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1. Forewords
2. Preface
a. Why Did We Write This Book?
b. Why You Should Read This Book
c. What This Book Is Not
d. Conventions Used in This Book
e. Using Code Examples
f. O’Reilly Safari
g. How to Contact Us
h. Acknowledgments

3. 1. Continuous Delivery: Why and What

a. Setting the Scene

b. Enabling Developers: The Why
i. Rapid Feedback Reduces Context Switching
ii. Automatic, Repeatable, and Reliable Releases
iii. Codifying the Definition of “Done”
c. Exploring a Typical Build Pipeline: The What

i. Core Build Pipeline Stages

ii. Impact of Container Technology
iii. Changes with Contemporary Architectures

d. Summary
4. 2. Evolution of Java Development
a. Requirements of Modern Java Applications

i. Need for Business Speed and Stability

ii. Rise of the API Economy
iii. Opportunities and Costs of the Cloud
iv. Modularity Redux: Embracing Small Services
v. Impact on Continuous Delivery
b. Evolution of Java Deployment Platforms

i. WARs and EARs: The Era of Application Server

Dominance
ii. Executable Fat JARs: Emergence of Twelve-Factor
Apps
iii. Container Images: Increasing Portability (and
Complexity)
iv. Function as a Service: The Emergence of “Serverless”
v. Impact of Platforms on Continuous Delivery

c. DevOps, SRE, and Release Engineering

i. Development and Operations

ii. Site Reliability Engineering
iii. Release Engineering
iv. Shared Responsibility, Metrics, and Observability
d. Summary

5. 3. Designing Architecture for Continuous Delivery

 a. Fundamentals of Good Architecture

i. Loose Coupling
ii. High Cohesion
iii. Coupling, Cohesion, and Continuous Delivery

b. Architecture for Business Agility

i. Bad Architecture Limits Business Velocity

ii. Complexity and Cost of Change

c. Best Practices for API-Driven Applications

i. Build APIs “Outside-In”

ii. Good APIs Assist Continuous Testing and Delivery

d. Deployment Platforms and Architecture

i. Designing Cloud-Native “Twelve-Factor”

Applications
ii. Cultivating Mechanical Sympathy
iii. Design and Continually Test for Failure

e. The Move Toward Small Services

i. Challenges for Delivering Monolithic Applications

ii. Microservices: SOA Meets Domain-Driven Design
iii. Functions, Lambdas, and Nanoservices

f. Architecture: “The Stuff That’s Hard to Change”

g. Summary

6. 4. Deployment Platforms, Infrastructure, and Continuous

Delivery of Java Apps
a. Functionality Provided by a Platform
b. Essential Development Processes
c. Traditional Infrastructure Platforms

i. Traditional Platform Components

ii. Challenges with Traditional Infrastructure Platforms
iii. Benefits of Being Traditional
iv. CI/CD on Traditional Infrastructure Platforms

d. Cloud (IaaS) Platform

i. Looking Inside the Cloud

ii. Cloud Challenges
iii. Benefits of the Cloud
iv. Continuously Delivering into the Cloud

e. Platform as a Service

i. Peeking Inside a PaaS

ii. PaaS Challenges
iii. Benefits of PaaS
iv. CI/CD and PaaS

f. Containers (Docker)

i. Container Platform Components

ii. Container Challenges
iii. Container Benefits
iv. Continuously Delivering Containers
 g. Kubernetes

i. Core Concepts of Kubernetes

ii. Kubernetes Challenges
iii. Benefits of Kubernetes
iv. Continuous Delivery on Kubernetes

h. Function-as-a-Service/Serverless Functions

i. FaaS Concepts
ii. Challenges of FaaS
iii. FaaS Benefits
iv. CI/CD and FaaS

i. Working with Infrastructure as Code

j. Summary

7. 5. Building Java Applications

a. Breaking Down the Build Process

b. Automating the Build

i. Build Dependencies
ii. External Dependencies
iii. Multimodule Projects
iv. Multiple Repositories (or a Monorepo)?
v. Plugins
vi. Releasing and Publishing Artifacts

c. Java Build Tooling Overview

 i. Ant
ii. Maven
iii. Gradle
iv. Bazel, Pants, and Buck
v. Other JVM Build Tools: SBT and Leiningen
vi. Make

d. Choosing a Build Tool

e. Summary

8. 6. Additional Build Tooling and Skills

a. Linux, Bash, and Basic CLI Commands

i. Users, Permissions, and Groups

ii. Working with the Filesystem
iii. Viewing and Editing Text
iv. Joining Everything Together: Redirects, Pipes, and
Filters
v. Searching and Manipulating Text: grep, awk, and sed
vi. Diagnostic Tooling: top, ps, netstat, and iostat

b. HTTP Calls and JSON Manipulation

i. curl
ii. HTTPie
iii. jq

c. Basic Scripting

i. xargs
 ii. Pipes and Filters
iii. Loops
iv. Conditionals
d. Summary

9. 7. Packaging Applications for Deployment

a. Building a JAR: Step-by-Step

b. Building a Fat Executable “Uber” JAR

i. Maven Shade Plugin

ii. Building Spring Boot Uber JARs

c. Skinny JARs—Deciding Not to Build Fat JARs

d. Building WAR Files
e. Packaging for the Cloud

i. Cooking Configuration: Baking or Frying Machines

ii. Building RPMs and DEBs OS Packages
iii. Additional OS Package Build Tools (with Windows
Support)
iv. Creating Machine Images for Multiple Clouds with
Packer
v. Additional Tools for Creating Machine Images
f. Building Containers

i. Creating Container Images with Docker

ii. Fabricating Docker Images with fabric8
g. Packaging FaaS Java Applications
 h. Summary
10. 8. Working Locally (Like It Was Production)

a. Challenges with Local Development

b. Mocking, Stubbing, and Service Virtualization

i. Pattern #1: Profiles, Mocks, and Stubs

ii. Mocking with Mockito
iii. Pattern #2: Service Virtualization and API Simulation
iv. Virtualizing Services with Hoverfly
c. VMs: Vagrant and Packer

i. Installing Vagrant
ii. Creating a Vagrantfile
iii. Pattern #3: Production-in-a-Box
d. Containers: Kubernetes, minikube, and Telepresence

i. Introducing the “Docker Java Shop” Sample App

ii. Building Java Applications and Container Images
iii. Deploying into Kubernetes
iv. Simple Smoke Test
v. Building the Remaining Applications
vi. Deploying the Entire Java Application in Kubernetes
vii. Viewing the Deployed Application
viii. Telepresence: Working Remotely, Locally
ix. Pattern #4: Environment Leasing
 e. FaaS: AWS Lamba and SAM Local
i. Installing SAM Local
ii. AWS Lambda Scaffolding
iii. Testing AWS Lambda Event Handling
iv. Smoke Testing with SAM Local

f. FaaS: Azure Functions and VS Code

i. Installing Azure Function Core Tools
ii. Building and Testing Locally
iii. Testing Remotely, Locally Using VS Code
g. Summary

