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Lecture Notes in Networks and Systems 162

Kamel Boussafi
Jean-Pierre Mathieu
Mustapha Hatti Editors

Social
Innovation
and Social
Technology
Enterprise-New Technology Synergy
Lecture Notes in Networks and Systems

Volume 162

Series Editor
Janusz Kacprzyk, Systems Research Institute, Polish Academy of Sciences,
Warsaw, Poland

Advisory Editors
Fernando Gomide, Department of Computer Engineering and Automation—DCA,
School of Electrical and Computer Engineering—FEEC, University of Campinas—
UNICAMP, São Paulo, Brazil
Okyay Kaynak, Department of Electrical and Electronic Engineering,
Bogazici University, Istanbul, Turkey
Derong Liu, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering, University
of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, USA; Institute of Automation, Chinese Academy
of Sciences, Beijing, China
Witold Pedrycz, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering,
University of Alberta, Alberta, Canada; Systems Research Institute,
Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
Marios M. Polycarpou, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering,
KIOS Research Center for Intelligent Systems and Networks, University of Cyprus,
Nicosia, Cyprus
Imre J. Rudas, Óbuda University, Budapest, Hungary
Jun Wang, Department of Computer Science, City University of Hong Kong,
Kowloon, Hong Kong
The series “Lecture Notes in Networks and Systems” publishes the latest
developments in Networks and Systems—quickly, informally and with high quality.
Original research reported in proceedings and post-proceedings represents the core
of LNNS.
Volumes published in LNNS embrace all aspects and subfields of, as well as new
challenges in, Networks and Systems.
The series contains proceedings and edited volumes in systems and networks,
spanning the areas of Cyber-Physical Systems, Autonomous Systems, Sensor
Networks, Control Systems, Energy Systems, Automotive Systems, Biological
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Robotics, Social Systems, Economic Systems and other. Of particular value to both
the contributors and the readership are the short publication timeframe and the
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The series covers the theory, applications, and perspectives on the state of the art
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** Indexing: The books of this series are submitted to ISI Proceedings,
SCOPUS, Google Scholar and Springerlink **

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/15179

Kamel Boussafi Jean-Pierre Mathieu
• •

Mustapha Hatti
Editors

Social Innovation
and Social Technology
Enterprise-New Technology Synergy

123
Editors
Kamel Boussafi Jean-Pierre Mathieu
École Supérieure de Commerce CEPN-CNRS
Tipasa, Algeria Paris 13 University
Villetaneuse, France
Mustapha Hatti
Equipements Solaires, EPST-CDER
Unité de Développement des
Bou-Ismail, Algeria

ISSN 2367-3370 ISSN 2367-3389 (electronic)

Lecture Notes in Networks and Systems
ISBN 978-3-030-60932-0 ISBN 978-3-030-60933-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60933-7
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license
to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
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the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
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authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained
herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard
to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Contents

The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality or Democratic Illusion? . . . . 1

Sonia Bendimerad, Amina Chibani, and Kamel Boussafi
Digital Storytelling for Tertiary Education in the Era
of Digitization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Khaldoun Dia-Eddine
The REXI Method: A Tool for Exploring Representations
of Innovation in Marketing-Design: Case of the South-East
Tunisian Gsours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Ikram Hachicha and Jean-Pierre Mathieu
Social and Solidarity Economy as a Mechanism for Achieving
Social and Regional Equality in Algeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
Mostefa Bousboua
Social Technology as a Booster for the Social Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . 76
Hamoul Tarik, Zair Wafia, and Kassoul Sofiane
University-Enterprise Cooperation: Determinants and Impacts . . . . . . . 91
Dorra Mahfoudh, Younes Boujelbene, and Jean-Pierre Mathieu

Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

v
About the Editors

Prof. Dr. Kamel Boussafi is the Director of the Ecole

Supérieure de Commerce at the Pole-University of Koléa,
Tipasa in Algeria, director of several research projects
including CNEPRU; PHC TASSILI; REDSIEM Lab,
Consultant trainer at INPED in the field of business intelli-
gence and innovation management. Responsible for finance
training at ESC-Koléa, Tipasa Algeria and LMD training at
the Algiers Tourism School. Supervised several doctoral
theses and several master’s theses. Chaired and reviewed
several doctoral theses. Author of several publications,
organizer of several international onferences and Symposia.

Prof. Jean Pierre Mathieu is a Professor and Senior

Researcher in Marketing and Management Sciences (PhD of
University Pierre Mendes France, Grenoble and “Habiliation
à diriger les recherches” from the University of Paris XIII ).
Between 1992 and 1994, I was an Assistant Professor in
University of Savoie (France). In 1994, I joined the
Audencia Group as the Director of the professional devel-
opment activities (also known as executive education pro-
gram). I held this position until 2004. Since 2004, I have
developed and supervised several academics and scientific
programs. Among the different actions I led, I created the
first Master of Marketing and Design. This new program has
been the first in Europe to combine lectures and practical
sessions dealing with management, engineering and design
skills. From a research point of view, I supervised several
PhDs focusing on similar challenges, aka the marketing
of the design and the innovation. In addition to multiple
publications in conferences and journals, the different results

vii
viii About the Editors

we obtained, have led to the creation of a new paradigm:

Marketing of the design. Leveraging more than 20 years of
experiences from the Audencia group and several worldwide
collaborations (USA, Asia, Africa), my actives are now
focusing on the consulting of large companies and aca-
demics institutions.

Dr. Mustapha Hatti was born in El-Asnam (Chlef),

Algeria. He studied at El Khaldounia school, then at El
Wancharissi high school, obtained his electronics engineer-
ing diplomat from USTHB Algiers, and his post-graduation
studies at USTO –Oran (Master’s degree and doctorate).
Worked as research engineer, at CDSE, Ain oussera, Djelfa,
CRD, Sonatrach, Hassi messaoud, CRNB, Birine, Djelfa,
and senior research scientist at UDES / EPST-CDER, Bou
Ismail, Tipasa, “Habilité à diriger des recherches” HDR
from Saad Dahlab University of Blida, Algeria. Actually, he
is Research Director in renewable energy. Since 2013, he is
an IEEE senior member, he is the author of several scientific
papers, and chapter books, and his areas of interest are smart
sustainable energy systems, innovative system, electrical
vehicle, fuel cell, photovoltaic, optimization, intelligent
embedded systems. President of the Tipasa Smart City
association. An eBook editor at International Springer
Publishers, guest editor and member of the editorial board
of the journal Computers & Electrical Engineering, he has
supervised, examined and reviewed several doctoral theses
and supervised master’s degrees. He organizes the confer-
ence entitled Artificial Intelligence in Renewable Energetic
Systems.
 The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality
or Democratic Illusion?

Sonia Bendimerad1(B) , Amina Chibani2 , and Kamel Boussafi2

1 Spaces and Societies Research Unit (Espaces et Sociétés ESO 6590 CNRS), University of
Angers, École supérieure de commerce d’Alger, PHC Tassili Research Team, Angers, France
[email protected]
2 Management, Governance Innovation, and Organizational Performance Research Unit, École

supérieure de commerce d’Alger, PHC Tassili Research Team, Angers, France

Abstract. This article studies the development of the associative sector in Alge-
ria. After providing an introduction to the existing legal framework and the recent
changes in the legislation, the authors examine the initiatives implemented by the
government regarding associations, as well as the economic, social, and societal
problems that can hamper them. Based on a sample of 145 national associations,
the authors have conducted an exploratory study to analyze the impact of govern-
ment actions on the distribution, growth, and diversity of the Algerian associative
sector. Their study shows that the policy of democratization proposed by the
Algerian government to foster the associative sector is a veil of illusion masking
mechanisms of monitoring and of restriction of the freedom of the associative
sector.
Associations in Algeria (known as Jam iyyat) are private, generally non-profit
organizations, independent from the state, whose creation and operations are nev-
ertheless regulated by legislation at the national level. Between the mid-1980s
and 2006, Algeria experienced the failure of its political liberalization process
and underwent a prolonged economic collapse, both of which contributed to a
dramatic decrease in the population’s quality of life. During this same period,
which was marked by political unrest and rising violence, associations grew in
number, to the point that Algeria now has one of the highest concentrations of
associations of any country in the Middle East and North Africa region (Liverani
2008). There is, however, a distinct lack of information or analysis on the growth
of the Algerian associative sector (Charif and Benmansour 2011), making it one
of the most inscrutable aspects of the country’s recent political history. Our study
aims to fill this gap. The weakness of the existing literature on the associative
boom in Algeria creates two problems. First, studies of this sector generally do
not explore the concrete reality of those associations that are truly active within it.
Second, existing studies tend to assume that the existence of an associative fabric
is a prerequisite for democracy, without actually going into what kinds of changes
fulfilling this condition would bring about.
By using Algeria as a case study, this article aims to provide a better under-
standing of the role played by the country’s political economy in the development
of its associative movement. In this study, terms such as “associative life,” “as-
sociative fabric,” and “associative sphere” are used to refer to all the associations
that are active within the country. The term “associative movement” refers to the

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license
to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
K. Boussafi et al. (Eds.): MSENTS 2019, LNNS 162, pp. 1–15, 2021.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60933-7_1
2 S. Bendimerad et al.

institutional space that they occupy, as well as the social and material practices
that characterize their activities (Law 90-31 1990).
Based on the existing literature, this study asks the following questions: What
recent changes have there been within Algeria’s associative movement? What
impact have the reforms proposed by the state had on the way associations operate?
Have these reforms supported the contributions that associative life makes to
democracy? If so, is the “associative boom” a reality or an illusion?
In the first section, we will review the natural, cultural, religious, historical,
and economic factors that have more or less directly shaped the emergence of the
associative movement in Algeria. Then, we will use several examples to analyze the
various reforms implemented by the state to improve the lives of disadvantaged
populations. Finally, based on the chronological description of the successive
changes to the legal framework, we will analyze the role of the Algerian state in
the creation and operation of associations.

1 The Structure and Peculiarities of the Algerian Associative

Fabric

The reality of associations in a country cannot be understood independently of that

country’s geographical, cultural, historical, and economic context (Ben Néfissa 2002).
Algeria’s geographical context, namely its location in the heart of the Maghreb, makes
the country at once African, Middle Eastern, and Mediterranean. The largest country in
Africa in terms of area (2,381,741 km2 ), Algeria has a young population and abundant
natural resources (iron, oil, and natural gas). Despite these riches, some entire areas in
the Sahara and in the mountainous Kabylie region remain isolated. This has driven local
populations, which are left to fend for themselves, to develop various practices of mutual
aid.

