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PRECISION MACHINING TECHNOLOGY has been carefully written to
align with the National Institute of Metalworking Skills (NIMS) Machining
Level I Standard and to support achievement of NIMS credentials. This
new text carries NIMS exclusive endorsement and recommendation for use
in NIMS-accredited Machining Level I Programs. It's the ideal way to
introduce students to the excitement of today's machine tool industry and
provide a solid understanding of fundamental and intermediate machining
skills needed for successful 21st Century careers. With an emphasis on
safety throughout, PRECISION MACHINING TECHNOLOGY offers a fresh
view of the role of modern machining in today's economic environment. The
text covers such topics as the basics of hand tools, job planning,
benchwork, layout operations, drill press, milling and grinding processes,
and CNC. The companion Workbook/Shop Manual contains helpful review
material to ensure that readers have mastered key concepts and provides
guided practice operations and projects on a wide range of machine tools
that will enhance their NIMS credentialing success.

Review

SECTION 1: INTRODUCTION TO MACHINING. 1. Introduction to Machining. 2. Careers in

Machining. 3. Workplace Skills. SECTION 2: MEASUREMENT, MATERIALS, AND SAFETY. 1.
Introduction to Safety. 2. Measurement Systems and Machine Tool Math Overview. 3. Semi-
Precision Measurement. 4. Precision Measurement. 5. Quality Assurance, Process Planning, &
Quality Control. 6. Metal Composition and Classification. 7. Heat Treatment of Metals. 8.
Maintenance, Lubrication, and Cutting Fluid Overview. SECTION 3: JOB PLANNING,
BENCHWORK, AND LAYOUT. 1. Understanding Drawings. 2. Layout. 3. Hand Tools (Safety
Integration). 4. Saws and Cut-Off Machine. 5. Offhand Grinding. 6. Drilling, Treading, Tapping and
Reaming. SECTION 4: DRILL PRESS. 1. Introduction to the Drill Press 2. Tools, Toolholding, and
Workholding for the Drill Press 3. Drill Press Operation. SECTION 5: TURNING. 1. Introduction to
the Lathe. 2. Workholding and Toolholding Devices for the Lathe. 3. Machining Operations on the
Lathe. 4. Manual Lathe Threading. 5. Taper Turning. SECTION 6: MILLING. 1. Introduction to the
Vertical Milling Machine. 2. Tools, Toolholding, and Workholding for the Vertical Milling Machine. 3.
Vertical Milling Machine Operations. 4. Indexing and Rotary Table Operations. SECTION 7:
GRINDING. 1. Introduction to Precision Grinding Machines. 2. Grinding Wheels for Precision
Grinding. 3. Surface Grinding Operations. SECTION 8: COMPUTER NUMERICAL CONTROL. 1.
CNC Basics. 2. Introduction to CNC Turning. 3. CNC Turning: Programming. 4. CNC Turning: Set-up
and Operation. 5. Introduction to CNC Milling. 6. CNC Milling: Programming. 7. CNC Milling: Set-up
and Operation. 8. Computer Aided Design and Computer Aided Machining. --This text refers to an
alternate kindle_edition edition.

About the Author

Peter J. Hoffman teaches at Berks Career and Technology Center West Campus in Leesport,
Pennsylvania. He has an Associate of Applied Science degree in machine tool technology from the
Pennsylvania College of Technology, Vocational Education Level II certification from Temple
University, and National Institute for Metalworking Skills (NIMS) Level II certifications. Mr. Hoffman is
also a SkillsUSA National gold and silver medalist in Precision Machining Technology.

Eric S. Hopewell teaches at Berks Career and Technology Center West Campus in Leesport,
Pennsylvania. He has an Associate of Applied Science degree in machine tool technology from the
Pennsylvania College of Technology, a Bachelor of Science degree in business administration from
Albright College, and a Master of Education degree from Temple University. Mr. Hopewell also holds
several National Institute for Metalworking Skills (NIMS) Machining certifications.

Brian Janes teaches at Bowling Green Technical College in Bowling Green, Kentucky. He has an
Associate in Science Degree from Vincennes University, a Bachelor of Science Degree from
Western Kentucky University, and a Master of Science Degree from Murray State University. Mr.
Janes also has National Institute for Metalworking Skills (NIMS) Machining Level I certifications.

Kent M. Sharp, Jr. teaches at Radford High School in Radford, Virginia. He has an Associate Degree
in Science from New River Community College and a Bachelor of Science Degree and a Master of
Science Degree from Radford University. Mr. Sharp also has National Institute for Metalworking
Skills (NIMS) Level I certifications. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this
title.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 The inutility of a Bank of the United States as a furnisher of a
sound and uniform currency, and of questionable origin under our
constitution, was thus stated:

"The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836,

and its stockholders will most probably apply for a renewal of
their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from
precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles,
and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I cannot, in
justice to the parties interested, too soon present it to the
deliberate consideration of the legislature and the people. Both
the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this
bank, are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-
citizens; and it must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the
great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency."

This is the clause which party spirit, and bank tactics, perverted at
the time (and which has gone into history), into an attack upon the
bank—a war upon the bank—with a bad motive attributed for a war
so wanton. At the same time nothing could be more fair, and just,
and more in consonance with the constitution which requires the
President to make the legislative recommendations which he
believes to be proper. It was notice to all concerned—the bank on
one side, and the people on the other—that there would be
questions, and of high import—constitutionality and expediency—if
the present corporators, at the expiration of their charter, should
apply for a renewal of their privileges. It was an intimation against
the institution, not against its administrators, to whom a compliment
was paid in another part of the same message, in ascribing to the
help of their "judicious arrangement" the averting of the mercantile
pressure which might otherwise have resulted from the sudden
withdrawal of the twelve and a half millions which had just been
taken from the bank and applied to the payment of the public debt.
But of this hereafter. The receipts and expenditures were stated,
respectively, for the preceding year, and estimated for the current
year, the former at a fraction over twenty-four and a half millions—
the latter a fraction over twenty-six millions—with large balances in
the treasury, exhibiting the constant financial paradox, so difficult to
be understood, of permanent annual balances with an even, or even
deficient revenue. The passage of the message is in these words:

"The balance in the treasury on the 1st of January, 1829, was

five millions nine hundred and seventy-two thousand four
hundred and thirty-five dollars and eighty-one cents. The
receipts of the current year are estimated at twenty-four
millions, six hundred and two thousand, two hundred and thirty
dollars, and the expenditures for the same time at twenty-six
millions one hundred and sixty-four thousand five hundred and
ninety-five dollars; leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st
of January next, of four millions four hundred and ten thousand
and seventy dollars, eighty-one cents."