11. 9. Continuous Integration: The First Steps in Creating a Build

Pipeline

a. Why Continuous Integration?

b. Implementing CI
c. Centralized Versus Distributed Version-Control Systems
d. Git Primer
i. Core Git CLI Commands
ii. Hub: An Essential Tool for Git and GitHub

e. Working Effectively with DVCS

i. Trunk-based Development
ii. Feature Branching
iii. Gitflow
 iv. No One-Size Fits All: How to Choose a Branching
Strategy
f. Code Reviews

i. What to Look For

ii. Automation: PMD, Checkstyle, and FindBugs
iii. Reviewing Pull Requests

g. Automating Builds
i. Jenkins

h. Getting Your Team Onboard

i. Merge Code Regularly
ii. “Stop the Line!”: Managing Broken Builds
iii. Don’t @Ignore Tests
iv. Keep the Build Fast

i. CI of the Platform (Infrastructure as Code)

j. Summary
12. 10. Deploying and Releasing from the Pipeline

a. Introducing the Extended Java Shop Application

b. Separating Deployment and Release
c. Deploying Applications

i. Creating a Container Image

ii. Deployment Mechanisms
iii. It All Starts (and Ends) with Health Checks
 iv. Deployment Strategies
v. Working with Unmanaged Clusters
vi. Changing Databases

d. Releasing Functionality
i. Feature Flags
ii. Semantic Versioning (semver)
iii. Backward Compatibility and Versions in APIs
iv. Multiple-Phase Upgrades
e. Managing Configuration and Secrets

i. “Baked-In” Configuration
ii. Externalized Configuration
iii. Handling Secrets
f. Summary

13. 11. Functional Testing: Correctness and Acceptance

a. Why Test Software?
b. What to Test? Introducing Agile Testing Quadrants
c. Continuous Testing

i. Building the Right Feedback Loop

d. Turtles All the Way Down
e. Synthetic Transactions
f. End-to-End Testing
g. Acceptance Testing
 i. Behavior-Driven Development
ii. Stubbing or Virtualizing Third-Party Services
iii. Bringing It All Together

h. Consumer-Driven Contracts
i. RESTful API Contracts
ii. Message Contracts

i. Component Testing
i. Embedded Data Stores
ii. In-Memory Message Queues
iii. Test Doubles
iv. Creating Internal Resources/Interfaces
v. In-Process Versus Out-Of-Process

j. Integration Testing
i. Verifying External Interactions
ii. Testing Fault Tolerance
k. Unit Testing

i. Sociable Unit Testing

ii. Solitary Unit Testing
l. Dealing with Flaky Tests

i. Data
ii. Resource That Is Not Available Yet
iii. Nondeterministic Events
 iv. If Nothing Else Works
m. Testing Outside-In Versus Testing Inside-Out

i. Outside-In
ii. Inside-Out
n. Putting It All Together Within the Pipeline
o. How Much Testing Is Enough?
p. Summary
14. 12. System-Quality Attributes Testing: Validating Nonfunctional
Requirements

a. Why Test Nonfunctional Requirements?

b. Code Quality
c. Architectural Quality

i. ArchUnit: Unit-Testing Architecture

ii. Generate Design-Quality Metrics with JDepend
d. Performance and Load Testing

i. Basic Performance Testing with Apache Benchmark

ii. Load Testing with Gatling
e. Security, Vulnerabilities, and Threats
i. Code-Level Security Verification
ii. Dependency Verification
iii. Deployment Platform-Specific Security Issues
iv. Next Steps: Threat Modeling
 f. Chaos Testing
i. Causing Chaos in Production (Bring in the Monkeys)
ii. Causing Chaos in Preproduction
g. How Much NFR Testing Is Enough?
h. Summary

15. 13. Observability: Monitoring, Logging, and Tracing

a. Observability and Continuous Delivery
i. Why Observe?
ii. What to Observe: Application, Network, and Machine
iii. How to Observe: Monitoring, Logging, and Tracing
iv. Alerting
b. Designing Systems for Observability
c. Metrics
i. Type of Metrics
ii. Dropwizard Metrics
iii. Spring Boot Actuator
iv. Micrometer
v. Best Practices with Metrics

d. Logging
i. Forms of Logging
ii. SLF4J
iii. Log4j 2
 iv. Logging Best Practices
e. Request Tracing

i. Traces, Spans, and Baggage

ii. Java Tracing: OpenZipkin, Spring Sleuth, and
OpenCensus
iii. Recommended Practices for Tracing
f. Exception Tracking
i. Airbrake

g. System-Monitoring Tooling
i. collectd
ii. rsyslog
iii. Sensu
h. Collection and Storage
i. Prometheus
ii. Elastic-Logstash-Kibana
i. Visualization

i. Visualization for Business

ii. Operational Visualization
iii. Visualization for Developers
j. Summary
16. 14. Migrating to Continuous Delivery
a. Continuous Delivery Capabilities
 b. Picking Your Migration Project
c. Situational Awareness
i. The Cynefin Framework and Continuous Delivery
ii. All Models Are Wrong, Some Are Useful

d. Bootstrapping Continuous Delivery

e. Measuring Continuous Delivery
f. Start Small, Experiment, Learn, Share, and Repeat
g. Increase Adoption: Leading Change
h. Additional Guidance and Tips
i. Bad Practices and Common Antipatterns
ii. Ugly Architecture: To Fix, or Not to Fix
i. Summary
17. 15. Continuous Delivery and Continuous Improvement
a. Start from Where You Are
b. Build on Solid Technical Foundations
c. Continuously Deliver Value (Your Highest Priority)
d. Increase Shared Responsibility of Software
e. Promote Fast Feedback and Experimentation
f. Expand Continuous Delivery in an Organization
g. Continuous Improvement
h. Summary

18. Index
Continuous Delivery in Java
Essential Tools and Best Practices for Deploying
Code to Production

Daniel Bryant and Abraham Marín-Pérez

Continuous Delivery in Java

by Daniel Bryant and Abraham Marín-Pérez

Copyright © 2019 Daniel Bryant and Cosota Team Ltd. All rights
reserved.

