Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan

Volume No. 54, Issue No. 2 (July - December, 2017)

Aftab Hussain Gillani *

Zahra Akram Hashmi **

AGRARIAN ECONOMY OF THE PRINCELY STATE OF

BAHAWALPUR:
A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE (1866-1924)

Abstract.
This paper examines the some aspects of the agrarian structure of Bahawalpur
State and course of its development under British headed administration. The
Agency regime coincided with several developments in the agrarian economy of
the region; individualization of land rights, rigorous collection of revenue,
extensive canal network and better agricultural production were the chief
characteristics of new agrarian frontier. These endeavors not only helped to
transform the traditional farming to modern agriculture, but also changed the
socio-economic spectrum of the State. The article also traces the State’s measures
to control over the debt situation. The paper is mainly based on assessment and
administration reports, political proceedings and official publications.
Keywords. Economy, social structure, agriculture, irrigation, indebtedness.

I. Introduction
In rural societies, land has always been the base of productive activity. The
regional economy of South Asia too, had been deeply connected with the
agricultural production. Simultaneously, the barren tracts of less rainfall areas
were based on pastoral economy during the 19 th century. Such features of
economy were existed in original form in the Princely State of Bahawalpur under
Punjab Dependency. The State carved out during the disintegration of Mughal
dynasty by Abbasid Daudpotras from Sind (Gurgani,1890:150). Subsistence
agriculture and cattle breeding was pre-occupation of the people. Owing to the less
rainfall, people relied for agriculture on flood inundation and well water.
The traditional agricultural system of the great Mughals was followed coupled
with some indigenous patterns, which Daudpotras extracted under their
experience in Sind and applied in Bahawalpur region. Particularly, their practices
in irrigation, agricultural pursuits and fiscal pattern were greatly influenced by the
patterns of Sind (Tahir, 2010: 272). However, the ecology of the State had two
diverse features: on one hand, it had 300 miles river frontage, which was a natural
boundary line with Multan and D.G. Khan (Report, 1967:75). A large proportion

*
Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani, Chairman, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia
University Bahawalpur, [email protected]
**
Zahra Akram Hashmi, PhD. Scholar, Department of History, The Islamia University
Bahawalpur, [email protected].
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 Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 54, No. 2, July-December, 2017

of cultivable land along the river bands was covered with thick jungles of tamarisk
trees. On the other hand, one-third area of the State was desert, which yielded
pastures to the livestock. In a way, the idea of agricultural development was
present from the outset.
By the year 1833, the British-Bahawalpur relation laid a profound impact on the
economy of Bahawalpur. The opening of navigation in Indus and Sutlej rivers
opened the avenues for Bahawalpur to export its surplus produce and domestic
manufacturers (Cruz, 1862:92-93). The custom and transit duties became a source
of State’s income. Subsistence agriculture, pastoralism and traditional irrigation
were the distinctive features of pre-Agency economy of the State.
Those features were persisted till the establishment of first Council of Regency,
which was formed after the death of the State ruler, Nawab Bahawal Khan
Abbassi-IV (1837-1866). At that time, Crown Prince Mohammad Sadiq Khan was
a minor. The Council of Regency was a part of political and administrative
settlement for native states according to Indian Act 1833 (Lee, 1910: 334). The
first Council of Regency remained till 1879. The second and the third Councils of
Regency worked from 1899 to 1903 and from 1907 to 1924, respectively. Under
the British administrative preview, the State experienced a new agrarian frontier in
which agriculture began to be revamped according to the priorities set by the new
pattern.
II. Agrarian Social Structure
In the formative decades, there were few appropriate villages existed largely in the
cultivated areas in the Western portion of the State (Masson, 1906: 9). The
Daudpotras came with many branches of their sub-clans, whose chiefs founded
proper villages on their concerned lands and gave them their respective names.
Afterwards, land was given to individuals or group of individuals belonging to the
other tribes. The early villages faced certain common difficulties as those were
created from either the forests or the deserted lands with the constant and joint
struggle of the people (Olich, 1845: 137). The foundation of villages were a
continuous process in Bahawalpur because ample land was available, which
continued to be cultivated under colonization scheme till 1947.
The primarily target of the State was to irrigate and cultivate the vast areas of
wasteland. Gradually, traditional irrigation sources were developed and small
water channels from river were excavated parallel with the foundation of new
towns. Jungles were cleared to cultivate the food grains. There was no
government-imposed restriction on acquiring land and people could easily attain
as much land as they could cultivate. Likewise, there were neither fixed
boundaries for their property nor was there a need for them. Loose dividing lines
and water channels were natural boundaries.
The State was the sole owner of all land except what had been purchased by the
public. Because population was sparse and land was abundant, therefore, the State
frequently granted the possession to those who could cultivate it. By spirit, all
authority belonged to the prerogative of the ruler, the Nawab. Under Agency, the
individualization of land rights was a significant change in the system. The
registered rights for peasant proprietorship through civil courts were maintained. A