Other recommendations contained the sound democratic doctrines

—speedy and entire extinction of the public debt—reduction of
custom-house duties—equal and fair incidental protection to the
great national interests (agriculture, manufactures and commerce)—
the disconnection of politics and tariffs—and the duty of
retrenchment by discontinuing and abolishing all useless offices. In a
word, it was a message of the old republican school, in which
President Jackson had been bred; and from which he had never
departed; and which encouraged the young disciples of democracy,
and consoled the old surviving fathers of that school.
 CHAPTER XLII.
THE RECOVERY OF THE DIRECT TRADE WITH
THE BRITISH WEST INDIA ISLANDS.
The recovery of this trade had been a large object with the
American government from the time of its establishment. As British
colonies we enjoyed it before the Revolution; as revolted colonies we
lost it; and as an independent nation we sought to obtain it again.
The position of these islands, so near to our ports and shores—the
character of the exports they received from us, being almost entirely
the product of our farms and forests, and their large amount, always
considerable, and of late some four millions of dollars per annum—
the tropical productions which we received in return, and the large
employment it gave to our navigation—all combined to give a
cherished value to this branch of foreign trade, and to stimulate our
government to the greatest exertions to obtain and secure its
enjoyment; and with the advantage of being carried on by our own
vessels. But these were objects not easily attainable, and never
accomplished until the administration of President Jackson. All
powers are jealous of alien intercourse with their colonies, and have
a natural desire to retain colonial trade in their own hands, both for
commercial and political reasons; and have a perfect right to do so if
they please. Partial and conditional admission to trade with their
colonies, or total exclusion from them, is in the discretion of the
mother country; and any participation in their trade by virtue of
treaty stipulations or legislative enactment, is the result of
concession—generally founded in a sense of self-interest, or at best
in a calculation of mutual advantage. No less than six negotiations
(besides several attempts at "concerted legislation") had been
carried on between the United States and Great Britain on this
subject; and all, until the second year of General Jackson's
administration, resulting in nothing more than limited concessions
for a year, or for short terms; and sometimes coupled with
conditions which nullified the privilege. It was a primary object of
concern with General Washington's administration; and a knowledge
of the action then had upon it elucidates both the value of the trade,
the difficulty of getting admission to its participation, and the right of
Great Britain to admit or deny its enjoyment to others. General
Washington had practical knowledge on the subject. He had seen it
enjoyed, and lost—enjoyed as British subjects, lost as revolted
colonies and independent states—and knew its value, both from the
use and the loss, and was most anxious to recover it. It was almost
the first thing, in our foreign relations, to which he put his hand on
becoming President; and literally did he put his hand to it. For as
early as the 14th of October, 1789—just six months after his
inauguration—in a letter of unofficial instructions to Mr. Gouverneur
Morris, then in Europe, written with his own hand (requesting him to
sound the British government on the subject of a commercial treaty
with the United States), a point that he made was to ascertain their
views in relation to allowing us the "privilege" of this trade. Privilege
was his word, and the instruction ran thus: "Let it be strongly
impressed on your mind that the privilege of carrying our
productions in our own vessels to their islands, and bringing, in
return, the productions of those islands to our ports and markets, is
regarded here as of the highest importance," &c.
It was a prominent point in our very first negotiation with Great
Britain in 1794; and the instructions to Mr. Jay, in May of that year,
shows that admission to the trade was then only asked as a
privilege, as in the year '89 and upon terms of limitation and
condition. This is so material to the right understanding of this
question, and to the future history of the case, and especially of a
debate and vote in the Senate, of which President Jackson's
instructions through Mr. Van Buren on the same subject was made
the occasion, that I think it right to give the instructions of President
Washington to Mr. Jay in his own words. They were these:
 "If to the actual footing of our commerce and navigation in
the British European dominions could be added the privilege of
carrying directly from the United States to the British West
Indies in our own bottoms generally, or of certain specified
burthens, the articles which by the Act of Parliament, 28, Geo.
III., chap. 6, may be carried thither in British bottoms, and of
bringing them thence directly to the United States in American
bottoms, this would afford an acceptable basis of treaty for a
term not exceeding fifteen years."

An article was inserted in the treaty in conformity to these

principles—our carrying vessels limited in point of burthen to seventy
tons and under; the privilege limited in point of duration to the
continuance of the then existing war between Great Britain and the
French Republic, and to two years after its termination; and
restricted in the return cargo both as to the nature of the articles
and the port of their destination. These were hard terms, and
precarious, and the article containing them was "suspended" by the
Senate in the act of ratification, in the hope to obtain better; and are
only quoted here in order to show that this direct trade to the British
West Indies was, from the beginning of our federal government, only
sought as a privilege, to be obtained under restrictions and
limitations, and subordinately to British policy and legislation. This
was the end of the first negotiation; five others were had in the
ensuing thirty years, besides repeated attempts at "concerted
legislation"—all ending either abortively or in temporary and
unsatisfactory arrangements.
The most important of these attempts was in the years 1822 and
1823: and as it forms an essential item in the history of this case,
and shows, besides, the good policy of letting "well-enough" alone,
and the great mischief of inserting an apparently harmless word in a
bill of which no one sees the drift but those in the secret, I will here
give its particulars, adopting for that purpose the language of
senator Samuel Smith, of Maryland,—the best qualified of all our
statesmen to speak on the subject, he having the practical
knowledge of a merchant in addition to experience as a legislator.
His statement is this:

"During the session of 1822, Congress was informed that an

act was pending in Parliament for the opening of the colonial
ports to the commerce of the United States. In consequence, an
act was passed authorizing the President (then Mr. Monroe), in
case the act of Parliament was satisfactory to him, to open the
ports of the United States to British vessels by his proclamation.
The act of Parliament was deemed satisfactory, and a
proclamation was accordingly issued, and the trade
commenced. Unfortunately for our commerce, and I think
contrary to justice, a treasury circular issued, directing the
collectors to charge British vessels entering our ports with the
alien tonnage and discriminating duties. This order was
remonstrated against by the British minister (I think Mr.
Vaughan). The trade, however, went on uninterrupted. Congress
met and a bill was drafted in 1823 by Mr. Adams, then Secretary
of State, and passed both Houses, with little, if any, debate. I
voted for it, believing that it met, in a spirit of reciprocity, the
British act of Parliament. This bill, however, contained one little
word, "elsewhere," which completely defeated all our
expectations. It was noticed by no one. The senator from
Massachusetts (Mr. Webster) may have understood its effect. If
he did so understand it, he was silent. The effect of that word
"elsewhere" was to assume the pretensions alluded to in the
instructions to Mr. McLane. (Pretension to a "right" in the trade.)
The result was, that the British government shut their colonial
ports immediately, and thenceforward. This act of 1822 gave us
a monopoly (virtually) of the West India trade. It admitted, free
of duty, a variety of articles, such as Indian corn, meal, oats,
peas, and beans. The British government thought we
entertained a belief that they could not do without our produce,
and by their acts of the 27th June and 5th July, 1825, they
opened their ports to all the world, on terms far less
 advantageous to the United States, than those of the act of
1822."

Such is the important statement of General Smith. Mr. Webster

was present at the time, and said nothing. Both these acts were
clear rights on the part of Great Britain, and that of 1825 contained
a limitation upon the time within which each nation was to accept
the privilege it offered, or lose the trade for ever. This legislative
privilege was accepted by all nations which had any thing to send to
the British West Indies, except the United States. Mr. Adams did not
accept the proffered privilege—undertook to negotiate for better
terms—failed in the attempt—and lost all. Mr. Clay was Secretary of
State, Mr. Gallatin the United States Minister in London, and the
instructions to him were, to insist upon it as a "right" that our
produce should be admitted on the same terms on which produce
from the British possessions were admitted.—This was the
"elsewhere," &c. The British government refused to negotiate; and
then Mr. Gallatin was instructed to waive temporarily the demand of
right, and accept the privilege offered by the act of 1825. But in the
mean time the year allowed in the act for its acceptance had
expired, and Mr. Gallatin was told that his offer was too late! To that
answer the British ministry adhered; and, from the month of July,
1826, the direct trade to the British West Indies was lost to our
citizens, leaving them no mode of getting any share in that trade,
either in sending out our productions or receiving theirs, but through
the expensive, tedious, and troublesome process of a circuitous
voyage and the intervention of a foreign vessel. The shock and
dissatisfaction in the United States were extreme at this unexpected
bereavement; and that dissatisfaction entered largely into the
political feelings of the day, and became a point of attack on Mr.
Adams's administration, and an element in the presidential canvass
which ended in his defeat.
In giving an account of this untoward event to his government, Mr.
Gallatin gave an account of his final interview with Mr. Huskisson,
from which it appeared that the claim of "right" on the part of the
United States, on which Mr. Gallatin had been instructed to "insist"
was "temporarily waived;" but without effect. Irritation, on account
of old scores, as expressed by Mr Gallatin—or resentment at our
pertinacious persistence to secure a "right" where the rest of the
world accepted a "privilege," as intimated by Mr. Huskisson—mixed
itself with the refusal; and the British government adhered to its
absolute right to regulate the foreign trade of its colonies, and to
treat us as it did the rest of the world. The following are passages
from Mr. Gallatin's dispatch, from London, September 11, 1827:

"Mr. Huskisson said it was the intention of the British

government to consider the intercourse of the British colonies as
being exclusively under its control, and any relaxation from the
colonial system as an indulgence, to be granted on such terms
as might suit the policy of Great Britain at the time it was
granted. I said every question of right had, on this occasion,
been waived on the part of the United States, the only object of
the present inquiry being to ascertain whether, as a matter of
mutual convenience, the intercourse might not be opened in a
manner satisfactory to both countries. He (Mr. H.) said that it
had appeared as if America had entertained the opinion that the
British West Indies could not exist without her supplies; and
that she might, therefore, compel Great Britain to open the
intercourse on any terms she pleased. I disclaimed any such
belief or intention on the part of the United States. But it
appeared to me, and I intimated it, indeed, to Mr. Huskisson,
that he was acting rather under the influence of irritated
feelings, on account of past events, than with a view to the
mutual interests of both parties."

This was Mr. Gallatin's last dispatch. An order in council was

issued, interdicting the trade to the United States; and he returned
home. Mr. James Barbour, Secretary at War, was sent to London to
replace him, and to attempt again the repulsed negotiation; but
without success. The British government refused to open the
question: and thus the direct access to this valuable commerce
remained sealed against us. President Adams, at the commencement
of the session of Congress, 1827-28, formally communicated this
fact to that body, and in terms which showed at once that an insult
had been received, an injury sustained, redress refused, and ill-will
established between the two governments. He said:

"At the commencement of the last session of Congress, they

were informed of the sudden and unexpected exclusion by the
British government, of access, in vessels of the United States, to
all their colonial ports, except those immediately bordering upon
our own territory.
"In the amicable discussions which have succeeded the
adoption of this measure, which, as it affected harshly the
interests of the United States, became a subject of
expostulation on our part, the principles upon which its
justification has been placed have been of a diversified
character. It has at once been ascribed to a mere recurrence to
the old long-established principle of colonial monopoly, and at
the same time to a feeling of resentment, because the offers of
an act of Parliament, opening the colonial ports upon certain
conditions, had not been grasped at with sufficient eagerness by
as instantaneous conformity to them. At a subsequent period it
has been intimated that the new exclusion was in resentment,
because a prior act of Parliament, of 1822, opening certain
colonial ports, under heavy and burdensome restrictions, to
vessels of the United States, had not been reciprocated by an
admission of British vessels from the colonies, and their
cargoes, without any restriction or discrimination whatever. But,
be the motive for the interdiction what it may, the British
government have manifested no disposition, either by
negotiation or by corresponding legislative enactments, to
recede from it; and we have been given distinctly to understand
that neither of the bills which were under the consideration of
Congress at their last session, would have been deemed
sufficient in their concessions to have been rewarded by any
 relaxation from the British interdict. The British government
have not only declined negotiation upon the subject, but, by the
principle they have assumed with reference to it, have
precluded even the means of negotiation. It becomes not the
self-respect of the United States, either to solicit gratuitous
favours, or to accept, as the grant of a favor, that for which an
ample equivalent is exacted."