Printed in the United States of America.

Published by O’Reilly Media, Inc., 1005 Gravenstein Highway

North, Sebastopol, CA 95472.

O’Reilly books may be purchased for educational, business, or sales

promotional use. Online editions are also available for most titles
(http://oreilly.com/safari). For more information, contact our
corporate/institutional sales department: 800-998-9938 or
[email protected].

Editor: Virginia Wilson

Production Editor: Nicholas Adams

Copyeditor: Sharon Wilkey

Proofreader: Marta Justak

Indexer: Ellen Troutman-Zaig

Interior Designer: David Futato

Cover Designer: Karen Montgomery

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{366} right had been conceded in return, it seems, for military
services, to the De Valon family, lords of Thegra.514 They and the
Bishop of Tulle appointed a deputy to superintend the sale, and the
product was divided by halves between them and the bishop. Such
were the benefits derived from these sales that clandestine
manufactories of pewter medals were established by the inhabitants,
who sold numbers of them, to the great detriment of the authorized
shop and in defiance of ever-recurring prohibitions. Once, however,
in 1425, free sale was allowed to all the people of the place; the
country had been reduced to such poverty that the bishop
renounced his privilege for two years, out of charity and for the
benefit of his flock.
Pilgrims when going home were careful to wear prominently
sewn on their garments these testimonials of their holy travels. In
the above-quoted dialogue of Erasmus, the sceptical Menedemus
wonders at the appearance of his friend: “I pray you, what araye is
this that you be in; me thynke that you be clothyd with cockle
schelles, and be laden on every side with bruches of lead and tynne.
And you be pretely garnyshed with wrethes of strawe, and your
arme is full of snakes eggs,” thus uncivilly designating the beads of
his chaplet. The French king Louis XI, of grim memory, was never
without some such pewter medals and brooches, and wore them on
his hat. “And truly,” writes his contemporary, Claude de Seyssel, “his
devotion seemed more superstitious than religious. For to whatever
image or church of God and the saints or of Our Lady that he heard
the people were devoted, or where miracles were worked, he went
there to make offerings, or sent a man there expressly. He had,
besides, his hat quite full of images, mostly of lead or pewter, which
he kissed on all occasions when any good or bad news arrived, or
that his fancy prompted him; casting himself upon his knees so {367}
suddenly at times, in whatever place he might be, that he seemed
more like one wounded in his understanding than a rational man.”515
Professional pilgrims outshone in this respect all the others. For,
beside the occasional pilgrim who came to make an offering to such
or such a shrine in accomplishment of a vow and afterwards
returned to take up again the course of his ordinary life, there was
the pilgrim by calling or by penance (for such a life-long penance
was sometimes inflicted), whose whole existence was spent
travelling from one sanctuary to another, always on the road, and
always begging. With the professional pardoner, the professional
palmer, back from many countries, adorned with many tokens, the
witness of many wonders, the hero of many adventures, was the
most curious type of the religious wayfaring race, with hardly any
equivalent in our days. Like the pardoner and the friar, the palmer
could not but have a great experience of men and things; he had
seen much, and he invented more. He too had to edify the multitude
to whom he held out his hand for alms, and the fine stories, in which
he rarely missed giving himself a part to play, were his livelihood;
failing this, his daily bread failed too. By dint of repeating his tales,
he came to almost believing them, then quite; and his voice
henceforth took that accent of certitude which alone begets
conviction in audiences. Besides, he came from so far that he might
indeed have seen marvels; around us, of course, life flows on
without prodigies, almost without events in its flat monotony; but it
is common knowledge that in distant parts things are quite different.
And the best proof is that none of those who have undertaken the
journey comes back disappointed, quite the contrary; the {368}

pleasure of believing them is moreover innocent enough, why should

we deprive ourselves of an enjoyment exhilarating for the mind and
good for the soul?
Clever people, poets, men of the world, deprived themselves of
this pleasure, and made up for the loss by laughing at pilgrims and
story-telling travellers. So did Chaucer, as we have already seen,
who held up to ridicule in his “House of Fame,” shipmen and
pilgrims, with their bags “brimful of lies.” To the same effect but in
graver mood, Langland wrote in his “Visions”:
“Pylgrimis and palmers · plyghten hem to-gederes,
To seche saint Iame · and seyntys of rome,
Wenten forth in hure (their) way · with meny un-wyse tales,
And haven leve to lye · al hure lyf-tyme.”516

The crowd felt otherwise; they listened, laughed per­haps some­‐

times, but more often recol­lect­ed them­selves and re­mained at­ten­‐
tive. The pil­grim was so inter­est­ing! he was a play in him­self, a living
story, he had on his feet the dust of Rome and of Jerusalem, and
brought news of the “wor­ship­pers” of Mahomet. He was a picture
too, with his bag hung at his side, not for lies, but for provisions,
and his staff, at the top of which was a knob and sometimes a piece
of metal with an ap­prop­riate motto like the device on a bronze ring
found at Hitchin, a cross with these words, “Hæc in tute dirigat iter”
(“May this safely guide thee on thy way”).517 The staff had at the
other end an iron point, like an alpen­stock of the {369} present day;
as may be seen in numerous drawings in mediæval manuscripts.
 63. AN ENGLISH PILGRIM.
(From the MS. 17 C. xxxviii.)