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 Agrarian Economy Of The Princely State Of Bahawalpur: A Historical Perspective …..

proprietor held complete rights to transfer, sale, and mortgage their lands (Report,
1875-76: 2).
The wasteland of Cholistan desert was the property of the State, where old semi
nomadic communities were thinly scattered. If water available, these lands were
given on lease or with proprietary rights under wasteland rules. Customary rights
had been established to certain tobbas, grazing grounds and dahrs. Moreover,
wells and tracts with water cuts were also unit of property but owner or his clan
never denied drinking water to anyone.
There were two broad categories of land owning classes; big zamindars and small
peasants or khudkash. The class disparity was distinctively prominent in the
pattern of land distribution influenced over the power, privileges and social
identity. The big zamindars were the most privileged class as they were mostly
descendents from royal tribes, high rank State officers, and sacred religious tribes.
Their role was important to support the political dominance of the Nawab.
Moreover, the former warlords were also assumed the status of landlords with
extra control over peasants as their war services were abolished.
Furthermore, some influential native officers and immigrants who had
permanently settled in the State got large tracts of land. This category of
zamindars was locally called dankhani. They rented out their land to the medium
or small sized tenants. The big landowners were responsible to create the absentee
landlordism, which was largely prevalent in the old proprietary areas of the State.
A positive feature of this class was that they were generally well-organized and
utilized the improved varieties of seeds and implements (Assessment Report,
1944: 8). Owing to their resources, they had quick access to the latest techniques
in agriculture than the other peasants. Moreover, they consciously withhold
innovations to maintain their exploitative influence over share-tenants.
Small peasants were the main force of a self-sufficient village economy, which
produced almost all that was required for self-consumption. They occupied the
proportion of 53% of the cultivated area (Inquiry Report, 1932:44). Self-peasants
were independent in maintaining control over their production for subsistence
needs. In fact, variation in the nature of soil and shortage of water were leading
factors to handle the independent smallholdings. The average size of holding
varied three to four acres in the Western part and ten to twenty-seven acres in
Eastern portion. This minute share was mainly due to the inheritance practices
under Muhammadan law (Muhammad Din, 2001:293).
Besides the landowning class, tenants and menials were a compulsory segment in
the agrarian setup. Tenants were the main work force at land, physically
responsible for generating production. There were two main causes of tenancy
firstly; they were employed by zamindars who had more lands than they could
manage. Secondly, the high ranked officer and elite class did not like to cultivate
land due to their high social status. The extension in agriculture led to an enhanced
demand for tenants all over the State.
There were two diverse pictures in the tenant-owner relationship. The tenants on
smallholdings were prosperous however, they had a tendency of fleeing away after
obtaining an advance to look out for a wealthier property owner (Report, 1873-

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 Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 54, No. 2, July-December, 2017

