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Adeel Javed, Anum Sundrani, Nadia Malik and Sidney Madison Prescott

Robotic Process Automation using

UiPath StudioX
A Citizen Developer’s Guide to Hyperautomation
1st ed.
Adeel Javed
Lake Zurich, IL, USA

Anum Sundrani
Chicago, IL, USA

Nadia Malik
Austin, TX, USA

Sidney Madison Prescott

New York, NY, USA

Any source code or other supplementary material referenced by the

author in this book is available to readers on GitHub via the book’s
product page, located at www.​apress.​com/​978-1-4842-6793-6. For
more detailed information, please visit http://​www.​apress.​com/​
source-code.

ISBN 978-1-4842-6793-6 e-ISBN 978-1-4842-6794-3

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4842-6794-3

© Adeel Javed, Anum Sundrani, Nadia Malik, Sidney Madison Prescott

2021

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the

Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned,
specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other
physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks,

service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the
absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the
relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general
use.

The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the
advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate
at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Distributed to the book trade worldwide by Springer Science+Business

Media New York, 233 Spring Street, 6th Floor, New York, NY 10013.
Phone 1-800-SPRINGER, fax (201) 348-4505, e-mail orders-
[email protected], or visit www.springeronline.com. Apress Media,
LLC is a California LLC and the sole member (owner) is Springer
Science + Business Media Finance Inc (SSBM Finance Inc). SSBM
Finance Inc is a Delaware corporation.
To my daughter Alaia, the light of my life.
—Adeel
To my father Ahmed and my family, for the invaluable support and
inspiration.
—Anum
To my father, for always loving and mentoring me.
—Nadia
To my siblings, I’m forever blessed to be your big sister. And to that little
girl with the big glasses, keep dreaming and achieving.
—Sidney
Acknowledgments
Thank you to Andrew Hall, Brandon Nott, Corneliu Niculite, Cosmin
Voicu, Ovidiu Ponoran, Robert Love, Teodora Baciu, and Tom Merkle
from the UiPath Team for providing valuable feedback.
Thank you to Rayudu Addagarla for agreeing to become a technical
reviewer for our book and executing all the exercises to ensure
accuracy.
Thank you to Natalie Pao and Jessica Vakili, our editors at Apress,
for guiding us through the entire publishing process.
Table of Contents
Part I: Overview
Chapter 1:​Robotic Process Automation:​Overview
Return on Investment (ROI)
Automation Types
UiPath StudioX
Chapter 2:​UiPath StudioX
Learning Objectives
System Requirements
Hardware Requirements
Software Requirements
Installation and Setup
Register
Download
Install
Interface Overview
Home
Design View
Project Workspace
Part II: Building Blocks
Chapter 3:​Common Concepts
Learning Objectives
Notebook
Default Notebook
Custom Notebook
Activity Inputs
 Activity Outputs
Common Properties
Common Activities
Write Line
Message Box
Input Dialog
Modify Text
Text to Left/​Right
Delay
If
Switch
Repeat Number Of Times
Skip Current
Exit Loop
Get Username/​Password
Get Orchestrator Asset
Save For Later
Wait for Download
Group
Chapter 4:​UI Automation
Learning Objectives
Sample Overview
Activities Reference
Use Application/​Browser
Go To URL
Navigate Browser
 Highlight
Take Screenshot
Check App State
Click
Type Into
Select Item
Check/​Uncheck
Get Text
Get Attribute
Extract Table Data
Hover
Keyboard Shortcuts
Get Active Window
Maximize Window
Minimize Window
Hide Window
Restore Window
Move Window
App/​Web Recorder
Chapter 5:​Mail Automation
Learning Objectives
Sample Overview
Desktop Outlook Setup
File System Structure
Activities Reference
Use Desktop Outlook App
 Use Outlook 365
Use Gmail
For Each Email
Mark Email As Read/​Unread
Forward Email
Save Email Attachments
Save Email
Send Email
Send Calendar Invite
Move Email
Reply to Email
Archive Email
Delete Email
Chapter 6:​Word Automation
Learning Objectives
Sample Overview
Word Setup
File System Structure
Activities Reference
Use Word File
Save Document As
Read Text
Set Bookmark Content
Replace Text in Document
Append Text
Insert DataTable in Document
 Replace Picture
Add Picture
Save Document as PDF
Chapter 7:​Excel Automation
Learning Objectives
Sample Overview
Activities Reference
Use Excel File
Insert Sheet
Rename Sheet
Duplicate Sheet
Delete Sheet
For Each Excel Sheet
Insert Column
Text To Columns
Delete Column
Insert Rows
Delete Rows
Find First/​Last Data Row
For Each Excel Row
Write Cell
Create Pivot Table
Format as Table
Change Pivot Data Source
Refresh Pivot Table
Append Range
 Copy Range
Clear Sheet/​Range/​Table
Sort Range
Auto Fill
Fill Range
Write Range
Read Cell Formula
Read Cell Value
Format Cells
Export to CSV
Save Excel File
Save Excel File As
Save Excel File As PDF
VLookup
Filter
Run Spreadsheet Macro
Chapter 8:​CSV Automation
Learning Objectives
Sample Overview
Activities Reference
Write CSV
Append To CSV
Read CSV
Chapter 9:​File Automation
Learning Objectives
Sample Overview
 Activities Reference
Get Folder Info
Folder Exists
Create Folder
Delete Folder
Copy Folder
Move Folder
For Each File In Folder
Compress/​Zip Files
Extract/​Unzip Files
Get File Info
File Exists
Create File
Delete File
Copy File
Move File
Write Text File
Append Line
Read Text File
Chapter 10:​Presentation Automation
Learning Objectives
Sample Overview
File System Structure
Activities Reference
Use PowerPoint Presentation
Copy Paste Slide
 Delete Slide
Add New Slide
Replace Text in Presentation
Add Text to Slide
Add Data Table to Slide
Add Image/​Video to Slide
Add File to Slide
Run Presentation Macro
Save PowerPoint File As
Save Presentation as PDF
Part III: Prototypes
Chapter 11:​Product Data Entry Automation
Learning Objectives
Manual Task Overview
Solution Design
Initialize
Process Emails
Enter Data
Send Confirmation
Implementation
Step 1:​Setup
Step 2:​Create Project
Step 3:​Setup Project Notebook
Step 4:​Check Folder Structure Exists
Step 5:​Create New Folders
Step 6:​Process Emails
 Step 7:​Save Email Details for Confirmation
Step 8:​Launch Inventory Management App
Step 9:​Fetch All Downloaded Files
Step 10:​Insert Processing Status Column
Step 11:​Enter Data &​Update Status For Each Row
Step 12:​Move File to Processed Folder
Step 13:​Send Confirmation Emails
Test
Chapter 12:​Invoice Generation Automation
Learning Objectives
Manual Process Overview
Solution Design
Implementation
Step 1:​Setup
Step 2:​Create Project
Step 3:​Set Up Project Notebook
Step 4:​Initialize
Step 5:​Generate Invoices
Step 6:​Extract &​Process All Orders
Step 7:​Filter Orders w/​Pending Invoices
Step 8:​Extract Orders Table Data
Step 9:​Process All Orders
Step 10:​Generate Invoice Number
Step 11:​Create Order Details Excel Copy
Step 12:​Create Invoice Template Copy
Step 13:​Extract Order Details &​Generate Invoice
 Step 14:​Extract Order Details Table Data
Step 15:​Generate Invoice for Current Order
Step 16:​Mark Purchase Order as Processed
Step 17:​Delete Temporary Order Details Excel
Test
Index
About the Authors
Adeel Javed
is an intelligent automation architect, an author, and a speaker. He helps
organizations automate work using low-code, business process
management (BPM), robotic process automation (RPA), analytics,
integrations, and ML. He loves exploring new technologies and writing
about them. He published his first book, Building Arduino Projects for
the Internet of Things, with Apress back in 2015. He shares his thoughts
on various technology trends on his personal blog (adeeljaved.com).

Anum Sundrani
is a business systems analyst and technology enthusiast who
specializes in business process management and robotic process
automation. Anum is a Certified Appian Analyst, Tableau Author, Six
Sigma Green Belt, and Scrum Master, alongside her several trainings in
the areas of RPA development and the automation delivery life cycle.
She has an inquisitive eye for simplifying complex business processes
and has focused on implementing automation solutions for business
users since 2017.

