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Computability complexity and languages fundamentals of
theoretical computer science 2. ed., transferred to digital
print Edition Davis Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Davis, Martin;Sigal, Ron;Weyuker, Elaine J
ISBN(s): 9780122063824, 0122063821
Edition: 2. ed., transferred to digital print
File Details: PDF, 48.81 MB
Year: 2003
Language: english
Second Edition
Computability,
Complexity, and
Languages
Fundamentals of
Theoretical Computer Science
This is a volume in
COMPUTER SCIENCE AND SCIENTIFIC COMPUTING
A Series of Monographs and Textbooks
Editor: Werner Rheinboldt
A complete list of titles in this series is available from the publisher upon request.
Second Edition
Computability,
Complexity, and
Languages
Fundamentals of
Theoretical Computer Science
Martin D. Davis
Department of Computer Science
Courant Institute of Mathematical Sciences
New York University
New York, New York

Ron Sigal
Departments of Mathematics and Computer Science
Yale University
New Haven, Connecticut

Elaine J. Weyuker
Department of Computer Science
Courant Institute of Mathematical Sciences
New York University
New York, New York

Morgan Kaufmann is an imprint of Academic Press

A Harcourt Science and Technology Company

San Diego San Francisco New York Boston

London Sydney Tokyo
This book is printed on acid free paper

Copyright © 1994, 1983 Elsevier Science (USA)

All Rights Reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information
storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

Requests for permission to make copies of any part of the work should be mailed to:
Permissions Department, Harcourt Brace & Company, 6277 Sea Harbor Drive,
Orlando, Florida 32887-6777

Morgan Kaufmann Publishers

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Davis, Martin 1928
Computability, complexity, and languages: fundamentals of
Theoretical computer science / Martin D. Davis, Ron Sigal,
Elaine J. Weyuker. -2nded.
p. cm. -(Computer science and applied mathematics)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-12-206382-1
1. Machine theory. 2. Computational complexity. 3. Formal
Languages. I. Sigal, Ron. II. Weyuker, Elaine J. III. Title.
IV. Series.
QA267.D38 1994
511.3-dc20 93-26807
CIP
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
02 03 04 05 06 SB 9 8 7 6
 To the memory of Helen and Harry Davis
and to
Hannah and Herman Sigal
Sylvia and Marx Weyuker

Virginia Davis, Dana Latch, Thomas Ostrand

and to
Rachel Weyuker Ostrand
This page intentionally left blank
 Contents

Preface xiii
Acknowledgments xvii
Dependency Graph xix

1 Preliminaries 1
1. Sets and ^-tuples 1
2. Functions 3
3. Alphabets and Strings 4
4. Predicates 5
5. Quantifiers 6
6. Proof by Contradiction 8
7. Mathematical Induction 9

Part 1 Computability 15
2 Programs and Computable Functions 17
1. A Programming Language 17
2. Some Examples of Programs 18
3. Syntax 25
4. Computable Functions 28
5. More about Macros 32
VII
viii

3 Primitive Recursive Functions 39

1. Composition 39
2. Recursion 40
3. PRC Classes 42
4. Some Primitive Recursive Functions 44
5. Primitive Recursive Predicates 49
6. Iterated Operations and Bounded Quantifiers 52
7. Minimalization 55
8. Pairing Functions and Gödel Numbers 59
4 A Universal Program 65
1. Coding Programs by Numbers 65
2. The Halting Problem 68
3. Universality 70
4. Recursively Enumerable Sets 78
5. The Parameter Theorem 85
6. Diagonalization and Reducibility 88
7. Rice's Theorem 95
*8. The Recursion Theorem 97
*9. A Computable Function That Is Not Primitive Recursive 105
5 Calculations on Strings 113
1. Numerical Representation of Strings 113
2. A Programming Language for String Computations 121
3. The Languages «y and <9Jn 126
4. Post-Turing Programs 129
5. Simulation of ò^n in t? 135
6. Simulation of F in J/y 140
6 Turing Machines 145
1. Internal States 145
2. A Universal Turing Machine 152
3. The Languages Accepted by Turing Machines 153
4. The Halting Problem for Turing Machines 157
5. Nondeterministic Turing Machines 159
6. Variations on the Turing Machine Theme 162
7 Processes and Grammars 169
1. Semi-Thue Processes 169
2. Simulation of Nondeterministic Turing Machines by
Semi-Thue Processes 171
Contents ix

3. Unsolvable Word Problems 176

4. Post's Correspondence Problem 181
5. Grammars 186
6. Some Unsolvable Problems Concerning Grammars 191
*7. Normal Processes 192

8 Classifying Unsolvable Problems 197

1. Using Oracles 197
2. Relativization of Universality 201
3. Reducibility 207
4. Sets r.e. Relative to an Oracle 211
5. The Arithmetic Hierarchy 215
6. Post's Theorem 217
7. Classifying Some Unsolvable Problems 224
8. Rice's Theorem Revisited 230
9. Recursive Permutations 231

Part 2 Grammars and Automata 235

9 Regular Languages 237

1. Finite Automata 237
2. Nondeterministic Finite Automata 242
3. Additional Examples 247
4. Closure Properties 249
5. Kleene's Theorem 253
6. The Pumping Lemma and Its Applications 260
7. The Myhill-Nerode Theorem 263

10 Context-Free Languages 269

1. Context-Free Grammars and Their Derivation Trees 269
2. Regular Grammars 280
3. Chomsky Normal Form 285
4. Bar-Hillel's Pumping Lemma 287
5. Closure Properties 291
*6. Solvable and Unsolvable Problems 297
7. Bracket Languages 301
8. Pushdown Automata 308
9. Compilers and Formal Languages 323
X Contents

11 Context-Sensitive Languages 327

1. The Chomsky Hierarchy 327
2. Linear Bounded Automata 330
3. Closure Properties 337

Part 3 Logic 345

12 Propositional Calculus 347
1. Formulas and Assignments 347
2. Tautological Inference 352
3. Normal Forms 353
4. The Davis-Putnam Rules 360
5. Minimal Unsatisfiability and Subsumption 366
6. Resolution 367
7. The Compactness Theorem 370

13 Quantification Theory 375

1. The Language of Predicate Logic 375
2. Semantics 377
3. Logical Consequence 382
4. Herbrand's Theorem 388
5. Unification 399
6. Compactness and Countability 404
*7. Gödel's Incompleteness Theorem 407
*8. Unsolvability of the Satisfiability Problem in Predicate Logic 410

Part 4 Complexity AM
14 Abstract Complexity 419
1. The Blum Axioms 419
2. The Gap Theorem 425
3. Preliminary Form of the Speedup Theorem 428
4. The Speedup Theorem Concluded 435