The whole race of wanderers was, however, as we know, looked

at askance by the king’s officers; these goings and comings
disquieted the sheriff. We have already met labourers who, weary of
their lord, left him under pretext of distant pilgrimages, and laid
down without scruple the pilgrim’s staff at the door of a new master
who would pay them better. False pilgrims were not less numerous
than false pardoners and false hermits; they were condemned to
repose, under pain of imprisonment, by the same statutes as the
beggars and wandering workmen. Henceforward, orders Richard II
in 1388, they too must have permits with a special seal affixed by
certain worthy men.518 Those without a permit should be forthwith
arrested, unless infirm and incapable of work, for their good faith is
then evident, and it is not for the love of vagabondage that they
painfully go and visit “optimum ægrorum medicum,” Saint Thomas.
Even greater severity was shown when it was a matter of {370}
crossing the sea; would-be pilgrims must be furnished with regular
passports; and the law applied to “all manner of people, as well
clerks as other,” under pain of confiscation of all their goods. The
exceptions made by the king show besides that it is wanderers of
doubtful status and motives whom he has in view, for there are
dispensations for the “lords and other great persons of the realm,”
for the “true and notable merchants,” and lastly, for the “king’s
soldiers.”519
This passport or “licence,” this “special leave of the king,” could
only be available at certain ports, namely, London, Sandwich, Dover,
Southampton, Plymouth, Dartmouth, Bristol, Yarmouth, Boston,
Kingston-upon-Hull, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and the ports of the coast
facing Ireland. Heavy penalties were laid on all port wardens,
inspectors, ship captains, etc., who were neglectful, or so bold as to
show favour to roamers. In the year 1389, the king restrained
pilgrims from embarking anywhere else than at Dover or Plymouth.
To put to sea elsewhere, an “especial licence from the king himself”
was necessary.520 A number of such licences, as will be seen further,
are still in existence.
 IV
But the attraction of distant pilgrimages was great,521 especially
the three without equal: Rome, Jerusalem, and St. James’s of
Galicia, held so sacred that, while most {371} of the vows taken by the
benefactors of the great bridge at Avignon could be remitted on
account of their gifts to this useful structure, exception was made if
the question was of a pilgrimage to be performed to one of those
three places.522 With or without letters men crossed the Channel, for
which they paid sixpence, or if they had a horse, two shillings.523
They arrived at Calais, stopping there some time in a “Maison-Dieu,”
or hospital, which had been built and endowed by pious souls with
revenues “for the sustenance of the pilgrims and other poor folks
repairing to the said town to rest and refresh them.”524
Setting out again, they went to Boulogne to pray to a miraculous
virgin, whose hand still exists enclosed in a reliquary. The statue
itself was thrown into a well by the Protestants in 1567, replaced on
the altar in 1630, pulled down again at the Revolution and burnt, but
one of the faithful saved the hand, which the church of Notre Dame
preserves to this day. Chaucer’s travelled gossip, the Wife of Bath,
had among other pilgrimages, made this one to Boulogne.525 People
also went to Amiens to venerate the head, or rather one of the
heads, of St. John the Baptist.526 Great was their wonder when, {372}
continuing their journey, they fell in with another at Constantinople.
Perhaps, let us hope, they were content with remarking as
“Mandeville” does: Which is the true one? “I wot nere, but God
knowethe; but in what wyse than men worschipen it, the blessed
seynt John holt him a-payd.”527 Then also people went to the shrine
of the three kings at Cologne, to Paris where innumerable relics were
kept, to Chartres, where, besides a famous statue of the Virgin, was
shown the tunic she wore on the day of the Annunciation (preserved
in the cathedral since 861),528 to Vezelay, Tours, Le Puy, and to
many other places in France, among which the celebrated and to the
present day most frequented church of Our Lady of Rocamadour in
Guyenne. The fame of this pilgrimage among Englishmen is attested
by Langland, when he advises people belonging to the religious
orders to cease pilgrimage-making, and rather practice virtue at
home:
“Right so, if thow be religious · renne thou never ferther
To Rome ne to Rochemadore.”529

It was a shrine of great renown. Roland, according to a legend,

went there before starting for the ill-fated expedition in which he
met his death, and a large piece of rusted iron is still shown in the
old church as part of the famous Durandal. Henry II of England
came there, too, as a pilgrim, as did many other illustrious travellers,
Simon de Montfort among them.530 The place was fortified; it had a
part to play in the Hundred Years’ War, {375} and Froissart has told us
“howe Sir Robert Carrol and Sir John Chandos . . . toke Guaches,
Rochemador, and diuers other townes, the which wer newly turned
frenche.”531
 64. FORTIFIED ENTRANCE TO THE SANCTUARIES OF ROCAMADOUR.
(Restored.)

Then there were Spanish pilgrimages, and especially the world-

famous one at Compostela, where English travellers went in large
numbers, most of them direct by sea, though some preferred the
lengthy, picturesque land road, dotted with famous shrines good for
the soul, and where all sorts of adventures might be expected.532
Licences authorizing the owners and the captain of such or such a
ship to carry to St. James’s a fixed number of pilgrims fill pages in
Rymer’s “Fœdera.” They were granted pursuant to the before-
mentioned statute of Richard II, and are all drawn after one or two
models, the text in Latin, with the name of the ship in French, like
the one here translated, of the year 1394:
“The king, to all and each of his Admirals, etc., greeting.
“Know you that we have given licence to Oto Chambernoun,
William Gilbert, and Richard Gilbert, to receive and em­bark in the
harbour of Dartmouth a hundred pilgrims in a cer­tain ship be­long­ing
to the same Oto, William, and Richard, called la Charité de Payn­ton,
of which Peter Cok is captain; and to take them to Saint James’s,
there to ful­fil their vows, and from thence to bring them back to
England, freely and without hind­rance, not­with­stand­ing any or­di­‐
nances to the con­trary.”533 {376}
A few provisos are added, the keeping of which the pilgrims
should swear to before leaving England; they must upon their oath
bind themselves to do nothing contrary to the obedience and fealty
they owe the king; they must not take out of the realm gold or silver
in money or bullion beyond what is necessary to their journey, and
they must not, it is sometimes added, reveal the secrets of the
kingdom.
During the following century these licences became innumerable,
or maybe they have been preserved in larger numbers. They show
that, in fact, fleets loaded with English pilgrims plied towards St.
James’s. We find that “Le Petre de Darthmouth” is allowed to carry
sixty pilgrims; “La Marie de Southampton,” a hundred; “La Sainte
Marie de Blakney,” sixty; “Le Garlond de Crowemere,” sixty; “La
Trinité de Wells,” forty; “Le Thomas de Saltash,” sixty; and so on.
Numbers usually vary from thirty to one hundred.534

65. TRAVELLING BY SEA IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.

(From the MS. Harl. 1319.)