Nadia Malik
is a presales engineer with a background in software development. She
started her journey as a software engineer at IBM developing cloud
storage applications and then joined the UiPath rocketship in June of
2018 helping in designing, implementing, and providing training to
customers in robotic process automation. Today, she continues to
evangelize RPA and mentor young women in STEM.

Sidney Madison Prescott

is a senior technology leader, keynote speaker, and robotics evangelist
specializing in the creation of Robotic Process Automation Centers of
Excellence for Fortune 500 companies. Sidney currently heads up the
Global Intelligent Automation initiative at the music streaming
powerhouse Spotify. In addition to her enterprise technology expertise,
Sidney is an executive board member for three global nonprofit
organizations, where she contributes valuable automation insights to
enhance overall program objectives. To round out her career accolades,
Sidney was also named a global recipient of the 2020 Top 50
Technology Visionaries award.
About the Technical Reviewer
Rayudu Addagarla
has 20 years of experience in web/mobile application development, the
cloud, and solution architecture. He has been programming with
Microsoft and LAMP stack since 1998. He has always been a full-stack
technologist. His passion is toward digital transformation and business
process automation, and he is a certified specialist in UiPath RPA. Along
with Level 3 Advanced Certification in UiPath, he holds certifications in
Pega RPA, WorkFusion, Tricentis TOSCA, Appian, and Pega BPM.
He holds a master of science degree in computer science from the
University of Louisville, Kentucky, USA, and a bachelor of technology
degree from JNTUACEA, Ananthapuramu, India. He has worked in the
roles of Software Engineer, Business Process Consultant, Senior
Manager, Industry Principal, Delivery Manager, and Senior Solution
Architect. He has expertise in Healthcare, Manufacturing, Banking and
Financial Services, Retail, Ecommerce, and Telecommunications
domains.
He has proven experience in building successful Automation COEs.
He currently works as an Intelligent Automation Consultant for EPAM
Systems, Inc., a global consulting firm in Toronto, Canada.
Rayudu teaches Scratch and Python for kids in his spare time and
shares his knowledge on LinkedIn. He believes strongly in servant
leadership and lifelong learning.
He can be reached at http://​bit.​ly/​raylnkd.
Part I
Overview
© Adeel Javed, Anum Sundrani, Nadia Malik, Sidney Madison Prescott 2021
A. Javed et al., Robotic Process Automation using UiPath StudioX
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4842-6794-3_1

1. Robotic Process Automation:

Overview
Adeel Javed1 , Anum Sundrani2, Nadia Malik3 and
Sidney Madison Prescott4
(1) Lake Zurich, IL, USA
(2) Chicago, IL, USA
(3) Austin, TX, USA
(4) New York, NY, USA

To remain competitive in today’s hyper-automated world, digital

transformation initiatives have become a primary focus across various
industries. Traditionally, C-suite executives are increasingly interested
in lowering operational expenditures, particularly costs associated with
the human workforce. In addition, business leaders are simultaneously
focused on driving increased efficiencies and employee satisfaction
across the enterprise. As a result, companies are undergoing a higher
level of scrutiny surrounding existing business processes to seek out
opportunities for automation at a global scale. One area of process
optimization is that which exists for desk-level procedures typically
executed by business stakeholders. With such a high percentage of
automation opportunities executed by the business stakeholders, a
bottom-up approach is commonly seen in which the workforce chooses
tasks to automate based on their individual needs. Not only can they
help in identifying opportunities to automate but also create
automations themselves so that they may focus on high-value tasks.
With the advent of intelligent automation, specifically Robotic Process
Automation (RPA), companies now have a proven way to automate
business processes at the keystroke level.
UiPath provides a technology that enables the automation of
business processes traditionally performed by business users, using
configurable software referred to as “robots.” UiPath’s development
platform, StudioX, is extremely flexible and user-friendly as it is a low-
code/no-code solution. The software allows users the ability to interact
with systems via a robot which leverages the users’ own credentials or
can be configured with distinct credentials and specific permissions.
Robotic Process Automation tools interact with an application in the
same way as end users do, through interactions with the user interface
(UI), as well as through the back end of a system.
From a compliance and risk perspective, robots can only execute
tasks that are specifically designed with the virtual robot worker in
mind. The robot’s access to both internal and external systems is
limited to the design of the robot workflow, which demonstrates the
rules-based nature of the software. The robot can also be designed to
prompt the user for input or incorporate artificial intelligence (AI) to
handle more cognitive tasks. As a result, Robotic Process Automation
enables automation of the manual, repetitive tasks that are typically a
fundamental component of a business user’s daily job responsibilities.
A fundamental premise of Robotic Process Automation software is
the belief that robotic software is designed to complement the human
workforce, by empowering organizations with the ability to upskill
employees to build simple automations or route more complex
automations to a set of developers reporting into a core automation
team. Adding Robotic Process Automation functionality into a business
department can maximize the efficiency of employee outputs, minimize
the risk of human error, and mitigate the number of tedious, manual
processes employees are expected to execute, thus increasing the
potential for a higher level of employee satisfaction.

Return on Investment (ROI)

In addition to enabling the automation of repetitive tasks, Robotic
Process Automation software can provide substantial return on
investment to both business process owners and the enterprise at
large. Robotic Process Automation software allows firms to automate
manual processes in a cost-efficient manner, due to the fact the price
point of the RPA software is typically lower than that of traditional
business applications. Robots are beneficial in minimizing the costs
typically incurred in automation projects, as Robotic Process
Automation tools can leverage existing infrastructure architecture
without impacting live systems.
The infrastructure necessary to support robots is considerably
minimal when compared to other tools, as robots can either run on an
end user’s desktop (attended automation) or a virtual machine
(unattended automation). One of the many benefits of Robotic Process
Automation is the ability users to dictate whether a human or a robot
will be responsible for executing a particular step of the process within
a given workflow. In addition, workflows can be customized to indicate
when robots encounter changes in each system including routine
software upgrades whereby elements of the user interface might
deviate from previous versions. A significant benefit of Robotic Process
Automation is the ability users to create workflows to support a
dynamically changing environment with minimal impact to underlying
infrastructure capabilities.

Automation Types
Moving forward, we will dive into the nuances of unattended robots
and attended robots, to understand how the distinction between the
two types of automation is driving a new approach to enabling business
process automation through citizen development (business users with
the ability to build automations). Robotic Process Automation can be
leveraged to automate a wide variety of processes including but not
limited to payroll processing, customer service, advertising operations,
report aggregation, and vendor onboarding. Robotic Process
Automation also offers a wide variety of automation deployment
models which can be used interchangeably to automate processes
across the business including
Attended robots that reside on the end user’s computer or virtual
machine for the purpose of automating simple manual processes that
can be triggered by the actions of the user.
 Unattended robots that can be provisioned to reside on machines
based on-premises (physical server based) or off-premises (virtual
machines/cloud based) for the purpose of automating more complex
back-office functions commonly scheduled to run based on a time or
queue. Typically, unattended automation lends itself to more data-
intensive tasks and processes with higher transaction volumes such
as batch jobs.
Hybrid robots that reside on a combination of end user and on-
premises/off-premises solutions to enable a combination of attended
and unattended style processing to enable the end-to-end
automation of processes that require both human support and back-
end functionality.
Each automation deployment model allows the end user the ability
to determine the best way to interact with a robot based on the task at
hand, alongside careful consideration of the existing variables in each
environment. The various automation deployment models can be
leveraged interchangeably as a part of a holistic enterprise-level
automation platform and digital transformation strategy. As we move
forward, we’ll focus on features and hands-on exercises specific to the
Robotic Process Automation industry leader, UiPath, to discuss the
unique value proposition the company offers citizen developers
through the use of StudioX.