1.1 The Origins of the Associative Movement: Historical and Cultural Factors
Algerian families and tribal groups have long practiced their own specific forms of
solidarity, with various actions that require participation and contribution from everyone.
Religious organizations (Zawiya) aimed to strengthen social bonds by fighting against
certain forms of exclusion and vulnerability. Islam, which is the religion of 99% of the
population (Cherbi 2017), is perceived in Algeria not only as an expression of faith, but
also as a state of mind that calls for the peaceful coexistence of different social groups,
with the goal of promoting solidarity. Several forms of religiously-inspired solidarity,
such as wakfs1 and tiwizas2 (Bozzo and Luizard 2011) were institutionalized by the
Algerian Ministry of Religious Affairs and Wakfs via two solidarity funds (the Zakat

1 A kind of donation in perpetuity from an individual for religious, charitable, or public utility
purposes.
2 In a family, village, or tribal context, touiza or tiwizi refers to a form of community cooperation
or development based on reciprocal giving. Because it is based on reciprocity, this practice of
solidarity is the most widespread in Algeria. It helps to mobilize available human resources and
to pool material means for projects that will help families in need.
 The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality or Democratic Illusion? 3

al-Fitr 3 and the zakat). Islam also holds that every human life is sacred and that since
material goods come from God, people should give some of what they receive to the
poor, hence the obligatory nature of almsgiving or zakat (Ducellier and Micheau 2016).
The associative movement, which has only continued to grow, is therefore anchored in
the religious traditions of the Algerian people (Liverani 2008; Merad Boudia 1981).
The first Algerian associations were created at the beginning of the twentieth century,
after the promulgation of the French Law of Associations of 1901. In Algeria, this law
served as the framework for the development of a rich and diverse associative fabric (Dris-
Aït Hamadouche 2017), made up of three kinds of organizations: mixed associations,
which included both Algerians and Europeans and which gravitated around the labor
movement; associations made up of European colonists (cooperatives, social clubs, and
sports clubs); and associations with an exclusively Algerian membership, such as Muslim
charity associations and sociocultural and educational associations. These structures
played an important role in mobilizing young Algerians against French colonialism. The
Law of Associations of 1901 remained in effect after Algeria gained its independence
in 1962 and was only repealed by decree in 1971.
After independence, a planned, centralized, state-run socialist economy was put in
place, in which the public sector, with its large monopolies, was omnipresent (Adel and
Guendouz 2015). The way in which this economic model focused more on social benefit
than economic performance contributed to the collapse of oil prices in 1986, which
led to an unprecedented resource crisis (Talahite and Hammadache 2010). This crisis
revealed the weakness of the Algerian economy, with dramatic social consequences.
Poverty and unemployment rose sharply, while purchasing power plummeted (Ould
Aoudia 2006). Riots broke out in October 1988, leading the country to enact a series
of economic reforms. The process of opening up the economy and the state’s need to
limit material and human support due to the ongoing economic crisis both contributed
to the revitalization of the associative movement. This led to the passage of a freedom
of association law, which was ratified on December 4, 1990.

1.2 Public Policy and Social Cohesion

In an attempt to resolve the economic crisis, the Algerian state took measures to ensure
social cohesion, which have barely been modified since their creation. According to a
2016 report by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the policies that
were adopted to assist disadvantaged populations can be summarized as follows:

– Created in 1992, the Solidarity Allowance (Allocation forfaitaire de solidarité; AFS)

and the Compensation for Activities in the General Interest (Indemnité pour une
activité d’intérêt général; IAIG) are the foundation of the “social safety net.” Outside
of these two schemes, social assistance programs also include material and financial
actions, social protections, and the care of people with disabilities in specialized
facilities. Assistance is also provided to families who take in orphans (study carried
out at the Ministry of National Solidarity, 2016).

3 Zakat al-Fitr is charity given to the poor at the end of Ramadan.

4 S. Bendimerad et al.

– The creation in 1994 of institutions to tackle unemployment, including the National

Unemployment Insurance Fund (Caisse nationale d’assurance chômage; CNAM) and
the National Employment Agency (Agence nationale pour l’emploi; ANE), which
aimed to help young people find long-term careers. Even though unemployment cur-
rently stands at around 13.2% (study carried out at the Office national des statistiques,
2018), both Algerian employment authorities and the country’s young people them-
selves continue to underestimate the potential of the associative sector. However,
working in an association helps one to develop various skills and areas of expertise
(administrative and financial management, project coordination, communication, and
so on). There are also many different areas of activity that correspond to government-
targeted sectors that are full of potential for increasing growth and creating jobs (Zoreli
2016). These areas include renewable energy, professional training, digital technol-
ogy, tourism, sports and leisure, and even health care. There are already many Algerian
associations that focus primarily on these areas.
– In 1996, the Social Development Agency (Agence de développement social; ADS)
was created. This agency provides assistance to those in extreme poverty and aims to
improve public solidarity. In 1997, the Ministry of National Solidarity was charged
with managing solidarity and social action programs to combat poverty and social
exclusion.
– The state’s management of social issues in its development programs was formal-
ized with an Economic Recovery Support Program (Plan de soutien à la relance
économique; PSRE), a Proximity Program for Rural Development (Programme
de proximité de développement rural; PPDR), and a Proximity Program for Inte-
grated Rural Development (Programme de proximité de développement rural intégré;
PPDRI), among others.4

However, the effectiveness of these long-term measures remains dependent, on the

one hand, on all social partners and the associative movement in the implementation
of public employment promotion schemes, and, on the other hand, on compliance with
conditions of rigor, fairness, and transparency when assistance is granted and provided
to different categories of beneficiaries (Akesbi 2017).

2 The Legal Framework of the Algerian Associative Movement

The period that followed the 1990s was marked by a weakening of democratic
institutions—a situation that has continued to this day.

2.1 The 1990s: A “Restricted” Opening up of Associative Activities

Despite the existence and application of a more liberal law in 1990, the new legal
framework for associations remained fairly vague. As Laurence Thieux (2009) notes,
“some provisions allowed the public authorities to retain mechanisms for monitoring
4 We can better understand the logic behind intervention by examining the National Social Budget
(Budget social de la nation; BSN), which is the Algerian state’s preferred instrument of social
action.
 The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality or Democratic Illusion? 5

and limiting the exercise of freedom of association.”5 This led to the following strict
criteria: associations could only be created by groups of at least fifteen adults, of Algerian
nationality, all of whom had to be in full possession of their civil rights, and none of
whom could have displayed behaviors contrary to the interests of the fight for national
independence.
On a different note, this law also seems to show suspicion of associations’ methods
of obtaining financing, especially from abroad. For this reason, it was determined that
donations and contributions from foreign organizations had to be approved in advance
by the competent public authority, which would verify the source of the donation and
its connection to the association’s stated goals.
As Bachir Senouci (1999) has noted, “during the first years of the civil war, the most
turbulent period in Algerian political history, the number of associations grew consid-
erably.” In the 1990s, the state created spaces for consulting with associations in order
to reinforce its own domestic legitimacy: examples include the National Dialogue Con-
ference (Conférence du dialogue national) in 1995 and the National Transition Council
(Conseil national de transition), with 85 of the council’s 100 seats reserved for associa-
tion members. Other types of associations that were more combative and independent of
the state also appeared, signaling a wider desire for equality, justice, and human rights.
At the end of the 2000s, Algerian associations became active in many different
areas, in particular environmental protection, health care, consumer rights, sports, and
protecting the country’s historical and architectural heritage. They offered services and
assistance to disenfranchised populations in neighborhoods, cities, and regions. Some
even focused on specific groups, such as abandoned children or people with reduced
mobility.

2.2 The 2000s: Algerian Associations and Their Freedom “Under Surveillance”
Following the Arab Spring, the Algerian regime launched a whole host of initiatives to
channel the wave of protest movements that had sprung up in cities across the country in
January 2011 (Dris 2013; Volpi 2014; Mokhefi 2015). President Bouteflika even gave a
speech on television on April 15, 2011 (Dris-Aït Hamadouche 2012). Parliament passed
several of the promised reforms as new laws, including a new regulatory framework for
associations, which was published in the state’s Official Journal on January 15, 2012.
This law, made up of seventy-four articles (madda), is divided into four main sections
(Bab).
The first section covers the creation of associations. The law of 2012 distinguishes
between three types of associations: national associations; associations on a wilaya6
5 Translator’s note: Unless otherwise stated, all translations of cited foreign-language material
in this article are our own.
6 By definition, the wilaya is the division of territorial government above the local level. It is
administered by a wali, who holds executive power, along with all ministerial departments
and agencies. The intermediary level transposes the wilaya’s mode of operation onto smaller
territories; it is based on daïras, or districts, which are linked to subdivisions. Each daïra is
administered by a district chief, who oversees several communes. Finally, at the bottom of the
hierarchy are the communes, which are administered democratically by elected councilors and
a mayor representing the local population.
6 S. Bendimerad et al.

(provincial) level; and associations on a community (district) level. The number of

members required to create an association varies: national associations require a mini-
mum of twenty-five founding members from at least twelve different wilayas; provincial
associations require a minimum of fifteen founding members from at least two differ-
ent communes; and community associations need at least ten members to get off the
ground. The new legislation not only retains associations’ obligation to notify the public
authorities of any changes to their bylaws, executive bodies, or financial situation, but it
also requires that associations submit a copy of the minutes of their meetings, as well as
their annual and financial reports after each ordinary or extraordinary general meeting,
within thirty days of their approval.
This law defines associations as “the grouping of natural and/or legal persons on the
basis of a fixed-term or permanent contract. These persons pool their knowledge and
means, as volunteers and on a non-profit basis, in order to promote and encourage activi-
ties in certain areas, in particular in professional, social, scientific, religious, educational,
cultural, sports, environmental, charitable, and humanitarian contexts.” Any legal adult
therefore has the right to found an association in Algeria, and they must follow the seven
steps below (Fig. 1):

Fig. 1. The process for creating an Algerian association Source: Diagram created by the authors
using data from the Ministry of the Interior and Local Authorities (2018).
 The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality or Democratic Illusion? 7

The second section of the law of 2012 discusses financing methods. Financing may
come from members’ dues, community activities, donations, and grants from govern-
mental bodies. However, associations are required to maintain a single account, either
with a bank or a public financial institution. Also, as was the case with the previous leg-
islation, associations are still forbidden from receiving any form of subsidy, donation,
or grant from political parties and from helping to finance these political parties. The
purpose of this is to separate these two kinds of entities in their objectives, definition,
and operations.
The third section covers associations that are led in whole or in part by foreigners, with
headquarters overseas, that are authorized to operate within Algeria. These organizations
are overseen by three governmental institutions: the ministries of the interior, of foreign
affairs, and of the sector in question. However, foreign associations may have their
operating authorization revoked if they pursue activities other than those defined in
their bylaws, if they clearly interfere with Algeria’s internal affairs, or if their activities
are likely to threaten Algeria’s national sovereignty, the established institutional order,
national unity, public order, or the cultural values of the Algerian people.
The fourth section of the law is devoted to “special associations,” which may include
religious associations, foundations (El-mouassassat), social clubs (El Widadiyate), and
student or sports associations (El Itihadat Toulabiya wa Riyadiya).
After the law of 1990 was passed, it was further modified to gradually and moder-
ately liberalize the associative sector. However, after analyzing the law of 2012, we can
confirm that, while the new regulations are more elaborate and more complex than the
previous ones, they also clearly contain newly introduced monitoring mechanisms. As
Bachir Dahak (2014) has shown, this law restricts and penalizes the exercise of free-
dom of association. The Algerian Human Rights League (Ligue algérienne des droits
de l’homme; LADDH) and other civil society organizations have continued to call for
new regulations that are more in line with international standards.

2.3 2018: A New Associations Bill Aiming for More “Flexibility”

On January 31, 2018,7 in response to calls from several associations, the Minister of the
Interior, Local Authorities, and Territorial Planning, Noureddine Bedoui, announced that
the new associations bill would include several reforms aimed at making the conditions
and procedures for creating an association more flexible.8 In particular, these reforms
included reducing the required number of founding members, removing some of the
administrative documents needed in the application, and making it easier to declare
and seek authorization for an association’s activities. The minister highlighted the right
to create associations and their right to pursue their activities freely. The goal was to
expand this field to include human rights and the promotion of citizenship, given their
importance in society.

7 “Projet de loi relatif aux associations: “souplesse” dans les procédures de constitution
d’associations,” Algérie Presse Service, February 1, 2019.
8 Recent anti-government protests have slowed the process for implementing this law.
8 S. Bendimerad et al.

The bill thus gives associations the right to appeal decisions to refuse the creation
of a new activity, as well as the ability to seek out sources of financing. It also allows
for the twinning of associations that have the same objectives and that work in the same
area.