This was the communication of Mr. Adams to Congress, and

certainly nothing could be more vexatious or hopeless than the case
which he presented—an injury, an insult, a rebuff, and a refusal to
talk with us upon the subject. Negotiation, and the hope of it, having
thus terminated, President Adams did what the laws required of him,
and issued his proclamation making known to the country the total
cessation of all direct commerce between the United States and the
British West India Islands.
The loss of this trade was a great injury to the United States
(besides the insult), and was attended by circumstances which gave
it the air of punishment for something that was past. It was a rebuff
in the face of Europe; for while the United States were sternly and
unceremoniously cut off from the benefit of the act of 1825, for
omission to accept it within the year, yet other powers in the same
predicament (France, Spain and Russia) were permitted to accept
after the year; and the "irritated feelings" manifested by Mr.
Huskisson indicated a resentment which was finding its gratification.
We were ill-treated, and felt it. The people felt it. It was an ugly case
to manage, or to endure; and in this period of its worst aspect
General Jackson was elected President.
His position was delicate and difficult. His election had been
deprecated as that of a rash and violent man, who would involve us
in quarrels with foreign nations; and here was a dissension with a
great nation lying in wait for him—prepared to his hand—the legacy
of his predecessor—either to be composed satisfactorily, or to ripen
into retaliation and hostility; for it was not to be supposed that
things could remain as they were. He had to choose between an
attempt at amicable recovery of the trade by new overtures, or
retaliation—leading to, it is not known what. He determined upon
the first of these alternatives, and Mr. Louis McLane, of Delaware,
was selected for the delicate occasion. He was sent minister to
London; and in renewing an application which had been so lately
and so categorically rejected, some reason had to be given for a
persistance which might seem both importunate and desperate, and
even deficient in self-respect; and that reason was found in the
simple truth that there had been a change of administration in the
United States, and with it a change of opinion on the subject, and on
the essential point of a "right" in us to have our productions
admitted into her West Indies on the same terms as British
productions were received; that we were willing to take the trade as
a "privilege," and simply and unconditionally, under the act of
Parliament of 1825. Instructions to that effect had been drawn up by
Mr. Van Buren, Secretary of State, under the special directions of
General Jackson, who took this early occasion to act upon his
cardinal maxim in our foreign intercourse: "Ask nothing but what is
right—submit to nothing wrong." This frank and candid policy had its
effect. The great object was accomplished. The trade was recovered;
and what had been lost under one administration, and precariously
enjoyed under others, and been the subject of fruitless negotiation
for forty years, and under six different Presidents—Washington, John
Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Quincy Adams—with all their
accomplished secretaries and ministers, was now amicably and
satisfactorily obtained under the administration of General Jackson;
and upon the basis to give it perpetuity—that of mutual interest and
actual reciprocity. The act of Parliament gave us the trade on terms
nearly as good as those suggested by Washington in 1789; fully as
good as those asked for by him in 1794; better than those inserted
in the treaty of that year, and suspended by the Senate; and, though
nominally on the same terms as given to the rest of the world, yet
practically better, on account of our proximity to this British market;
and our superabundance of articles (chiefly provisions and lumber)
which it wants. And the trade has been enjoyed under this act ever
since, with such entire satisfaction, that there is already an oblivion
of the forty years' labor which it cost us to obtain it; and a
generation has grown up, almost without knowing to whom they are
indebted for its present enjoyment. But it made its sensation at the
time, and a great one. The friends of the Jackson administration
exulted; the people rejoiced; gratification was general—but not
universal; and these very instructions, under which such great and
lasting advantages had been obtained, were made the occasion in
the Senate of the United States of rejecting their ostensible author
as a minister to London. But of this hereafter.
The auspicious conclusion of so delicate an affair was doubtless
first induced by General Jackson's frank policy in falling back upon
Washington's ground of "privilege," in contradistinction to the new
pretension of "right,"—helped out a little, it may be, by the possible
after-clap suggested in the second part of his maxim. Good sense
and good feeling may also have had its influence, the trade in
question being as desirable to Great Britain as to the United States,
and better for each to carry it on direct in their own vessels, than
circuitously in the vessels of others; and the articles on each side
being of a kind to solicit mutual exchange—tropical productions on
one part, and those of the temperate zone on the other. But there
was one thing which certainly contributed to the good result, and
that was the act of Congress of May 29th, of which General Samuel
Smith, senator from Maryland, was the chief promoter; and by which
the President was authorized, on the adoption of certain measures
by Great Britain, to open the ports of the United States to her
vessels on reciprocal terms. The effect of this act was to strengthen
General Jackson's candid overture; and the proclamation opening
the trade was issued October the 5th, 1830, in the second year of
the first term of the administration of President Jackson. And under
that proclamation this long desired trade has been enjoyed ever
since, and promises to be enjoyed in after time co-extendingly with
the duration of peace between the two countries.
 CHAPTER XLIII.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GLOBE NEWSPAPER.
At a presidential levee in the winter of 1830-'31, Mr. Duff Green,
editor of the Telegraph newspaper, addressed a person then and
now a respectable resident of Washington city (Mr. J. M.
Duncanson), and invited him to call at his house, as he had
something to say to him which would require a confidential
interview. The call was made, and the object of the interview
disclosed, which was nothing less than to engage his (Mr.
Duncanson's) assistance in the execution of a scheme in relation to
the next presidential election, in which General Jackson should be
prevented from becoming a candidate for re-election, and Mr.
Calhoun should be brought forward in his place. He informed Mr.
Duncanson that a rupture was impending between General Jackson
and Mr. Calhoun; that a correspondence had taken place between
them, brought about (as he alleged) by the intrigues of Mr. Van
Buren; that the correspondence was then in print, but its publication
delayed until certain arrangements could be made; that the
democratic papers at the most prominent points in the States were