UiPath StudioX
UiPath is a global Robotic Process Automation software company based
out of Romania. The company was founded in 2005 by Daniel Dines.
The company originally offered automation libraries and software as an
outsourced service, but quickly positioned itself to become an industry
leader through a customer-centric model designed to democratize
access to Robotic Process Automation capabilities. Through a robust
product road map and unique approach to empower business users
with the ability to automate simple business processes via StudioX,
UiPath’s enterprise platform demonstrates the seamless fusion that
exists between business processes and automation capabilities.
StudioX is one product of UiPath’s Robotic Process Automation
platform designed to enable business users to build automation
without the need for a traditional development background. The
StudioX functionality includes a no-code interface with out-of-the-box
drag-and-drop functionality to facilitate ease of use. In addition,
StudioX contains predesigned templates and native integrations with
common business applications such as the Microsoft Office suite to
facilitate faster development of automation workflows. Business users
can deploy a robot directly to a local machine, such as a desktop which
removes the need for traditional IT deployment support. In addition,
governance functionality is also built into the StudioX framework to
allow auditing capabilities to ensure that existing company compliance
protocols remain intact. Regarding the scheduling and sharing of
automations, users can complete both tasks through the UiPath
Assistant and Orchestrator components of UiPath.
One of the key elements that demonstrates the flexibility of StudioX
is the fact the tool allows business users a user-friendly way to learn
how to build automations that are beneficial to their job functions
while simultaneously learning a new technical skill. In a world where
technical prowess has become increasingly important, providing
employees an opportunity to leverage Robotic Process Automation
tools can help individuals to feel empowered and more satisfied,
potentially leading to less attrition. The citizen developer model is the
methodology by which business users are trained on the skills required
to build automations while also being provisioned access to RPA tools
to begin the development of robot workflows. As Robotic Process
Automation continues to expand across a wide variety of industries, it
will be important to continue to expand the knowledge of business
users with tools such as StudioX to provide a wealth of benefits at an
organizational level.
In the rest of the book, we will explore hands-on exercises with
detailed reference guides for various activities and sample files to help
you as you work to build your first RPA robots in StudioX. The goal of
each chapter is to provide real-world business process scenarios for
readers to reference as Robotic Process Automation learning tools. As
you work through the exercises, make a note of any challenges you
encounter to allow time to reflect on possible ways to solve any
roadblocks you may have. This book is intended for both the business
user looking to learn how to leverage StudioX for the first time and the
experienced RPA developer looking to build upon existing knowledge to
automate manual, repetitive tasks across your organization. As you step
into the future of working with robots, remember that you have taken
an important step in the journey to democratize automation and
heighten your technical skill set. So, let us get started.
© Adeel Javed, Anum Sundrani, Nadia Malik, Sidney Madison Prescott 2021
A. Javed et al., Robotic Process Automation using UiPath StudioX
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4842-6794-3_2

2. UiPath StudioX
Adeel Javed1 , Anum Sundrani2, Nadia Malik3 and
Sidney Madison Prescott4
(1) Lake Zurich, IL, USA
(2) Chicago, IL, USA
(3) Austin, TX, USA
(4) New York, NY, USA

UiPath's StudioX tool offers a no-code approach to automation,

providing citizen developers with the tools necessary to configure and
run their automations.

Learning Objectives
At the end of this chapter, you will learn how to
Download and install UiPath StudioX
Access and use common interface components in UiPath StudioX

System Requirements
This section provides hardware and software requirements for UiPath
StudioX.

Note This book uses UiPath Studio Community v2020.10.2. At

the time of installation, you might find a slightly different version,
and that will not affect the exercises.
The Community version is free and is not limited to a trial period. It is a
great starting point for anyone just starting with UiPath or for
organizations that are looking to evaluate it for enterprise use.

Hardware Requirements
Table 2-1 lists the minimum and recommended hardware
requirements.
Table 2-1 Hardware requirements

Minimum Recommended
CPU 2 x 1.8GHz 32-bit (x86) 4 x 2.4GHz 64-bit (x64)
RAM 4 GB 8 GB

Software Requirements
Table 2-2 lists software versions supported by the current version of
UiPath StudioX.
Table 2-2 Software requirements

Supported Versions
Operating System Windows (7, 7 N, 7 SP1, 8.1, 8.1 N, 10, 10 N)
Windows Server (2012 R2, 2016, 2019)
.NET Framework Version 4.6.1 or higher
Web Browsers Internet Explorer v8.0 or greater
Google Chrome version 64 or greater
Mozilla Firefox version 52.0 or greater
Microsoft Edge on Windows 10 version 1803 or greater

Note UiPath does not support resolutions below 1024 x 768.

Installation and Setup

This section will provide you with step-by-step instructions for
downloading and installing UiPath StudioX.

Register
Before you can download and install UiPath StudioX, you will need to
register with UiPath.

Note If your company has purchased licenses for UiPath, then you
should request this from your IT department.

1. Open the UiPath website (www.uipath.com) and click the Try

UiPath Free button, as shown in Figure 2-1.

Figure 2-1 UiPath trial option

2. If this is the first time you are accessing the UiPath site, you will
need to Sign Up using one of the provided options. Once you have
registered, click the Log In link to enter your credentials.

Download
Next, we are going to download the UiPath StudioX installer:
1. Once you have logged in to the UiPath Automation Cloud portal,
https://cloud.uipath.com/, you will see a Download
Studio/StudioX button on the right under the Home tab, as
shown in Figure 2-2. The location can change with updates to the
UiPath Automation Cloud portal.
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
By day-work from 1st Sept. to
3 8 7 „ 0 17 1¾ „
1st Oct.
Total £25 5 9 „ £2 15 4¾ „
If, then, 13s. be the average amount of weekly earnings by the most
provident, industrious, and fortunate of the casual labourers at the
docks—and that at the best season—it may be safely asserted that
the lowest grade of workmen there do not gain more than 5s. per
week throughout the year. It should be remembered that the man
himself says “some don’t get half what he does,” and from a
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another the workman would know exactly how much he had to
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providence and temperance in the expenditure of his wages. But
where the means of subsistence occasionally rise to 15s. a-week,
and occasionally sink to nothing, it is absurd to look for prudence,
economy, or moderation. Regularity of habits are incompatible with
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we are to become habituated should be repeated at frequent and
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there, of course, will be the greatest idleness and improvidence;
where the greatest want generally is, there we shall find the greatest
occasional excess; where from the uncertainty of the occupation
prudence is most needed, there, strange to say, we shall meet with
the highest imprudence of all. “Previous to the formation of a canal
in the north of Ireland,” says Mr. Porter, in “The Progress of the
Nation,” “the men were improvident even to recklessness. Such work
as they got before came at uncertain intervals, the wages insufficient
for the comfortable sustenance of their families were wasted at the
whiskey-shop, and the men appeared to be sunk in a state of
hopeless degradation. From the moment, however, that work was
offered to them which was constant in its nature and certain in its
duration, men who before had been idle and dissolute were
converted into sober, hard-working labourers, and proved
themselves kind and careful husbands and fathers; and it is said
that, notwithstanding the distribution of several hundred pounds
weekly in wages, the whole of which must be considered as so much
additional money placed in their hands, the consumption of whisky
was absolutely and permanently diminished in the district.” Indeed it
is a fact worthy of notice, as illustrative of the tendency of the times
of pressure, and consequently of deficient and uncertain
employment, to increase spirit-drinking, that whilst in the year 1836
—a year of the greatest prosperity—the tax on British spirits
amounted only to 2,390,000l.; yet, under the privations of 1841, the
English poorer classes paid no less than 2,600,000l. in taxes upon
the liquor they consumed—thus spending upwards of 200,000l. more
in drink at a time when they were less able to afford it, and so
proving that a fluctuation in the income of the working-classes is
almost invariably attended with an excess of improvidence in the
expenditure. Moreover, with reference to the dock-labourers, we
have been informed, upon unquestionable authority, that some years
back there were near upon 220 ships waiting to be discharged in
one dock alone; and such was the pressure of business then, that it
became necessary to obtain leave of Her Majesty’s Customs to
increase the usual time of daily labour from eight to twelve hours.
The men employed, therefore, earned 50 per cent more than they
were in the habit of doing at the briskest times; but so far from the
extra amount of wages being devoted to increase the comforts of
their homes, it was principally spent in public-houses. The riot and
confusion thus created in the neighbourhood were such as had
never been known before, and indeed were so general among the
workmen, that every respectable person in the immediate vicinity
expressed a hope that such a thing as “overtime” would never occur
again.
It may then be safely asserted, that though the wages of the casual
labourer at the docks average 5s. per week, still the weekly earnings
are of so precarious and variable a nature, that when the time of the
men is fully employed, the money which is gained over and above
the amount absolutely required for subsistence is almost sure to be
spent in intemperance, and that when there is little or no demand
for their work, and their gains are consequently insufficient for the
satisfaction of their appetites, they and those who depend upon
their labour for their food must at least want, if not starve. The
improvidence of the casual dock-labourer is due, therefore, not to
any particular malformation of his moral constitution, but to the
precarious character of his calling. His vices are the vices of ordinary
human nature. Ninety-nine in every hundred similarly circumstanced
would commit similar enormities. If the very winds could whistle
away the food and firing of wife and children, I doubt much whether,
after a week’s or a month’s privation, we should many of us be able
to prevent ourselves from falling into the very same excesses.
It is consoling to moralise in our easy chairs, after a good dinner,
and to assure ourselves that we should do differently. Self-denial is
not very difficult when our stomachs are full and our backs are
warm; but let us live a month of hunger and cold, and assuredly we
should be as self-indulgent as they.
I have devoted some time to the investigation of the state of the
casual labourers at the other docks, and shall now proceed to set
forth the result of my inquiries.