3 The Realities of Algerian Associations

Data collection
In order to study the actual consequences of the state’s various actions on asso-
ciations’ activities, we used Algeria’s central statistics institution: the National
Office of Statistics (Office national des statistiques; ONS). This body is charged
with collecting information about all natural and legal persons using a unique and
confidential statistical identification number (numéro d’identification statistique,
or NIS). For associative structures, this NIS is required in order to:
• request subsidies from the state or local authorities;
• hire employees;
• pursue profit-generating activities.
Our sample of 145 structures is made up of Algerian associations that meet
the three criteria for receiving an NIS. We decided to use analytical observation
techniques to review this data, based on four approaches:

• describing the geographical situation of the associations in the sample;

• studying the change in the number of associations created between 1974 and
2017;
• collecting observations about Algerian associations’ primary areas of activity;
• building a corpus of examples of associations that stand out by virtue of their
activities, namely the associative movement by and for students, as well as that
for women’s rights.

3.1 Overview of the Associative Sector in Algeria

Before the political reforms of 1988, there were almost 12,000 associations officially
registered with the Ministry of the Interior and Local Authorities. Ten years later, this
figure had risen to 57,400, with 1,000 registered at the national level and 56,000 registered
locally. This phenomenon is surprising, in the sense that the associative boom occurred
during the socially devastating period of the civil war (Derras 2007).
 The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality or Democratic Illusion? 9

According to official data from the Ministry of the Interior, in 2017 there were around
96,150 associations registered on the national level, including nearly 15,800 religious
associations and 5,134 local associations. However, as Arab Izarouken (2014) has shown,
a rising number of associations is not a reliable indicator of the dynamism of Algerian
civil society. According to Izarouken, the number of associations on the official register
is much greater than the number of structures that are truly active.
The table below shows the diverse array of areas of activity pursued by one thousand
national associations (Table 1).

Table 1. Areas of activity in the Algerian associative sector

Area of activity Number of associations

Professional sector (trade, professional integration, and consumer 213
rights)
Healthcare sector 151
Culture and tourism sector 143
Youth and sports sector 142
Science and technology sector (for training and education) 49
Social sector (defense of the rights of women and veterans, political 23
and religious associations)
Other 279
Source: Table created by the authors using data collected from the Ministry of the Interior (2018).

3.2 An Essentially Urban Phenomenon

Mapping out the associations that we identified shows that they are primarily located in
or near large coastal cities. More than 80% of the 145 associations studied are active in
urban areas. Northern Algeria and the wilaya of Algiers together account for more than
50% of all associations. These associations are rarely found on the outskirts of cities and
are mostly located in city centers. Associations are also more common in regions where
modes of community organization already exist (Kabylie and M’zab, for example). The
associative movement is not evenly distributed across the country’s territory; it is more
present in the center and east of the country than the west (Fig. 2).
10 S. Bendimerad et al.

Fig. 2. Geographical distribution of the 145 Algerian associations in our study sample Source:
Map created by the authors using sample data from the National Office of Statistics (2018).

3.3 Growth of the Associative Movement

Our study shows that the “associative boom” (Kadri 2012; Mihoubi 2014) is in fact
inextricably linked to the various state reforms of this sector. As the following figure
shows, there was a significant increase from 2012 onward (after the new law was passed).
However, we also note decreased growth starting in 2014, which continued through 2017.
This was due to the many mechanisms in this law for monitoring and dominating how
Algerian associations are created and seek subsidies, which had a negative effect on the
longevity of their activities (Fig. 3).

3.4 Breakdown by Sector of Activity

Our analysis confirms the fact that most Algerian associations focus their activities on
cultural, social, and environmental issues—in other words, in sectors where the state has
an interest in supporting public action. On the other hand, human rights associations and
associations that are generally active in more politically sensitive sectors are in the clear
minority (anti-corruption associations, for example). Still, as Ahcène Amarouche (2012)
has highlighted, some organizations—such as feminist associations and associations
 The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality or Democratic Illusion? 11

Fig. 3. Change in the number of associations created between 1974 and 2017 Source: Authors’
calculations based on the ONS sample (2018).

for the children of martyrs (Chouhada) and veterans (Moudjahidine)—have joined the
existing associative sphere, forming a “revolutionary family.”9

3.5 The Associative Movement for and by Students

Various associative movements among students have shown their capacity for mobi-
lization. Some of the student associations in our sample stand out in their dynamism,
including Development House (Maison de développement), the Young Scientists’ Asso-
ciation (Association des jeunes scientifiques), the Youth Activities Association (Associ-
ation des activités des jeunes), and Chabab bila houdoud (Youth Without Limits). This
was also the case for ACSES, which was created in 2015 with the primary objective of
promoting social entrepreneurship in Algeria. This association acts as an incubator for
SSE projects. It also provides students working on a solidarity project with the oppor-
tunity to start their project in a dynamic, innovation-focused environment. Training and
support are provided throughout the project, up until its launch. Candidates must submit
an application and defend it in front of a panel. The incubator takes on around twenty
projects every year, for a period of twenty-four to thirty months. Its goal is to bring
fifteen projects to fruition per year.

9 These are organizations created informally by civil society, which are based on the values of
sharing and solidarity and which work on contentious issues. In the case of Algeria, these include
the descendants of martyrs and their heirs (parents of unmarried martyrs and living veterans)
(Fig. 4).
12 S. Bendimerad et al.

Fig. 4. Breakdown of the associative movement by sector of activity Source: Figure created by
the authors based on the ONS sample (2018).

3.6 The Associative Movement for Women’s Rights

As stated above, some associations focus on defending women’s rights, including the
National Association for Women and Rural Development (Association nationale femme
et développement rural), the Association of Women in the Green Economy (Association
des femmes en économie verte), and the Association of Algerian Women (Association
des femmes algériennes). As an important driver of state mobilization, the feminist
associative movement has given itself the objective of fighting against fundamental-
ism, violence, and discrimination against women, promoting women’s liberation with
concrete civil society actions, such as environmental protection (Tahir Metaiche and
Bendiabdellah 2016).

3.7 Obstacles
The many promises of public action to support the Algerian associative movement are
far from being realized. There are many limitations that continue to block the devel-
opment of this sector. The Algerian public authorities do not recognize the benefit that
 The Associative Boom in Algeria: Reality or Democratic Illusion? 13

associations may have for the general interest, and they provide no support whatsoever
to help them remain viable over the long term. Rather, the state carries out inspection
procedures on a daily basis, often in an abusive manner. Administrative inquiries are
carried out systematically and are one of the main factors that stop people from creat-
ing an association. There are many structures that have failed to obtain authorization:
even though they follow all of the obligatory procedures, they never receive a response,
or even acknowledgment that their application has been received. This practice, which
has been common over the last fifteen years, allows the administration to suspend the
creation process without needing to justify its refusal. In many instances, it is political
and human rights associations that suffer this fate. When it comes to relationships with
volunteers, the Algerian associative movement has not fully realized their value as a
resource or the importance of cultivating volunteer loyalty.
Associations’ business model is mostly based on subsidies. For an association to
receive state financing, the local authorities need to decide whether its activities are in
the general interest. However, there is no legal text that explicitly defines this idea, or
that of public utility. The idea of general interest is related to the statutory objective
of an association. An association is said to be “in the general interest” if, through its
activities, it provides material and moral support to vulnerable populations in order to
improve their living conditions and well-being.
Finally, accounting and financial management are some of the greatest difficulties
for Algerian associations, even those with more experience in this area, since they are
required to submit double-entry bookkeeping records.10 The result is that the exist-
ing relationship between associations and local institutions displays a shocking lack of
improvement or proper management.

4 The Associative Movement in Algeria: Searching for Democracy

The February 23, 1989 constitution freed associations from direct state supervision,
opening up the path toward more autonomy. The 1990 Law on Associations reaffirmed
the associative movement’s emancipation from the state. According to our results, the
most recent law in 2012 created an associative glut: associations popped up in every
area, mobilizing every social category. However, it appears that rather than accelerating
the democratization process in Algeria, the development of associative life has actu-
ally slowed it down. Based on this observation, it appears to us that Daniel Brumberg’s
definition of “liberalized autocracy” (2003) is the best way of analyzing the associa-
tive boom in Algeria. According to Brumberg, this term refers to a set of institutional,
economic, ideological, and social factors that tend to create an environment of repres-
sion, monitoring, and partial openness, and that reflect a kind of virtual democracy in
which promoting a measure of political openness for associative activities is associated
with permanent state monitoring of their financing, communication, cooperation, and
networking activities.

10 Defined in opposition to “single-entry bookkeeping,” double-entry bookkeeping is a method that

involves recording payment operations simultaneously as a credit to one account and a debit
from another.
14 S. Bendimerad et al.

We can conclude that the process of opening up associative activities is evolving

slowly but steadily. According to our analysis, the Algerian associative movement is
becoming denser, more diverse, and more dynamic. The relative openness of the asso-
ciative field was considered and included in the state’s 2018 list of primary objectives.
Nevertheless, for this process to result in democratic action, the state itself must be
more democratic. As Daho Djerbal (2012) highlights, “the existence of an associative
movement is one of the prerequisites for the transition from an authoritarian regime to
a democracy. Without an associative movement, there cannot be a democracy.” Ulti-
mately, the bill proposed in 2018 by the Minister of the Interior, Local Authorities, and
Territorial Planning gives us a glimpse of how the associative sector may become more
democratized in the future.

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 Digital Storytelling for Tertiary Education
in the Era of Digitization
Construction and Evaluation of Two Experiences

Khaldoun Dia-Eddine(B)

Zurich University for Applied Sciences, Zurich, Switzerland

[email protected]

Abstract. Globalization is everywhere. Demographic changes are visible and

take more importance and pose new challenges. Technological developments are
seen as a source for solutions as it is sometimes considered source of problems.
The combination of these changes along with environmental changes is
impacting all what man intends to do, it influences the societal environment,
creates new demands and needs. Economic success and continuous growth are
not the only key words. Sustainability, innovation and more specifically social
innovation are the new key words. In order to get them it is required also to have
what is today called the social entrepreneurship.
Facing all these challenges requires a good preparation. Education and
innovation in education are corner stones to redeem the skills’ gaps.
The intention of the study is to present the changing environment as motivation
and drive for change in the society and more specifically in the education, its
methods and approaches. Once the drives clear the study describes two major
trends as answers and opportunities, namely the smart cities and industry 4.0. In
order to have a sustainable and efficient societal chapter the demand for social
entrepreneurship and social innovation became a necessity. Further the issue of
lack of skills required by the new technological and entrepreneurship advances
is discussed showing the impact on the new conditions for education, mainly the
tertiary and vocational.
The combination of all the changes and the innovation leads to new demands
in education forms as well as pedagogical approaches. The study will explain
some of them before concentrating on one approach known as digital storytelling
(DST).
The explanation of DST will lead to the development of a framework. The
framework was applied in two different ways in classes and then analyzed based
on the free and anonymous feedback of the students.
It showed the interest of the students for such teaching methods as part of a
curriculum, whether for the simple case or for the more complex. The students
were motivated to search more and interact with the presented topics.
The positive evaluation of the students and some thoughts of the author
after this practical experience open the door for some recommendations and
improvements.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license
to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
K. Boussafi et al. (Eds.): MSENTS 2019, LNNS 162, pp. 16–49, 2021.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60933-7_2
 Digital Storytelling for Tertiary Education in the Era of Digitization Construction 17

1 Methodology and Limitation

The paper is based on an extensive literature review which will explain the theoretical
bases of the study and the logic behind it. It will then set the frame for the practical
part. The practical part is an application of digital storytelling for university students. It
was developed and conducted by the author himself in his own classes. The applications
were conducted separately in two different classes and different topics for last semester’s
bachelor students. The evaluation of the two experiences was done by the students
attending the courses on free and anonymous basis. The students were informed to fill
a questionnaire designed by the author. The comparison between the two approaches-
including the students’ feedbacks- will feed the final recommendations of this study.
For the time being the whole experience was applied only one time, which is not rep-
resentative in term of final conclusions, but allows to advance and enhance the thoughts
and outcomes in the future.
Another limitation to be mentioned is the small number of students contributing to
the survey. An important limitation was the lack of time, available material and technical
skills to develop the stories and make the movies. At least one experience (story II) was
done on the base of existing recorded material.