It must not be thought that these ships, carrying as much as a

hundred passengers besides their crew on this rather long journey,
were great, well-appointed vessels. They very much resembled the
pilgrim-ships of the present day, which carry every year to Jeddah,
on the Red Sea, crowds of Arabs on their way to Mecca. The
travellers were huddled together in most uncomfortable fashion, and
had ample opportunities to do penance and offer their sufferings to
the saint. This is no surmise, for one of those English pilgrims duly
allowed to go to Galicia, provided they did not reveal the secrets of
the realm, has rimed an account of his experiences, so we know
what they were. Do not think of laughing, says he, when you go by
sea to St. James’s; there is sea-sickness; the sailors push you about
under pretext that you hinder the working of the ship; the smell is
not pleasant: {379}
“Men may leve alle gamys
That saylen to Seynt Jamys!
Ffor many a man hit gramys (vexes)
When they begin to sayle.
Ffor when they have take the see,
At Sandwych or at Wynchylsee,
At Bristow, or where that hit bee,
Theyr hertes begyn to fayle.”

The mocking remarks of the seamen are painful to bear. Says the
captain:
“Some ar lyke to cowgh and grone
Or hit be full mydnyght;”

and then turning to his men:

“ ‘Hale the bowelyne! now, vere the shete!
Cooke, make redy anoon our mete,
Our pylgryms have no lust to ete,
I pray God yeve hem rest!’
‘Go to the helm! what, howe! no nere?
Steward, felow! A pot of bere!’—
‘Ye shalle have sir, with good chere,
Anon alle of the best.’”

Sick pilgrims could not eat, and were jeered at, they found the
time long; some, with a book on their knees, tried to read, but then
they felt as if their head would burst:
“Som layde theyr bookys on theyr kne,
And rad so long they myght nat se;—
‘Allas! myne hede wolle cleve on thre!’”

When at their worst, comes a facetious sailor to bawl out in their

ears: Cheer up, in a moment we shall be in a storm! {380}
 “Then cometh oone and seyth: ‘Be mery;
Ye shall have a storme or a pery’ (a squall)
• • • • •
Thys mene whyle the pylgryms ly
And have theyr bowlys (basins) fast theym by,
And cry after hot malvesy.”

In short, they were very unhappy, and as the narrator said at first,
little inclined to games and laughter.535
Votive offerings plentifully adorned venerated sanctuaries; if, by
striking a wax statuette while making appropriate incantations an
enemy might do you great harm, on the other hand, by placing your
image in the chapel of a saint, great favours might be gained for
you, especially in cases of sickness.536 Thus were to be seen
prisoners’ irons, warriors’ swords, cripples’ crutches, jewels and
precious stones, sculpted or painted images representing devotees
or actual miracles performed for them, tablets and offerings of all
sorts.537 At Rocamadour tresses of women’s hair were shown as a
threat as well as an admonition. “They were,” relates the knight of
La Tour Landry, those of “ladies and gentille women that had be[en]
wasshe in wyne, and in other thinges for to make the here of colour
otherwise thanne God made {383} it, the whiche ladies and gentille
women that aught (owned) the tresses were comynge thedirward on
pilgrimage, but they may never have powere to come withinne the
chirche dore unto the tyme that thei hadde cutte of the tresses of
her here,”538 which, says he, were still there in his day.
 66. THE SOUTHERN ENTRANCE TO SAINT JAMES OF COMPOSTELA.
Twelfth Century.

Another story to the same effect is told by Miélot, who reports

how a very fair lady, who had led an ill life, lost her sight as a
punishment, through the will of Heaven. She went on a pilgrimage
to Rocamadour, prayed to the Virgin, and was healed, but could not,
however, enter the sanctuaries. She then confessed on the spot to a
priest, who, “looking at her fair face,” said: “Dear friend, I well know
that with these fair tresses of your hair you have done great hurt to
those to whom you have shown them. I decide that they must be
cut off in honour of God and of our Lady.” This was done; “the
tresses were cut, and the priest had them carried inside the church
on a pole, on which were placed the tresses of women who would
be saved.” Then the lady was able to enter the church, and she
praised the Virgin. But as she was going away she could not help
thinking “of her fair hair that she had left,” and she exclaimed: “Holy
Mary, my heart is sorrowful for my hair that I leave you, and I
cannot well make up my mind to it.” She had scarcely spoken when
the tresses were at once restored to her “as fair as they were
before;” but the blindness came back too, and blind she remained
for ever, which is a good example, “ung bel exemplaire,” for ladies
that “seek false pleasures in their fine waists and faces.”539
Indulgences were an immense attraction; they had {384} been
freely granted on a large scale to every important shrine, and
popular imagination still further magnified them. The pilgrim from
Rome, back in his village, exaggerated as willingly their amount as
that of the marvels which he had seen, or thought he had seen. One
such pilgrim, an Englishman of the fourteenth century, dazzled by his
recollections, has rimed his impressions of a journey taken by him to
Italy. As a poet he does not rank high, but he does not pretend to,
and his only aim is to supply precise figures and definite information.
His strong narrow devotion allowed him to pay attention to nothing
except thousands of bodies of martyrs that he never tires of
enumerating. By thousands also are reckoned the years of
indulgence which he flashes in the eyes of his stay-at-home
countrymen:
“Gif men wuste (knew), grete and smale,
The pardoun that is at grete Rome,
Thei wolde tellen in heore dome (in their opinion),
Hit were no neod to mon in cristiante
To passe in to the holy lond over the see
To Jerusalem, ne to Kateryne.”540

His readers will have first a brief and simplified history of Rome;
it is a city to which came long ago the Duchess of Troy with her two
sons, Romulus and Romulon, who afterwards founded the town. The
duchess thus seems to have chosen to settle in a city which did not
yet exist, but Rome is a land of wonders. It was pagan, until Peter
and Paul (and then the very facts inject their eloquence into our
traveller’s lines):
“Hit hedde i-bought,
With gold ne selver, ne with no goode,
Bot with heore flesch and with heore blode.”

The enumeration of the churches thereupon begins, and for each

of them are invariably told the amount of {385} indulgences attached
to it and of relics kept there. The benefits are proportioned to the
merits; thus when a man sees the vernicle, that is, the holy sudary
which received the image of the Saviour, he gets three thousand
years of pardon if he dwells in Rome, nine thousand if he comes
from a neighbouring country,
“And thou that passest over the see,
Twelve thousend yer is graunted to the.”