15 Polynomial-Time Computability 439

1. Rates of Growth 439
2. P versus NP 443
3. Cook's Theorem 451
4. Other NP-Complete Problems 457
Contents xi

Part 5 Semantics 465

16 Approximation Orderings 467
1. Programming Language Semantics 467
2. Partial Orders 472
3. Complete Partial Orders 475
4. Continuous Functions 486
5. Fixed Points 494
17 Denotational Semantics of Recursion Equations 505
1. Syntax 505
2. Semantics of Terms 511
3. Solutions to W-Programs 520
4. Denotational Semantics of W-Programs 530
5. Simple Data Structure Systems 539
6. Infinitary Data Structure Systems 544
18 Operational Semantics of Recursion Equations 557
1. Operational Semantics for Simple Data Structure Systems 557
2. Computable Functions 575
3. Operational Semantics for Infinitary Data Structure Systems 584

Suggestions for Further Reading 593

Notation Index 595
Index 599
This page intentionally left blank
 Preface

Theoretical computer science is the mathematical study of models of

computation. As such, it originated in the 1930s, well before the existence
of modern computers, in the work of the logicians Church, Gödel, Kleene,
Post, and Turing. This early work has had a profound influence on the
practical and theoretical development of computer science. Not only has
the Turing machine model proved basic for theory, but the work of these
pioneers presaged many aspects of computational practice that are now
commonplace and whose intellectual antecedents are typically unknown to
users. Included among these are the existence in principle of all-purpose
(or universal) digital computers, the concept of a program as a list of
instructions in a formal language, the possibility of interpretive programs,
the duality between software and hardware, and the representation of
languages by formal structures, based on productions. While the spotlight
in computer science has tended to fall on the truly breathtaking technolog­
ical advances that have been taking place, important work in the founda­
tions of the subject has continued as well. It is our purpose in writing this
book to provide an introduction to the various aspects of theoretical
computer science for undergraduate and graduate students that is suffi­
ciently comprehensive that the professional literature of treatises and
research papers will become accessible to our readers.
We are dealing with a very young field that is still finding itself.
Computer scientists have by no means been unanimous in judging which
XIII
XIV Preface

parts of the subject will turn out to have enduring significance. In this
situation, fraught with peril for authors, we have attempted to select topics
that have already achieved a polished classic form, and that we believe will
play an important role in future research.
In this second edition, we have included new material on the subject of
programming language semantics, which we believe to be established as an
important topic in theoretical computer science. Some of the material on
computability theory that had been scattered in the first edition has been
brought together, and a few topics that were deemed to be of only
peripheral interest to our intended audience have been eliminated. Nu­
merous exercises have also been added. We were particularly pleased to be
able to include the answer to a question that had to be listed as open in
the first edition. Namely, we present Neil Immerman's surprisingly
straightforward proof of the fact that the class of languages accepted by
linear bounded automata is closed under complementation.
We have assumed that many of our readers will have had little experi­
ence with mathematical proof, but that almost all of them have had
substantial programming experience. Thus the first chapter contains an
introduction to the use of proofs in mathematics in addition to the usual
explanation of terminology and notation. We then proceed to take advan­
tage of the reader's background by developing computability theory in the
context of an extremely simple abstract programming language. By system­
atic use of a macro expansion technique, the surprising power of the
language is demonstrated. This culminates in a universal program, which is
written in all detail on a single page. By a series of simulations, we then
obtain the equivalence of various different formulations of computability,
including Turing's. Our point of view with respect to these simulations is
that it should not be the reader's responsibility, at this stage, to fill in the
details of vaguely sketched arguments, but rather that it is our responsibil­
ity as authors to arrange matters so that the simulations can be exhibited
simply, clearly, and completely.
This material, in various preliminary forms, has been used with under­
graduate and graduate students at New York University, Brooklyn College,
The Scuola Matematica Interuniversitaria-Perugia, The University of Cal­
ifornia-Berkeley, The University of California-Santa Barbara, Worcester
Polytechnic Institute, and Yale University.
Although it has been our practice to cover the material from the second
part of the book on formal languages after the first part, the chapters on
regular and on context-free languages can be read immediately after
Chapter 1. The Chomsky-Schützenberger representation theorem for con­
text-free languages in used to develop their relation to pushdown au­
tomata in a way that we believe is clarifying. Part 3 is an exposition of the
aspects of logic that we think are important for computer science and can
Preface xv

also be read immediately following Chapter 1. Each of the chapters of Part

4 introduces an important theory of computational complexity, concluding
with the theory of NP-completeness. Part 5, which is new to the second
edition, uses recursion equations to expand upon the notion of computabil-
ity developed in Part 1, with an emphasis on the techniques of formal
semantics, both denotational and operational. Rooted in the early work of
Gödel, Herbrand, Kleene, and others, Part 5 introduces ideas from the
modern fields of functional programming languages, denotational seman­
tics, and term rewriting systems.
Because many of the chapters are independent of one another, this book
can be used in various ways. There is more than enough material for a
full-year course at the graduate level on theory of computation. We have
used the unstarred sections of Chapters 1-6 and Chapter 9 in a successful
one-semester junior-level course, Introduction to Theory of Computation,
at New York University. A course on finite automata and formal languages
could be based on Chapters 1, 9, and 10. A semester or quarter course on
logic for computer scientists could be based on selections from Parts 1 and
3. Part 5 could be used for a third semester on the theory of computation
or an introduction to programming language semantics. Many other ar­
rangements and courses are possible, as should be apparent from the
dependency graph, which follows the Acknowledgments. It is our hope,
however, that this book will help readers to see theoretical computer
science not as a fragmented list of discrete topics, but rather as a unified
subject drawing on powerful mathematical methods and on intuitions
derived from experience with computing technology to give valuable in­
sights into a vital new area of human knowledge.

Note to the Reader

Many readers will wish to begin with Chapter 2, using the material of
Chapter 1 for reference as required. Readers who enjoy skipping around
will find the dependency graph useful.
Sections marked with an asterisk (*) may be skipped without loss of
continuity. The relationship of these sections to later material is given in
the dependency graph.
Exercises marked with an asterisk either introduce new material, refer
to earlier material in ways not indicated in the dependency graph, or
simply are considered more difficult than unmarked exercises.
A reference to Theorem 8.1 is to Theorem 8.1 of the chapter in which
the reference is made. When a reference is to a theorem in another
chapter, the chapter is specified. The same system is used in referring to
numbered formulas and to exercises.
This page intentionally left blank
 Acknowledgments

It is a pleasure to acknowledge the help we have received. Charlene

Herring, Debbie Herring, Barry Jacobs, and Joseph Miller made their
student classroom notes available to us. James Cox, Keith Harrow, Steve
Henkind, Karen Lemone, Colm O'Dunlaing, and James Robinett provided
helpful comments and corrections. Stewart Weiss was kind enough to
redraw one of the figures. Thomas Ostrand, Norman Shulman, Louis
Salkind, Ron Sigal, Patricia Teller, and Elia Weixelbaum were particularly
generous with their time, and devoted many hours to helping us. We are
especially grateful to them.