2 Introduction

The Greek philosopher Heraclitus [1] said once: “the only thing that is constant is
change”.
As technology continues to permeate not only our personal but also our profes-
sional lives, as political, demographical, social and environmental changes are impact-
ing us, this adage is more relevant than ever – particularly for societies, businesses and
individuals struggling to adapt in an increasingly moving digital economy.
The changes mentioned above created new environment, new expectations and
new demands, they created volatility, uncertainty, complexity and ambiguity known
as: VUCA [2]. No society or an organization’s leadership, nor their strategies are spared
in today’s VUCA world. Societies and organizations want stability, certainty, clarity and
sustainability; hence, citizens, companies, institutions and employees have to perform
-as major players- at the top of their game.
Smart societies and communities, savvy organizations understand that “the top” is
not a static target – it is always shifting and evolving, driven not only by competitive
pressures but also by digital transformation and societal changes. To stay at the top
requires wide support of the development of citizens and employee skills, knowledge
and experiences. All must be learning every day, and learning must be integral to a
general societal or organizational culture.
But different types of learning are possible. Education has today to offer new
responses in different manners to the societies and to the economy. New factors like
technical innovation, social innovation, project management, entrepreneurship and social
entrepreneurships are new fields or re-invented fields. The lack of skills demanded by
these changes is obvious, it is mentioned in the paper as a pushy factor for the educational
institutions. This idea is also supported by many researchers [3].
18 K. Dia-Eddine

It is possible to summarize the chain from the big changes to the requirement for
new educational needs through this simplified diagram:

Understanding the changes, the mixes created by them, their major characteristics
and their dynamics including the trends they create will help to understand the importance
of innovation and entrepreneurship. But these two factors became more specific in that,
that they have to answer to modern social expectations and agendas. Something new,
which wasn’t present for the previous generations.
As consequence, there are new needs in term of preparation for the citizens – as
consumers and societal decision makers-, the workers and employees, the managers and
entrepreneurs. The educational system is -up to now- not ready for these new conditions
as many studies indicate[3, 4].

3 The Drives for Changes

Accelerated technological development

The fast-technological development in the last decades took several forms (among
others):
The huge development in the miniaturization of integrated circuits (Moore’s law)
influenced dramatically the calculation and data treatment capacities [5]. This was trans-
lated in the huge increase of supercomputer power in terms of the number of floating-
point operations carried out per second (FLOPS) [6] (more than 700’000 times increase
between 1993 and 2017)!
The number of pages viewed from mobile devices and tablets, which is estimated to
have risen from 15% to over 30% of total pages viewed in less than 2 years. In 2013,
over 75% of active Facebook users connected via a mobile device. Now, more than 4
billion people have access to handheld devices that possess more computing power than
the US National Aeronautics and Space Administration used to send two people to the
moon [7].
 Digital Storytelling for Tertiary Education in the Era of Digitization Construction 19

Many emerging technologies rely on innovations in ICT. But that is not the only
domain, in OECD countries, about 25% of ICT patents also belong to non-ICT areas.
Some of the developments were less linear than the ones just mentioned above.
This non-linearity is observed where rapid evolution followed an important enabling
innovation. Two examples of such trends are: the take-off of human flight, and the
sequencing of the human genome (more than 175,000-fold since the completion of the
first sequencing project).
The cost to keep the different machines running is also a good indicator. The progress
in relation to the electrical efficiency [8] has been tremendous: researchers found that
over the last six decades the energy demand for a fixed computational load halved every
18 months [9].
One interesting consequence of the technological development is the development
of the price of consumer durables, which shows a decrease in the price of the majority of
the large public goods (appliances, clothes, toys, etc.), this pushed for more consumption
of finished products, but also of raw materials needed for the production. In contrast,
the prices of goods and services such as education, childcare, medical care, and housing
have increased significantly, rising up to 150% sometimes over the last 20 years [10].
This difference between price trends of consumables and services can be simply
explained by the little productivity growth of service sectors relative to manufacturing
sectors which have seen continued improvements through technological innovation. This
may in part explain why the cost of education, healthcare and other services have risen
faster than the general rate of inflation [11].
These technological changes made the ICT sector to grow such that it became
one of the 10 most important economic branches in Switzerland as example [12]. The
consequence is the demand for more skilled workers in this field.

The demographic changes

Demographic change and development is a two-way relationship. Demographic change
affects key intermediate outcomes of development, such as the pace of economic growth
per capita, savings and human capital, and these intermediate outcomes in turn influence
demographic change [13]. At the same time, it is known that technological progress
affects growth via the impact on labor and capital productivity [… it was observed that]
demographic developments made a sizeable contribution to growth in the emerging mar-
ket economies, while this contribution was much smaller or even negative in advanced
economies [14].
In fact, emerging market economies tend to have more young people. This means
that the share of the working age population was growing while in advanced economies
it has remained either broadly stable or has declined over the past 25 years [15].
The major challenges due to the demographic changes are [16]:

• The change in the absolute size of the population (fertility dynamics and mortality
dynamics). This will require new jobs and working places.
• The change in the relative size of particular cohorts of population (youth, Ageing).
The change in the demographic pyramid will have its impact on retirement age and
demanding for extended working life.
20 K. Dia-Eddine

• The change in spatial distribution of the population (international and internal migra-
tion, concentration through higher urbanization). In this regards, rapid urban growth
presents opportunities, but also challenges that seeks to make cities and human settle-
ments inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable (e.g. smart cities when combined with
tech developments)
• The challenge related to the wealth of the population. According to some reports
[17] the inequality is advancing very rapidly and the gap between the richest and the
poorest on the earth is widening. This will impact the life quality, the chance for equal
access to health and education services.
• Another important issue is the education. According to the World Inequality Database
on Education [18], the gap in completing primary school between countries is growing.
The economic productivity and social quality of life of any country depends on its
educated population and closing the gap in global education is the key to global
prosperity, safety and stability.

Many of these challenges must be faced through longer working life which will in its
turn require continuous skills adaptation.
To conclude with the demographic aspect, Migrants made an absolute contribution
to global output of roughly $6.7 trillion, or 9.4% of global GDP in 2015 [7]. This
contribution could be larger if the migrants would have been better integrated through a
better and more adequate education.

The challenges of globalization

Globalization, or the increased interconnectedness and interdependence of peoples and
countries, is generally understood to include two inter-related elements: the opening of
international borders to increasingly fast flows of goods, services, finance, people and
ideas; and the changes in institutions and policies at national and international levels
that facilitate or promote such flows [19].
Globalization poses challenges that will have to be addressed by governments, civil
society, and other policy actors [20]. Parts of these challenges can be contained through
better and continuous education.
The combination of the changes mentioned above generated new phenomenon:

1. the smart cities and

2. the industry 4.0.

In the study here both are separated from each other despite that the link between them
is quite deep and organic [21]. The reason behind such separation is that the smart cities
has tendency to deal -beside the technical aspects- with the societal issues parallel to the
technological development. While the Industry 4.0 will -beside the technical aspects-
deal mainly with the economic issues related to the economic welfare, growth along the
technical development.

Trend I - Smart cities

In the last few years the development of the so-called smart cities is an important phe-
nomenon. The importance of this phenomenon is seen in India and China [22], it is
 Digital Storytelling for Tertiary Education in the Era of Digitization Construction 21

also seen through the number of connected IoT devices [23] and in the additional cities
looking to be smart within the next few years [24].
But what is a smart city?
“A Smart City is a city seeking to address public issues via ICT-based solutions on
the basis of a multi-stakeholder, municipally based partnership” [25].
The British Standards Institution (BSI) was even more specific when it described
smart city as “an effective integration of physical, digital and human systems in the built
environment to deliver a sustainable, prosperous and inclusive future for its citizens”
[26].
The literature on smart cities underlines the importance of the integration of technical
and social perspectives [27], but the integration is sometimes not going without creating
tensions [28]. The development of human potential by means of promoting education
and getting more skilled workers, can be a response to this tension and explain also why
these cities have better educated people in a better endowed labor market [29]. Then the
conjunction of knowledge, education and ICTs skills become key factor for analyzing
all issues related to smart cities’ sustainability.
One way how knowledge, education and skills are expressed within the frame of
smart cities is explained through the innovation by Caragliu, et al. “..that innovation in
smart city is driven by entrepreneurs and products that necessitate a progressively more
capable labor force” [30].
Most of the literature defines innovation as the implementation not just of new ideas,
knowledge and practices but also of improved ideas, knowledge and practices [31], as
also highlighted in Oslo Manual [32].
Innovation has different types. The focus is generally much on technological inno-
vation [33], but, the concept of social innovation has received more and more attention
over the world across the last decade [34]. At the European Union’s policy-making level,
social innovation is already recognized as key for tackling “societal challenges,” “societal
demands” and “social needs” [35] in the 21st century. Realizing a shift towards sustain-
able societies in the end is closely linked to innovative answers and new approaches to
innovation [36].
Social innovations along with technological innovations are considered as important
driving force of secure sustainable development affecting wellbeing of communities,
societies and countries [37, 38].
But for smart cities to be sustainable, it is not enough to have knowledge, skills and
innovation. These elements must be embedded into a framework of economic activities.
Hence, the presence of a high number of entrepreneurs bundled into a ‘socio-technical
network’ [39] should allow an alignment in their offers, methods, technologies and
attitudes toward smart cities and smart employees, this would lead to higher efficiency
and strengthen the sustainability of smart cities.