When you enter Sts. Vitus and Modestus, the third of your sins
are remitted. Then, you descend into the catacombs:
 “But thou most take candel liht,
Elles thou gost merk (dark) as niht,
For under the eorthe most thou wende,
Thou maight not see bifore ne bihynde,
For thider fledde mony men
For drede of deth to saven hem,
And suffrede peynes harde and sore,
In hevene to dwelle for ever more.”

The bodies of martyrs are countless;541 four thousand of them at

Saint Prudence, thirteen hundred at Saint Prassede, seven thousand
at Sts. Vitus and Modestus. From time to time a famous name brings
up an historic glimpse, such as the account of the foundation of
Rome, or an abridged life of Constantine; at first a pagan and a
leper,
“In Mahoun was al his thouht.”

But according to our author’s information, he was converted and

cured by Pope Sylvester. The church of St. Mary the Round formerly
bore another name:
“Agrippa dude hit make
For Sibyl and Neptanes sake. . . .
He gaf hit name Panteon.”

He placed there a magnificent golden idol sitting, of a peculiar

form:
“Hit looked forth as a cat,
He called it Neptan.”

This idol had a cap or cover of brass which was one day blown off by
the wind, and carried to the church of St. Peter. Then Pope Boniface
asked the Emperor Julian to give him the Pantheon, to which that
prince consented; and one year, on November 1st, the hatless cat
having been removed, the sovereign pontiff consecrated the
building, and baptized it St. Mary the Round.
 As for relics, there are few objects mentioned in Holy Writ which
have not been recovered, and may not be venerated at Rome.542
The table of the Last Supper is there, as well as Aaron’s rod,
fragments of the multiplied loaves and fishes, hay from the stall at
Bethlehem, a swaddling-cloth of the infant Jesus, and several other
things, some of which are strange enough. Part of these relics are
still in the same churches, for instance, at Santa Maria Maggiore,543
“Seinte Marie the Maiour,” the portrait {387} of the Virgin painted by
St. Luke. This is not, however, according to our pilgrim, a picture
really made by St. Luke; he was going to do it, and had prepared his
colours, when he suddenly found the portrait before him, finished by
the hands of angels:
“Seint Luik while he lived in londe,
Wolde have peynted hit with his honde,
And whon he hedde ordeyned so
Alle colours that schulde ther to,
He fond an ymage al a-pert,
Non such ther was middelert,
Mad with angel hond and not with his
As men in Rome witnesseth this.”544