74:153). In fact, tenants were sparse and their demand was acute in the State; so it
gave then a strong position. To avoid the vagaries of tenants, small landowner
preferred to cultivate their land themselves. On the other hand, tenants on big
estates had to suffer enormously as they were subjected to unjustifiable conditions.
The main reason of their worst conditions was the absence of tenancy act in the
State until 1913 when Bahawalpur State enforced the Punjab Tenancy Act of
1887. This law was a remedy from the ill effects of tenancy specially, it prevented
the owner from ejecting the tenants without due notice and from unconditional
enhancement of rent (Hassan, 1926:59). However, majority of the tenants were
illiterate and ignorant of their rights even after the imposition of Tenancy Act in
Bahawalpur. They took a substantial period just to understand it.
The other main class connected with the agricultural activities was menials or
kami who consisted of artisans and village servants. Artisans were the skilled
labour as blacksmiths, potters, weavers, carpenters, chammars, and cobblers.
While menial servants provided services to all communities including oil crushers,
barbers, washmen and chuhras. However, in spite of the vital hereditary role in the
agrarian economy, the menial class was lowest in social standing neither
significant in demographic distribution nor in ownership. They were dependent for
social and economic life on dominant tribes and were paid by a share of produce
or by fixed allowances. A major improvement in their character was that they were
recognized as professional labour and menial staff through Canal Drainage Act of
Punjab 1873, enforced in the State in December 1911 (Ibid).
The agrarian structure of Bahawalpur was distinctively a composition of of
different religions and castes. There was co-existence of Muslim, Hindu and Sikh
communities and all of them were divided into different castes within a territorial
framework. The royal tribe the Abbasid had already established a chain of clan
areas through their patrilineal kin groups. Afterwards, the other social groups of
different tribes formed their regional identities. As regard their territorial
organization, in Minchinabad tehsil, Wattus were the dominant clan. In Khairpur
and Hasilpur tehsils, Joyas, Daudpotras and Chishties were dominant.
In Bahawalpur, Channars, Qureshis Danwanjs, Daudpotras, Kultarrs and Arains
were common. In Ahmadpur East, Sayyeds, Aarbis, Langahs, Baloches Buhars
and Naichs; in Khanpur and Allahabad Baloches, Daudpotras, Lars, Chachars,
Machhis and Siyals were prevailed. In Noushehra and Ahmadpur Lamma, Bhuts,
Baloches, Sammas, and Machhis were the major agricultural communities. Jats
were superior class of agriculturist. The Arain were second to Jats in agricultural
skills particularly in vegetable gardening. The position of both in village economic
system was more secure. The Baloach and Kharals were considered good
cultivators while Daodpotras the worst (Nasir Ali, 1892:8).
Second major community in the Bahawalpur State was the Hindus belonged to
Brahmans and Aroras. Brahmans immigrated from Multan and Hissar during the
reign of the Nawab Bahawal Khan Abbassi II (1772-1809). The Arora was
basically commercial caste and they involved in trading and was considered
originally from lower Sind. They were contractors, moneylenders and State
officers. Their share in agriculture was initially marginal but they became owners
of thousands of acre of cultivated land through the mortgages or purchases from

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 Agrarian Economy Of The Princely State Of Bahawalpur: A Historical Perspective …..

