time representative at Brussels of the Spanish
Court.
This valiant captain, originally a Genoese merchant, had equipped 9,000
men at his own cost, and with them had succeeded—where so many had
failed—in confronting Prince Maurice of Nassau and terminating the siege
of Ostend. Reduced after this exploit to comparative inactivity, he hailed an
opportunity likely to bring about a conflict between personages of such
importance as Henri IV of France and the King of Spain.
There was, moreover, another motive for Spinola’s pertinacity in
retaining the Princesse de Condé in the Netherlands in spite of the most
urgent entreaties of the gallant King. He himself was also suspected of
having become enamoured of that dangerous beauty, and he alleged that it
was quite against Spanish etiquette that Henri II de Bourbon, Prince de
Condé, a Prince of the Blood Royal of France, should not have received the
honours due to his rank while passing through the Netherlands. Condé,
who, leaving his young wife with the Princess of Orange, had already
departed to Cologne, was therefore recalled. He saw his wife, and received
a gracious welcome from the Archduchess and the Prince and Princess of
Orange; and then, accompanied by his secretary, in a violent snowstorm and
under Spanish escort, he left for Milan, secretly determined to seek the
assistance of Philip II, King of Spain, against the grievous wrong done to
him by Henri IV.
The gallant King enjoyed the rôle of Lancelot, and the fair Charlotte was
rather proud of his attentions, so that their amours became a subject of
discussion and comment throughout the whole of Europe. It was even
alleged that Henri IV was preparing for war against the Netherlands to
obtain by force the return of the Princesse de Condé, held in bondage by the
Archduchess Isabella in Flanders. This, however, was in truth but a pretext
on the part of the King; for in spite of the libertinism in which His Majesty
indulged on this occasion, and which seemed for the moment to overcloud
his sense of right and wrong, we must remember that Henri IV always
proved himself a patriot, and one whose constant endeavour it was to
advance the welfare of France. We may, therefore, surmise with the late
Duc d’Aumale that it was chiefly his desire to liberate Europe from the
Austrian yoke, and thus give to France the position he wished her to hold—
not merely the beaux yeux of the Princesse de Condé—which actually
induced him to prepare for war. Nevertheless he so successfully frightened
the Archduchess Isabella that she agreed to let the Princess depart at last.
In the midst, however, of all these unsolved problems Henri IV was
suddenly struck down by the hand of Ravaillac, and as soon as the news
reached Condé, who was already on his way to Spain, he immediately
returned to France and made a temporary truce with the Regent, Marie de
Medicis. But to his wife he seemed unforgiving, requesting her father,
Henri de Montmorency, to keep her at Chantilly.

CHAPTER II

CHANTILLY AND THE CONDÉS

THE family of Condé derived their origin from the French town Henegau, in
Flanders, where a certain Godefroy de Condé owned part of the barony of
Condé as early as 1200. In 1335 his great-granddaughter married Jacob de
Bourbon, who in due course became the ancestor of the Royal branch of the
Bourbons. His second son received for his inheritance the barony of Condé,
and it was one of his descendants, Louis de Bourbon, who eventually took
the title of “Prince de Condé.” This Louis was one of the many sons of the
Duc de Vendôme, only surviving brother of the famous Constable, Charles
de Bourbon, who met a premature death at the Sack of Rome in 1527: a
turbulent spirit who caused Henry VIII to say to Francis I, “Mon frère de
France a là un sujet dont je ne voudrais pas être le maître.”
Plate VI.
 Photo. Giraudon.
ANTOINE DE BOURBON. CHARLOTTE DE LA TREMOILLE.
School of François Clouet. School of François Clouet.
Musée Condé
To face page 26.