to be first secured; and men well known to the people as democrats,
but in the exclusive interest of Mr. Calhoun, placed in charge of them
as editors; that as soon as the arrangements were complete, the
Telegraph would startle the country with the announcement of the
difficulty (between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun), and the
motive for it; and that all the secured presses, taking their cue from
the Telegraph, would take sides with Mr. Calhoun, and cry out at the
same time; and the storm would seem to be so universal, and the
indignation against Mr. Van Buren would appear to be so great, that
even General Jackson's popularity would be unable to save him.
 Mr. Duncanson was then invited to take part in the execution of
this scheme, and to take charge of the Frankfort (Kentucky) Argus;
and flattering inducements held out to encourage him to do so. Mr.
Duncanson expressed surprise and regret at all that he heard—
declared himself the friend of General Jackson, and of his re-election
—opposed to all schemes to prevent him from being a candidate
again—a disbeliever in their success, if attempted—and made known
his determination to reveal the scheme, if it was not abandoned. Mr.
Green begged him not to do so—said that the plan was not fully
agreed upon; and might not be carried out. This was the end of the
first interview. A few days afterwards Mr. Green called on Mr.
Duncanson, and informed him that a rupture was now determined
upon, and renewed his proposition that he should take charge of
some paper, either as proprietor, or as editor on a liberal salary—one
that would tell on the farmers and mechanics of the country, and
made so cheap as to go into every workshop and cabin. Mr.
Duncanson was a practical printer—owned a good job office—was
doing a large business, especially for the departments—and only
wished to remain as he was. Mr. Green offered, in both interviews,
to relieve him from that concern by purchasing it from him, and
assured him that he would otherwise lose the printing of the
departments, and be sacrificed. Mr. Duncanson again refused to
have any thing to do with the scheme, consulted with some friends,
and caused the whole to be communicated to General Jackson. The
information did not take the General by surprise; it was only a
confirmation of what he well suspected, and had been wisely
providing against. The history of the movement in Mr. Monroe's
cabinet, to bring him before a military court, for his invasion of
Spanish territory during the Seminole war, had just come to his
knowledge; the doctrine of nullification had just been broached in
Congress; his own patriotic toast: "The Federal Union: it must be
preserved"—had been delivered; his own intuitive sagacity told him
all the rest—the breach with Mr. Calhoun, the defection of the
Telegraph, and the necessity for a new paper at Washington,
faithful, fearless and incorruptible.
 The Telegraph had been the central metropolitan organ of his
friends and of the democratic party, during the long and bitter
canvass which ended in the election of General Jackson, in 1828. Its
editor had been gratified with the first rich fruits of victory—the
public printing of the two Houses of Congress, the executive
patronage, and the organship of the administration. The paper was
still (in 1830) in its columns, and to the public eye, the advocate and
supporter of General Jackson; but he knew what was to happen, and
quietly took his measures to meet an inevitable contingency. In the
summer of 1830, a gentleman in one of the public offices showed
him a paper, the Frankfort (Kentucky) Argus, containing a powerful
and spirited review of a certain nullification speech in Congress. He
inquired for the author, ascertained him to be Mr. Francis P. Blair—
not the editor, but an occasional contributor to the Argus—and had
him written to on the subject of taking charge of a paper in
Washington. The application took Mr. Blair by surprise. He was not
thinking of changing his residence and pursuits. He was well
occupied where he was—clerk of the lucrative office of the State
Circuit Court at the capital of the State, salaried president of the
Commonwealth Bank (by the election of the legislature), and
proprietor of a farm and slaves in that rich State. But he was
devoted to General Jackson and his measures, and did not hesitate
to relinquish his secure advantages at home to engage in the untried
business of editor at Washington. He came—established the Globe
newspaper—and soon after associated with John C. Rives,—a
gentleman worthy of the association and of the confidence of
General Jackson and of the democratic party: and under their
management the paper became the efficient and faithful organ of
the administration during the whole period of his service, and that of
his successor, Mr. Van Buren. It was established in time, and just in
time, to meet the advancing events at Washington City. All that
General Jackson had foreseen in relation to the conduct of the
Telegraph, and all that had been communicated to him through Mr.
Duncanson, came to pass: and he found himself, early in the first
term of his administration, engaged in a triple war—with nullification,
the Bank of the United States, and the whig party:—and must have
been without defence or support from the newspaper press at
Washington had it not been for his foresight in establishing the
Globe.
 CHAPTER XLIV.
LIMITATION OF PUBLIC LAND SALES.
SUSPENSION OF SURVEYS. ABOLITION OF
THE OFFICE OF SURVEYOR GENERAL. ORIGIN
OF THE UNITED STATES LAND SYSTEM.
AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY
ORDINANCE OF 1778. SLAVERY
CONTROVERSY. PROTECTIVE TARIFF.
INCEPTION OF THE DOCTRINE OF
NULLIFICATION.
At the commencement of the session 1829-'30, Mr. Foot, of
Connecticut, submitted in the Senate a resolution of inquiry which
excited much feeling among the western members of that body. It
was a proposition to inquire into the expediency of limiting the sales
of the public lands to those then in market—to suspend the surveys
of the public lands—and to abolish the office of Surveyor General.
The effect of such a resolution, if sanctioned upon inquiry and
carried into legislative effect, would have been to check emigration
to the new States in the West—to check the growth and settlement
of these States and territories—and to deliver up large portions of
them to the dominion of wild beasts. In that sense it was
immediately taken up by myself, and other western members, and
treated as an injurious proposition—insulting as well as injurious—
and not fit to be considered by a committee, much less to be
reported upon and adopted. I opened the debate against it in a
speech, of which the following is an extract:
 "Mr. Benton disclaimed all intention of having anything to do
with the motives of the mover of the resolution: he took it
according to its effect and operation, and conceiving this to be
eminently injurious to the rights and interests of the new States
and Territories, he should justify the view which he had taken,
and the vote he intended to give, by an exposition of facts and
reasons which would show the disastrous nature of the practical
effects of this resolution.
"On the first branch of these effects—checking emigration to
the West—it is clear, that, if the sales are limited to the lands
now in market, emigration will cease to flow; for these lands are