the other agricultural entities of the areas. The Hindu landowners were
numerically less important but the most industrious and thrifty being a cultivator
(Rose, Vol. II, 1911:16-17).
The other important community in Bahawalpur State was Sikh who migrated from
Ludhiana, Ferozpur, Amritsar, Patiala, and Nabha (Report,1873-74:12). Sikh Jats
were considered the finest peasantry in Punjab. They succeeded in raising of crops
and good grazing grounds in the deserted areas. This tribal character of
agricultural population was modified on the arrival of colonists from Punjab under
colonization program in the State.
III. Development in Economy and Agricultural Production
On the eve of the first Agency in Bahawalpur State, the traditional agriculture
assumed the position of a regular agrarian system. Large tracts of wasteland,
prospectus of artificial irrigation and the absence of other subsidiary means of
living except agriculture and pastures provided a remarkable potential for the
extension of cultivation. In regard with the increased cultivated land, Agency
focused on two parameters; sources of irrigation and population as a source of
labour to cultivate the land. Both parameters were coincided together. The
establishment of a joint Department of Irrigation and Public Works was the first
move towards this end. Mr. Burns and Mr. Bucket were the first Superintendents
of Irrigation and Public Works, respectively (Proceedings,1969: 86-89). The
native officers Nazim and Kardar held their former local status.
The fundamental transition under this department was that all controlling and
authoritative powers in the canal system were vested in the State and the earlier
system in which landholder was individual responsible for canal management, was
abolished. However, the improvements undertaken at old canals engaged the
zamindars by asking them to provide labour under Chher system (Burns,
1872:397).
The State spent 1/8th of its average yearly income on irrigation projects, without
neglecting other interests (Report, 1875-76:3). With the opening of new canals, the
areas were notified for human settlement, which lying waste for thousands of years
owing to the scarce rainfall. The first canal Fordwah, was the dynamic start of
irrigation development in western part of the State. It irrigated 32500 acres of land
(Burns, 396). It was the largest inundation canal in the Punjab at the time and the
first one in the whole desert of Rajasthan, where initially it looked impossible to
run the water.
The successful results of Fordwah paved the way for the colonization of Cholistan
and for other projects in the desert, particularly Sadqia twin canal system. The
excavation of eastern Sadqia canal in 1882 and western Sadiqia canal in 1889 was
a marvelous advancement. After subsequent extension, the former irrigated area of
25000 acres in Cholistan desert and the latter irrigated one million acres of barren
land (Dairy,1905:32). This twin canal system contributed enormously to the
success of irrigation for desert land of Bahawalpur.
From 1900 onwards, the irrigation was again reorganized along the lines of the
system prevalent in the British districts. At that time, there were 26 big canals, 195
branch canals and 24872 distributaries drawn from Sutlej, which fed 729682
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 Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 54, No. 2, July-December, 2017

million acres of land. From 1866 to 1900, an amount of 25 million rupees had
been spent from state account on the irrigation plans (Report, 1899-1900:4). The
total area irrigated by the canals increased from just over 34702 acres in 1867
to765276 acres in 1924. It was equal to the irrigated area of Eastern Jamna canal,
more than double the Western Jamna canal and more than one-third the area
irrigated by Bari Doab .(Darley,1941:40). This increase was the best proof of the
success of the new irrigation system, which was economical and suited to the
native idiosyncrasy.
With the extension in irrigation, people from the Punjab settled in the newly
irrigated lands. The very first settlers were hardy Sikhs from Punjab districts and
Bishnoi Hindus from Rajasthan States. They were self-cultivators and worked
wonders in reclining kalar and sand dunes. They succeeded to obtain sufficient
production from such a minimal quantity of land (Sadiq ul Akhbar, 1967). They
had to face great difficulties in the sandy lands even many were died. As Radhika
Lal Mehta says ‘ the memory of their adventures in Cholistan , the difficulties they
had to experience and the forbearance exhibited by those sturdy Sikh with white
beards and grey eyebrows shall ever remain green in the history of canal
construction in the State’.(Mehta, 1932:13).
The State provided many incentives to attract the outsiders. They were exempted
from tirni tax and were not required to provide the chher labour. The complete
ownership rights were given to the grantees on the completion of the specific
period of terms and conditions. Consequently, immigrants became a part of the
mainstream of the State in spite of their different ethnic backgrounds and
increased the demographic level in Bahawalpur. They substantially contributed to
the economic growth of the State (Sadiq ul Akhbar, 1872).
Subsequently, barren tracts transformed into populous regions and crop production
grew phenomenally. The extension in irrigation brought a boost in the production
of wheat, cotton and sugarcane. In the second half of 19 th century, there was a shift
from primitive to systemize methods of agriculture throughout in India
(Randhawa,1983:75-76). The new varieties of seeds were adopted all over the
country In the initial years of Agency rule, the improved varieties of seeds and
new implements at the time were adopted in the State, which raised the quality of
yields and generated good returns (Report,1873-74:25-26).
The most noticeable feature in the agriculture under Agency rule was the
improvement in the style of cultivation. In place of cultivating large holdings,
which were more than their work capacity, now attention was given to cultivate a
small area but properly ploughed, manure and sown. This brought more profit than
the former case though the slight reduction was seen in the total area. As in 1874-
75, in spite of failure of inundation canal, the revenue was more than the previous
year due to the high quality of crops. (Report, 1874-75:123).
A fundamental development was the reformation of revenue structure. The major
components of this system were the introduction of settlements and records of
rights. Land revenue settlements were undertaken to regularize the extraction from
agriculture. Surveys were conducted to assess the revenue paying capacity of land
(Ibid). The statistical data of individual ownership rights was prepared for each
holding and had provided the landowners a clear statement of their rights. The
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 Agrarian Economy Of The Princely State Of Bahawalpur: A Historical Perspective …..