Trend II - Industry 4.0

Besides the smart cities, the changes mentioned above, brought what is today known as
the digital transformation and the industry 4.0 [40].
Industry 4.0 takes the emphasis on digital technology from recent decades to a whole
new level with the help of interconnectivity through the Internet of Things (IoT), access
to real-time data, and the introduction of cyber-physical systems. Industry 4.0 offers a
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
the Russians under Paskievitsch. In 1855, its fortifications having
been strengthened, it sustained a long siege by the Russians. Their
attempt at taking it by storm (September 29) failed, but it was
compelled by famine to surrender, November 30. Kars again
surrendered to the Russians in 1877, having been captured by
storming in a night attack,—one of the most brilliant feats of arms in
the annals of history.
Kaschau. A town of Hungary; is situated in the beautiful valley of
the Hernad, 130 miles northeast from Pesth. Two battles were
fought near Kaschau during the Hungarian revolution, both of which
the Austrians gained.
Kaskaskia Indians. A tribe which formerly inhabited Illinois, but
are now located with other tribes on the Quapaw agency, Indian
Territory. See Indians and their Agencies.
Kastamouni, or Costambone. A town in Anatolia, Asia Minor. It
stands in a dreary hollow, from which rises a solitary rock
surmounted by a fortress in ruins. During the Greek empire, the
fortress was in possession of the Comneni. It was taken by Bajazet,
retaken by Timour, and lastly, conquered by Mohammed I.
Katan. A Japanese sword, otherwise cattan.
Katsbach, or Katzbach. A river in Prussia, in the province of
Silesia, near which Gen. Blücher defeated the French under
Macdonald and Ney, August 26, 1813. He received the title of Prince
of Wahlstatt, the name of a neighboring village.
Kátsena. A town of Central Africa, in the empire of Sokoto. In
1807 the conquering Fúlbes assailed it, and a war was commenced,
which lasted for upwards of seven years. The capture of the town
was achieved only through its destruction.
Kavass. In Turkey, an armed constable; also a government
servant or courier.
Kazan. A town of Russia, capital of the government, and ancient
capital of the kingdom of the same name; is situated on the river
Kazanka, 4 miles from the north bank of the Volga. It was founded
in 1257 by a Tartar tribe, and after various vicissitudes, was made
the capital of an independent kingdom of the khan of the Golden
Horde, which flourished in the 15th century. In 1552 the Russians,
under Ivan the Terrible, carried the town after a bloody siege, and
put an end to the existence of the kingdom.
Kecherklechi. Are guards attached to the person of the king of
Persia; they are armed with a musket of an extraordinary size and
caliber. They were raised and formed into a regular corps about the
middle of the 18th century.
Keechies. A small tribe of Indians residing with others on the
Wichita Agency, Indian Territory. See Indians and their Agencies.
Keen. Sharp; having a fine cutting edge; as, a keen blade.
Keep. To maintain hold upon; not to let go of; not to lose; to
retain; as, if we lose the field, we cannot keep the town.
Keep. In ancient military history, a kind of strong tower, which
was built in the centre of a castle or fort, to which the besieged
retreated, and made their last efforts of defense. In the Norman
keeps there appear to have been three stories, the lowest for stores,
the second for a guard-room, and the upper, or solarium, for the
family. The keep was similar to what the classical ancients called the
citadel, or inner fort,—a term generally applied to modern
fortification on the continent. King’s Keep, a fort built by King Henry
II. in the inner part of Dover Castle is so called.
Keep Off. To deter an enemy from approaching close to the lines
or fortifications, by inducing him to suspect a superior force, an
ambuscade, or a mine, or by openly galling his advanced posts in
such a manner as to beat him in detail. Infantry may keep off
cavalry by hot firing, or by a bristling hedge of bayonets, when in
square.
Keep On. To go forward; to proceed; to continue to advance; as,
to keep on advancing into the enemy’s country.
Keep Up. In military movements, is to preserve that regular pace
by which a line or column on a march, or in manœuvring, advances
towards any given point without any chasms or fluctuations. When a
regiment marches by files, it is almost impossible for the rear to
keep up. On this account, divisions, sub-divisions, and even sections,
are best calculated to preserve a regular depth and continuity of
march. Keep up likewise signifies to attend to the interior
management and discipline of a corps, so as to prevent the least
deviation from established rules and regulations. Thus commanding
officers are said to keep up good order and discipline, who, whether
present or absent, provide against the least insubordination, etc. To
keep up a heavy fire, is to play heavy ordnance against a fortified
place, or body of men, by a calm and well-directed succession of
shot. The term is equally applicable to a steady fire of musketry.
Kehl. A town of Germany, on the Rhine, opposite Strasburg. It is
of great importance in a military sense, and was fortified by the
French engineer Vauban in the year 1688. This place has often been
besieged and taken. It was obstinately defended against the
Austrians, who took it in 1797. It was taken by the French the
following year, and retained by them till 1814.
Kelat. A town and strong fortress of Afghanistan, 72 miles
northeast from Candahar. It was held by the British till their
evacuation of the country in 1842.
Kelat. The capital of Beloochistan, India, standing on a hill 6000
feet above the level of the sea. In 1840 this place was taken by the
English general Nott, but in the following year the British finally
withdrew from it.
Kelso. A town in Scotland, in the county of Roxburgh, situated at
the confluence of the Tweed and the Teviot. An old abbey, now in
ruins, is the chief object of interest in Kelso. It was founded by David
I. in 1128, and was destroyed in 1560, after having sustained great
injury at the hands of the English in 1522 and 1545. Kelso is often
mentioned in the histories of the border wars.
Kemmendine. A post of the Burmese empire, near Rangoon,
memorable for the various contests between the British forces and
the natives in 1824.
Kenaians. A numerous tribe of Indians residing in Alaska. They
derive their name from the peninsula of Kenai, and are peaceable
and self-supporting.
Kenilworth. A small town of Warwickshire, England. The only
interest of the place centres in its ruined castle, which stands on a
rocky and commanding eminence; it was founded by Geoffrey de
Clinton, lord chamberlain to Henry I. It was granted by Henry III. to
Simon do Montfort, earl of Leicester, and became the chief rallying-
point of the insurgents who sided with that noble. After his death it
held out for six months against the royal forces. The castle of
Kenilworth was dismantled by Oliver Cromwell.
Kent. A maritime county of England, forming the southeastern
angle of the kingdom, and approaching nearer to the continent than
any other part of the kingdom. It was in this county that the Romans
first landed when they invaded Britain. It was then inhabited by the
Cantii. Kent was the first kingdom of the Heptarchy established by
the Saxons in Britain.
Kentucky. One of the Central States of the Mississippi Valley, and
the second admitted into the confederacy after the Revolution. It
was formerly included in the territory of Virginia, to which it
belonged till 1792. Its name, signifying “the dark and bloody
ground,” is suggestive of its early history, it being the scene of many
bloody conflicts between the settlers and Indians, and also the grand
battle-ground of the Indians themselves. The most important battle
between the Indians and whites took place near Blue Lick Springs,
August 19, 1782, the latter numbering 182, and the former about
three times that number. After a desperate engagement the
Kentuckians were totally routed, with a loss of 60 killed and
wounded. The celebrated Col. Boone bore a part and lost a son in
this engagement. In the war of 1812 Kentucky was largely and
effectively represented, as also in the Mexican war. In the civil war
the State at first declared a strict neutrality; but as this condition
could not be maintained, after stormy and exciting discussions in its
councils, it declared for the Union in November, 1861. As the
population was almost equally divided in its sympathy, Kentuckians
were to be found fighting in the ranks of both contending armies.
The State was the theatre of several hotly contested actions during
the civil war, and suffered considerably during that trying period.
Kerana. A long trumpet, similar in shape and size to the
speaking-trumpet. The Persians use it whenever they wish to make
any extraordinary noise, and they frequently blow it with hautboys,
kettle-drums, and other instruments, at retreat or sunset, and two
hours after midnight.
Kerman, or Sirjan. The capital of a province of the same name
in Persia, situated about 360 miles southeast from Ispahan. In 1794,
after a brave defense, this city was taken by Aga Mohammed Khan,
and given up to plunder for three successive months. It has never
recovered from the effects of this great disaster.
Kern (Ir. cearn). A soldier. The Irish infantry were formerly
distinguished by this appellation. The men in those days were armed
with a sword and a dart or javelin, which was tied to a small cord, so
that after they had thrown it at the enemy they could instantly
recover it, and use it in any way they thought proper. The javelin
was called skene, which is also the Irish for a knife.
Kertch (anc. Panticapœum). A town of Russia, in the government
of Taurida, on the coast of the Crimea. It was colonized in 500 B.C.
by the Milesians, and about 50 B.C. it became part of the Roman
empire; and in 375 A.D. it fell into the hands of the Huns. In 1280 it
was occupied by the Genoese, who were driven out by the Turks in
1473. It was seized by the Russians in 1771, and formally ceded to
them in 1774. In May, 1855, it was taken by the allied French and
English during the Crimean war, on which occasion it was ruthlessly
plundered by the soldiery.
Ket’s Rebellion. A revolt which occurred in England in July,
1549, instigated by William Ket, a tanner, of Norfolk. He demanded
the abolition of inclosures and the dismissal of evil counselors. The
insurgents amounted to 20,000 men, but were quickly defeated by
the Earl of Warwick, whose troops killed more than 200 of the
insurgents.
 Kettle-drum. A drum formed by stretching vellum over the
circular edge of a hemispherical vessel of brass or copper. This
instrument, which gives forth a sharp, ringing sound, is used in
Europe by regiments of cavalry and horse-artillery in lieu of the
ordinary cylindrical drum, which would, from its shape, be
inconvenient on horseback. Kettle-drums are not used in the U. S.
military service.
Kettle-drum Cart. A four-wheel carriage drawn by four horses,
which was used exclusively by the British artillery as a pageant. The
ordnance flag was painted on the fore part, and the drummer, with
two kettle-drums, was seated, as in a chair of state, on the back
part. This cart, which is finely engraved and richly gilt, has not been
in the field since 1743, when the king was present. It is at present
kept in the Tower of London.
Kettle-drummer. One who plays on a kettle-drum.
Kettle-hat. A cap of iron worn by knights in the Middle Ages.
Key. In artillery carriages, is a bolt used to secure cap squares
and for analogous purposes.
Key of a Position or Country. A point the possession of which
gives the control of that position or country.
Key-chain. A chain attached to the key to prevent it from being
lost.
Key-plates. See Ordnance, Carriages for, The Caisson.
Keyserlicks, or Imperialists. The Austrian troops are frequently
called so. The term was indeed common among the British soldiers,
when they did duty with the Austrians, and invaded France in 1794.
Khaibar. A town of Arabia, the capital of an independent Jewish
territory, 110 miles north from Medina. In 628 it was taken by
Mohammed, who had received from a Jewess of the town the
poisoned egg which ultimately cost him his life.
Khan. A title of Mongolian or Tartar sovereigns and lords. A
khanate is a principality. Khagan means “khan of khans,” but has
seldom been applied. The word khan is probably of the same origin
as king.
Khedive. A title, said to signify a position inferior to an absolute
sovereign, but superior to a mere viceroy, which was given to the
viceroy of Egypt, Ismail Pasha, by the sultan of Turkey in 1867.
Kheet (Ind.). A fortified city, which is 4 or more coss, or 8 English
miles, in length and breadth, and which does not exceed 8 coss, or
16 English miles.
Khelat. A hill fortress of considerable strength in the territory of
Afghanistan, which was gallantly captured by the British troops in
1839.
Kherson. An ancient Dorian colony, which came under the sway
of the great Mithridates about 120 B.C., and afterwards of that of
Rome in 30. It continued important, and its possession was long
disputed by the Russians and Greeks. It was taken by Vladimir,
grand duke of Russia, in 988. The city was destroyed by the
Lithuanians; and the Turks found it deserted when they took
possession of the Crimea in 1475.
Khiva (anc. Chorasmia), Khaurezm, Kharasm, or Urgunge. A
khanate of Turkestan, in Central Asia. In ancient times it was
nominally subject to the Selucidæ; subsequently it formed part of
the kingdoms of Bactria, Parthia, Persia, and the Caliphate, and
became an independent monarchy in 1092 under a Seljuk dynasty.
The Khivans, or as they were then called, the Khaurezmians, after
conquering the whole of Persia and Afghanistan, were obliged to
succumb to the Moguls, under Genghis Khan, in 1221. In 1370 it
came into the hands of Timur. Timur’s descendants were subdued in
1511 by Shahy Beg, chief of the Uzbeks, a Turkish tribe, and his
successors still rule over Khiva. In 1717, Peter the Great attempted
to conquer it, but his army was totally defeated; the attempt was
renewed in 1839 by the czar Nicholas, with the same result; the
greater part of the Russian army perished in the desert. From 1873
to 1875, however, it was continually invaded by the armies of Russia,
who in the latter year occupied a portion of the principality, which is
now ruled by the Russian government under the name of the Trans-
Caspian Territory.
Khodadaud Sircar (Ind.). The government or ruler blessed or
beloved of God; it was a title assumed by Tippoo Sahib, the
sovereign of the kingdom of Mysore, who fell in defense of his
capital, Seringanatam, when it was stormed, May 4, 1799, by the
British forces under Lieut.-Gen. Harris.
Khoi. A walled town of Persia, province of Azerbijan, on a
tributary of the Khar. In the plain of Khoi, Shah Ismael signally
defeated the Turks under Selim I. in 1514.
Khurd-Cabul. A village of Afghanistan, situated 16 miles
southeast of Cabul. Here, in 1841, the British troops retreating from
Cabul to Jelalabad became totally disorganized, and were murdered
without resistance by the Afghans; and here, in 1842, Gen. Pollock
encamped after the decisive defeat of the Afghans at Terzeen.
Khyber Pass. The most practicable of all the openings through
the Khyber Mountains, is the only one by which cannon can be
conveyed between the plain of Peshawur, on the right bank of the
upper Indus, and the plain of Jelalabad, in Northern Afghanistan. It
is 30 miles in length, being here and there merely a narrow ravine
between almost perpendicular rocks of at least 600 feet in height. It
may be said to have been the key of the adjacent regions in either
direction from the days of Alexander the Great to the Afghan wars of
1839-42. Here a British army, on its retreat from Cabul in January,
1842, was absolutely annihilated.
Kibee. A flaw produced in the bore of a gun by a shot striking
against it.
Kick. To recoil;—said of a musket, piece of ordnance, and the like.
Kickapoos. A tribe of Indians who formerly lived on the
Wisconsin River, and were for a long time hostile to the white
settlers, but after Wayne’s victory over the tribes in Ohio in 1794
submitted, and concluded a treaty of peace in 1795. In 1811 and
1812, however, they again renewed hostilities, and attacked Fort
Harrison in the latter year. Being repulsed, they surprised and
murdered 20 persons at the mouth of White River. For this and
similar atrocities they were punished by the burning of some of their
villages. After a desultory warfare, treaties of peace were again
concluded with them, and after the treaty of 1819 they sold their
lands and moved beyond the Mississippi River. A few settled down to
agriculture, and their descendants now exhibit considerable
indications of civilization; but the greater number roamed over the
country committing depredations. Some of them are now settled on
the Kansas agency, Kansas, and others on the Sac and Fox agency,
in Indian Territory. See Indians and their Agencies.
Kidnapper. Parties were formerly so called, who by improper
means decoyed the unwary into the army.
Kiel. Chief town of Holstein, a seaport, and a member of the
Hanseatic League in 1300. By a treaty between Great Britain,
Sweden, and Denmark, signed here January 14, 1814, Norway was
ceded to Sweden. An extraordinary assembly of the revolted