The eldest brother Antoine de Bourbon, by his marriage with Jeanne

d’Albret (daughter of Marguerite, sister of Francis I), became King of
Navarre; and their son, Henri IV, succeeded to the throne of France on the
death of Henri III de Valois. Louis de Bourbon, first Prince de Condé,[2]
married Eleonore de Roye, granddaughter of Louise de Montmorency, a
sister of the famous Constable Anne and mother of the Huguenot chief,
Gaspard de Coligny. It was no doubt owing to the influence of his wife
Eleonore—so named after the second wife of Francis I—that the Prince de
Condé embraced the Protestant cause, and was thenceforward regarded by
the Huguenots as one of their leaders. Eleonore was on terms of great
intimacy with her sister-in-law, Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre, who
had herself become a Protestant; and one may fairly assert that if Antoine de
Bourbon, King of Navarre, and his brother Louis de Condé, had in any way
equalled their noble wives in pious sentiment and religious fervour, the
Protestant Faith in France would never have been nipped in the bud, but
would have become as firmly established there as it did in England and
Germany.
 As it was, the Guises of Lorraine who embraced the Catholic cause
gained considerable ground after the death of Henri II, through their cousin
Mary Stuart, Queen of France; and with the ostensible object of furthering
this cause, they also tried to supplant the Bourbon Princes, Antoine de
Navarre and Louis de Bourbon Condé, who were by right nearer the throne.
The latter during the reign of Francis II was thrown into prison for high
treason, under a false accusation brought against him by the Guises, and
condemned to death. In her despair, his unhappy wife, Eleonore, threw
herself upon her knees before the King, imploring permission for a last
interview. The young King was about to relent; but the Cardinal of
Lorraine, fearing that she might attain her object, drove her roughly from
the Royal presence. The unscrupulous Guises had even conceived a plan of
making away with this Princess before her husband; for (as a contemporary
writer tells us) they feared her intellect and courage in proclaiming her
husband’s innocence. They hoped to get rid, not only of her, but also of the
King of Navarre and the Châtillons. But at this juncture a change occurred
in political affairs.
Plate VII.

Photo. Giraudon.
 LOUIS I. DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ. HENRI I. DE BOURBON,
PRINCE DE CONDÉ.
School of François Clouet. School of François Clouet.
Musée Condé.

Francis II, whose health had always been delicate, suddenly showed
alarming symptoms of decline. Catherine, the Royne Mère, cast about to get
the Regency into her own hands; and in order to check the steadily growing
power of the Guises, she resolved to recall the Bourbons, promising to save
Condé from death if they would accept her as Regent. The King of Navarre,
Antoine de Bourbon, consented to her proposition in order to save his
brother. The terrified Guises entreated Catherine to keep Condé still in
prison; since he would, if set at liberty, get the better of them all. It is
characteristic to note that when the state of the King’s health became
desperate, the Guises were wholly without sympathy; though we read that
Mary Stuart nursed her dying husband with tenderest solicitude. As soon as
the King had breathed his last, Gaspard de Coligny addressed these
memorable words to those who stood by: “Messieurs, le roi est mort, çela
nous apprend à vivre.”
The death of Francis II opened Condé’s prison doors; whereupon he
insisted on proving his innocence, and claiming punishment for those who
had caused his incarceration. The Guises began to tremble, and their friends
trembled with them. Meantime, Catherine de Medicis, always intent on her
own interests, tried to placate the Protestant nobility, and even showed
toleration for the Protestant cult in various parts of France. She
endeavoured to entice Condé to her Court through the charms of one of her
Court ladies—the beautiful Isabelle de Limeuil—in order to make him an
instrument for her own purposes. Brantôme, with reference to this, speaks
of Louis de Bourbon as a man of corrupt morals. Nor could he resist the
passion shown for him by Marguerite de Lustrac, widow of the Maréchal de
Saint-André, from whom he accepted the magnificent château of Valery,
with its vast appanage, originally intended as a dowry for Mademoiselle de
Saint-André, the affianced bride of his own son Henri I de Bourbon, who
had died young, poisoned, it is said, by her mother. Condé’s irregular habits
called for the severe rebuke of Calvin, and his noble wife Eleonore was
broken-hearted over them.
Antoine, King of Navarre, the eldest of the brothers, also became a
puppet in the hands of the Queen-Mother and the Guises, who deliberately
provoked the sanguinary conflicts at Vassy between the Huguenots and the
Catholics.
Jeanne d’Albret, who sided with the Protestants, left the Court in
consequence, and to the great regret of Eleonore, retired to her kingdom of
Navarre. Had the husbands of these two great ladies been equally desirous
of keeping the peace the Massacre of St. Bartholomew would never have
taken place. Indeed, when Eleonore de Roye died at the early age of twenty-
eight the Protestants of France lost faith in Condé as their leader, believing
that it was through her influence alone that he served their cause.
When Eleonore felt her end approaching she sent a messenger for her
husband and upon his hurrying to her bedside most generously forgave him
for all his infidelities. Her eldest son, Henri I de Bourbon, who had shared
all her anxieties and who had been her constant companion, listened with
deep emotion to her exhortations to his father that he should remain true to
the Protestant Faith; and the memory of this noble woman prevailed with
Condé after her death.
Plate VIII.
 Photo Giraudon.
FRANÇOIS II. KING OF FRANCE.
Francois Clouet.
Bibl. Nar. Paris.
To face page 20.