not of a character to attract people at a distance. In Missouri
they are the refuse of forty years picking under the Spanish
Government, and twenty more under the Government of the
United States. The character and value of this refuse had been
shown, officially, in the reports of the Registers and Receivers,
made in obedience to a call from the Senate. Other gentlemen
would show what was said of it in their respective States; he
would confine himself to his own, to the State of Missouri, and
show it to be miserable indeed. The St. Louis District, containing
two and a quarter millions of acres, was estimated at an
average value of fifteen cents per acre; the Cape Girardeau
District, containing four and a half millions of acres, was
estimated at twelve and a half cents per acre; the Western
District, containing one million and three quarters of acres, was
estimated at sixty-two and a half cents; from the other two
districts there was no intelligent or pertinent return; but
assuming them to be equal to the Western District, and the
average value of the lands they contain would be only one half
the amount of the present minimum price. This being the state
of the lands in Missouri which would be subject to sale under
the operation of this resolution, no emigrants would be attracted
to them. Persons who remove to new countries want new lands,
first choices; and if they cannot get these, they have no
sufficient inducement to move.
 "The second ill effect to result from this resolution, supposing
it to ripen into the measures which it implies to be necessary
would be in limiting the settlements in the new States and
Territories. This limitation of settlement would be the inevitable
effect of confining the sales to the lands now in market. These
lands in Missouri, only amount to one third of the State. By
consequence, only one third could be settled. Two thirds of the
State would remain without inhabitants; the resolution says, for
'a certain period,' and the gentlemen, in their speeches,
expound this certain period to be seventy-two years. They say
seventy-two millions of acres are now in market; that we sell
but one million a year; therefore, we have enough to supply the
demand for seventy-two years. It does not enter their heads to
consider that, if the price was adapted to the value, all this
seventy-two millions that is fit for cultivation would be sold
immediately. They must go on at a million a year for seventy-
two years, the Scripture term of the life of man—a long period
in the age of a nation; the exact period of the Babylonish
captivity—a long and sorrowful period in the history of the Jews;
and not less long nor less sorrowful in the history of the West, if
this resolution should take effect.
"The third point of objection is, that it would deliver up large
portions of new States and Territories to the dominion of wild
beasts. In Missouri, this surrender would be equal to two-thirds
of the State, comprising about forty thousand square miles,
covering the whole valley of the Osage River, besides many
other parts, and approaching within a dozen miles of the centre
and capital of the State. All this would be delivered up to wild
beasts: for the Indian title is extinguished, and the Indians
gone; the white people would be excluded from it; beasts alone
would take it; and all this in violation of the Divine command to
replenish the earth, to increase and multiply upon it, and to
have dominion over the beasts of the forest, the birds of the air,
the fish in the waters, and the creeping things of the earth.
 "The fourth point of objection is, in the removal of the land
records—the natural effect of abolishing all the offices of the
Surveyors General. These offices are five in number. It is
proposed to abolish them all, and the reason assigned in debate
is, that they are sinecures; that is to say, offices which have
revenues and no employment. This is the description of a
sinecure. We have one of these offices in Missouri, and I know
something of it. The Surveyor General, Colonel McRee, in point
of fidelity to his trust, belongs to the school of Nathaniel Macon;
in point of science and intelligence, he belongs to the first order
of men that Europe or America contains. He and his clerks carry
labor and drudgery to the ultimate point of human exertion, and
still fall short of the task before them; and this is an office which
it is proposed to abolish under the notion of a sinecure, as an
office with revenues, and without employment. The abolition of
these offices would involve the necessity of removing all their
records, and thus depriving the country of all the evidences of
the foundations of all the land titles. This would be sweeping
work; but the gentleman's plan would be incomplete without
including the General Land Office in this city, the principal
business of which is to superintend the five Surveyor General's
offices, and for which there could be but little use after they
were abolished.
"These are the practical effects of the resolution. Emigration
to the new States checked their settlement limited; a large
portion of their surface delivered up to the dominion of beasts;
the land records removed. Such are the injuries to be inflicted
upon the new States, and we, the senators from those States,
are called upon to vote in favor of the resolution which proposes
to inquire into the expediency of committing all these
enormities! I, for one, will not do it. I will vote for no such
inquiry. I would as soon vote for inquiries into the expediency of
conflagrating cities, of devastating provinces, and of submerging
fruitful lands under the waves of the ocean.
 "I take my stand upon a great moral principle, that it is never
right to inquire into the expediency of doing wrong.
"The proposed inquiry is to do wrong; to inflict unmixed,
unmitigated evil upon the new States and Territories. Such
inquiries are not to be tolerated. Courts of law will not sustain
actions which have immoral foundations; legislative bodies
should not sustain inquiries which have iniquitous conclusions.
Courts of law make it an object to give public satisfaction in the
administration of justice; legislative bodies should consult the
public tranquillity in the prosecution of their measures. They
should not alarm and agitate the country; yet, this inquiry, if it
goes on, will give the greatest dissatisfaction to the new States
in the West and South. It will alarm and agitate them, and
ought to do it. It will connect itself with other inquiries going on
elsewhere—in the other end of this building—in the House of
Representatives—to make the new States a source of revenue
to the old ones, to deliver them up to a new set of masters, to
throw them as grapes into the wine press, to be trod and
squeezed as long as one drop of juice could be pressed from
their hulls. These measures will go together; and if that
resolution passes, and this one passes, the transition will be
easy and natural, from dividing the money after the lands are
sold, to divide the lands before they are sold, and then to
renting the land and drawing an annual income, instead of
selling it for a price in hand. The signs are portentous; the crisis
is alarming; it is time for the new States to wake up to their
danger, and to prepare for a struggle which carries ruin and
disgrace to them, if the issue is against them."