More complete and conscientious in his descriptions, an educated

Englishman of the following century, a voracious reader, and active
writer, of books, no other than the chronicler and theologian, John
Capgrave, prior of King’s Lynn, having gone to Rome on a
pilgrimage, about the year 1450, composed, on his return, a “Solace
of Pilgrimes,” wanting to imitate, he said, Pythagoras, Plato, St.
Jerome, Marco Polo, and him whom he considered as his compatriot,
the then unmasked Mandeville, who, all of them, having travelled,
wrote of their journeys: {388} “Also there was a man of Venys whech
they called Marcus Paulus; he laboured all the Soudane’s londe and
descryved on to us the nature of the cuntre, the condiciones of the
men and the stately aray of the great Cane (khan) houshold. Eke
Jon Maundevyle Knyth of Yngland, aftir his laboure, made a book ful
solacious on to his nacyoun. After all these grete cryeris of many
wonderfull thingis I wyl folow with a smal pypyng of such straunge
sitis (sights) as I have seyn and swech straunge thingis as I have
herd.”545
This justice must be rendered him that, while his book is full of
“straunge thingis,” he never adds any of his own invention; when he
says, this I have seen, it can, if not afterwards destroyed, still be
seen to-day; when he copies an inscription, his copy, as can be
easily verified, is accurate. But, fond of books, he believed in them;
who ever failed to believe in what he loved? The “Mirabilia Romæ”
are the guide of this guide-book maker;546 so that to the
enumeration of the holy places with their relics and indulgences, and
his description of the ancient, now vanished, church of St. Peter, and
all the famous sanctuaries of the papal city, he adds the wonders of
fabulous Rome, with the temple on Capitol hill, and in it, “a
mervelous craft, that of every region of the world stood an ymage
made all of tre and in his hand a lytil belle; as often as ony of these
regiones was in purpos to rebelle a geyn the grete mageste of
Rome, a non this ymage that was assigned to that regioun schulde
knylle his bell.” This device, so celebrated in the middle ages, was
due to that great enchanter “Virgil,” the magic of whose lines had
been appreciated for different motives in Roman days. {389}
The attractions of Rome were, for the pilgrim, without peer in
Italy, but other cities could almost rival it; Venice especially was full
of wonders, and was admired and visited accordingly, witness, for
example, the travelling notes of a troop of French pilgrims in the
year 1395. In this “most excellent, noble, great and fine town all
seated in the sea,” may be seen, they aver, the arm of “our Lord St.
George,” the burdon (staff) of St. Nicholas, one of the water-pots of
Cana, one ear of St. Paul, some of the “roasted flesh of St. Lawrence
turned to powder,” three of the stones thrown at St. Stephen, the
body of St. Mark, “which is a very fine and noble thing.” There is,
besides, “in the Maison-Dieu of Venice one of the molar teeth of a
giant that was called Goliath, which giant David killed, and know you
that this tooth is more than half a foot long and weighs twelve
pounds.”547
Thus did returning travellers relate their recollections, to the
delighted wonderment of their countrymen. The wish to set out in
their turn was awakened in them, and those who remained in their
village associated themselves to the pious journey by their prayers
and some small gift of money. All along his road the pilgrim found
similar dispositions; to receive and help him was to share in his
merits, and thus it was that people in the humblest ranks, assisted
from place to place,548 could accomplish distant pilgrimages. The
rules of several gilds provided for the case of a member setting out
to fulfil a vow. In order to participate in his good work, all the
“bretheren and sisteren” accompanied him out of the town, and on
bidding him farewell offered him their gift. {390} They watched their
friend go off with his deliberate step, beginning a journey across
many countries, to last many months, sometimes several years.
They returned to the town, and the elders, who knew the world, no
doubt told what strange things their friend was like to see in those
distant lands, and what subjects for edification he would meet with
on his way.
The gild of the Resurrection at Lincoln, founded in 1374, had
among its rules, “If any brother or sister wishes to make pilgrimage
to Rome, St. James of Galicia, or the Holy Land, he shall forewarn
the gild; and all the bretheren and sisteren shall go with him to the
city gate, and each shall give him a half-penny at least.” The same
rule was observed by the Fullers’ gild of Lincoln, founded in 1297;
the pilgrim going to Rome was accompanied as far as Queen’s Cross,
outside the town, if he left on a Sunday or a feast-day; and if he
could let them know of his return, and it were not a working day, all
went to meet him at the same place and accompanied him to the
monastery. The tailors of the same city also gave a half-penny to
him among them who was going to Rome or St. James, and a penny
to him who went to the Holy Land. The ordinances of the Gild of the
Virgin, founded at Hull in 1357, had: “If any brother or sister of the
gild wishes, at any time, to make a pilgrimage to the Holy Land,
then, in order that all the gild may share in his pilgrimage, he shall
be fully released from his yearly payment until his return.”
Some gilds kept open house for pilgrims, always with the same
object of having a part thereby in the merits of the traveller. Thus
the gild-merchant of Coventry, founded in 1340, maintained “a
common lodging-house of thirteen beds,” to receive poor travellers
who cross the country going on pilgrimage or from any other pious
motive. This hostelry was managed by a governor, aided by a
woman who washed the feet of the {391} guests and took care of
them. The annual expenditure on this foundation was ten pounds
sterling.549
 When one of the king’s servants had a pilgrimage to make, the
prince, in consideration of his motive, willingly authorized him to
depart, and even helped him with money. Edward III gave to William
Clerk, one of his messengers, one pound six shillings and
eightpence, to help him in his expenses during the pilgrimage
undertaken by him to Jerusalem and Mount Sinai.550 If the man
were of great importance, and especially if he intended to fight the
unbelievers, public prayers were offered for his journey, his
“triumphal fighting,” and his safe return, as was done when Henry of
Lancaster, cousin to Edward III, went “to the parts beyond sea with
certain great and noble men of this realm” to attack the enemies of
the cross, in this case, the pagans of Prussia. The prayers were
prescribed for Sundays and fête days, when there would be “the
greatest multitude of people in the churches.”551
All this in spite of the fourteenth century’s not being, as we have
seen, an age of deep and true devotion. The Popes lived at Avignon,
their prestige was declining, particularly in England; even bishops
showed at times scant respect for the Roman Court. Nowhere can be
found, not even in Wyclif, more daring accusations and more
scandalous anecdotes concerning the Pope than in the chronicle
written by Thomas of Burton, Abbot of Meaux, near Beverley. He
even speaks with a tinge of irony of indulgences. As a special favour
to the faithful who died during a pilgrimage to Rome, Clement VI
“ordered the angels of Paradise,” writes the abbot, “to lead their
souls straight to the gates of heaven without {392} making them pass
through purgatory.” The same Pope granted what the pilgrim of the
“Stacions” seems to have ignored, that those who looked upon the
holy sudary should return to the state they were in before baptism.
Lastly, “he confirmed all the indulgences granted by two hundred
sovereign pontiffs his predecessors, which are innumerable.”552
Clement was, indeed, the two hundredth.
At the period when monastic chroniclers did not scruple to record
anecdotes on the Roman Court like those in Thomas of Burton’s,
general devotion was not merely lessened, it was disorganized,
unbalanced. The chroniclers show, indeed, that excesses of impiety
coexisted with excesses of fervour; the false pardoner, retailer of the
merits of the saints, fell in upon the highway with the bleeding
flagellant.553 The papacy might show commendable good sense by
its condemnations of both;554 its decrees did not suffice to restore
the equilibrium of {393} men’s minds, and the bounds of reason were
continually being passed; in ardent piety as in impious revolt men
went to the verge of madness. The account of the repulsive
sacrileges committed in York Cathedral by the partisans of the
Bishop of Durham seems unbelievable, yet the facts cannot be
doubted, being reported by the archbishop himself.555 Faith
weakened or went astray; men became at once sceptical and
intolerant. It was not in them the modern, serenely cold and
imperturbable scepticism, but a violent movement of the entire
being, impelled to burn what it adores. The man acts by fits; he
doubts his doubt, his burst of laughter dazes him; he has had his
revel and his orgy, and when the white light of morning comes he
will be the prey of despair, shed tears, be racked with anguish,
proclaim his conversion and vow maybe to go on a pilgrimage.
Walsingham sees one of the causes of the peasants’ revolt in the
incredulity of the barons: “Some among them believe, it is said, that
there is no God, they deny the sacrament of the altar and
resurrection after death, and consider that as is the end of the beast
of burden, so is the end of man himself.”556
Such incredulity did not exclude superstitious practices. To go
straight forward was the privilege of the happy few; the many,
instead of opening the gates of heaven with their own hands,
imagined they could have it done by that of others; they had
Paradise gained for them by the neighbouring monastery, as they
had their {394} lands tilled for them by their tenants; eternal welfare
had become a matter of commerce and could be bought with the
letters of fraternity of the mendicant friars and the lying indulgences
of false pardoners. Men lived at their ease, and when the sad hour
came, made pious donations in their wills, as if they could, according
to the strong words of the French historian, Claude de Seyssel,
“corrupt and win over by gifts God and the saints, whom we ought
to appease by good works and by penitence for our sins.”557 Very
instructive reading is that of the last wills and testaments of the rich
lords of the fourteenth century. Pages are filled with devotional
bequests; gifts are left to shrines, convents, chapels, and hermits;
testators who had abstained from going in their lifetime, made
pilgrimages by proxy after their death, paying the proxy. The same
Humphrey Bohun who sent “a good man and true” to the tomb of
Thomas of Lancaster, also ordered that after his demise a priest
should be sent to Jerusalem, “chiefly,” said he, “for my lady mother,
and for my lord father, and for ourselves,” with the obligation to say
masses at all the chapels which he might meet on his way.558
Elizabeth de Burgh, Lady Clare, ordered by her will, that five men-at-
arms should fight in her name in case there should be a “comune
vyage,” otherwise a crusade, within seven years following her death.
They would receive one hundred marks each, and the merit of their
fights would accrue to their employer, and not to themselves, their
own recompense being of this world, and consisting in the hundred
marks.559 {395}
 V
Most difficult and holiest of all, the pilgrimage to Jerusalem
remained, in spite of so many indulgences attached by the Popes to
the churches in Rome, the one without peer, as well as it was the
oldest established; it dated back, indeed, from, at least, the days of
Constantine. Settled in Palestine during the fourth century, St.
Jerome writes to Paulinus: “From all the world people are flocking
here. The whole of mankind fills the city.”560
This is confirmed by his friend the enthusiastic Paula, in whose
veins flowed the ardent blood of the Scipios and the Gracchi, and
who trying to persuade her beloved Marcella, a rich and pious
Roman matron, to join them there, tells her that all the greatest and
best, those from Gaul, those from Britain, “divisus ab orbe nostro
Britannus” (for she, too, knows those classics whom Jerome
constantly quotes), without speaking of the Persians, the Armenians,
and all the East, are to be met in the Holy Land: “A variety of
languages, but one only religion.” There are “so many places of
prayer that one cannot visit them all in one day.” And such places!
“What sentences, what words would be appropriate to tell you of the
cave of our Saviour? and of that stable where, as a babe, He cried: a
spot to be honoured rather by silence than by inadequate words.
Where are the vast porticoes, the gilt canopies? . . . In this poor
earthly place the Maker of heaven was born; here He was wrapped
in swadling clothes, here seen by the shepherds, here revealed by a
star, here adored by the Magi.” Come, Oh come! “Will not the
moment arrive when a breathless traveller shall announce to us that
our Marcella has reached Palestine . . . Will not the day come when
we can visit together the Saviour’s grotto, {396} weep at His tomb,
kiss the wood of the cross, and be raised in our minds with the rising
Lord on the Mount of Olives?”561
But even then, thoughtful, level-headed St. Jerome feared that
enthusiasm might be carried too far, and everyday duties neglected
for the excitement of the Palestine journey. It was, of course, in
itself a pious and laudable thing, if one could properly do so, to
come and venerate “the places where the feet of our Lord had
stood, and the almost recent traces left of His nativity and His
passion.” But this should not be considered a Christian’s chief duty:
“Do not think that something is lacking in your faith because you
have not seen Jerusalem. I do not consider myself any better
because I live here.” To lead a good life is the chief thing: “What is
praiseworthy is not to have been at Jerusalem, but to have lived
righteously there. . . . The places where the cross was and the
Resurrection occurred, benefit those who bear their cross and who,
with Christ, rise again every day. . . . The palace of heaven is just as
accessible from Britain as from Jerusalem.” To thousands who have
never seen the holy city “the gate of paradise is wide open. . . . A
grand thing it is to be a Christian, not to seem one.”562
The movement, however, once started never stopped. On the
contrary, it gathered strength; hospices for pilgrims going to
Jerusalem dotted the roads leading to their usual places of
embarkation (chiefly Marseilles and Venice), several being built at
the principal crossings of the Alps, the Great and the Little Saint
Bernard, the St. Gothard, Mount Cenis, etc. A “Confrérie des Pélerins
{397} de la Terre Sainte” had been founded in Paris for them by Louis,