The intriguing Catherine, after much wavering, then declared herself

upon the Catholic side, and compelled Michel de l’Hôpital, who had tried to
reconcile the two parties, to resign. The consequence of this decision was
the bloody battle of Jarnac, where Condé died the death of a hero. No one
could deny that he loved and honoured France, and that he was a great
warrior. Even the Guises, his implacable enemies, endeavoured to conciliate
him, and tried to arrange, after his wife’s death, a marriage between him
and Mary Stuart. How different, if this alliance had been accomplished,
would have been the destinies of that ill-fated Queen![3]
 Henri I de Bourbon[4] succeeded his father as Prince de Condé, and
secured the friendship of Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre; so that when
the Huguenots, after the disaster of Jarnac, shut themselves up in La
Rochelle, the widow of Antoine de Bourbon appeared in their midst and
presented to them her son Henri de Béarn, together with his cousin the
young Prince de Condé. Under the guidance of Gaspard de Coligny these
two young Princes were received amongst the leaders of the Protestant
army, at that time in a critical position and in great pecuniary straits. The
young Prince de Condé disposed of most of his jewels, whilst Coligny and
Jeanne d’Albret made similar sacrifices. These jewels were sent to Queen
Elizabeth of England as security for a sum of money forwarded by her to
the Protestant forces.
Coligny seems to have thought highly of the abilities of the young
Condé Prince, to whom he deputed the command in his absence.
It is indeed remarkable that so fervent a Calvinist as Jeanne d’Albret
should have consented to the engagement of her son to Margot de France,
youngest daughter of Catherine de Medicis. It is true that the horrors of St.
Bartholomew had not then taken place, nor had the close ties of relationship
between the houses of Valois and Navarre at that date been loosened. At the
same time a marriage was arranged by Jeanne d’Albret between Henri de
Condé and Marie de Clève, daughter of the Duc de Nevers and Marguerite
de Bourbon. This lady was rich, accomplished, and of rare beauty; and it
was an open secret at the time that the Duc d’Anjou (afterwards King Henri
III) was madly in love with her.
Plate IX.
 Photo. Giraudon.
JEANNE D’ALBRET, QUEEN OF NAVARRE.
François Clouet.
Musée Condé.
To face page 21.