The debate spread, and took an acrimonious turn, and sectional,

imputing to the quarter of the Union from which it came an old, and
early policy to check the growth of the West at the outset by
proposing to limit the sale of the western lands to a "clean riddance"
as they went—selling no tract in advance until all in the rear was
sold out. It so happened that the first ordinance reported for the
sale and survey of western lands in the Congress of the
Confederation, (1785,) contained a provision to this effect; and came
from a committee strongly Northern—two to one, eight against four:
and was struck out in the House on the motion of southern
members, supported by the whole power of the South. I gave this
account of the circumstance:

"The ordinance reported by the committee, contained the

plan of surveying the public lands, which has since been
followed. It adopted the scientific principle of ranges of
townships, which has been continued ever since, and found so
beneficial in a variety of ways to the country. The ranges began
on the Pennsylvania line, and proceeded west to the Mississippi;
and since the acquisition of Louisiana, they have proceeded
west of that river; the townships began upon the Ohio River,
and proceeded north to the Lakes. The townships were divided
into sections of a mile square, six hundred and forty acres each;
and the minimum price was fixed at one dollar per acre, and not
less than a section to be sold together. This is the outline of the
present plan of sales and surveys; and, with the modifications it
has received, and may receive, in graduating the price of the
land to the quality, the plan is excellent. But a principle was
incorporated in the ordinance of the most fatal character. It was,
that each township should be sold out complete before any land
could offered in the next one! This was tantamount to a law
that the lands should not be sold; that the country should not
be settled: for it is certain that every township, or almost every
one, would contain land unfit for cultivation, and for which no
person would give six hundred and forty dollars for six hundred
and forty acres. The effect of such a provision may be judged
by the fact that above one hundred thousand acres remain to
this day unsold in the first land district; the district of
Steubenville, in Ohio, which included the first range and first
township. If that provision had remained in the ordinance, the
settlements would not yet have got out of sight of the
Pennsylvania line. It was an unjust and preposterous provision.
It required the people to take the country clean before them;
buy all as they went; mountains, hills, and swamps; rocks,
glens, and prairies. They were to make clean work, as the giant
Polyphemus did when he ate up the companions of Ulysses:
'No entrails, blood, nor solid bone remains.'
Nothing could be more iniquitous than such a provision. It was
like requiring your guest to eat all the bones on his plate before
he should have more meat. To say that township No. 1 should
be sold out complete before township No. 2 should be offered
for sale, was like requiring the bones of the first turkey to be eat
up before the breast of the second one should be touched. Yet
such was the provision contained in the first ordinance for the
sale of the public lands, reported by a committee of twelve, of
which eight were from the north and four from the south side of
the Potomac. How invincible must have been the determination
of some politicians to prevent the settlement of the West, when
they would thus counteract the sales of the lands which had just
been obtained after years of importunity, for the payment of the
public debt!
"When this ordinance was put upon its passage in Congress,
two Virginians, whose names, for that act alone, would deserve
the lasting gratitude of the West, levelled their blows against
the obnoxious provision. Mr. Grayson moved to strike it out, and
Mr. Monroe seconded him; and, after an animated and arduous
contest, they succeeded. The whole South supported them; not
one recreant arm from the South; many scattering members
from the North also voted with the South, and in favor of the
infant West; proving then, as now, and as it always has been,
that the West has true supporters of her rights and interests—
unhappily not enough of them—in that quarter of the Union
from which the measures have originated that several times
threatened to be fatal to her."
 Still enlarging its circle, but as yet still confined to the sale and
disposition of the public lands, the debate went on to discuss the
propriety of selling them to settlers at auction prices, and at an
arbitrary minimum for all qualities, and a refusal of donations; and in
this hard policy the North was again considered as the exacting part
of the Union—the South as the favorer of liberal terms, and the
generous dispenser of gratuitous grants to the settlers in the new
States and Territories. On this point, Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina,
thus expressed himself:

"The payment of 'a penny,' or a 'pepper corn,' was the

stipulated price which our fathers along the whole Atlantic
coast, now composing the old thirteen States, paid for their
lands; and even when conditions, seemingly more substantial,
were annexed to the grants; such for instance as 'settlement
and cultivation;' these were considered as substantially complied
with, by the cutting down a few trees and erecting a log cabin—
the work of only a few days. Even these conditions very soon
came to be considered as merely nominal, and were never
required to be pursued, in order to vest in the grantee the fee
simple of the soil. Such was the system under which this
country was originally settled, and under which the thirteen
colonies flourished and grew up to that early and vigorous
manhood, which enabled them in a few years to achieve their
independence; and I beg gentlemen to recollect, and note the
fact, that, while they paid substantially nothing to the mother
country, the whole profits of their industry were suffered to
remain in their own hands. Now, what, let us inquire, was the
reason which has induced all nations to adopt this system in the
settlement of new countries? Can it be any other than this; that
it affords the only certain means of building up in a wilderness,
great and prosperous communities? Was not that policy founded
on the universal belief, that the conquest of a new country, the
driving out "the savage beasts and still more savage men,"
cutting down and subduing the forest, and encountering all the
hardships and privations necessarily incident to the conversion
 of the wilderness into cultivated fields, was worth the fee simple
of the soil? And was it not believed that the mother country
found ample remuneration for the value of the land so granted,
in the additions to her power and the new sources of commerce
and of wealth, furnished by prosperous and populous States?
Now, sir, I submit to the candid consideration of gentlemen,
whether the policy so diametrically opposite to this, which has
been invariably pursued by the United States towards the new
States in the West has been quite so just and liberal, as we
have been accustomed to believe. Certain it is, that the British
colonies to the north of us, and the Spanish and French to the
south and west, have been fostered and reared up under a very
different system. Lands, which had been for fifty or a hundred
years open to every settler, without any charge beyond the
expense of the survey, were, the moment they fell into the
hands of the United States, held up for sale at the highest price
that a public auction, at the most favorable seasons, and not
unfrequently a spirit of the wildest competition, could produce;
with a limitation that they should never be sold below a certain
minimum price; thus making it, as it would seem, the cardinal
point of our policy, not to settle the country, and facilitate the
formation of new States, but to fill our coffers by coining our
lands into gold."