Acknowledgments to Corrected Printing

We have taken this opportunity to correct a number of errors. We are
grateful to the readers who have called our attention to errors and who
have suggested corrections. The following have been particularly helpful:
Alissa Bernholc, Domenico Cantone, John R. Cowles, Herbert Enderton,
Phyllis Franki, Fred Green, Warren Hirsch, J. D. Monk, Steve Rozen, and
Stewart Weiss.

xvii
XVIII Acknowledgments

Acknowledgments to Second Edition

Yuri Gurevich, Paliath Narendran, Robert Paige, Carl Smith, and particu­
larly Robert McNaughton made numerous suggestions for improving the
first edition. Kung Chen, William Hurwood, Dana Latch, Sidd Puri,
Benjamin Russell, Jason Smith, Jean Toal, and Niping Wu read a prelimi­
nary version of Part 5.

Acknowledgments to Reprint of Second Edition

We are grateful to the following people for their careful reading of the
Second Edition: John Case, P. Klingsberg, Ken Klein, Eugenio Omodeo,
David Schedler, John David Stone, and Lenore Zuck.
 Dependency Graph
Chapter 1
Preliminaries

Chapter 9 Chapter 2 Chapter 12

Regular Languages Programs and Proportional Calculus
Computable Functions

Chapter 10 Chapter 3
Context-Free Languages Primitive
Recursive Functions

Chapter 16 Chapter 4 Chapter 8

Approximation A Universal Program Classifying Unsorvable
Ordering« Problems

Chapter 5
Chapter 17 Calculations on Chapter 14
Denotations Semantics Strings Abstract Complexity
of Recursion Equations

Chapter 6 Chapter 15
Chapter 18 Turing Machines Polynomial-Time
Operational Semantics Computabilrty
of Recursion Equations