The marriage of the Prince de Condé was an occasion for great rejoicing
amongst the Protestant party, when all at once news arrived of the sudden
death of Queen Jeanne d’Albret under suspicious circumstances. It was
rumoured that Catherine de Medicis wished to remove her before the
nuptials of her son Henri of Navarre and Margot de France. The douce
enfant (as Francis I called her, when Dauphine of France) had schooled
herself well to the difficult position in which as a young wife she found
herself with Diane de Poitiers; but as Queen-mother and Regent she
developed into a false and ambitious woman, who actually planned the
carnage of St. Bartholomew on the eve of her own daughter’s marriage to
the chief of the Huguenot party.
It does not enter into our present work to describe the horrors for which
she was responsible on that occasion, but it is sufficient to say that Gaspard
de Coligny found his death, whilst the lives of Condé and of the King of
Navarre were only spared on the condition that they abjured the Protestant
Faith. Condé, however, at first persisted in a refusal, although his young
wife obeyed. For this reason he was summoned before the boy King,
Charles IX, who, advancing towards him, called out, “The Mass, Death, or
the Bastille, Choose!” “God will not allow,” said Condé quietly, “that I
choose the first, my King! The two other alternatives are at your pleasure.”
In a fury, the King rushed upon him and would have slain him then and
there, had not the Queen, Elizabeth of Austria—the only redeeming feature
of this contemptible Court—thrown herself at the feet of her husband to
prevent him. Finally, however, the two Bourbon Princes did attend Mass,
and the Cardinal de Bourbon gave Condé and his bride the nuptial
benediction in the church of St. Germain des Prés.
But this was not enough; for both Navarre and Condé were forced to
fight against those very Huguenots whose leaders they had been; and they
were compelled to march under the command of the Duc d’Anjou against
that same La Rochelle where Condé had passed so many years with his
noble friend Gaspard de Coligny, engaged in furthering the Protestant
cause.
In 1574, however, upon the death of Charles IX, Condé and Henri of
Navarre again joined the Protestant forces. Not so Marie de Clève, who was
even trying to make this a plea for a separation when she died suddenly in
giving birth to a daughter.[5] Twelve years later Condé contracted another
marriage, with Charlotte Catherine de la Trémoille.
We propose in this brief sketch of the Condé family, who eventually
became Lords of Chantilly, to say something also regarding the lives of the
Princesses de Condé, since some of them rank amongst the most noble and
interesting women of their time. Charlotte de la Trémoille[6] was the
daughter of the Duc de Thouars and Jeanne de Montmorency. She lived
with her mother in the fortified castle of Taillebourg, and was of a romantic
turn of mind and very handsome. Condé, presented by her brother, the
young Duc de Thouars, whilst he chanced to be in the neighbourhood, paid
a visit to the young lady; and although of the opposite party—for the
Trémoilles were Catholics—he came unattended. He showed her more
attention than was his usual custom, so that she fell in love with him. She
was but seventeen years of age, whilst Condé was by that time thirty-three,
but without an heir to his name. He had a fine head and well-cut features;
his expression was pensive, and betrayed a delicate and nervous
constitution. The fact of his being a Prince of the Blood Royal and of
illustrious lineage stimulated, no doubt, Mademoiselle de la Trémoille’s
poetic imagination.
When, after the disaster of Angers, Condé was compelled to go into
hiding in Guernsey whilst vainly soliciting the help of Queen Elizabeth, he
saw one morning two well-equipped ships approaching the harbour. The
captain of the party presently sent one of his officers to the Prince, bearing a
letter from Charlotte de la Trémoille begging him to make use of these, her
ships. Condé, who had remained so long a helpless prisoner on the island,
embarked at once, and upon his arrival at La Rochelle found the Princess
awaiting him at that port.
A few days later the wedding was celebrated quietly at the Château de
Taillebourg: both the Princess and her brother having become adherents of
the Reformed Faith before that event took place.
In 1587 a daughter was born to Condé, named Eleonore after her noble
grandmother, who subsequently married the Prince of Orange.

In that same year (1587) the eighth and last religious war broke out in
France, known as the War of the Four Henris—Henri III, Henri de Guise,
Henri of Navarre, and Henri de Bourbon Condé. The first battle was fought
at Coutras, between the Duc de Joyeuse, who commanded 7,000 men for
Henri III, and the joint forces of Henri of Navarre and Henri de Condé, who
had between them but 5,000 men. The fight was a prolonged one and ended
in a victory for the two Bourbons, who both greatly distinguished
themselves, “Messieurs,” cried Navarre, before the fight began, “souvenez
vous que vous êtes de la maison de Bourbon. Vive Dieu! Je vous ferai voir
que je suis votre ainé!” “Et nous, vous montrerons des bons cadets,”
replied Condé.
But Duc Henri de Guise presently restored the fortunes of the Catholics
by the victories of Vimory and Auneau, wherein no less than twenty
thousand Protestants perished.
Henri III, true Valois that he was, was not, however, grateful to the
victor. Jealous of his success and growing popularity, he caused him to be
foully murdered at the Château of Blois, whither he had summoned him
from Paris. The Cardinal de Lorraine, his brother, shared his fate.
Even Catherine de Medicis, then on her deathbed, was horrified at her
son’s treachery towards the Guises, who had fought so ably for the Catholic
cause. “Vous avez fait mourir le duc de Guise!” she exclaimed; “Dieu
veuille que vous vous trouviez bien de l’action que vous venez de faire. Mais
vous ne pouvez, je crois, vous en felicitez. Ce n’est pas tout de tailler, il faut
savoir coudre.”
Plate X.