provinces, Schleswig and Holstein, met here September 9, 1850. By
the convention of Gastein between Austria and Prussia, August 14,
1865, the former was to govern Holstein, but Kiel to be held by
Prussia as a German federal port. This was annulled in 1866 by the
issue of the war.
Kiev, or Kief. The chief town of the government of that name, on
the west bank of the Dnieper; is one of the oldest of the Russian
towns, and was formerly the capital. In 864 it was taken from the
Khazars by two Norman chiefs, companions of Ruric, and conquered
from them by Oleg, Ruric’s successor, who made it his capital. It was
nearly destroyed by Batu, khan of Kiptchak. In the 14th century it
was seized by Gedimin, grand duke of Lithuania, and annexed to
Poland in 1569, but in 1686 was restored to Russia.
Kilcullen. In Kildare, Ireland. Here a large body of the insurgent
Irish defeated the British forces commanded by Gen. Dundas, May
23, 1798. The general in a subsequent engagement overthrew the
rebels near Kilcullen bridge, when 300 were slain.
 Kildare. A county of Ireland, in the province of Leinster. The
insurrection in Ireland which swelled into the rebellion, commenced
in Kildare, May 23, 1798. On that night Lieut. Gifford of Dublin, and
a number of other gentlemen, were murdered by the insurgents.
This rebellion was quelled in 1799.
Kilkenny. Capital of a county of the same name in Ireland, on the
Nore. After a siege the town surrendered to Cromwell, March 28,
1650, on honorable terms.
Killa (Ind.). A castle, fort, or fortress.
Killadar. The governor, or commandant of a fort in India.
Killala. A small seaport town of Ireland, in the county of Mayo. It
was invaded by a French force landing from three frigates, under
Gen. Humbert, August 22, 1798. The invaders were joined by the
Irish insurgents, and the battles of Castlebar and Colooney followed;
and the French were defeated at Ballinamuck, September 8 of the
same year.
Killaloe. A town of Ireland, in the county Clare, 12 miles
northeast of Limerick. This town was long the royal seat of the
O’Briens; and at Kincora, about a mile to the north, are pointed out
some remains of the residence. At Killaloe, in 1691, Gen. Sarsfield
intercepted the artillery of William III. on its way to Limerick.
Killese. The groove in a cross-bow.
Killiecrankie. A famous pass through the Grampian Mountains, in
Perthshire, Scotland, 15 miles northwest of Dunkeld. At the
northwest extremity of this pass a battle was fought in 1689,
between the revolutionary army under Gen. Mackay, and the
royalists under J. C. Graham of Claverhouse, viscount Dundee, in
which the former was defeated.
Kilmainham Hospital. An asylum in Dublin, Ireland, for aged
and disabled soldiers. It was founded by Arthur, earl of Granard,
marshal-general of the army in Ireland, 1675. The appointments to
this place are in the gift of the commander-in-chief of the army, who
selects them from the old half-pay officers. The expense of the
institution to the country is £8000 per annum.
 Kilmallock. A town of Ireland, in the county Limerick. It was
invested by the Irish forces in 1598, but the siege was raised by the
Duke of Ormond. There was much fighting done here in 1641 and
1642. Kilmallock police barrack was attacked by 200 armed Fenians
on March 5, 1867; the barrack was defended for three hours by 14
police constables, who finally drove off the Fenians, with loss, by a
sally.
Kilsyth. A village of Scotland, in Stirlingshire, 13 miles southwest
from Stirling. Montrose gained a victory over the Covenanters,
commanded by Gen. Baillie, near Kilsyth in 1637.
Kinburn. A fort at the confluence of the rivers Bug and Dnieper,
which was taken by the English and French, October 17, 1855. Three
floating French batteries, on the principle of horizontal shell-firing,
said to be the invention of the emperor, were very effective. On
October 18, the Russians blew up Oczakoff, a fort opposite.
Kindle. In a military sense, to kindle is to excite to arms; to excite
military ardor.
Kineton. A town of England, in Warwickshire, 11 miles southeast
from Warwick, in the vicinity of which the famous battle of Edgehill
was fought between the royalist and Parliamentary armies in 1642.
Kinghorn. A small burgh of Scotland, in the county of Fife,
situated on the Frith of Forth. In early Scottish history it was a place
of importance. Here Macbeth is said to have routed the Northmen.
King-of-Arms, or King-at-Arms. The principal herald of
England was at first designated king of the heralds, a title
exchanged for king-of-arms about the reign of Henry IV. There are
four kings-of-arms in England, named respectively Garter,
Clarencieux, Norrov, and Bath; but the first three only are members
of the College of Arms. Scotland has a heraldic officer called Lyon
king-of-arms, or Lord Lyon king-at-arms. Ireland has one king-of-
arms, named Ulster. See Herald.
King’s Mountain. A range of mountains in North and South
Carolina, about 16 miles from north to south, with several spurs
spreading laterally. About a mile and a half south of the North
Carolina line, in this range, on October 7, 1780, the British forces
about 1100 strong, under Lieut.-Col. Ferguson, were surprised and
attacked by the American militia under Cols. Cleaveland, Shelby, and
Campbell, and, after an obstinate and bloody contest, their leader
being among the slain, the British were made prisoners.
Kingsland. A parish of England, in Herefordshire, 4 miles west
from Leominster. The battle of Mortimer’s Cross, which fixed Edward
IV. on the throne, was fought here in 1461.
Kingston. A city in Ulster Co., N. Y., 90 miles north of New York
City. It was burnt by a British force under Sir Henry Clinton, October
7, 1777; it was afterwards rebuilt and incorporated as a village in
1805.
Kingston. A village and township of Luzerne Co., Pa. In this
township the massacre of Wyoming took place, on July 3, 1778. See
Wyoming Valley.
Kingston-upon-Thames. A town in Surrey, England, on the
Thames, 10 miles southwest of London. The first armed force of the
Parliamentary army assembled in this town, and here the last
attempt in favor of Charles I. was made.
Kinsale. A town of Ireland, in the county of Cork. This place was
taken by the Spaniards in 1601, and in 1608 King James II. landed
here.
Kioge. A seaport of Denmark, near Copenhagen, where the
Danes in 1807 were signally defeated by the British.
Kiowas. A warlike and powerful tribe of Indians, who formerly
roamed over Kansas, Colorado, and Northern Texas, robbing and
murdering settlers. They are now located, to the number of about
2000, with the Comanches, on a reservation in Indian Territory. In
1870, in violation of the terms of their treaty, they made a raid into
Texas, where they killed several people. For this two of their
principal chiefs, Satantá and Big Tree, were sentenced to be hung;
but their sentence was commuted to imprisonment for life, and they
were subsequently pardoned. Of late years they have been
peaceable.
 Kiptchak, or Kipchak. A term which, in the Middle Ages,
designated that vast territory stretching north of the Caspian Sea,
from the Don to Turkestan, and occupied by the Kumans and
Polovises. This tract formed one of the four empires into which the
huge dominion of Genghis Khan was divided, and was the portion of
his eldest son Jûjy, under whose son and successor, Batû Khan, it
became the terror of Western Europe, and held Russia in iron
subjection from 1236 till 1362. Batû also conquered Bulgaria, and
invaded Hungary, Austria, and Eastern Germany, but made no
permanent conquests in this direction. This extensive empire was
dismembered towards the end of the 15th century, and gave rise to
the khanates of Kazan, Astrakhan, and Crim-Tartary. The Mongols of
Kiptchak were also known as the Golden Horde.
Kirkee. A village of Hindostan, near Poona, in the Deccan,
memorable for a battle fought there in 1817 between the Anglo-
Indian forces and the Mahrattas, who, although greatly superior in
number, were compelled to retreat with severe loss.
Kisselbaches. Soldiers are so called in India.
Kissingen. A town of Bavaria, on the Saale, 30 miles north-
northeast of Würzburg. It was taken by storm on July 10, 1866,
after a severe engagement between the Bavarians and Prussians, in
which the latter were victorious.
Kit. A small wooden pail or bucket, wherewith boats are bailed
out.
Kit. In military language, the equipment in necessaries, such as
shirts, boots, brushes, etc., of a soldier, but not applicable to his
uniform, arms, or accoutrements.
Kitchen. The building or room used by soldiers for cooking
purposes.
Klagenfurth, or Clagenfurt. A town of Austria, the capital of the
duchy of Carinthia, on the Glan. In 1809 the French entered this
place, and destroyed the fortifications which surrounded it.
Klamaths, or Clamets. A tribe of Northern California Indians,
who lived in Southern Oregon and Northern California, near Klamath
Lake, and on Klamath and Rogue Rivers. They are generally
peaceable, and number about 700. They are now located on a
reservation, and have an agency in Southern Oregon known by their
name.
Klicket. A small gate in a palisade for the purpose of sallying
forth.
Kliketats, or Kliktats. A tribe of Indians who resided in
Washington Territory, in the country between the Cascade Range
and the Columbia River, north of the Dalles. They were reduced to
complete subjection in 1855, and are now located with kindred
tribes to the number of about 4000, on the Yakima reservation,
Washington Territory.
Klinket. A term used in fortification, signifying a small postern or
gate in a palisade.
Knapsack. A bag of canvas or skin, containing a soldier’s
necessaries, and worn suspended by straps between his shoulders.
Those used in the British army are ordinarily of black painted canvas,
but a new sort of knapsack, called the valise equipment, has been
issued to some regiments. Some other nations, as the Swiss, make
them of thick goat-skin, dressed with the hair on.
Knight. From the Saxon cniht, a servant or attendant, was
originally a man-at-arms bound to the performance of certain duties,
among others to attend his sovereign or feudal superior on
horseback in time of war. The institution of knighthood, as conferred
by investiture, and with certain oaths and ceremonies, arose
gradually throughout Europe as an adjunct of the feudal system. The
character of the knight was at once military and religious; the
defense of the Holy Sepulchre and the protection of pilgrims being
the objects to which, in early times of the institution, he especially
devoted himself The system of knight-service introduced into
England by William the Conqueror empowered the king, or even a
superior lord who was a subject, to compel every holder of a certain
extent of land, called a knight’s fee, to become a member of the
knightly order; his investiture being accounted proof that he
possessed the requisite knightly arms, and was sufficiently trained in
their use. After the long war between France and England, it became
the practice for the sovereign to receive money compensations from
subjects who were unwilling to receive knighthood, a system out of
which grew a series of grievances, leading eventually to the total
abolition of knight-service in the reign of Charles II. Since the
abolition of knight-service, knighthood has been conferred, without
any regard to property, as a mark of the sovereign’s esteem, or a
reward for services of any kind, civil or military. The ceremonies
practiced in conferring knighthood have varied at different periods.
In general, some religious ceremonies were performed, the sword
and spurs were bound on the candidate; after which a blow was
dealt him on the cheek or shoulder, as the last affront which he was
to receive unrequited. He then took an oath to protect the
distressed, maintain right against might, and never by word or deed
to stain his character as a knight and a Christian. A knight might be
degraded for the infringement of any part of his oath, in which case
his spurs were chopped off with a hatchet, his sword was broken,
his escutcheon reversed, and some religious observances were
added, during which each piece of armor was taken off in
succession, and cast from the recreant knight. For the different
orders of knighthood, see separate articles, under their appropriate
headings, in this work.
Knight, To. To dub or create a knight, which in modern times is
done by the sovereign, who gives the person kneeling a blow with a
sword, and says, “Rise, Sir ——.”
Knight Baronet, or Baronet. A dignity or degree of honor next
below a baron and above a knight, having precedency of all orders
of knights except those of the garter, and being the only knighthood
that is hereditary. The order was founded by James I. in 1611, and
is given by patent. The word, however, in the sense of lesser baron,
was in use long before the time of James I.
Knightage. The body of knights taken collectively.
Knight-bachelor. One of the lowest order of knights, who were
expected to remain unmarried until they had gained some renown
by their achievements.
Knight-banneret. A knight who carried a banner, who possessed
fiefs to a greater amount than the knight-bachelor, and who was
obliged to serve in war with a greater number of attendants. He was
created by the sovereign in person on the field of battle.
Knight-errant. A wandering knight; a knight who traveled in
search of adventures, for the purpose of exhibiting military skill,
prowess, and generosity.
Knight-errantry. The practice of wandering in quest of
adventures; the manners of wandering knights; a quixotic or
romantic adventure or scheme.
Knight-erratic. Pertaining to knight-errantry.
Knighthood. Originally a military distinction, came, in the 16th
century, to be occasionally conferred on civilians, as a reward for
valuable services rendered to the crown or community. The first civil
knight in England was Sir William Walworth, lord mayor of London,
who won that distinction by slaying the rebel Wat Tyler in presence
of the king. In recent times, it has been bestowed at least as often
on scholars, lawyers, artists, or citizens, as on soldiers, and in many
cases for no weightier service than carrying a congratulatory address
to court.
Knighthood. The character, dignity, or condition of a knight.
Knightliness. Duties of a knight.
Knightly. Pertaining to a knight; becoming a knight; as, a
knightly combat.
Knights, Military. An institution of military knights at Windsor,
England, formerly called “Poor Knights,” which owes its origin to
Edward III., and is a provision for a limited number of old officers.
These officers consist of a governor and 12 knights on the upper
foundation, and 5 on the lower, together 18, and are composed of
officers selected from every grade, from a colonel to a subaltern,
chiefly veterans, or on half-pay. They are allowed three rooms each
in Windsor Palace, and 2 shillings per diem for their sustenance,
besides other small allowances.
 Knights of St. George. See Garter, Order of the.
Knights Templar. See Templar, Knights.
Knight-service. A tenure of lands held by knights on condition of
performing military service. It was abolished in the time of Charles
II. of England.
Knob of a Cascabel. See Cascabel.
Knot. A twist or loop in a rope or cord, so made that the motion
of one piece of the line over the other shall be stopped. The knot
owes its power of passive resistance to the friction of the rope. The
three elementary knots, which every one should know, are the
timber-hitch, the bow-line, and the clove-hitch.
The virtues of the timber-hitch are, that, so long as the strain
upon it is kept up, it will never give; when the strain is taken off, it is
cast loose immediately.
The bow-line makes a knot difficult to undo; with it the ends of
two strings are tied together, or a loop made at the end of a single
piece of string. For slip nooses, use the bowline to make the draw-
loop.
The clove-hitch binds with excessive force, and by it, and it alone,
can a weight be hung to a smooth pole, as to a tent-pole. A kind of
double clove-hitch is generally used, but the simple one suffices, and
is more easily recollected.
There are other knots very useful in the artillery service and
indispensable aboard ship, viz.: single knot, weaver’s knot, figure-
eight knot, artificer’s knot, mooring knots, hitches, capstan, or
prolonge knot, square knot, loops, becker knot, and anchor knot.
Knot, Shoulder-. See Shoulder-knot.
Knout. A scourge composed of many thongs of skin, plaited, and
interwoven with wire, which was till lately the favorite instrument of
punishment in Russia for all classes and degrees of criminals. The
offender was tied to two stakes, stripped, and received on the back
the specified number of lashes; 100 or 120 were equivalent to
sentence of death, but in many cases the victim died under the
operation long before this number was completed. This punishment
is at present only inflicted upon ordinary criminals, such as
incendiaries or assassins. It is no longer in use in the army, except
when a soldier is dismissed for ill conduct, in which case 3 to 10
lashes are given, in order to disgrace the soldier, rather than punish
him.
Kolin. A town of Bohemia, on the left bank of the Elbe. Here the
Austrians under Daun defeated the Prussians under Frederick the
Great, June 18, 1757.
Koloshes. The Russian name for the Indians of the coast of
Alaska.
Komorn. See Comorn.
Koniagas, or Kadiaks. The names by which the various tribes of