The debate was taking a turn which was foreign to the

expectations of the mover of the resolution, and which, in leading to
sectional criminations, would only inflame feelings without leading to
any practical result. Mr. Webster saw this; and to get rid of the whole
subject, moved its indefinite postponement; but in arguing his
motion he delivered a speech which introduced new topics, and
greatly enlarged the scope, and extended the length of the debate
which he proposed to terminate. One of these new topics referred to
the authorship, and the merit of passing the famous ordinance of
1787, for the government of the Northwestern Territory, and
especially in relation to the antislavery clause which that ordinance
contained. Mr. Webster claimed the merit of this authorship for Mr.
Nathan Dane—an eminent jurist of Massachusetts, and avowed that
"it was carried by the North, and by the North alone." I replied,
claiming the authorship for Mr. Jefferson, and showing from the
Journals that he (Mr. Jefferson) brought the measure into Congress
in the year 1784 (the 19th of April of that year), as chairman of a
committee, with the antislavery clause in it, which Mr. Speight, of
North Carolina, moved to strike out; and it was struck out—the three
Southern States present voting for the striking out, because the
clause did not then contain the provision in favor of the recovery of
fugitive slaves, which was afterwards ingrafted upon it. Mr. Webster
says it was struck out because "nine States" did not vote for its
retention. That is an error arising from confounding the powers of
the confederation. Nine States were only required to concur in
measures of the highest import, as declaring war, making peace,
negotiating treaties, &c.,—and in all ordinary legislation the
concurrence of a bare majority (seven) was sufficient; and in this
case there were only six States voting for the retention, New Jersey
being erroneously counted by Mr. Webster to make seven. If she had
voted the number would have been seven, and the clause would
have stood. He was led into the error by seeing the name of Mr. Dick
appearing in the call for New Jersey; but New Jersey was not
present as a State, being represented by only one member, and it
requiring two to constitute the presence of a State. Mr. Dick was
indulged with putting his name on the Journal, but his vote was not
counted. Mr. Webster says the ordinance reported by Mr. Jefferson in
1784 did not pass into a law. This is a mistake again. It did pass;
and that within five days after the antislavery clause was struck out
—and that without any attempt to renew that clause, although the
competent number (seven) of non-slaveholding States were present
—the colleague of Mr. Dick having joined him, and constituted the
presence of New Jersey. Two years afterwards, in July 1787, the
ordinance was passed over again, as it now stands, and was pre-
eminently the work of the South. The ordinance, as it now stands,
was reported by a committee of five members, of whom three were
from slaveholding States, and two (and one of them the chairman)
were from Virginia alone. It received its first reading the day it was
reported—its second reading the next day, when one other State
had appeared—the third reading on the day ensuing; going through
all the forms of legislation, and becoming a law in three days—
receiving the votes of the eight States present, and the vote of every
member of each State, except one; and that one from a free State
north of the Potomac. These details I verified by producing the
Journals, and showed under the dates of July 11th, 1787, and July
12th and 13th, the votes actually given for the ordinance. The same
vote repealed the ordinance (Mr. Jefferson's) of 1784. I read in the
Senate the passages from the Journal of the Congress of the
confederation, the passages which showed these votes, and
incorporated into the speech which I published, the extract from the
Journal which I produced; and now incorporate the same in this
work, that the authorship of that ordinance of 1787, and its passage
through the old Congress, may be known in all time to come as the
indisputable work, both in its conception and consummation, of the
South. This is the extract:

THE JOURNAL.
Wednesday, July 11th, 1787.
"Congress assembled: Present, the seven States above
mentioned." (Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Virginia,
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia—7.)
"The Committee, consisting of Mr. Carrington (of Virginia), Mr.
Dane (of Massachusetts), Mr. R. H. Lee (of Virginia), Mr. Kean
(of South Carolina), and Mr. Smith (of New York), to whom was
referred the report of a committee touching the temporary
government of the Western Territory, reported an ordinance for
the government of the Territory of the United States northwest
of the river Ohio; which was read a first time.
"Ordered, That to-morrow be assigned for the second
reading."
"Thursday, July 12th, 1787.
 "Congress assembled: Present, Massachusetts, New York,
New Jersey, Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
and Georgia—(8.)
"According to order, the ordinance for the government of the
Territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, was
read a second time.
"Ordered, That to-morrow be assigned for the third reading of
said ordinance."
"Friday, July 13th, 1787.
"Congress assembled: Present, as yesterday.
"According to order, the ordinance for the government of the
Territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, was
read a third time, and passed as follows."
[Here follows the whole ordinance, in the very words in which
it now appears among the laws of the United States, with the
non-slavery clause, the provisions in favor of schools and
education, against impairing the obligation of contracts, laying
the foundation and security of all these stipulations in compact,
in favor of restoring fugitives from service, and repealing the
ordinance of 23d of April, 1784—the one reported by Mr.
Jefferson.]
"On passing the above ordinance, the yeas and nays being
required by Mr. Yates:
Massachusetts—Mr. Holten, aye; Mr. Dane, aye.
New York—Mr. Smith, aye; Mr. Yates, no; Mr. Harring, aye.
New Jersey—Mr. Clarke, aye; Mr. Scheurman, aye.
Delaware—Mr. Kearney, aye; Mr. Mitchell, aye.
Virginia—Mr. Grayson, aye; Mr. R. H. Lee, aye; Mr. Carrington,
aye.
North Carolina—Mr. Blount, aye; Mr. Hawkins, aye.
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