Chapter 7
Processes and Grammars

Chapter 11 Chapter 13
Context-Sensitive Quantification Theory
Languages

A solid line between two chapters indicates the dependence of the un-
starred sections of the higher numbered chapter on the unstarred sections
of the lower numbered chapter. An asterisk next to a solid line indicates
that knowledge of the starred sections of the lower numbered chapter is
also assumed. A dotted line shows that knowledge of the unstarred
sections of the lower numbered chapter is assumed for the starred sections
of the higher numbered chapter.
xix
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
the priory of the canons-regular of St. Andrews ‘soon took its place
as first in rank and wealth of the religious houses of Scotland, and
the prior, with the ring and mitre and symbols of episcopacy, had
rank and place in Parliament above abbots and all other prelates of
the regular clergy,’[733] the name of Keledei gradually disappears,
being mentioned for the last time in the year 1332, when the usual
formula of their exclusion in the election of a bishop is repeated; and
instead of them we hear only of the provostry of ‘the church of Saint
Mary of the city of St. Andrews,’ of ‘the church of the blessed Mary of
the Rock,’ and of the ‘provostry of Kirkheugh,’ the society consisting
of a provost and ten prebendaries.[734]
Suppression of The Keledei of Lochleven fared no better than
Keledei of those of St. Andrews, and were extinguished in
Lochleven. much the same manner by being converted into
canons-regular, though the process was a shorter one. They were a
small community, and preserved, even as late as the reign of
Malcolm Canmore, their original character of an eremetical society.
They were the oldest Keledean establishment in Scotland, and thus
exhibited its earliest form. By an arrangement between them and the
bishop of St. Andrews, their establishment had been made over to
him prior to the year 961; and this enabled Bishop Robert, when he
established the priory of regular canons in St. Andrews, to convey to
the prior ‘the abbacy of the island of Lochleven, with all its pertinents,
in order that he might establish in it a body of canons-regular. He
conveys to him all the lands which had from time to time been
granted to the Keledei of Lochleven, with all their revenues, and
likewise the ecclesiastical vestments which belonged to the Chelede,
as well as the books which constituted their library.’[735] This was
followed by a charter by King David, in which he declared ‘that he
had given and granted to the canons of St. Andrews the island of
Lochleven, that they might establish canonical order there; and the
Keledei who shall be found there, if they consent to live as regulars,
shall be permitted to remain in society with and subject to the others;
but, should any of them be disposed to offer resistance, his will and
pleasure was that such should be expelled from the island.’[736] A
century later we find that the conversion of the community of Keledei
into a priory of canons-regular had been fully accomplished, as in the
year 1248 the prior and convent of canons-regular of St. Andrews,
on the narrative that ‘Kings David and William of Scotland and
Bishops Robert and Richard of St. Andrews had given and confirmed
to them the abbacy of Keledei in Lochleven, and that it was desirable
to improve the position of their priory of Lochleven and of their
brethren the canons-regular of the order of St. Augustine instituted
and dwelling there, make over to the church of St. Servanus of
Lochleven the property of the island of St. Servanus situated on that
lake;’[737] and we hear no more of the Keledei of Lochleven.
Suppression of Another community of Keledei connected with
Keledei of the church of St. Andrews was treated much in
Monimusk. the same manner. Among the possessions of that
church beyond the great chain of the Mounth was Monimusk,
situated in the vale of the river Don. The popular tradition of its
foundation is that Malcolm Canmore, when proceeding on a military
expedition against the people of Moray, came to Monimusk, and,
finding that the barony of Monimusk belonged to the crown, he
vowed it to St. Andrew in order to procure him victory. This tradition
is so stated by Hector Boece, and if it rested upon no better authority
it could hardly be received as historical; but it is certain that Malcolm
Canmore did make an expedition against the race of Moray in 1078,
from which he returned victorious;[738] and in a bounding charter said
to have been transcribed from the Register of St. Andrews, between
the lands of Keig and Monimusk, there is added that ‘these are the
marches which King Malcolm gave to God and the church of Saint
Mary of Monimusk on account of the victory granted to him.’[739] So
far we may infer that it was not an ancient Columban foundation; and
it is certain that the bishop of St. Andrews was termed the founder of
the house, and that it, like the church of Keledei at St. Andrews, was
dedicated to St. Mary, and contained a community of Keledei which
probably emanated from that church. Their possessions, too,
included those northern churches which were connected with the
legend of St. Andrew, or were dedicated to him, as Kindrochet in
Mar, Alford and Eglismenythok in Angus. The notices of these
Keledei are all to be found in the Register of the Priory of St.
Andrews, which contains various grants made to them. They first
appear in the year 1170 simply as the ‘Keledei of Munimusc,’ when
they receive a grant from Roger, earl of Buchan; but their principal
benefactor was Gilchrist, earl of Mar, who flourished between the
years 1199 and 1207. He appears to have built them a convent, and
enforced the canonical rule upon the Keledei, who now call
themselves canons; for we find him granting the church of Loychel to
God and St. Marie of Munimusc and the Keledei serving there, and
the bishop of Aberdeen confirms this grant to the church of the
blessed Mary of Munimusc and the canons, who are called Keledei,
serving God there; and again the bishop confirms the grant which
Gilchrist, earl of Mar, had made to this monastery which he had
founded at Munimusc in the church of St. Mary in which the Keledei
previously were. In another confirmation by the same bishop, as well
as in one by the bishop of St. Andrews, they are termed simply the
canons of Munimusc.[740] So far then the Keledei seem to have been
recognised and favoured, but the storm soon after broke upon them.
In 1211 a complaint was laid before the pope by William, bishop of
St. Andrews, that ‘certain Keledei who professed to be canons, and
certain others of the diocese of Aberdeen in the town of Munimusc,
which pertained to him, were endeavouring to establish a regular
canonry, contrary to justice, to the prejudice of his church;’
whereupon a commission was issued to the abbots of Melrose and
Dryburgh and the archdeacon of Glasgow to inquire into the matter,
which resulted in a convention between the bishop of St. Andrews
and the Keledei of Munimusc to the following effect:—‘That the
Keledei in future should have one refectory and one dormitory in
common, and one oratory without a cemetery; and that the bodies of
the Keledei and of clerks or laymen who might die when with them
should receive the rights of sepulture at the parish church of
Munimusc; further, there were there twelve Keledei and a thirteenth,
Bricius, whom the Keledei were to present to the bishop of St.
Andrews for confirmation, in order that he should be their master, or
prior; that on his retirement or death the Keledei were to choose
three of their society, from among whom the bishop was to select the
one he considered best suited to become their prior, or master, and
who was to do fealty to him as the founder of the house of the
Keledei;’ that the election of the prior, or master, of the Keledei
should be so conducted in future, with this addition, that it should not
be lawful for them at any future time to profess the life or order of
monks or canons-regular without the bishop’s consent, or to exceed
the number; that, when a Keledeus died or withdrew, those who
remained were at liberty to fill up the vacant place; but that such
Keledeus was, upon his admission, to swear before the bishop or his
deputy that he would observe the terms of this composition. The
Keledei were to retain the lands called Eglismenythok, which they
had received from Robert, bishop of St. Andrews, and other dues
commonly belonging to Keledei. They promised to do nothing to the
prejudice of the church of St. Andrews or the parish church of
Munimusc; and when the bishop of St. Andrews came to Munimusc,
the Keledei were to receive him with a solemn procession.[741] They
were thus brought under the more direct control of the bishop of St.
Andrews, who is there called the founder of their house, and
assimilated to the state into which the Keledei of St. Andrews had
been brought. Like them, they consisted of a prior, or head, with
twelve members. Like them, they were excluded from all parochial
functions. As their position gave them no claim to be considered as a
capitular body, it was unnecessary to exclude them from participation
in the election of a bishop; and the same provision seems to have
been made, though in a more correct manner, for gradually
superseding them by regular canons and inhibiting them as each
Keledeus died. In a charter granted a few years after by Duncan,
earl of Mar, of the church of Loychel and other possessions, they are