The West India Docks.

The West India Docks are about a mile and a-half from the London
Docks. The entire ground that they cover is 295 acres, so that they
are nearly three times larger than the London Docks, and more than
twelve times more extensive than those of St. Katherine’s. Hence
they are the most capacious of all the great warehousing
establishments in the port of London. The export dock is about 870
yards, or very nearly half-a-mile in length by 135 yards in width; its
area, therefore, is about 25 acres. The import dock is the same
length as the export dock, and 166 yards wide. The south dock,
which is appropriated both to import and export vessels, is 1,183
yards, or upwards of two-thirds of a mile long, with an entrance to
the river at each end; both the locks, as well as that into the
Blackwall basin, being forty feet wide, and large enough to admit
ships of 1,200 tons burden. The warehouses for imported goods are
on the four quays of the import dock. They are well contrived and of
great extent, being calculated to contain 180,000 tons of
merchandise; and there has been at one time on the quays, and in
the sheds, vaults, and warehouses, colonial produce worth
20,000,000l. sterling. The East India Docks are likewise the property
of the West India Dock Company, having been purchased by them of
the East India Company at the time of the opening of the trade to
India. The import dock here has an area of 18 acres, and the export
dock about 9 acres. The depth of water in these docks is greater,
and they can consequently accommodate ships of greater burden
than any other establishment on the river. The capital of both
establishments, or of the united company, amounts to upwards of
2,000,000 of money. The West India import dock can accommodate
300 ships, and the export dock 200 ships of 300 tons each; and the
East India import dock 84 ships, and the export dock 40 ships, of
800 tons each. The number of ships that entered the West India
Dock to load and unload last year was 3008, and the number that
entered the East India Dock 298. I owe the above information, as
well as that which follows, to the kindness of the secretary and
superintendent of the docks in question. To the politeness and
intelligence of the latter gentleman I am specially indebted. Indeed
his readiness to afford me all the assistance that lay in his power, as
well as his courtesy and gentlemanly demeanour, formed a marked
contrast to that of the deputy-superintendent of the London Docks,
the one appearing as anxious for the welfare and comfort of the
labouring men as the other seemed indifferent to it.
The transition from the London to the West India Docks is of a very
peculiar character. The labourers at the latter place seem to be more
civilised. The scrambling and scuffling for the day’s hire, which is the
striking feature of the one establishment, is scarcely distinguishable
at the other. It is true there is the same crowd of labourers in quest
of a day’s work, but the struggle to obtain it is neither so fierce nor
so disorderly in its character. And yet, here the casual labourers are
men from whom no character is demanded as well as there. The
amount of wages for the summer months is the same as at the
London Docks. Unlike the London Docks, however, no reduction is
made at the East and West India Docks during the winter.
The labour is as precarious at one establishment as at the other. The
greatest number of hands employed for any one day at the East and
West India Docks in the course of last year was nearly 4000, and the
smallest number about 1300. The lowest number of ships that
entered the docks during any one week in the present year was 28,
and the highest number 209, being a difference of 181 vessels, of an
average burden of 300 tons each. The positive amount of variation,
however, which occurred in the labour during the briskest and
slackest weeks of last year was a difference of upwards of 2500 in
the number of extra workmen employed, and of about 2000l. in the
amount of wages paid for the six days’ labour. I have been favoured
with a return of the number of vessels that entered the East and
West India Docks for each week in the present year, and I subjoin a
statement of the number arriving in each of the first fourteen of
those weeks. In the 1st week of all there were 86, the 2d 47, the 3d
43, the 4th 48, the 5th 28, the 6th 49, the 7th 46, the 8th 37, the
9th 42, the 10th 47, the 11th 42, the 12th 131, the 13th 209, and
the 14th 85. Hence it appears, that in the second week the number
of ships coming into dock decreased nearly one-half; in the fifth
week they were again diminished in a like proportion, while in the
sixth week they were increased in a similar ratio; in the twelfth week
they were more than three times what they were in the eleventh, in
the thirteenth the number was half as much again as it was in the
twelfth, and in the fourteenth it was down below half the number of
the thirteenth, so that it is clear that the subsistence derived from
dock labour must be of the most fickle and doubtful kind.

The St. Katherine’s Dock.