CATHERINE DE MEDICIS. HENRI II.

Attributed to Corneille de Lyon. François Clouet.
Musée Condé. Bibl. Nat. Paris.
To face page 26.

When the news of the murder of the two Guises became known in Paris,
greatest public indignation was aroused; and the Sorbonne declared that
France ought to strive earnestly against such a King. In order to save
himself, the wretched King made overtures to Henri of Navarre, addressing
him as “brother.” A reconciliation took place between them, and together
they laid siege to Paris with an army of 40,000 men. Before, however, the
assault took place, Henri III was murdered by a fanatic monk, designating
with his last breath Henri of Navarre as his successor to the throne of
France, but imploring him at the same time to embrace the Catholic Faith.
The crown thus devolved upon Henri de Bourbon, King of Navarre, as
lineal descendant of Robert de Clermont, sixth son of Saint Louis; whilst
Henri de Bourbon Condé, his cousin, became heir-presumptive. The health
of the latter, however, began to fail, owing partly to an injury incurred by a
fall from his horse, and partly to severe attacks of fever. Trusting to a partial
recovery, he ventured too soon into the saddle, being, according to a
contemporary writer, over-fond of riding, and in consequence suffered a
relapse which ended fatally. Tifburn, the faithful custodian of the Château
de Saint-Jean d’Angely, thus describes his unexpected death: “I was the
person selected to report this sad mischance to the Princess, and I found her
coming down the stairs of the large apartment to visit her husband. He had
been ill, and had become worse since the day before, but none would have
supposed the end was so near. When she saw me so downcast she pressed
me to tell her what had occurred. When she heard the sad news she fainted,
and had to be transported to her bed, where she sobbed and cried and would
not be consoled.”
Henri IV, on hearing of this disaster, hastened to Saint-Jean d’Angely;
but on the way information reached him that two of the Princesse de
Condé’s servants—her page, Belcastle, and a valet—had suddenly
disappeared, and that they had fled on two horses, kept in readiness for
them by one Brillant, known to be a procurer employed at the castle. On
hearing this, he turned the bridle of his horse, unwilling to interview the
widowed Princess.
In a letter to la belle Corisande, Duchesse de Grammont, he writes
regarding this incident as follows: “Jeudy, le Prince de Condé ayant couru
la bague, il soupa se portant bien. A minuit lui prit un vomissement très
violent, qui luy dura jusqu’au matin. Tout le Vendredy il demeura au lit. Le
soir il soupa, et ayant bien dormi, il se leva le Samedi matin, dina debout, et
puis joua aux eschecs. Il se leva, se mit a promener par sa chambre,
devisant avec l’un et avec l’autre. Tant d’un coup il dit: ‘Baillez moi ma
chaise, je sens une grande faiblesse.’ Il n’y fut assis qu’il perdit sa parole,
et soudain après il rendit l’âme, et les marques du poison sortirent
soudainement.”
When Brillant was interrogated, he denied everything, but under torture
he made admissions which greatly compromised the widow of the dead
Condé. Subsequent versions of the story stated first that the Catholic party
had administered the poison; and later that the Prince had died a death in
full accordance with the malady from which he was suffering. Nevertheless
the poor Princess had to bear the burden of this terrible charge. She was
allowed to remain in her own apartments only until she gave birth to a son,
who was pronounced by all who saw him to greatly resemble the late Prince
de Condé; and the fact that Henri ultimately consented to become godfather
to the child destroyed all false accusations. For many years, however, she
was kept under close guard at Saint-Jean d’Angely; and in the archives at
Thouars there still exist some touching letters from her to her mother and to
the Constable de Montmorency, asserting her innocence and imploring help.
She also describes her straitened circumstances, her allowance being quite
insufficient to supply the needs of her children, Eleonore and Henri.
Throughout all her trials she behaved with singular fortitude, until at length,