boundaries of their fields became clear that secured them against any discrepancy
and dispute. Moreover, the land rights determined the individualization in property
rights, which was a marked shift from collective ownership by complex forms of
property (Report,1873-74:149).
The traditional leniency of native rule was also maintained in the revenue
collection and revenue rates were generally less than the Punjab rates. Actually,
the nature of Agency government in the native states was not extractive like in
other provinces of India, where major purpose was to collect the revenue. Instead,
here local patterns were dominant because their persistence was a political
necessity for the Nawab. In this scenario, moderate rates, remissions on kharaba
and efforts to clutch the subordinate bureaucracy became the major contributing
factor towards the economic advancement. However, the combination of lower
officials and landed elites compromised the State efficiency and public interests.
Integration of agriculture with pastoralism was the significant feature of State’s
economy, existing from the ancient time. In its infancy, the State devoted same
concern to the better growth of livestock as to agricultural production (Olich,148).
The pastoral-nomadic mode of existence underwent drastic changes at the onset of
Agency and agriculture assumed the first place in State economy. However, owing
to the specific ecological environment, the rearing of cattle held much importance
in village economy and households (Auj,1991:17). Cattle breeding helped to meet
local dairy and meat consumption. Their hides were a significant source of
indigenous industry and trade. Therefore, orchards were ample and was a
profitable private business. The forest and pastures on crown waste constituted the
grazing ground, which were common property.
IV. Indebtedness.
The State’s subsisted economy gradually developed and its impact was visible in
the increasing income of the cultivators, which also enhanced their expenditures
and ultimately brought the curse of indebtedness. Before 1866, agricultural
indebtedness in the State was marginal due to batai system, which had open
distribution of crops. The shift from kind to cash revenue left a margin for debt.
With the increasing trend of cultivation, the need for the money required to cope
with the agricultural expenditure, also grew. The poor peasants had least
opportunities for getting credit. Their sole hope was the moneylender or bunya,
who was the single credit agency in the rural economy. He usually received
material guarantees to illiterate peasants in form of land or in jewels and gave
money on a high pitch of interest (Report, 1874-75:2). The interest rate was very
high at 25% per annum, which in many cases was more than the actual sum of
advance through compound interest. Ultimately, the cultivator veered into
devastating condition due to mortgage or had to sell his land in lieu of debt.
This system resulted in extortion of peasants. Mortgagers were almost Hindu
moneylenders and a very few wealthy Muslim zamindar or State officials. They
were able to purchase the protection of ruling power. Actually, moneylender dealt
in land as business and disposed it off when favourable prices available. This
situation resulted in a substantial increase in the transfer of land ownership to
moneylenders. It was so intense that during 1867 to 1901, indebted peasants had to
sale 296181 acres of land to moneylenders at a small rate of 3-5-7, whereas 74349
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 Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 54, No. 2, July-December, 2017