Nor are the returns from St. Katherine’s Dock of a more cheerful
character. Here it should be observed that no labourer is employed
without a previous recommendation; and, indeed, it is curious to
notice the difference in the appearance of the men applying for work
at this establishment. They not only have a more decent look, but
seem to be better behaved than any other dock-labourers I have yet
seen. The “ticket” system is here adopted—that is to say, the plan of
allowing only such persons to labour within the docks as have been
satisfactorily recommended to the company, and furnished with a
ticket by them in return—this ticket system, says the statement
which has been kindly drawn up expressly for me by the
superintendent of the docks, may be worth notice, at a time when
such efforts are making to improve the condition of the labourers. It
gives an identity and locus standi to the men which casual labourers
cannot otherwise possess, it connects them with the various grades
of officers under whose eyes they labour, prevents favouritism, and
leads to their qualifications being noted and recorded. It also holds
before them a reward for activity, intelligence, and good conduct;
because the vacancies in the list of preferable labourers, which occur
during the year, are invariably filled in the succeeding January by
selecting, upon strict inquiry, the best of the extra-ticket labourers,
the vacancies among the permanent men being supplied in like
manner from the list of preferable labourers, while from the
permanent men are appointed the subordinate officers, as markers,
samplers, &c.
Let us, however, before entering into a description of the class and
number of labourers employed at St. Katherine’s give a brief
description of the docks themselves. The lofty walls, which constitute
it in the language of the Custom-house a place of special security,
enclose an area of 23 acres, of which 11 are water, capable of
accommodating 120 ships, besides barges and other craft; cargoes
are raised into the warehouses out of the hold of a ship, without the
goods being deposited on the quay. The cargoes can be raised out
of the ship’s hold into the warehouses of St. Katherine’s in one-fifth
of the usual time. Before the existence of docks, a month or six
weeks was taken up in discharging the cargo of an East-Indiaman of
from 800 to 1200 tons burden, while 8 days were necessary in the
summer and 14 in the winter to unload a ship of 350 tons. At St.
Katherine’s, however, the average time now occupied in discharging
a ship of 250 tons is twelve hours, and one of 500 tons two or three
days, the goods being placed at the same time in the warehouse:
there have been occasions when even greater despatch has been
used, and a cargo of 1100 casks of tallow, averaging from 9 to 10
cwt. each, has been discharged in seven hours. This would have
been considered little short of a miracle on the legal quays less than
fifty years ago. In 1841, about 1000 vessels and 10,000 lighters
were accommodated at St. Katherine’s Dock. The capital expended
by the dock company exceeds 2,000,000 of money.
The business of this establishment is carried on by 35 officers, 105
clerks and apprentices, 135 markers, samplers, and foremen, 250
permanent labourers, 150 preferable ticket-labourers, proportioned
to the amount of work to be done. The average number of labourers
employed, permanent, preferable, and extras, is 1096; the highest
number employed on any one day last year was 1713, and the
lowest number 515, so that the extreme fluctuation in the labour
appears to be very nearly 1200 hands. The lowest sum of money
that was paid in 1848 for the day’s work of the entire body of
labourers employed was 64l. 7s. 6d., and the highest sum 214l. 2s.
6d., being a difference of very nearly 150l. in one day, or 900l. in the
course of the week. The average number of ships that enter the
dock every week is 17, the highest number that entered in any one
week last year was 36, and the lowest 5, being a difference of 31.
Assuming these to have been of an average burden of 300 tons, and
that every such vessel would require 100 labourers to discharge its
cargo in three days, then 1500 extra hands ought to have been
engaged to discharge the cargoes of the entire number in a week.
This, it will be observed, is very nearly equal to the highest number
of the labourers employed by the company in the year 1848.
The remaining docks are the Commercial Docks and timber ponds,
the Grand Surrey Canal Dock at Rotherhithe, and the East Country
Dock. The Commercial Docks occupy an area of about 49 acres, of
which four-fifths are water. There is accommodation for 350 ships,
and in the warehouses for 50,000 tons of merchandise. They are
appropriated to vessels engaged in the European timber and corn
trades, and the surrounding warehouses are used chiefly as
granaries—the timber remaining afloat in the dock until it is
conveyed to the yard of the wholesale dealer and builder. The Surrey
Dock is merely an entrance basin to a canal, and can accommodate
300 vessels. The East Country Dock, which adjoins the Commercial
Docks on the South, is capable of receiving 28 timber-ships. It has
an area of 6½ acres, and warehouse-room for 3700 tons.
In addition to these there is the Regent’s Canal Dock, between
Shadwell and Limehouse, and though it is a place for bonding timber
and deals only, it nevertheless affords great accommodation to the
trade of the port by withdrawing shipping from the river.
The number of labourers, casual and permanent, employed at these
various establishments is so limited, that, taken altogether, the
fluctuations occurring at their briskest and slackest periods may be
reckoned as equal to that of St. Katherine’s. Hence the account of
the variation in the total number of hands employed, and the sum of
money paid as wages to them, by the different dock companies,
when the business is brisk or slack, may be stated as follows:—
At the London Dock the difference between the greatest
2000 hands
and smallest number is
At the East and West India Dock 2500 „
At the St. Katherine’s Dock 1200 „
At the remaining docks say 1300 „
Total number of dock labourers thrown out of employ by
7000
the prevalence of easterly winds
£.
The difference between the highest and lowest amount of
1500
wages paid at the London Dock is
At the East and West India Dock 1875
At the St. Katherine Dock 900
At the remaining docks 975
£5250
From the above statement then it appears, that by the prevalence of
an easterly wind no less than 7000 out of the aggregate number of
persons living by dock labour may be deprived of their regular
income, and the entire body may have as much as 5250l. a week
abstracted from the amount of their collective earnings, at a period
of active employment. But the number of individuals who depend
upon the quantity of shipping entering the port of London for their
daily subsistence is far beyond this amount. Indeed we are assured
by a gentleman filling a high situation in St. Katherine’s Dock, and
who, from his sympathy with the labouring poor, has evidently given
no slight attention to the subject, that taking into consideration the
number of wharf-labourers, dock-labourers, lightermen, riggers and
lumpers, shipwrights, caulkers, ships’ carpenters, anchor-smiths,
corn-porters, fruit and coal-meters, and indeed all the multifarious
arts and callings connected with shipping, there are no less than
from 25,000 to 30,000 individuals who are thrown wholly out of
employ by a long continuance of easterly winds. Estimating then the
gains of this large body of individuals at 2s. 6d. per day, or 15s. per
week, when fully employed, we shall find that the loss to those who
depend upon the London shipping for their subsistence amounts to
20,000l. per week, and, considering that such winds are often
known to prevail for a fortnight to three weeks at a time, it follows
that the entire loss to this large class will amount to from 40,000l. to
60,000l. within a month,—an amount of privation to the labouring
poor which it is positively awful to contemplate. Nor is this the only
evil connected with an enduring easterly wind. Directly a change
takes place a glut of vessels enters the metropolitan port, and
labourers flock from all quarters; indeed they flock from every part
where the workmen exist in a greater quantity than the work. From
500 to 800 vessels frequently arrive at one time in London after the
duration of a contrary wind, and then such is the demand for
workmen, and so great the press of business, owing to the rivalry
among merchants, and the desire of each owner to have his cargo
the first in the market, that a sufficient number of hands is scarcely
to be found. Hundreds of extra labourers, who can find labour
nowhere else, are thus led to seek work in the docks. But, to use the
words of our informant, two or three weeks are sufficient to break
the neck of an ordinary glut, and then the vast amount of extra
hands that the excess of business has brought to the neighbourhood
are thrown out of employment, and left to increase either the
vagabondism of the neighbourhood or to swell the number of
paupers and heighten the rates of the adjacent parishes.
 Cheap Lodging-Houses.
I now come to the class of cheap lodging-houses usually frequented
by the casual labourers at the docks. It will be remembered,
perhaps, that I described one of these places, as well as the kind of
characters to be found there. Since then I have directed my
attention particularly to this subject; not because it came first in
order according to the course of investigation I had marked out for
myself, but because it presented so many peculiar features that I
thought it better, even at the risk of being unmethodical, to avail
myself of the channels of information opened to me rather than
defer the matter to its proper place, and so lose the freshness of the
impression it had made upon my mind.
On my first visit, the want and misery that I saw were such, that, in
consulting with the gentleman who led me to the spot, it was
arranged that a dinner should be given on the following Sunday to
all those who were present on the evening of my first interview;
and, accordingly, enough beef, potatoes, and materials for a suet-
pudding, were sent in from the neighbouring market to feed them
every one. I parted with my guide, arranging to be with him the next
Sunday at half-past one. We met at the time appointed, and set out
on our way to the cheap lodging-house. The streets were alive with
sailors, and bonnetless and capless women. The Jews’ shops and
public-houses were all open, and parties of “jolly tars” reeled past
us, singing and bawling on their way. Had it not been that here and
there a stray shop was closed, it would have been impossible to
have guessed it was Sunday. We dived down a narrow court, at the
entrance of which lolled Irish labourers smoking short pipes. Across
the court hung lines, from which dangled dirty-white clothes to dry;
and as we walked on, ragged, unwashed, shoeless children
scampered past us, chasing one another. At length we reached a
large open yard. In the centre of it stood several empty
costermongers’ trucks and turned-up carts, with their shafts high in
the air. At the bottom of these lay two young girls huddled together,
asleep. Their bare heads told their mode of life, while it was evident,
from their muddy Adelaide boots, that they had walked the streets
all night. My companion tried to see if he knew them, but they slept