termed Keledei or canons; but in the confirmation by Alexander the
Second the former term is dropped, and they are called simply
canons; and in 1245 the Keledei of Munimusk have entirely
disappeared, and instead we have, in a confirmation by Pope
Innocent IV., ‘the prior and convent of Munimusc, of the order of Saint
Augustine.’[742]
Monastic orders of Another feature of the policy by which the kings
Church of Rome of this race endeavoured to assimilate the native
introduced. church to that of Rome, was that of introducing
the monastic orders of that church, and establishing monasteries
which should form centres of influence for the spread of the new
system. Upon these monasteries the remains of the old Columban
foundations were to a large extent conferred, and in this policy the
monarchs were very generally seconded by the great earls and
barons of Scotland. King David, soon after his accession, remodelled
the church at Dunfermline which had been founded by Queen
Margaret, and placed in it Benedictine monks, consisting of an abbot
and twelve brethren, brought from Canterbury;[743] and he introduced
the same monks into the district of Moray, by founding at Urquhart,
not far from its eastern boundary, a priory of Benedictines which
became a cell of Dunfermline.[744] Towards the end of his reign, and
after the great district of Moray had been brought under subjection to
the Crown, he founded at Kinloss, somewhat farther west, and not
far from the mouth of the Findhorn, a monastery, in which he placed
Cistertians brought from Melrose.[745] In the following reign another
colony of the same monks was brought from Melrose by Malcolm IV.,
and placed at Cupar-Angus, in the diocese of St. Andrews, where he
founded a monastery in the year 1164.[746] In the reign of his
successor another order of Benedictines—those of Tyron—who had
been established by King David at Kelso, was introduced into the
diocese of St. Andrews. Their principal house was that of
Aberbrothock, or Arbroath, founded by King William the Lion in 1173,
and dedicated to St. Mary and St. Thomas the Martyr. The same
year his brother David, earl of Huntingdon, founded a monastery at
Lindores in Fife, for the same order, and in the following year the earl
of Buchan, founded at Fyvie, in the diocese of Aberdeen, a priory
which was affiliated to Arbroath, and belonged to the same order.[747]
Columban During the reign of King William the
abbacies, or possessions of their principal monastery at
Abthens, in Arbroath increased with great rapidity, and
possession of lay
estates in land, churches and tithes were heaped
abbots.
upon the new foundation by the earls and barons
of Angus and the north. These included many of the old Columban
foundations; and, if the Book of Deer throws much light upon the
state of Buchan, both as regards the position of its Columban
monasteries and the social organisation of its old Celtic population,
the Chartulary of Arbroath is in this respect the most important
record we have, and we derive from it much insight into the state and
characteristics of the old territorial system south of the great range of
the Mounth. Among the churches granted by King William, we find in
Angus the church of St. Mary of Old Munros, with its land, called ‘in
the Scottish speech Abthen,’ or, as it is afterwards termed, ‘the land
of the abbacy of Munros,’ with other churches there; in Mar, the
churches of Banchory St. Ternan and Coul; in Buchan, Fyvie, Tarves
and Gameryn; and in Banff, the churches of St. Marnan of
Abirchirdir, Inverbondin, or Boindie, dedicated to St. Brandan, and
Banff; and the king likewise grants to them the lands of Forglen, the
church of which was dedicated to St. Adamnan, with the custody of
the Brecbennach, or banner of St. Columba. Margery, countess of
Buchan, grants to them the church of Turfred, or Turriff, dedicated to
St. Comgan, which, as we have seen, had preserved its Celtic
character as late as the reign of David I. The grants by the earls of
Angus give us, however, the most interesting information; and in one
of these we come upon an incidental mention of the Culdees.
Gilchrist, earl of Angus, grants to the monks of Arbroath ‘the church
of Monifod, with its chapels, lands, tithes and oblations, and with the
common pasturage and other privileges belonging to it,’ which grant
is confirmed by King William.[748] Malcolm, earl of Angus, grants
about the year 1220 the land of the Abthein of Munifeth to Nicholas
son of Bricius, priest of Kerimure; and this grant is confirmed by his
daughter, Countess Matilda, whose charter is witnessed by William,
vicar of Monifeit. Another charter by the same countess is witnessed
by William vicar of Monifodh, and Nicholas abbot of Monifodh.
Countess Matilda then grants to the monks of Arbroath ‘the land on
the south side of the church of Monifodh, which the Keledei held in
the life of her father, with a croft at the east end of the church;’ and
finally Michael, lord of the Abbathania of Monifoth, holds this croft in
feu-farm from the monks of Arbroath.[749] Here we see an old Abthen,
or abbacy, granted to the son of a priest, who then calls himself
abbot, while the church is served by a vicar; and a late descendant
appears, as in other cases, with the simple designation of ‘de
Monifoth,’ and calls himself lord of the Abbathania, or territory of the
abbacy. The ancient monastery had therefore now passed into the
hands of a hereditary lay abbot, but we also find part of the land held
by a body of Keledei, who are only once mentioned, and then pass
away for ever. The dedications throw some light on this. The church
of Monifieth, situated on the north shore of the Firth of Tay, was
dedicated to St. Regulus, or St. Rule; but within the parish was the
chapel of Eglismonichty, dedicated to St. Andrew. The dedications,
therefore, reflect the two legends of the foundation of St. Andrews—
the older Columban foundation under St. Regulus, and the later
Pictish one, when the relics of St. Andrew were really introduced.
The lay abbacy represents the former. The Keledean establishment
belongs to the later foundation. We find, too, John Abbe, son of
Malise, granting to the monks the privilege of taking charcoal in the
wood of Edale, which is confirmed by Morgund, son of John Abbe.
The church of Edale, now Edzell, was dedicated to St. Drostan, the
founder of the church of Deer; and here, too, we find one of the old
Columban foundations in the possession of a lay family, who seem
even to have adopted Abbe as a surname.
Establishment of Among other churches granted to the monks of
bishoprics of Arbroath by King William was ‘the church of
Dunblane and Abyrnythy, with its chapels, lands, tithes and
Brechin.
oblations, its common pasturage, and all other
privileges belonging to it;’[750] but this church belonged to the diocese
of Dunblane, one of the latest bishoprics founded by King David I.
Towards the end of his reign he appears to have added two
bishoprics to those already founded by him. These were the
bishoprics of Dunblane and Brechin. They are mentioned as already
existing, in a bull by Pope Adrian addressed to the bishops of
Glasgow, Whithern, St. Andrews, Dunblane, Dunkeld, Brechin,
Aberdeen, Moray, Ross and Caithness, ten in number, in the second
year after King David’s death, in which he directs them to submit to
the archbishop of York,[751] a command which was not obeyed except
by the bishop of Candida Casa, or Whithern. The struggle for the
independence of the Scottish Church was, however, terminated in
the year 1188, when the pope, Clement III., in a bull addressed to
King William the Lion in that year, recognised the independence of
the Scottish Church, and declared ‘the Church of Scotland to be the
daughter of Rome by special grace, and immediately subject to
her.’[752] In this bull the church is said to contain the following
episcopal sees—viz., St. Andrews, Glasgow, Dunkeld, Dunblane,
Brechin, Aberdeen, Moray, Ross and Caithness, that is, nine of the
bishoprics mentioned in the previous bull—that of Candida Casa, or
Whithern, remaining subject to the archbishop of York; and these
nine bishoprics are obviously the episcopal sees referred to by Ailred
of Rivaux, when he states that King David found at his accession
only three or four bishops, and founded or restored so many as to
leave nine at his death. We find accordingly Samson, bishop of
Brechin, witnessing the charter granted by King David to the Church
of Deer in the last year of his reign; and again, along with Laurence,
bishop of Dunblane, a charter granted by Malcolm IV. to the monks of
Dunfermline between 1160 and 1162;[753] but, although Laurence is
first mentioned in the bull of Pope Adrian in 1155, his bishopric is
included in the nine left by King David at his death, and must have
been founded shortly before and probably at the same time as that
of Brechin. The reorganisation of the church under a diocesan
episcopacy was thus completed during the lifetime of King David;
and during the subsequent reigns we find the occasional appearance
of a representative body of seven bishops, in obvious connection
with that other body termed the seven earls of Scotland.[754] The
seven bishops of Scotland appear to have consisted of the bishops
of St. Andrews and Glasgow, and the five bishops added by King
David himself during his reign, omitting the bishops of Dunkeld and
Moray, whose bishoprics had been restored in the previous reign of
Alexander the First.
Bishoprics of The two bishoprics of Brechin and Dunblane