aborigines living along the coast of Alaska for over 1500 miles, are
known.
Konieh (anc. Iconium). A town of Asiatic Turkey, the capital of
the province of Karamania, Asia Minor. Here the Turkish army was
defeated by the pasha of Egypt, after a long, sanguinary fight,
December 21, 1832. See Iconium.
Königgrätz. A town and fortress of Bohemia, on the left bank of
the Elbe. On July 2, 1866, the Austrians under Gen. Benedek were
signally defeated with a loss of 40,000 men by the Prussians under
King William, at Sadowa, near Königgrätz.
Königsberg. A fortified city of Prussia, and former capital of the
kingdom, is situated on both banks of the Pregel, and on an island in
that river, 4 miles from its entrance into the Frisch Haff. It was
founded in 1255, and in 1365 became a member of the Hanseatic
League; in 1626, it was surrounded with walls; and in 1657, received
a strong additional defense in the citadel of Friedrichsburg. It
suffered much during the Seven Years’ War by the occupation of the
Russians from 1758 to 1764; and also from the French, who entered
it in 1807, after the battle of Friedland.
Königstein. A town of Germany, in Saxony, 17 miles southeast of
Dresden, on the left bank of the Elbe. It has a fortress, situated on a
rock nearly 450 feet high, which is one of the few in Europe that
never yet were taken. The royal treasures have usually been
deposited here during war.
Koom, or Kum. A town of Persia, in the province of Irak-Ajemee.
It was destroyed by the Afghans in 1722.
Kootenais, Kontenays, Cottonois, Coutanies, or Flatbows. A
tribe of Indians who formerly resided wholly in British Columbia, but
some of them are now located in Washington, Idaho, and Montana
Territories. They are generally peaceable and self-supporting, and
have made some progress in civilization. About 400 of them reside
at the Flathead Agency, Montana.
Koreish. An Arab tribe which had the charge of the Caaba, or
sacred stone of Mecca, and strenuously opposed the pretensions of
Mohammed. It was defeated by him and his adherents, 623-30.
Kossacks. See Cossacks.
Kossova. A town of European Turkey, 8 miles northeast from
Pristina. A battle was fought near this place in 1389 between the
Turks and Serbs. The latter were defeated, and the king slain.
Koszegh, or Guns. See Guns.
Kotah. The chief town of a protected state of the same name; is
situated in Rajpootana, India, on the right bank of the Chumbul. In
1857, notwithstanding the fidelity of the rajah to the British
government, Kotah fell under the power of the mutineers, remaining
in their possession until March 30, 1858, when it was stormed by
Gen. Roberts.
Kot-duffadar. See Duffadar, Kot.
Koul. A soldier belonging to a noble corps in Persia.
Kouler-Agasi. A distinguished military character in Persia, who
has the command of a body of men called Kouls. He is usually
governor of a considerable province.
Kouls. The third corps of the king of Persia’s household troops.
The Kouls are men of note and rank; no person can arrive at any
considerable post or situation in Persia who has not served among
the Kouls.
 Kovno. Capital of the government of the same name in European
Russia, near the confluence of the Vilia and the Niemen, was
founded in the 10th century, and was the scene of many bloody
conflicts between the Teutonic knights and Poles during the 14th and
15th centuries.
Kraal (probably from the language of the Hottentots). In South
Africa, a village; a collection of huts; sometimes a single hut. This
term is applied to the villages and military camps of the Zulus.
Krasnoe. A Russian village, 30 miles southwest of Smolensk, near
which the French, in the retreat of 1812, lost, during three
successive days, 25,000 men, several thousand prisoners, and 25
pieces of cannon.
Kreuznach. A town of Rhenish Prussia, on the Nahe, 40 miles
south-southeast of Coblentz. This place was stormed by Gustavus
Adolphus in 1632.
Kris, or Crease. A dagger or poniard, the universal weapon of
the inhabitants of the Malayan Archipelago. It is made of many
different forms, short or long, straight or crooked. The hilt and
scabbard are often much ornamented. Men of all ranks wear this
weapon; and those of high rank, when in full dress, sometimes carry
three or four. In Java women sometimes wear it.
Krupp Gun. The metal used in these celebrated guns is cast
steel, a composition of puddled steel and wrought iron. The wrought
iron is obtained from the best hematite ores of Europe, the puddled
steel from the spathic ore of Siegen, in the immediate vicinity of the
works. The proportions of each metal, the details of their
preparation, as well as certain ingredients guessed at but not
known, remain a secret with the manufacturers. Manganese in small
quantity is supposed to be present and to exercise an important
influence. The result is a metal equal in elasticity and tensile
strength to the best English steel, the excellent quality of which is
largely due to “oil tempering,” a process entirely omitted in the
Krupp gun. The ingots forming the different parts of the gun are cast
in cylindrical iron molds, an operation requiring the greatest care to
prevent the imprisonment of air or other gases in the casting,—a
defect which the tenacious character of the metal renders fatal.
Subsequent hammering only increases the trouble by involving a
larger area. As soon as the ingot is hard enough to permit handling
it is removed from the mold and cooled slowly in ashes. It is next
brought to a working heat in a furnace, placed under a steam-
hammer weighing from 1 to 50 tons, according to the size of the
ingot, and drawn out to the required length and thickness, when it is
again buried in ashes and gradually annealed to remove the tensions
induced by hammering. From the rough ingot thus prepared the
tube forming the barrel is made directly by boring, turning, and
rifling. The ingots intended for hoops, trunnion bands, etc., are cut
up into short lengths, which are formed into rings without weld by
being split through the centre within a certain distance of the ends,
after which the slit is gradually widened to a circle by swaging. The
parts when finished are carefully annealed.
The Krupp gun consists of a central tube or barrel, comprising the
greater mass of the gun, and a series of encircling hoops. The tube
has a thickness of about eight-tenths of the caliber from a point over
the front of the charge to the termination of the rings or hoops,
whence it is conical, tapering to a thickness of about half the caliber
at the muzzle. From the seat of the charge breech-wards the tube
thickens rapidly by a series of steps to a cylinder about 11⁄5 calibers
thick. The hoops overlie the tube from the cylinder in rear to the
base of the cone in front, covering about half the total length of the
tube. The hoops are put on in layers, the number of layers being
determined by the size of the gun. The 6-inch gun has one, the 8-
and 9-inch two, and the higher calibers have three layers of hoops.
The hoops are shrunk on at black heat, the different layers being
held in place by small key-rings.
The rifling for Krupp guns is polygrooved, the twist uniform, the
grooves being gradually narrowed towards the muzzle for the
suppression of windage. The chamber in which the shot and charge
rest is a little larger than the bore, though they coincide at the
bottom. This makes the passage of the projectile into the bore direct
and prevents the abrasion which would occur if tilted upwards in
leaving its seat. Moreover, the shot is “centred”—that is, has its axis
in the axis of the bore—from its entry into the gun.
The breech-mechanism is essentially that of Broadwell. The
breech is closed on the “sliding block” principle. Through the
cylindrical part of the barrel in rear of the rings, from one side to the
other, a slot is cut in which the breech-block slides horizontally,
alternately exposing and closing the rear of the chamber. The block
is run in and out by an attached screw, which works partly in the
upper wall of the slot. The motion of the block is governed by guides
in the upper and lower walls of the slot slightly inclined from the
perpendicular to the axis of the piece. The rear of the slot is so cut
that the block is wedged firmly against it when it is home. The block
is locked in this position by a large screw, which catches in certain
threads cut on the rear wall of the slot. The block is furnished with
an “indurator plate,” a disk of hardened steel, which is set in its face
to receive the direct action of the powder gases. The vent is in the
axis of the gun through the block. The gas-check used is the
Broadwell ring (which see). The powder for all the large guns is the
prismatic. (See Gunpowder.) Both steel and cast-iron projectiles are
used. The steel projectiles for armor piercing have their points
water-tempered. Rotation being communicated by compression, the
projectiles belong to the soft-jacketed class. The projectile is turned
smooth in a lathe, pickled in dilute acid, and then put in sal-
ammoniac to remove oil. It is next galvanized by immersion in
molten zinc, then immersed in lead, and afterwards a heavy lead
jacket is cast on it, which is turned down, leaving several prominent
rings to facilitate compression into the grooves. In late years Herr
Krupp has adopted for his large guns the American system of
projectiles, having soft metal expanding sabots attached to the base,
with a centring ring in front.
Krupp guns range in size from small field-pieces to a gun weighing
72 tons. The field pieces manufactured number several thousand.
They form the official equipment of the German army, and
contributed much to German success in the Franco-Prussian war.
The large guns, comprising 6-, 7-, 8-, 9-, 10-, 11-, and 12-inch guns,
have been made in large numbers, and have found a ready sale in
Germany, Russia, and Turkey.
The largest guns are a 14-inch gun weighing 56 tons, and a 153⁄4-
inch weighing 72 tons. (See Cannon.) Herr Krupp is also a large
manufacturer of gun-carriages of all kinds. His partiality for steel has
led him to use it almost exclusively in his constructions. He has
inherited likewise the aversion of the great Borsig for welding; and a
noticeable feature of his guns is an absence of any weld. The “coil”
principle, so well adapted to develop tangential strength, is also
omitted, the character of the metal being relied upon to resist strains
“across the grain.”
Perhaps the most novel piece of ordnance of modern times is
Krupp’s non-recoiling shield gun. This gun is made with an
enlargement around the muzzle in the shape of a large ball, which is
held in a socket formed in a heavy armored shield protecting the
gun in front, the arrangement giving a veritable ball-and-socket
joint, about which the gun is elevated and traversed. On shipboard
or in a fortification the shield would form a part of the armor or
scarp wall. A narrow slit above the ball is used in pointing by the
gunner, who for this purpose sits astride of the gun. The problem
solved by this unique arrangement is the entire suppression of recoil,
the strain being absorbed by the massive shield. In the late
experiments at Mappen, 1879, the triumphs of Krupp guns
culminated in the performances of this novel piece of ordnance. Its
action was satisfactory in every respect, and so slight was the shock
communicated to the gun that the gunner did not deem it necessary
to dismount, but kept his seat astride of it during the firing.
Krupp’s Steel Works. On account of the wide-spread reputation
which the steel produced in the great works of Krupp at Essen, in
Rhenish Prussia, has obtained, it is necessary that these works
should receive a brief notice. They were founded by Friedrich Krupp
in 1810, and were continued by his sons after his death in 1826. For
the last fifty years they have been increasing annually from one-sixth
to one-third in size, until now they cover about 500 acres, and give
employment to about 20,000 persons, including those engaged in
building, and in the mines and smelting-houses. For large
metallurgical works Essen is favorably situated, being in the centre
of a coal-bearing area, where coal of the best quality can be
procured cheaply, and near mines of manganiferous iron ore, which
has been found excellently adapted for the manufacture of steel; but
it is believed that the admirable organization of every part of his
manufactory has conduced as much as anything to the great success
of Krupp. The articles manufactured consist principally of rails, tires,
crank-axles, shafts, mining pump-rods, gun-carriages and guns, the
proportion of ordnance being about two-fifths of the whole. Guns
have been made at Essen for the Prussians, Austrians, Belgians,
Dutch, Italians, Turks, Japanese, and also for the English, although
not directly ordered by the government. Since 1872 a field-gun
invented by Krupp has been adopted by the Prussian government,
and supplied to the whole army. The establishment possesses 286
steam-engines from 2 to 1000 horse-power, 1100 furnaces of various
kinds, 71 steam-hammers, 264 smith’s forges, 275 coke-ovens, and
1056 planing, cutting, and boring machines. It burns over 1000 tons
of coal daily, and has over 11,000 gas-burners, consuming in twenty-
four hours 400,000 cubic feet of gas. It has, besides, a complete
telegraph system, 800 cars, 15 locomotives, 33 miles of railway, over
3000 dwelling-houses, hospitals, chemical laboratory, a photographic
and lithographic establishment, over 400 mines, 11 blast-furnaces
and several smelting-houses which produce annually about 20,000
tons of pig-iron. These works have already produced over 18,000
heavy guns.
Kshatriya. The second or military caste in the social system of
the Brahmanical Hindus.
Ku-Klux-Klan. A secret organization of ex-Confederate soldiers,
who, for several years after the close of the civil war, by their
murders and other crimes disturbed the tranquillity of the Southern
States. Their victims were chiefly freedmen, and persons suspected
of favoring the policy of the government. Stringent measures were
taken against them by Congress in 1871, and they soon after ceased
their disturbances.
 Kul. The Turkish word for slave to the Prince. The grand vizier, the
bachas, the beiglerbeys, and all persons who receive pay or
subsistence from situations dependent upon the crown, are so
called. This title is in high estimation among the Turkish military, as
it authorizes all who are invested with it to insult, strike, and
otherwise ill use the common people, without being responsible for
the most flagrant breach of humanity.
Kulm. A small village of Bohemia, 16 miles north-northwest of
Leitmeritz, was the scene of two bloody conflicts between the
French and allied Russian-Austrian armies on August 29-30, 1813.
The French, numbering 30,000 men, were commanded by Gen.
Vandamme; the Russians, during the first day’s conflict, were
17,000, and were commanded by Gen. Ostermann-Tolstoi. During
the night, the latter were heavily reinforced, and on the second day
Barclay de Tolly assumed the command with 60,000 troops. The
result was the complete wreck of the French army, which lost in
these two days little short of 20,000 men, while the allies did not
lose half of that number.
Kunnersdorf. See Cunnersdorf.
Kunobitza. In the Balkan, where John Hunniades, the Hungarian,
defeated the Turks, December 24, 1443.
Kupele. Straits so called in India, through which the Ganges
disembogues itself into Hindustan. They are distant from Delhi about
30 leagues. It was at these straits that the East Indians made some
show of resistance when the famous Tamerlane (Timur) invaded
India. The field of this victory is the most distant point of that
emperor’s conquest in India, and on the globe.
Kurrol (Ind.). The advanced-guard of a main army.
Kurtchi. A militia is so called in Persia. It consists of one body of
cavalry, which is composed of the first nobility of the kingdom, and
of the lineal descendants of the Turkish conquerors, who placed
Ismael Sophi on the throne. They wear a red turban of twelve folds,
which is made of particular stuff. This turban was originally given
them by Ismael, in consideration of their attachment to the religion
and family of Ali. In consequence of their wearing this turban, the
Persians are always called by the Turks kitilbaschi, or red-heads. The
Kurtchi form a body of nearly 18,000 men.
Kurtchi-baschi. The chief or commanding officer of the Kurtchi.
This was formerly the most distinguished situation in the kingdom,
and the authority annexed to it was equal to what the constable of
France originally possessed. At present his power does not extend
beyond the Kurtchis.
Kush-bash (Ind.). Persons who enjoy lands rent free, upon
condition of serving the government in a military capacity when
called upon.
Kustrin, or Custrin. A fortified town of Prussia, in the province of
Brandenburg, at the union of the Wartha with the Oder, 48 miles
east from Berlin. In 1758 it was bombarded by the Russians, and in
1806 taken by the French. It has a large powder-magazine.
Kutchin. A family of Alaska Indians, which is divided into a
number of petty tribes, who occupy the valley of the Yukon River.
Kyanizing. A process for preserving timber from decay,—so
named from the inventor Kyan. The process consists in saturating
the wood with a solution of corrosive sublimate.
Kythul. A town of India, and the capital of a district of the same
name. The district fell into the possession of the British in 1843,
from the failure of heirs to the last rajah.
 L.