when her son Henri de Bourbon was recognised as the legitimate son of his
father, and thenceforth held the position of heir-presumptive, she was
allowed to return to Court. De Thou even obtained an order directing the
French Parlement to come immediately to Saint-Germain to salute the
Prince as heir to the throne until it should please God to give children to the
King himself. Henri IV displayed considerable anxiety that his heir should
receive the best possible education, and that he should embrace the Catholic
Faith, as he himself had done. Thus the tradition of the Princes de Condé as
Huguenot Princes was abruptly broken; and Charlotte Catherine de la
Trémoille also abjured the Protestant Faith with great ceremony at Rouen.
She then endeavoured to conciliate the Catholic party, but they never
forgave her for the great services which she had rendered Condé at
Guernsey.
In the preceding chapter we have related the matrimonial adventures of
this Prince, and how when Henri IV fell passionately in love with his young
wife, the beautiful Charlotte de Montmorency, he fled with her to the
Netherlands to seek the protection of Eleonore, Princess of Orange, until the
death of the King.[7]
 On his return he became the principal factor in opposing the government
of Richelieu, for he was highly dissatisfied that the Regency during the
minority of Louis XIII had not passed to him, as premier Prince of the
Blood, but had been seized upon by the Queen-Mother before he could
reach France. The government of Berry was given to him with one and a
half million of francs as a sort of compensation—which, however, did not
satisfy him. Subsequently he was accused of having designs on the throne,
and although this was not proved, Richelieu, in the name of the Regent, had
him arrested. He was imprisoned in the Bastille and treated most rigorously
as a State criminal. It is greatly to the credit of his wife that she volunteered
to share his captivity. It was most touching how she arrived at the Bastille
accompanied by her little dwarf, who refused to be separated from her. A
journal[8] of that time states that the meeting of the Princess with her
unfortunate husband was most affectionate, and that he repentantly asked
her forgiveness for past wrongs.
Owing to his precarious state of health he was soon after removed to the
Château of Vincennes, where he was allowed more liberty, and there he
could take exercise on the top of a thick wall built in the form of a gallery.
The poor Princess, once so radiant in beauty, suffered cruelly; and at the
birth of a still-born son her life was despaired of.
At last, after nearly three years of imprisonment when her little daughter
Geneviève de Bourbon was born, their prison-walls opened and they were
free at last.
But presently Henri de Montmorency, the Princess’s brother, who had
but recently succeeded his father as Lord of Chantilly, was thrown into a
dungeon, whence he only emerged to be guillotined later at Toulouse.
Unfortunately he had sided with Gaston, the King’s brother, in a conspiracy
against the mighty Cardinal. In vain his wife, Marie Felice Orsini, pleaded
for her husband. She herself was imprisoned for two years for doing so; and
when finally released, retired for the rest of her life to a convent at Moulins,
where she was known and much beloved as “Sister Marie.”
The whole property of the last Montmorency, the last scion of so
illustrious a race, was confiscated after his execution, and Chantilly fell to
the Crown. A house called La Cabotière, bearing to this day the Royal coat-
of-arms, marks this transition period; and not far from it is the so-called
Maison de Sylvie, which recalls Marie Felice Orsini. It was there that she
and her husband hid the poet Théophile de Viau, who had been condemned
to death; and from this retreat he sang in charming verses the beauty and the
noble qualities of the Princess under the name of “Sylvie.”
These cruelties against the Montmorencys and the Condés, Louis XIII in
after-years never ceased to regret, and when on his deathbed he wished to
atone for them he summoned Henri II, Prince de Condé, and told him that
Chantilly should be restored to his wife, the Princess, as sister of the last
Montmorency. Thus Chantilly came back to its rightful owners.