Brechin and thus founded towards the end of King David’s
Dunblane formed reign were probably formed from the remains of
from old see of
the old Pictish bishopric of Abernethy, in so far as
Abernethy.
the churches which had been subject to it had not
been absorbed by the growing bishopric of St. Andrews which
immediately succeeded it. We may infer this from the facts that,
though Abernethy was within the limits of the diocese of St. Andrews
and surrounded on all sides by her churches, it belonged
ecclesiastically to the diocese of Dunblane; that Abernethy was
dedicated to St. Bridget, and that we find a Panbride in the diocese
of Brechin and a Kilbride in that of Dunblane, indicating that the
veneration of the patroness of Abernethy had extended to other
churches included in these dioceses. Abernethy, too, was the last of
the bishoprics which existed while the kingdom ruled over by the
Scottish dynasty was still called the Kingdom of the Picts, while that
of St. Andrews was more peculiarly associated with the Scots; and it
was in Stratherne and in the northern part of Angus and in the
Mearns that the Pictish population lingered longest distinct from that
of the Scots, while the latter had their main seat in the central region
consisting of the rest of Angus, Gowrey, Fife and Fothrif. The two
bishoprics of Dunblane and Brechin on the one hand, and that of St.
Andrews on the other, to some extent represented what had at one
time been the main territory occupied by the two populations.
Abernethy has, by popular tradition, always been peculiarly
associated with the Pictish population, and its history, so far as it can
be ascertained, shows its connection with the church among the
southern Picts from the very earliest period. The legend of its first
foundation connects it with the church of St. Ninian, when a church is
said to have been established there by King Nectan, who had, while
in exile, visited Kildare in the fifth century, and who dedicated his
church to St. Brigid, or St. Bride. When the Columban church
entered the province of the southern Picts in the end of the sixth
century, it was refounded by King Garnard for Columban monks,
while the dedication to St. Bride was preserved; but, like Kildare
itself, it now contained an establishment of monks. What its fate was
during the interval between the expulsion of the Columban monks in
the beginning of the eighth century and their reintroduction under
Kenneth mac Alpin—whether the monks of Abernethy were expelled
and secular clergy introduced, or whether they conformed to the
decree of the Pictish king and were allowed to remain—we do not
know; but during the reign of the first king of the Scottish dynasty,
when the abbot of Dunkeld became the first bishop of his kingdom,
Abernethy appears to have been visited and reorganised by the
abbot of the mother church of Kildare, and to this period the erection
of its round tower can be most probably assigned. On the death of
the bishop-abbot of Dunkeld, it became the seat of the bishop of the
kingdom, and three elections of these bishops had taken place there
when it was in its turn superseded by St. Andrews.
Suppression of In the reign of Edgar the Keledei of Abernethy
Keledei of first appear on record, but whether they were
Abernethy. introduced, as at Lochleven in the eighth century,
or, as at St. Andrews, in the tenth, we have no means of
ascertaining; but we are told by Bower that this community of
Keledei, whom he terms the prior and canons, possessed the lands
and tithes which formerly belonged to St. Bridget and her times, and
that, as usual with the Keledei, their church had become dedicated
to St. Mary.[755] By King William the church of Abernethy was granted
to Arbroath; and we now find the one half of the church and its
dependencies in the possession of a hereditary lay abbot, while the
other half belonged to the Keledei, for in that reign—some time
between 1189 and 1198—Laurence, son of Orm de Abernethy,
conveys to the church and monks of Arbroath his whole right ‘in the
advowson of the church of Abernethy, with its pertinents, that is, the
chapel of Dron, the chapel of Dunbulcc, with the chapel of Erolyn
and the lands of Belache and Petenlouer, and with the half of all the
tithes which belonged to him and his heirs, the other half belonging
to the Keledei, and with all the tithes of the territory of Abernethy and
its proper rights, with the exception of those tithes which are
appropriated to the churches of Flisk and Cultram and the tithes from
his lordship of Abernythy, which the Keledei of Abernethy have and
which properly belong to him, viz., those of Mukedrum and Kerpul
and Balehyrewelle and Ballecolly and Invernythy on the east side of
the river,’ that is, the land extending along the south shore of the
Firth of Tay from the river Nethy to the east boundary by Mugdrum.
This very instructive grant thus presents to us a picture of Abernethy
in which the ancient abbacy is now represented by a family of lay
abbots, while the possessions of the old nunnery are held by
Keledei, and the lay lord of the territory conveys his abbatial rights to
Arbroath, retaining the land, and becomes to all intents and
purposes a secular baron of Abernethy, from whom sprang the
baronial house of Abernethy. In the succeeding century we find a
dispute between the abbot and monks of Arbroath and the prior and
Keledei of Abernethy regarding the tithes of certain lands which the
abbot declared belonged to their parish church of Abernethy; but it
was decided by the bishop of Dunblane against the Keledei.[756]
These Keledei were eventually disposed of in the same manner as
the others had been, and were in 1272 converted into a community
of canons-regular of St. Augustine. We have no record of the
process; but there is no reason to doubt the fact as stated by Bower,
[757]
and the name of Keledei no longer occurs in connection with
Abernethy.
Failure of the The church of Brechin, which became the seat
Celtic Church of of the bishopric founded by King David, has no
Brechin. claim to represent an old Columban monastery;
for its origin as a church is clearly recorded in the Pictish Chronicle,
which tells us that King Kenneth, son of Malcolm, who reigned from
971 to 995, immolated the great town of Brechin to the Lord; and its
dedication likewise indicates a later foundation, for it was dedicated
to the Holy Trinity. Like the other churches which belong to the
period after the establishment of a Scottish dynasty on the throne in
the person of Kenneth mac Alpin, it emanated from the Irish Church,
and was assimilated in its character to the Irish monasteries; and to
this we may, no doubt, attribute the well-known round tower at
Brechin. We hear nothing more of this church till the reign of David
the First; but one of the witnesses to the charter granted by him, in
the eighth year of his reign, to the church at Deer, is ‘Leot, abbot of
Brechin.’ The later charter granted by the same king to the church of
Deer is, as we have seen, witnessed by Samson, bishop of Brechin;
and that, in this case as well as that of Dunkeld, the abbot had
become the bishop is probable, for a charter granted by his
successor Turpin, bishop of Brechin, is witnessed by ‘Dovenaldus,
abbot of Brechin;’ and the same Dovenaldus, abbot of Brechin,
grants a charter to the monastery of Arbroath, of the lands of
Ballegillegrand for the health of the souls, among others, of his
‘father Samson,’ thus showing that though Samson had become
bishop, the abbacy passed to his son. The charter of Bishop Turpin,
which is witnessed by this Dovenaldus, contains among the
witnesses ‘Bricius, prior of the Keledei of Brechin,’ who ranks
immediately after the bishop of St. Andrews; and it is apparent that
the abbacy had now become secularised, for Dovenaldus does not
appear among the clerical witnesses, but follows Gilbride, earl of
Angus. Brechin thus presents at this time the same features as
Abernethy, and shows us the abbacy in the possession of a lay
abbot and a community of Keledei under a prior. That the abbacy
now passed into the possession of a family of hereditary lay abbots,
who, as in other cases, bore the name of Abbe, appears from the
chartulary of Arbroath, where we find a grant to the monastery by
‘Johannes Abbe, son of Malisius,’ which is witnessed by Morgund
and John, his sons, and Malcolm his brother. He himself too
witnesses a charter as ‘Johannes, abbot of Brechin,’ and this grant is
confirmed by ‘Morgundus, son of Johannes Abbe.’ The community of
Keledei with their prior appear as in other cases to have formed the
chapter of the diocese, till they were gradually superseded by a
regular cathedral chapter. In the charter by Abbot Dovenaldus we
find the prior, who in the earlier charters ranked after the bishop,
giving place to the archdeacon of Brechin, while the appearance of
‘Andreas, parson of Brechin,’ indicates that they had now lost their
parochial functions. They then appear conjoined with other clergy in
forming the chapter in a charter granted by the prior and Keledei and
the other clerics of the chapter of the church of Brechin to the monks
of Arbroath, and a dean appears among the witnesses. In a charter
granted by the bishop of Brechin, the archdeacon, the chaplain of
Brechin, and two other chaplains and the dean take precedence of
the prior of the Keledei. After the year 1218 we find the Keledei
distinguished from the chapter; and in 1248 they have entirely
disappeared, and we hear only of the dean and chapter of Brechin.
[758]