first Duke of Bourbon, who, greatly interested, like his grand father
Saint Louis, in the freeing of the Holy Sepulchre, and bearing for a
time the empty title of King of Thessalonica, had been chosen as
leader of one of those numerous crusades that never took place.563
During a period of two hundred years pilgrimages to Jerusalem
had had, indeed, for their object a conquest and not simply an
inspection of the holy places. All nations had taken part, from the
first of those prodigious attempts, the crusades, in 1096, to the last
one in 1270, in which St. Louis died before the walls of Tunis, while
his companion, young Edward of England, loth to give up, had sworn
not to go home without having struck a blow at the Saracens in Holy
Land, and returned as King Edward I, wounded, but having occupied
Acre and kept his word.
The crusade, after those great expeditions, eight in number,
continued to be talked about as much as ever; mere talk, it is true,
in most cases. In the midst of their wars the kings of France and of
England berated each other for being the only hindrance to the
departure of the Christians, for neither would go, leaving his rival
behind, free to act in his absence. Philip VI of Valois and Edward III
both protest that, but for the other, they would go and fight the
Saracen. “It is the fault of the English,” writes Philip, “that the holy
journey beyond sea has been hindered.” It is the doing of the King
of {398} France, solemnly proclaims Edward III to the world, which
has turned him from the “sancto passagio transmarino.”564
The utmost that was usually attempted,565 now consisted in
small, ineffectual expeditions, so ill-conceived at times as to cause
the wonderment and even the merriment of the infidel: such as the
Franco-Anglo-Genoese crusade of 1390, with Louis, third Duke of
Bourbon, as commander-in-chief, and which, on the
recommendation of the Genoese, who suffered more than any from
the inroads of the Barbaresques, went to lay siege, of all places, to
the city of Mahdia, the “Aufrike” of Froissart,566 on the east coast of
Tunisia. The French were apparently the most numerous, but, says
Froissart, “Also the Duke of Lancastre had a bastarde sonne called
Henry of Lancastre: he had devocion to go in the same voyage, and
he provided him of good knightes and squiers of Englande that
accompanyed him in that voyage.” The comte de Foix had also,
ready at hand, a “bastarde sonne” of his own, whom he sent with a
large retinue. The English prince was not, however, the future Henry
IV, who was no bastard, but his half-brother, John Beaufort, who
being an adulterine son well answered to the description. Henry had
intended to go, hence Froissart’s mistake, but he went instead to
fight the pagans in Prussia and Lithuania, and, being fond of
pilgrimages and shrines, performed, as a pilgrim, the journeys to
Rome and Jerusalem, before he assumed the crown and had, in
spite of his religious dispositions, his cousin Richard assassinated.
{399}

The start from Genoa for the new Tunisian expedition was
splendid to see; so the starts usually were: “Great pleasure it was,”
says Froissart, “to beholde their departynge, and to se their
standardes, getornes (banners) and penons, wavynge in the wynde,
shynynge against the sonne, and to here the trompettes and
claryons sowning in the ayre with other mynstrelsy,” so that the
whole sea rang with the music.567
The Saracens were dumbfounded at this visit: what had they
done, and what could be the object? That the Genoese had grudges
against them was natural enough; but what ailed the others? Ready
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