acres were mortgaged. At the same time, it brought about a socio-economic

change in the structure of rural society. Bunya, who initially held hardly one acre
in a thousand, became owners of hundreds of the acres (Muhammad Din,
2001:234).
There were several reasons that why did people borrow money. Debt was actually,
a reflection of indolence and incompetence of peasants in Bahawalpur. The
majority of creditors were poor Muslim cultivators or few Sikh settlers. The local
cultivators generally had large holding that were more than their working capacity.
Uncertain inundation supply added their miseries (Report, 1900-1901:6). As
Darling analyzed that Muhammadan landowner was indolent and indebted, and
devoid of developmental spirit (Darling, 1929:333).
The small landholders and tenants had to borrow money usually to meet the
agricultural expenses such as the purchase of cattle and seeds. Apart from their
general poverty, the prevailing trend of litigation, mainly to pay fines for the crime
of cattle stealing, women abduction, and exorbitant rates of interest were the main
factors of their indebtedness. On the other hand, some zamindars were also
indulged in debt because of their lust for more land, extravagance as well as
traditional hospitality (Assessment Report, 1947:36).
The proper organization of agricultural credit system was essential for the sake of
agrarian development. The State opened various avenues to facilitate the peasants.
Colonel Grey made further developments in 1878 and prepared the proper
regulations for agricultural loans. The takavi loans on easy terms were a blessing
for the cultivators to purchase of cattle, seeds and wells. The first legal attempt of
native government to check the excessive interest rates was the ‘law of interest and
imprisonment in satisfaction of decree’ in 1896. The law fixed the interest rate at
less than half of the original amount or quantity of debt. Moreover, the rate for
pledged items was fixed at 6% however, in case of nonpayment; it could be
increased to 24% of debt. This measure seemed to be a security to peasants and
minimized their miseries to an extent (Muhammad Din, 238).
The growing debt among cultivators had worst effect of the transfer of land to
commercial castes. It was resulted the dispassion of peasantry from their ancestral
holdings. This remained to be a major problem not only for Bahawalpur but also
for the Punjab, where debt was a more common phenomenon. More than 80% of
the rural population of Punjab was involved in debt (Darling, 246). Its root cause
was the absence of any legislation for land alienation. To overcome the debt
dilemma and to shore up the land owning classes, the Punjab government
formulated the Punjab Land Alienation Act of 1900. Its major contribution was the
restriction on the transfer of land to professional moneylenders and alienation was
allowed only within related agricultural castes. A schedule of agricultural and non-
agricultural castes was drawn and land transfers were held valid according to this
schedule (Singh, 1945:248).
This Act was introduced in the State in 1910 with the same consequences as in
Punjab. The Act prevented the commercial classes from acquiring the land owned
by agricultural classes. The buy and sale of land was also limited to agricultural
classes (Islam, 1995:272). In this regard, several discrepancies were also found
and some groups manipulated their caste identity in order to claim an affiliation to
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 Agrarian Economy Of The Princely State Of Bahawalpur: A Historical Perspective …..