Failure of the The other bishopric, however, which had been

Celtic Church in formed by King David from the old Pictish
the bishopric of bishopric of Abernethy, and to which that church
Dunblane.
was more immediately attached—the bishopric of
Dunblane—was undoubtedly connected with an old Columban
foundation. The church of Dunblane dates back to the seventh
century, and seems to have been an offshoot of the church of
Kingarth in Bute, for its founder was St. Blane. He was of the race of
the Irish Picts, and nephew of that Bishop Cathan who founded
Kingarth; and was himself bishop of that church, and his mother was
a daughter of King Aidan of Dalriada.[759] The church of Dunblane
was situated in the vale of the river Allan, not far from its junction
with the Forth, and is mentioned in the Pictish Chronicle under the
reign of Kenneth mac Alpin, when it was burnt by the neighbouring
Britons of Strathclyde. We hear no more of this church till the
foundation of the bishopric by King David. The catalogue of religious
houses places Keledei as the religious community of the church, but
the only Keledei we have any record of appear as located at Muthill,
situated farther north, and not far from the river Earn; while a later
record shows us that the Columban monastery, like many others,
had fallen into lay hands, and the clerical element then was limited to
a single cleric, who performed the service. In a document containing
the judgment of the pope’s delegates in a question between the
bishop of Dunblane and the earl of Menteith, in the year 1238, we
read that the bishop had gone in person to Rome and represented to
the pope ‘that the church of Dunblane had formerly been vacant for a
hundred years and more, and almost all its possessions had been
seized by secular persons; and, although in process of time several
bishops had been appointed to her, yet by their weakness and
indifference the possessions thus appropriated had not only not
been recovered, but even what remained to them had been almost
entirely alienated; in consequence of which no one could be induced
to take upon himself the burden of the episcopate, and the church
had thus remained without a chief pastor for nearly ten years; that
the present bishop, when appointed, had found the church so
desolate that he had not a cathedral church wherein to place his
head; that there was no collegiate establishment; and that in this
unroofed church the divine offices were celebrated by a certain rural
chaplain, while the bishop’s revenues were so slender that they
scarce afforded fitting maintenance for half the year.’[760] This picture
of clerical desolation does not differ from what we have found in
other churches the possessions of which had fallen into the hands of
lay families, and it is quite inconsistent with the statement that there
was a body of Keledei in the church of Dunblane. The Keledei
referred to must have been those at Muthill, which at this time was
one of the principal seats of the earls of Stratherne. We unfortunately
know little of the early history of this church. It adjoins the old parish
of Strageath, which has been united to it from beyond the memory of
man; and, as we have seen, after the expulsion of the Columban
monks in the beginning of the eighth century, St. Fergus or
Fergusanius, a bishop of the Roman party who came from Ireland, is
said to have founded three churches in the confines of Strageath.
The church of Strageath was dedicated to St. Patrick, and the other
two churches were probably those of Blackford, also dedicated to St.
Patrick, and of Muthill, within the bounds of which parish were St.
Patrick’s well and a chapel dedicated to him; but whether we are to
place the introduction of the Keledei at this period or in the reign of
Constantine, the son of Kenneth mac Alpin, when the Keledei were
re-established under the canonical rule in Scotland, and when St.
Cadroë was reviving religion in Stratherne under the auspices of his
uncle St. Bean of Foulis and Kinkell, neighbouring parishes, there is
nothing now to show. We find the Keledei with their prior at Muthill
from 1178 to 1214,[761] when they disappear from the records, and
Muthill becomes the seat of the dean of Dunblane, who had already
taken precedence of the prior of the Keledei. It is probable that under
the growing importance of Dunblane as a cathedral establishment,
the possessions of the Keledei had fallen into secular hands. In the
meantime the earls of Stratherne had introduced the canons-regular
from Scone into the diocese by the foundation of the priory of
Inchaffray, separated from the parishes of Muthill and Strageath only
by the river Earn. This took place some time before the year 1198.
The founders were Earl Gilbert and his countess, and it was
dedicated to St. Mary and St. John the apostle, to whom they give
‘Incheaffren, which is called in Latin Insula Missarum,’ placing it
under the care of Malise, the parson and hermit, for canons under
the rule of St. Augustine, and bestowing upon it the ancient
Columban foundations of St. Cattan of Aberruthven and St. Ethernan
of Madderdy, and the more modern churches of St. Patrick of
Strageath, St. Makessog of Auchterarder and St. Bean of Kinkell.[762]
Bower, whose authority in matters of church history at this period
must not be underrated, tells us that, when Earl Gilbert founded this
monastery, he divided his earldom into three equal portions, one of
which he gave to the church and bishop of Dunblane, another to the
canons of Inchaffray, and the third he reserved for himself and his
heirs;[763] but this is inconsistent with the account which the bishop of
Dunblane gives of the state of the church five years after the death
of that earl, and probably its only foundation was the arrangement
proposed by the adjudicators, by which a fourth of the tithes of all the
parish churches in the diocese was to be assigned to the bishop, in
order that he might, after receiving a sufficient part for his own
maintenance, appropriate the rest to the establishment of a dean
and chapter; otherwise the episcopal see was to be transferred to
the monastery of Inchaffray, whose canons were to form the chapter,
and the bishop was to receive the fourth part of the tithes of those
churches which had been appropriated by secular persons. This
alternative plan did not take effect; and what Bower reports of the
lands of the earldom may have been true in so far as regards the
tithes of the secularised churches.
Failure of the The bishopric of Dunkeld prior to the thirteenth
Celtic Church in century was not confined to the district of Atholl
the bishopric of alone, with the isolated churches which belonged
Dunkeld.
to it within the limits of other dioceses, but
extended as far as the Western Sea, and included the districts
stretching along its shores, from the Firth of Clyde to Lochbroom,
and forming the great province of Arregaidhel, or Argyll. It possessed
this extensive jurisdiction as representing the primatial supremacy of
Iona over the Columban churches, though the monastery of Iona
itself, being within the bounds of the Norwegian kingdom of the Isles,
came to belong to the metropolitan diocese of Trontheim. It is within
the bounds of this diocese that, if popular notions regarding the
Culdees are correct, we ought to find the most abundant traces of
them; but, except in the church of Iona itself, they have left no record
of their presence, and we do not find their name connected with any
of the old Columban foundations. The great abbacy of Dull, founded
in the seventh century by St. Adamnan, had, with its extensive
territory, long been in lay hands. The church of Dull had been
granted to the priory of St. Andrews by Malcolm, earl of Atholl, in the
reign of King William the Lion, ‘after the decease of his own cleric,’
and the grant was confirmed by his son Henry and by the bishop and
chapter of Dunkeld; and, in a memorandum of the proceedings of a
court held at Dull by the prior in 1264, we find mention of a vicar of
Dull and of a cleric of Dull. The names of William of Chester and
John of Carham, canons, indicate a foreign infusion, and the name
of a solitary clerauch witnesses for the Celtic element, but there is no
appearance of any Keledei.[764] Another great Columban abbacy—
that founded by St. Fillan in the same century in the vale of
Glendochart—appears also to have passed into the hands of a lay
abbot. In one of the laws of King William, ‘called Claremathane,’ we