Labarum. A military standard of the Roman empire. It consisted

of a long lance crossed at right angles near the top by a staff, from
which hung a small flag or streamer of purple cloth inwrought with
gold and precious stones, and bearing the effigy of the emperor.
Constantine the Great, when he embraced Christianity, substituted
for that device a crown, a cross, and the initial letters of the name of
Christ, and made it the imperial standard.
Labeates. A warlike people in Dalmatia, whose chief town was
Scodra, and in whose territory was the Labeatis Palus (now Lake of
Scutari), through which the river Barbana (now Bogana) runs.
Label, Lambel, or File. In heraldry, is the mark of cadency which
distinguishes the eldest son in his father’s lifetime. It consists of a
horizontal stripe or fillet, with three points depending from it. When
the mark of cadency itself is designated a file, its points are called
labels.
Labicum, Labici, Lavicum, Lavici (now Colonna). An ancient
town in Latium, on one of the hills of the Alban Mountain, 15 miles
southeast from Rome. It was an ally of the Æqui; taken and
colonized by the Romans, 418 B.C.
Laboratory. A department which is intrusted with the
manufacture of combustible and other substances for military
purposes, such as blank and ball cartridges for small-arms,
cartridges for every description of ordnance, rockets, and all stores
of similar character. This department is likewise intrusted with the
conservation, packing, restoring, and supply of all gunpowder to the
several military and naval departments, and in the British service is
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