too soundly to be roused by gentle means. We passed on, and a few
paces further on there sat grouped on a door-step four women, of
the same character as the last two. One had her head covered up in
an old brown shawl, and was sleeping in the lap of the one next to
her. The other two were eating walnuts; and a coarse-featured man
in knee-breeches and “ankle-jacks” was stretched on the ground
close beside them.
At length we reached the lodging-house. It was night when I had
first visited the place, and all now was new to me. The entrance was
through a pair of large green gates, which gave it somewhat the
appearance of a stable-yard. Over the kitchen door there hung a
clothes-line, on which were a wet shirt and a pair of ragged canvas
trousers, brown with tar. Entering the kitchen, we found it so full of
smoke that the sun’s rays, which shot slanting down through a
broken tile in the roof, looked like a shaft of light cut through the
fog. The flue of the chimney stood out from the bare brick wall like a
buttress, and was black all the way up with the smoke; the beams,
which hung down from the roof, and ran from wall to wall, were of
the same colour; and in the centre, to light the room, was a rude
iron gas-pipe, such as are used at night when the streets are turned
up. The floor was unboarded, and a wooden seat projected from the
wall all round the room. In front of this was ranged a series of
tables, on which lolled dozing men. A number of the inmates were
grouped around the fire; some kneeling toasting herrings, of which
the place smelt strongly; others, without shirts, seated on the
ground close beside it for warmth; and others drying the ends of
cigars they had picked up in the streets. As we entered the men
rose, and never was so motley and so ragged an assemblage seen.
Their hair was matted like flocks of wool, and their chins were grimy
with their unshorn beards. Some were in dirty smock-frocks; others
in old red plush waistcoats, with long sleeves. One was dressed in an
old shooting-jacket, with large wooden buttons; a second in a blue
flannel sailor’s shirt; and a third, a mere boy, wore a long camlet
coat reaching to his heels, and with the ends of the sleeves hanging
over his hands. The features of the lodgers wore every kind of
expression: one lad was positively handsome, and there was a
frankness in his face and a straightforward look in his eye that
strongly impressed me with a sense of his honesty, even although I
was assured he was a confirmed pickpocket. The young thief who
had brought back the 11½d. change out of the shilling that had
been entrusted to him on the preceding evening, was far from
prepossessing, now that I could see him better. His cheek-bones
were high, while his hair, cut close on the top, with a valance of
locks, as it were, left hanging in front, made me look upon him with
no slight suspicion. On the form at the end of the kitchen was one
whose squalor and wretchedness produced a feeling approaching to
awe. His eyes were sunk deep in his head, his cheeks were drawn
in, and his nostrils pinched with evident want, while his dark stubbly
beard gave a grimness to his appearance that was almost demoniac;
and yet there was a patience in his look that was almost pitiable. His
clothes were black and shiny at every fold with grease, and his
coarse shirt was so brown with long wearing, that it was only with
close inspection you could see that it had once been a checked one:
on his feet he had a pair of lady’s side-laced boots, the toes of which
had been cut off so that he might get them on. I never beheld so
gaunt a picture of famine. To this day the figure of the man haunts
me.
The dinner had been provided for thirty, but the news of the treat
had spread, and there was a muster of fifty. We hardly knew how to
act. It was, however, left to those whose names had been taken
down as being present on the previous evening to say what should
be done; and the answer from one and all was that the new-comers
were to share the feast with them. The dinner was then half-
portioned out in an adjoining outhouse into twenty-five platefuls—
the entire stock of crockery belonging to the establishment
numbering no more—and afterwards handed into the kitchen
through a small window to each party, as his name was called out.
As he hurried to the seat behind the bare table, he commenced
tearing the meat asunder with his fingers, for knives and forks were
unknown there. Some, it is true, used bits of wood like skewers, but
this seemed almost like affectation in such a place: others sat on the
ground with the plate of meat and pudding on their laps; while the
beggar-boy, immediately on receiving his portion, danced along the
room, whirling the plate round on his thumb as he went, and then,
dipping his nose in the plate, seized a potato in his mouth. I must
confess the sight of the hungry crowd gnawing their food was far
from pleasant to contemplate; so, while the dinner was being
discussed, I sought to learn from those who remained to be helped,
how they had fallen to so degraded a state. A sailor lad assured me
he had been robbed of his mariner’s ticket; that he could not
procure another under 13s.; and not having as many pence, he was
unable to obtain another ship. What could he do? he said. He knew
no trade: he could only get employment occasionally as a labourer at
the docks; and this was so seldom, that if it had not been for the
few things he had, he must have starved outright. The good-looking
youth I have before spoken of wanted but 3l. 10s. to get back to
America. He had worked his passage over here; had fallen into bad
company; been imprisoned three times for picking pockets; and was
heartily wearied of his present course. He could get no work. In
America he would be happy, and among his friends again. I spoke to
the gentleman who had brought me to the spot, and who knew
them all well. His answers, however, gave me little hope. The boy,
whose face seemed beaming with innate frankness and honesty, had
been apprenticed by him to a shoe-stitcher. But, no! he preferred
vagrancy to work. I could have sworn he was a trustworthy lad, and
shall never believe in “looks” again.
The dinner finished, I told the men assembled there that I should
come some evening in the course of the week, and endeavour to
ascertain from them some definite information concerning the
persons usually frequenting such houses as theirs. On our way
home, my friend recognised, among the females we had before seen
huddled on the step outside the lodging-house, a young woman
whom he had striven to get back to her parents. Her father had
been written to, and would gladly receive her. Again the girl was
exhorted to leave her present companions and return home. The
tears streamed from her eyes at mention of her mother’s name; but
she would not stir. Her excuse was, that she had no clothes proper
to go in. Her father and mother were very respectable, she said, and
she could not go back to them as she was. It was evident, by her
language, she had at least been well educated. She would not listen,
however, to my friend’s exhortations; so, seeing that his entreaties
were wasted upon her, we left her, and wended our way home.
Knowing that this lodging-house might be taken as a fair sample of
the class now abounding in London, and, moreover, having been
informed by those who had made the subject their peculiar study,
that the characters generally congregated there constituted a fair
average of the callings and habits of those who resort to the low
lodging-houses of London, I was determined to avail myself of the
acquaintances I made in this quarter, in order to arrive at some more
definite information upon those places than had yet been made
public. The only positive knowledge the public have hitherto had of
the people assembling in the cheap lodging-houses of London is
derived chiefly from the Report of the Constabulary Commissioners,
and partly from the Report upon Vagrancy. But this information,
having been procured through others, was so faulty, that having now
obtained the privilege of personal inspection and communication, I
was desirous of turning it to good account. Consequently I gave
notice that I wished all that had dined there on last Sunday to
attend me yesterday evening, so that I might obtain from them
generally an account of their past and present career. I found them
all ready to meet me, and I was assured that, by adopting certain
precautions, I should be in a fair way to procure information upon
the subject of the cheap lodging-houses of London that few have the
means of getting. However, so as to be able to check the one
account with another, I put myself in communication with a person
who had lived for upwards of four months in the house. Strange to
say, he was a man of good education and superior attainments—
further than this I am not at liberty to state. I deal with the class of
houses, and not with any particular house, be it understood.
The lodging-house to which I more particularly allude makes up as
many as 84 “bunks,” or beds, for which 2d. per night is charged. For
this sum the parties lodging there for the night are entitled to the
use of the kitchen for the following day. In this a fire is kept all day
long, at which they are allowed to cook their food. The kitchen
opens at 5 in the morning, and closes at about 11 at night, after
which hour no fresh lodger is taken in, and all those who slept in the
house the night before, but who have not sufficient money to pay
for their bed at that time, are turned out. Strangers who arrive in the
course of the day must procure a tin ticket, by paying 2d. at the
wicket in the office, previously to being allowed to enter the kitchen.
The kitchen is about 40 feet long by about 40 wide. The “bunks” are
each about 7 feet long, and 1 foot 10 inches wide, and the grating
on which the straw mattrass is placed is about 12 inches from the
ground. The wooden partitions between the “bunks” are about 4
feet high. The coverings are a leather or a rug, but leathers are
generally preferred. Of these “bunks” there are five rows, of about
24 deep; two rows being placed head to head, with a gangway
between each of such two rows, and the other row against the wall.
The average number of persons sleeping in this house of a night is
60. Of these there are generally about 30 pickpockets, 10 street-
beggars, a few infirm old people who subsist occasionally upon
parish relief and occasionally upon charity, 10 or 15 dock-labourers,
about the same number of low and precarious callings, such as the
neighbourhood affords, and a few persons who have been in good
circumstances, but who have been reduced from a variety of causes.
At one time there were as many as 9 persons lodging in this house
who subsisted by picking up dogs’ dung out of the streets, getting
about 5s. for every basketful. The earnings of one of these men
were known to average 9s. per week. There are generally lodging in
the house a few bone-grubbers, who pick up bones, rags, iron, &c.,
out of the streets. Their average earnings are about 1s. per day.
There are several mud-larks, or youths who go down to the water-
side when the tide is out, to see whether any article of value has
been left upon the bank of the river. The person supplying this
information to me, who was for some time resident in the house,
has seen brought home by these persons a drum of figs at one time,
and a Dutch cheese at another. These were sold in small lots or
slices to the other lodgers.