CHAPTER III

THE GRAND CONDÉ

WITH Charlotte, wife of Prince Henri II de Condé, Chantilly passed into the
possession of the Princes of Bourbon Condé, and its history from that date
becomes part of the history of France. The son of Charlotte, Louis II de
Bourbon, when barely twenty-two years of age, was already called the
“Hero,” in consequence of his victory at Rocroy (1643) over the German
and Spanish armies. This famous descendant of Huguenot Princes was, at
the age of four years, baptized a Roman Catholic, with great pomp, in the
Cathedral at Bourges. Both Marie de Medicis, the Queen-Regent, and
Charlotte de la Trémoille, the Dowager Princess de Condé, were present;
and the infant Prince, though so young, recited his Credo without a hitch.
His education was subsequently placed in the hands of the Jesuit Fathers at
Bourges, who commended his clear intellect and excellent memory. He
received the title of “Duc d’Enghien,” a title which became thereafter
hereditary in the Condé family.
His father, Prince Henri II de Condé, thought it wise, after the execution
of his brother-in-law Henri de Montmorency and his own imprisonment, to
contract a matrimonial alliance with the all-powerful Cardinal; especially as
Richelieu was obsessed by the desire that one of his nieces should become a
Royal Princess. A marriage was therefore arranged between the twelve-
year-old Duc d’Enghien and the little Claire-Clemence, then barely five.
This mariage de convenance brought no happiness to the parties concerned,
and ended in completely crushing the unloved wife. In a book recently
published, “Sur la femme du Grand Condé,”[9] the excellent qualities of
Claire-Clemence—so little appreciated during her lifetime—have been set
out for us. At a court where women were chiefly given over to pleasure and
amusement, it is but natural that soberer qualities such as hers should have
passed unnoticed, or even have aroused opposition. Between her brilliant
mother-in-law, Charlotte de Montmorency, and her beautiful but vain sister-
in-law, Geneviève de Bourbon[10] (subsequently Madame de Longueville),
to the courtiers of her time Claire-Clemence appeared to be lacking both in
beauty and savoir-faire. A fall on the very day of her marriage, caused by
her high heels when dancing a minuet which Anne of Austria had opened
with the Duc d’Enghien, was recorded with great glee by the Grande
Mademoiselle, daughter of Gaston d’Orléans. The prospects of this new
establishment were not exactly promising, since Claire-Clemence received
no support from her parents, whom she hardly knew. When her uncle, the
Cardinal, decided to make an instrument of her to serve his purposes, he
took her away from her egoistical and immoral father, the Maréchal de
Brézé, and her sickly mother, who suffered from transitory attacks of
madness. Claire-Clemence had been educated, therefore, in accordance with
the high station for which she was intended. After her marriage Richelieu
watched over her welfare and superintended arrangements by which she
and her princely husband should have a suitable establishment in Paris;
where, it was said, the young couple led un train de Prince.
Presently, however, the sharp-eyed Cardinal became aware that the Duc
d’Enghien was neglecting his young wife, and was constantly in the
company of the charming Marthe de Vigeau, of whom he had become
wildly infatuated and whom he constantly met at the house of his sister. His
Eminence, therefore, decided to send the young Duke to Burgundy, of
which province he was supposed to be the Governor; and for Claire-
Clemence he arranged a temporary retirement in the convent of Saint-
Denis, there to escape the intrigues which would, as he said, naturally arise
round a young wife so completely neglected by her husband. She was
accompanied to the convent by a small Court, consisting of Madame la
Princesse Douarière de Condé, Madame d’Aiguillon, Madame de
Longueville, and Mademoiselle de la Croix. This last was her constant
companion, and wrote to Richelieu that Her Serene Highness did everything
in the convent which His Eminence desired her to do. In very truth she soon
became a great favourite at Saint-Denis, where she did a great deal of good
among the sick and poor.
 Plate XI.

THE GRAND CONDÉ.

Musée Condé.
David Teniets.