be registered in the agricultural tribes. The Act failed to achieve the desired
objectives and moneylenders sustained in the land market after the enforcement of
Act as well. They acquired land in the overlapping of legislation by legally
purchase and mortgage (Settlement Report, 1930:7).
In order to remedy this problem, the cooperative department was set up as a sort of
semi lending official source in Punjab in 1904. In Bahawalpur, the Cooperative
Societies were introduced in 1914, with the staff consisting of only one
Superintendent. These provided assistance in the purchase of seeds, implements
and cattle. Initially, it did not receive a warm welcome because people were
doubtful about the potency of new department. The moneylenders considered this
a menace to their hereditary profession. Therefore, the State established the
Central Bank and contributed a loan of Rs. 50000. The agricultural societies were
162 in number and comprised 15451 members. The societies issued the loan of
61328 rupees in their very first year (Report, 1915-16:58).
Over the time, a sufficient proportion of people joined the societies as member.
The membership in Bahawalpur was more than the Punjab. It was 23 per thousand
of the population in Bahawalpur, while in Punjab it was 11 per thousand. The
main feature of societies in Bahawalpur was that their members held very low
average of loan, which was Rs. 10, whereas in Punjab, average loan per member
was Rs.97. Moreover, per member cost was four anna and four pie, against one
rupee and eight annas in Punjab. Mr. Calvert, the Registrar of the Cooperative
Societies declared the satisfactory conditions of working this department (Report
Societies, 5).
Table No. 2 presents a sketch of the increasing ratio of debt for different years.
The debt situation was more acute during the late nineteenth century and the ratio
of mortgage was lower down while sale of land going up in the early twentieth
century. However, the boost in sale and mortgage was controlled with the
emergence of cooperative societies and it was decreased almost fifty percent.
Because, majority of the peasants were illiterate so government combined the
societies with education and engaged schoolteachers as secretaries to inform the
illiterate about the benefits of the system. With the advent of society’s movement,
the miseries of cultivators became low but did not vanish. It paved the way for
further remedies to control the indebtedness and remained a significant institution
in the forthcoming years.
Table: 2. The Area under Sale and Mortgage in Acres.
Year Sale Mortgage
1880-81 to 1889-90 237187 34124
1890-91 to 1899- 257153 61408
1900
1900-01 20274 6224
1904-05 26000 5916
1909-10 30894 7344
1914-15 49206 7560
1919-20 13573 5755
Sources: The Administration and Revenue Reports of the concerned years.

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 Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 54, No. 2, July-December, 2017

V. Conclusion
In the period under study, the economy of the State was subsistent oriented. Under
Agency, the economy of the State began to be reshaped. Agricultural development
in Bahawalpur was achieved with the collaborative efforts of native elites and
British officers. The region of hot climate, sandy lands and with less resources
succeeded not only in providing the main humane needs of foods to its subjects
but also supplying the surplus to the deficit areas of India. It was possible owing to
an organized structure, proper utilization of available resources and a balance
system of resource distribution. All these components stimulated a pure
agricultural environment, which in the subsequent years paved the way for market-
oriented economy.
There seemed a strong relationship between agriculture structure and existing
social conditions, which directly influenced the agriculture production.
Furthermore, the extension of canal irrigation strengthened the local economy and
caused a change in the socio-economic makeup of the State. Latter, the Punjab
government planned to settle the agricultural communities on the wastelands in the
province by canal colonization. In this regard, the large tracts of crown land were
colonized with the agriculturists from the Punjab districts and changed the
demographic index of the State. Consequently, the nomadic outlook of the society
of Bahawalpur was converted into agrarian manifestation.

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 Agrarian Economy Of The Princely State Of Bahawalpur: A Historical Perspective …..

References
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Radhika Lal Mehta. (1932). History of the Bahawalpur State Canals, Rahimyar Khan.
Report on the Progress of Cooperative Societies in the Bahawalpur State, 1918.
Report on the Reorganization of the Bahawalpur State: 1967.
Report of the Sutlej Valley Project Inquiry Committee, Bahawalpur: 1932.
Sadiq ul Akhbar. 6 October, 1967.
Sadiq ul Akhbar. 6 October, 1867.
Sadiq ul Akhbar, 18 March, 1872.
The Assessment Report of Sadiqabad Tehsil, Bahawalpur: 1944.
The Assessment Report of the Mincninabad Tehsil, Bahawalpur: 1947
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The Administration Reports of Bahawalpur State for the Years: 1915-16.
The Settlement Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East Tehsils: 1930.

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