A DINNER AT A CHEAP LODGING-HOUSE.

The pickpockets generally lodging in the house consist of

handkerchief-stealers, shop-lifters—including those who rob the till
as well as steal articles from the doors of shops. Legs and breasts of
mutton are frequently brought in by this class of persons. There are
seldom any housebreakers lodging in such places, because they
require a room of their own, and mostly live with prostitutes. Besides
pickpockets, there are also lodging in the house speculators in stolen
goods. These may be dock-labourers or Billingsgate porters, having
a few shillings in their pockets. With these they purchase the booty
of the juvenile thieves. “I have known,” says my informant, “these
speculators wait in the kitchen, walking about with their hands in
their pockets, till a little fellow would come in with such a thing as a
cap, a piece of bacon, or a piece of mutton. They would purchase it,
and then either retail it amongst the other lodgers in the kitchen or
take it to some ‘fence,’ where they would receive a profit upon it.”
The general feeling of the kitchen—excepting with four or five
individuals—is to encourage theft. The encouragement to the
“gonaff,” (a Hebrew word signifying a young thief, probably learnt
from the Jew “fences” in the neighbourhood) consists in laughing at
and applauding his dexterity in thieving; and whenever anything is
brought in, the “gonaff” is greeted for his good luck, and a general
rush is made towards him to see the produce of his thievery. The
“gonaffs” are generally young boys; about 20 out of 30 of these lads
are under 21 years of age. They almost all of them love idleness,
and will only work for one or two days together, but then they will
work very hard. It is a singular fact that, as a body, the pickpockets
are generally very sparing of drink. They are mostly libidinous,
indeed universally so, and spend whatever money they can spare
upon the low prostitutes round about the neighbourhood. Burglars
and smashers generally rank above this class of thieves. A burglar
would not condescend to sit among pickpockets. My informant has
known a housebreaker to say with a sneer, when requested to sit
down with the “gonaffs,” “No, no! I may be a thief, sir; but, thank
God, at least I’m a respectable one.” The beggars who frequent
these houses go about different markets and streets asking charity
of the people that pass by. They generally go out in couples; the
business of one of the two being to look out and give warning when
the policeman is approaching, and of the other to stand “shallow;”
that is to say, to stand with very little clothing on, shivering and
shaking, sometimes with bandages round his legs, and sometimes
with his arm in a sling. Others beg “scran” (broken victuals) of the
servants at respectable houses, and bring it home to the lodging-
house, where they sell it. You may see, I am told, the men who
lodge in the place, and obtain an honest living, watch for these
beggars coming in, as if they were the best victuals in the City. My
informant knew an instance of a lad who seemed to be a very fine
little fellow, and promised to have been possessed of excellent
mental capabilities if properly directed, who came to the lodging-
house when out of a situation as an errand-boy. He stayed there a
month or six weeks, during which time he was tampered with by the
others, and ultimately became a confirmed “gonaff.” The
conversation among the lodgers relates chiefly to thieving and the
best manner of stealing. By way of practice, a boy will often pick the
pocket of one of the lodgers walking about the room, and if detected
declare he did not mean it.
The sanitary state of these houses is very bad. Not only do the
lodgers generally swarm with vermin, but there is little or no
ventilation to the sleeping-rooms, in which 60 persons, of the foulest
habits, usually sleep every night. There are no proper washing
utensils, neither towels nor basins, nor wooden bowls. There are one
or two buckets, but these are not meant for the use of the lodgers,
but for cleaning the rooms. The lodgers never think of washing
themselves. The cleanliest among them will do so in the bucket, and
then wipe themselves with their pocket-handkerchiefs, or the tails of
their shirts.
A large sum to be made by two beggars in one week is 20s.; or 10s.
a-piece, one for looking out, and the other for “standing shallow.”
The average earnings of such persons are certainly below 8s. per
week. If the Report of the Constabulary Force Commissioners states
that 20s. per week is the average sum earned, I am told the
statement must have been furnished by parties who had either some
object in overrating the amount, or else who had no means of
obtaining correct information on the subject. From all my informant
has seen as to the earnings of those who make a trade of picking
pockets and begging, he is convinced that the amount is far below
what is generally believed to be the case. Indeed, nothing but the
idle, roving life that is connected with the business, could
compensate the thieves or beggars for the privations they frequently
undergo.
After obtaining this information, I attended the lodging-house in
pursuance of the notice I had given, in order to ascertain from the
lodgers themselves what were the callings and earnings of the
different parties there assembled. I found that from 50 to 60 had
mustered purposely to meet me, although it was early in the
evening, and they all expressed themselves ready to furnish me with
any information I might require. The gentleman who accompanied
me assured me that the answers they would give to my questionings
would be likely to be correct, from the fact of the number
assembled, as each would check the other. Having read to them the
account (in the Morning Chronicle) of my previous interview with
them, they were much delighted at finding themselves in print, and
immediately arranged themselves on a seat all round the room. My
first question was as to the age of those present. Out of 55
assembled, I found that there were; 1 from 60 to 70 years old, 4
from 50 to 60, 1 from 40 to 50, 15 from 30 to 40, 16 from 20 to 30,
and 18 from 10 to 20. Hence it will be seen that the younger
members constituted by far the greater portion of the assembly. The
18 between 10 and 20 were made up as follows:—There were 3 of
20 years, 8 of 19 years, 3 of 18 years, 4 of 17 years, 1 of 16 years,
and 2 of 15 years. Hence there were more of the age of 19 than of
any other age present.
My next inquiry was as to the place of birth. I found that there were
16 belonging to London, 9 to Ireland, 3 to Bristol, 3 to Liverpool, 2
were from Norfolk, 2 from Yorkshire, 2 from Essex, 2 from Germany,
and 2 from North America. The remaining 14 were born respectively
in Macclesfield, Bolton, Aylesbury, Seacomb, Deal, Epping, Hull,
Nottinghamshire, Plumstead, Huntingdonshire, Plymouth,
Shropshire, Northamptonshire, and Windsor. After this I sought to
obtain information as to the occupations of their parents, with a view
of discovering whether their delinquencies arose from the depraved
character of their early associations. I found among the number, 13
whose fathers had been labouring men, 5 had been carpenters, 4
millers and farmers, 2 dyers, 2 cabinet-makers, a tallow-chandler, a
wood-turner, a calico-glazer, a silversmith, a compositor, a cotton-
spinner, a hatter, a grocer, a whip-maker, a sweep, a glover, a
watchmaker, a madhouse-keeper, a bricklayer, a shipbuilder, a cow-
keeper, a fishmonger, a mill-wright, a coast-guard, a ropemaker, a
gunsmith, a collier, an undertaker, a leather-cutter, a clerk, an
engineer, a schoolmaster, a captain in the army, and a physician.
I now sought to learn from them the trades that they themselves
were brought up to. There were 17 labourers, 7 mariners, 3
weavers, 2 bricklayers, and 2 shoemakers. The rest were
respectively silversmiths, dyers, blacksmiths, wood-turners, tailors,
farriers, caulkers, French polishers, shopmen, brickmakers, sweeps,
ivory-turners, cowboys, stereotype-founders, fishmongers, tallow-
chandlers, rope-makers, miners, bone-grubbers, engineers, coal-
porters, errand-boys, beggars, and one called himself “a prig.”
I next found that 40 out of the 55 could read and write, 4 could
read, and only 11 could do neither.
My next point was to ascertain how long they had been out of
regular employment, or to use their own phrase, “had been knocking
about.” One had been 10 years idle; one, 9; three, 8; two, 7; four, 6;
five, 5; six, 4; nine, 3; ten, 2; five, 1; three, 6 months, and one, 2
months out of employment. A bricklayer told me he had been eight
summers in, and eight winters out of work; and a dock-labourer
assured me that he had been 11 years working at the dock, and that
for full three-fourths of his time he could obtain no employment
there.
After this, I questioned them concerning their earnings for the past
week. One had gained nothing, another had gained 1s., eleven had
earned 2s.; eight, 3s.; nine, 4s.; five, 5s.; four, 6s.; four, 7s.; six,
8s.; one, 10s.; one, 11s.; and one, 18s. From three I received no
answers. The average earnings of the 52 above enumerated are 4s.
11d. per week.
Respecting their clothing, 14 had no shirts to their backs, 5 had no
shoes, and 42 had shoes that scarcely held together.
I now desired to be informed how many out of the number had been
confined in prison; and learnt that no less than 34 among the 55
present had been in gaol once, or oftener. Eleven had been in once;
five had been in twice; five, in 3 times; three, 4 times; four, 6 times;
one, 7 times; one, 8 times; one, 9 times; one, 10 times; one, 14
times; and one confessed to having been there at least 20 times. So
that the 34 individuals had been imprisoned altogether 140 times;
thus averaging four imprisonments to each person. I was anxious to
distinguish between imprisonment for vagrancy and imprisonment
for theft. Upon inquiry I discovered that seven had each been
imprisoned once for vagrancy; one, twice; one, 3 times; two, 4
times; one, 5 times; two, 6 times; two, 8 times; and one, 10 times;
making in all 63 imprisonments under the Vagrant Act. Of those who
had been confined in gaol for theft, there were eleven who had been
in once; seven, who had been in twice; two, 3 times; three, 6 times;
one, 8 times, and two, 10 times; making a total of 77 imprisonments
for thieving. Hence, out of 140 incarcerations, 63 of those had been
for vagrancy, and 77 for theft; and this was among 34 individuals in
an assemblage of 55.
The question that I put to them after this was, how long they had
been engaged in thieving? and the following were the answers: one
had been 15 years at it; one, 14 years; two, 12 years; three, 10
years; one, 9 years; one, 8 years; two, 7 years; one, 6 years; two, 5
years; three, 4 years; and one, 3 years; one, 18 months; one, 7
months; two, 6 months; and one, 2 months. Consequently, there
were, of the half-hundred and odd individuals there assembled,
thieves of the oldest standing and the most recent beginning.
Their greatest gains by theft, in a single day, were thus classified.
The most that one had gained was 3d., the greatest sum another
had gained was 7d.; another, 1s. 6d.; another, 2s. 6d.; another, 6s.;
five had made from 10s. to 15s.; three from 1l. to 2l.; one from 2l.
to 3l.; six from 3l. to 4l.; one from 4l. to 5l.; two from 20l. to 30l.;
and two from 30l. to 40l. Of the latter two sums, one was stolen
from the father of the thief, and the other from the till of a counter
when the shop was left unoccupied, the boy vaulting over the
counter and abstracting from the till no less than seven 5l. notes, all
of which were immediately disposed of to a Jew in the immediate
neighbourhood for 3l. 10s. each.
The greatest earnings by begging had been 7s. 6d., 10s. 6d., and
1l.; but the average amount of earnings was apparently of so
precarious a nature, that it was difficult to get the men to state a
definite sum. From their condition, however, as well as their mode of
living whilst I remained among them, I can safely say begging did
not seem to be a very lucrative or attractive calling, and the lodgers
were certainly under no restraint in my presence.
I wanted to learn from them what had been their motive for stealing
in the first instance, and I found upon questioning them, that ten did
so on running away from home; five confessed to have done so from
keeping flash company, and wanting money to defray their
expenses; six had first stolen to go to theatres; nine, because they
had been imprisoned for vagrants, and found that the thief was
better treated than they; one because he had got no tools to work
with; one because he was “hard up;” one because he could not get
work; and one more because he was put in prison for begging.
The following is the list of articles that they first stole: six rabbits,
silk shawl from home, a pair of shoes, a Dutch cheese, a few
shillings from home, a coat and trousers, a bullock’s heart, four
“tiles” of copper, fifteen and sixpence from master, two
handkerchiefs, half a quartern loaf, a set of tools worth 3l., clothes
from a warehouse, worth 22l., a Cheshire cheese, a pair of carriage
lamps, some handkerchiefs, five shillings, some turnips, watch-chain
and seals, a sheep, three and sixpence, and an invalid’s chair. This
latter article, the boy assured me he had taken about the country
with him, and amused himself by riding down hill.
Their places of amusement consisted, they told me, of the following:
The Britannia Saloon, the City Theatre, the Albert Saloon, the
Standard Saloon, the Surrey and Victoria Theatres when they could
afford it, the Penny Negroes, and the Earl of Effingham concerts.
Four frequenters of that room had been transported, and yet the
house had been open only as many years, and of the associates and
companions of those present, no less than 40 had left the country in
the same manner. The names of some of these were curious. I
subjoin a few of them. The Banger, The Slasher, The Spider, Flash
Jim, White-coat Mushe, Lankey Thompson, Tom Sales [he was
hung], and Jack Sheppard.
Of the fifty-five congregated, two had signed the temperance
pledge, and kept it. The rest confessed to getting drunk occasionally,
but not making a practice of it. Indeed, it is generally allowed that,
as a class, the young pickpockets are rather temperate than
otherwise; so that here, at least, we cannot assert that drink is the
cause of the crime. Nor can their various propensities be ascribed to
ignorance, for we have seen that out of 55 individuals 40 could read
and write, while 4 could read. It should be remembered, at the same
time, that out of the 55 men only 34 were thieves. Neither can the
depravity of their early associations be named as the cause of their
delinquencies, for we have seen that, as a class, their fathers are
men rather well to do in the world. Indeed their errors seem to have
rather a physical than either an intellectual or a moral cause. They
seem to be naturally of an erratic and self-willed temperament,
objecting to the restraints of home, and incapable of continuous
application to any one occupation whatsoever. They are essentially
the idle and the vagabond; and they seem generally to attribute the
commencement of their career to harsh government at home.
According to the Report of the Constabulary Force Commissioners,
there were in the metropolis in 1839, 221 of such houses as the one
at present described, and each of these houses harboured daily,
upon an average, no less than eleven of such characters as the
foregoing, making in all a total of 2431 vagrants and pickpockets
sheltered by the proprietors of the low lodging-houses of London.
The above twopenny lodging-house has, on an average, from fifty to
sixty persons sleeping in it nightly, yielding an income of nearly 3l.
per week. The three-penny lodging-houses in the same
neighbourhood average from fifteen to twenty persons per night,
and produce a weekly total of from 20s. to 25s. profit, the rent of
the houses at the same time being only from 5s. to 6s. per week.
There is still one question worthy of consideration. Does the
uncertainty of dock labour generate thieves and vagabonds, or do
the thieves and vagabonds crowd round the docks so as to be able
to gain a day’s work when unable to thieve? According to returns of
the metropolitan police force, the value of the property stolen in this
district in the year 1848 was 2007l., of which only 365l. were
recovered. The number of robberies was 521, the average amount
of each robbery being 3l. 17s. 0½d. The amount recovered
averaged 14s. on each robbery.
ON THE TRANSIT OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
THE METROPOLIS.
As the entire transit system of Great Britain, with all its railroads, turnpike-roads,
canals, and navigable rivers, converges on London, I propose to make it the
subject of the present section, by way of introduction to my inquiry into the
condition of the metropolitan labourers connected therewith.
“There is a very great amount of labour employed,” says Mr. Stewart Mill, “not
only in bringing a product into existence, but in rendering it, when in existence,
accessible to those for whose use it is intended. Many important classes of
labourers find their sole employment in some functions of this kind. There is the
whole class of carriers by land and water—waggoners, bargemen, sailors,
wharfmen, porters, railway officials, and the like. Good roads,” continues the
same eminent authority, “are equivalent to good tools, and railways and canals
are virtually a diminution of the cost of production of all things sent to market
by them.”
In order to give the public as comprehensive an idea of this subject as possible,
and to show its vastness and importance to the community, I shall, before
entering upon the details of that part of it which more immediately concerns
me; viz. the transit from and to the different parts of the metropolis, and the
condition and earnings of the people connected therewith—I shall, I say, furnish
an account of the extent of the external and internal transit of this country
generally. Of the provisions for the internal transit I shall speak in due course—
first speaking of the grand medium for carrying on the traffic of Great Britain
with the world, and showing how, within the capital of an island which is a mere
speck on the map of the earth, is centered and originated, planned and
executed, so vast a portion of the trade of all nations. I shall confine my
observations to the latest returns and the latest results.