Meanwhile the Duc d’Enghien, to annoy the Cardinal, led a very gay life
in Burgundy, in obstinate defiance of the remonstrances of his father.
Finally, he was compelled by Richelieu’s orders to leave Burgundy and join
the Minister at Narbonne. There is no doubt that the Duc d’Enghien,
inordinately proud by nature, was suffering keenly under the tyranny of the
haughty Cardinal, who, although wishing his nephew-in-law well, derived a
certain amount of satisfaction from the spectacle of this proud-spirited
young Duke submissive to his yoke. The following incident is an
illustration of this. It was a long-accepted fact that Cardinal Richelieu, as
Prime Minister to his Majesty the King, should claim precedence over the
Princes of the Blood Royal. But that Mazarin, just created Cardinal, should
on his return from Italy also have this privilege was—the young Duc
d’Enghien thought—most improper. Richelieu, on hearing of this, took up
the cause of Mazarin, and even asked d’Enghien to visit his brother, the
Cardinal of Lyons. D’Enghien, fearing that this Cardinal would also claim
precedence over him at Lyons, merely sent one of his attendants to salute
him. Richelieu was furious at this, would accept no excuse, and desired the
Duke to purge his fault at Lyons, on his way back. D’Enghien, compelled
by his father, the Prince de Condé, to submit to Richelieu’s demand, was
greatly chagrined. Moreover, a message reached him immediately
afterwards to join his wife at Paris, since she was ill. He was also informed
that the details of his private life—in which he was the lover of many
women but not the husband of the one woman who was his wife—were
well known. So severe a reproof seemed at last to produce some effect upon
him, and he returned to his wife, who quickly recovered her health and
spirits when she found that her husband was kindly disposed towards her.
Richelieu, who had watched d’Enghien since his childhood, remembered
the distinctions he had acquired as student at Bourges, and was shrewd
enough to see that the young man would more than fulfil the high
expectations placed in him. He therefore knew what he was doing when he
allied the young Condé to his own family, and selected him and Henri de la
Tour d’Auvergne (known in history as Turenne) as Commanders-in-chief of
the French Army.
After the death of Richelieu, the King, Louis XIII, showed the high
regard he cherished for his great minister by confirming and adhering to all
the dispositions made by him before he passed away. Amongst these were
the appointments of Condé and Turenne as Generals of the French troops
sent to check the advancing forces of the Spaniards. It was a choice which
showed the rare capacity of this remarkable minister in finding the right
man for the right place. Turenne was thirty-one years of age, whilst Condé
was but twenty-one. Marie de Medicis and her party thought Condé too
young for so important a post, but Louis XIII was not to be dissuaded; and
to Condé he gave the command of the army in Picardy.
This war had been going on between France and Spain for more than ten
years. It revolved around those frontier regions to the north, near the
Somme and the Oise, which divide the original possessions of the Kings of
France from those of the former Dukes of Burgundy; and in 1643 it was
carried on with great ardour by the Spaniards under their General, Don
Francisco Melo, and his lieutenants, Fountain and Beck. With them the Duc
d’Enghien was confronted near Rocroy. On the night before the battle the
future hero was asleep amongst his soldiers on the bare ground when all at
once a French horseman who had taken service amongst the Spaniards
presented himself and asked permission to speak to the General. In a
subdued voice he told him that the Spaniards had prepared an attack for
seven o’clock that very morning. On hearing this Condé at once called for
his horse, his arms, and the traditional hat with the white plume, which,
since the time of Henri IV, had become the special badge of a Commander-
in-chief of the French Army. The Duc d’Aumale, in his “Histoire des
Princes de Condé,” relates with much spirit the issue of this battle. He tells
us how Condé was at first repulsed by Isembourg, and then how, by a
sudden change of tactics in attacking the rear, he reaped a complete victory.
The King, tossing upon a sick-bed, was full of anxiety regarding the
issue of this war. He had had a dream, or rather a vision, which he narrated
to the Prince de Condé (father of the Duc d’Enghien) who sat near his
bedside. “I have,” he said in a faint voice, “seen your son advancing
towards the enemy. The fight was sharp, and the victory was for a long time
undecided; but at last it was ours.” These are said to have been the last
words of Louis XIII.
A few days later, whilst the Requiem Mass for His Majesty was being
sung at Saint-Denis, it became known that Louis de Bourbon, the Duc
d’Enghien, had gained the battle of Rocroy, and from that time he bore the
name of the “Grand Condé.” The flag taken on this occasion from the
Spaniards may still be seen at Chantilly in the gallery where paintings by
Sauveur Lecomte record his famous deeds. It is now reckoned amongst the
most precious trophies of France, since most of those preserved at the
Invalides were destroyed in 1814. All Paris desired to see the Spanish flag
taken at Rocroy, and it was therefore exhibited publicly at the Louvre, at
Notre Dame, and on the Quai. Congratulations poured in upon the Condés,
and the Duc d’Enghien was pointed out as the hero who had won the first
battle for the new four-year-old King. His father, full of pride, wished him
to return to Paris to receive the ovations of the people; but, like a true
strategist, the Duke was anxious before all else to reap the advantages of his
victory. In a characteristic letter to his father, who was urging him to come
home, he explained that the enemy had invaded France, and that he felt that
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