The Mercantile Marine.

The number of vessels belonging to the United Kingdom was, in 1848, nearly
25,000, having an aggregate burden of upwards of 3000 tons, and being
manned by 180,000 hands. To give the reader, however, a more vivid idea of the
magnitude of the “mercantile marine” of this kingdom, it may be safely
asserted, that in order to accommodate the whole of our merchant vessels, a
dock of 15,000 square acres would be necessary; or, in other words, there
would be required to float them an extent of water sufficient to cover four times
the area of the city of London, while the whole population of Birmingham would
be needed to man them. But, besides the 20,000 and odd British, with their
180,000 men, that are thus engaged in conveying the treasures of other lands
to our own, there are upwards of 13,000 foreign vessels, manned by 100,000
hands, that annually visit the shores of this country.
Of the steam-vessels belonging to the United Kingdom in 1848, there were
1100. Their aggregate length was 125,283 feet; their aggregate breadth, 19,748
feet; their aggregate tonnage, 255,371; and their aggregate of horse-power,
92,862. It may be added, that they are collectively of such dimensions, that by
placing them stem to stern, one after the other, they would reach to a distance
of 23½ miles, or form one continuous line from Dover to Calais; while, by
placing them abreast, or alongside each other, they would occupy a space of 3½
miles wide.
According to the calculations of Mr. G. F. Young, the eminent shipbuilder, the
entire value of the vessels belonging to the mercantile marine of the British
empire is upward of 38,000,000l. sterling. The annual cost of the provisions and
wages of the seamen employed in navigating them, 9,500,000l. The sum
annually expended in the building and outfitting of new ships, as well as the
repairing of the old ones, is 10,500,000l., while the amount annually received
for freight is 28,500l.
The value of the merchandise thus imported or exported has still to be set forth.
By this we learn not only the vast extent of the international trade of Great
Britain, but the immense amount of property entrusted annually to the
merchant-seaman. It would, perhaps, hardly be credited, that the value of the
articles which our mercantile marine is engaged in transporting to and from the
shores of this kingdom, amounts to upwards of one hundred million pounds
sterling.
Such, then, is the extent of the external transit of this country. There is scarcely
a corner of the earth that is not visited by our vessels, and the special gifts and
benefits conferred upon the most distant countries thus diffused and shared
among even the humblest members of our own. To show the connexion of the
metropolis with this vast amount of trade, involving so many industrial interests,
I shall conclude with stating, that the returns prove that one-fourth of the entire
maritime commerce of this country is carried on at the port of London.
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