find the abbot of Glendochart ranking as a great lord with the earls of
Atholl and Menteith, and sharing with the former the jurisdiction over
the dwellers of the adjacent part of Argyll.[765] And, in 1296, among
the barons holding of the crown who do homage to Edward the First
are Malcolm of Glendochart and Patrick of Glendochart,[766] of the
county of Perth, who are obviously simple laymen taking their name
from the abbacy. But while the lands of the monastery thus passed
into the possession of a secular family, the monastery seems, like
many others, to have had connected with it a Deoradh, or anchorite,
to whose descendants as coärb, or heir, of St. Fillan, the ecclesiastic
jurisdiction, with the custody of his pastoral staff, called the
Coygerach, seems to have fallen, as we find from an inquest held at
Kandrochid, or Killin, on the 22d April 1428, that ‘the office of bearing
the said relique belonged hereditarily to the progenitor of Finlay Jore,
who appeared before the jury as the successor of Saint Felan with
that office, and that these privileges had been preserved in the time
of King Robert Bruce, and in the time of the subsequent kings to the
present day,’ in virtue of which the family possessed a certain
jurisdiction which bears an obvious relation to that possessed in the
reign of King William by the abbot of Glendochart; and in the year
1487 there is a letter by King James, in which the king states that his
‘servitour Malice Doïre and his forebearis has had ane relik of Sanct
Fulane, called the quegrith, in keping of us and of our progenitors’
since the time of ‘King Robert the Bruys and of before, and made
nane obedience nor answer to na persone spirituale nor temporale in
ony thing concerning the said haly relik,’ and charging all and sundry
to ‘mak him nane impediment, letting, or distroublance in the passing
with the said relik throch the contre as he and his forebearis wes
wount to do.’[767]
Formation of the The districts, belonging to the bishopric of
diocese of Argyll Dunkeld, which lay to the west of the great range
or Lismore. of Drumalban were, about the year 1200,
separated from it and formed into a new bishopric termed first that of
Argyll and afterwards that of Lismore. Canon Mylne of Dunkeld tells
us, in his Lives of the Bishops,[768] that John, called the Scot, but an
Englishman by birth, who had been archdeacon of St. Andrews, was
elected bishop in the year 1167, and that he divided the diocese of
Dunkeld, and obtained letters from the pope constituting his chaplain
Eraldus bishop of Argyll. This name is no doubt the Norwegian
Harald, which had become naturalised among the Gael in the form of
Arailt or Erailt. The seat of the bishopric appears to have been fixed
first in the district of Mucarn, or Muckairn, on the south side of Loch
Etive, which belonged in property to the bishop of Dunkeld, and here
his church bore the name of Killespeckerrill, or the church of bishop
Erailt. The catalogue of religious houses states the community of the
bishopric of ‘Argiul’ to have been Keledei, but we find no trace of this
name in connection with any church in the diocese. It is possible,
however, that some of the Keledei from Dunkeld may have
accompanied the new bishop, and been established here. In 1230 or
1231 the priory of Ardchattan was founded, on the opposite shore,
for monks of the order of Vallis Caulium by Dunkan mak Dougall, the
head of the great family of lords of Lorn, and like most of these
foundations, had many of the older churches bestowed upon it. The
dependencies upon this priory were the churches of Balivedan,
within which parish it was situated, and which was dedicated to St.
Modan; of Kilninvir in Lorn, Kilbrandan in Seil, Kirkapol in Tiree,
Kilmanivaig in Lochaber, and Kilmarow in Kintyre.[769] A few years
later it was resolved to remove the seat of the bishopric, probably for
greater security, to the island of Lismore. In this island a Columban
monastery had been founded by St. Lughadh, or Moluoc, but like
many others, it had become secularised, and the possessions of the
monastery, including the territory on the mainland which had formed
part of the Abthania, or abbey lands—a name corrupted into Appin—
had now passed into the hands of the great lords of Lorn. Like the
abbacy of Glendochart, the only vestige of its former character was
the existence of a family of hereditary custodiers of the old bishop’s
crozier, called bachuill more; and we find ‘in 1544 Archibald
Campbell, fiar of the lands of Argyll, Campbell and Lorn, in honour of
the blessed Virgin, and of his patron saint Moloc, mortifying to John
mac Molmore vic Kevir and his heirs-male half the lands of
Peynabachalla and Peynchallen, extending to a half-merk land in the
island of Lismore, with the keeping of the great Staff of St. Moloc, as
freely as his father, grandfather, great-grandfather and other
predecessors held the same.’[770] In order to carry this resolution into
effect, the bishop of the Isles, within whose diocese the island of
Lismore was, prays the pope to relieve him from the care of this
episcopal church, which, he says, from the perverseness of the
times, had been brought into a state of extreme destitution; and the
pope addresses a mandate to the bishop of Moray, in the year 1236,
directing him to dissever the church of Lismore from the bishopric of
the Isles, in order that another bishop might be placed there.[771]
Lismore now became the seat of the bishop, and the designation
became changed from that of Argyll to that of Lismore. On the death
of Bishop William, who was drowned in the year 1241, the bishopric
remained vacant for some years, and we find Pope Innocent the
Fourth directing the bishops of Glasgow and Dunblane in 1249 to
take steps for supplying the church of Argyll, which had been
deprived of a chief pastor for more than seven years, with a
canonically elected bishop; and in another mandate he directs the
same bishops, as the seat of the bishopric was now situated in a
certain island in the sea, and almost inaccessible from the stormy
channel, across which the people could not pass without danger, to
transfer it to a more convenient site.[772] The first mandate was
carried into effect by the election, in 1250, of Bishop Alan, but no
attempt was made to carry out the second; and the position of the
bishop in Lismore was improved by grants of land and the institution
of a cathedral chapter, for we find in 1249 Alexander the Second
granted to the episcopal see of Argyll, for the episcopal table, the
parish church of St. Brigid the Virgin in Lorn, that is, Kilbride; and two
years after, in 1251, Eugenius the knight, the son of Duncan of
Erregeithill, or Argyll, grants to William, bishop of Argyll, fourteen
penny lands in Lismore, free of all secular exactions; and this charter
is witnessed by Gillemeluoc, dean of Lismore, and the whole
chapter.[773]
Condition of Of the Columban foundations in this great
Columban Church western district, we find traces of only two which
of Kilmun. throw light upon the condition of the church. In
the southern division of the district, which was usually termed ‘Argyll
pertaining to Scotia,’[774] on the north shore of the Holy Loch, was the
church of Kilmun, which had been founded by St. Fintan Munnu of
Teach Munnu in Ireland, whom St. Adamnan notices as having
wished to become a monk under St. Columba, but having arrived in
Iona only after his death.[775] We find this church in lay hands in the
thirteenth century, as, between 1230 and 1246, Duncan, son of
Fercher, and his nephew Lauman, son of Malcolm, grant to the
monks of Paisley lands which they and their ancestors had at
Kilmun, with the whole right of patronage in the church of Kilmun;
and in 1294 a charter to the monks of Paisley is witnessed by
Humfred of Kylmon;[776] and here, too, we have traces of certain
lands on the west side of Loch Long being held with the hereditary
custody of the staff of St. Mund, to which the name of ‘Deowray’ was
attached.[777]
Condition of the We have also traces of the condition to which a
Columban Church much more important monastery in the northern
of Applecross. part of the district had been brought. This was the
monastery of Apurcrosan, now Applecross, founded by St.
Maelrubha, in the year 673, in that part of the province which was
termed Ergadia Borealis, or North Argyll. Of the abbots of this
monastery the Irish Annals, as we have seen, notice three—
Maelrubha, who died in 822; Failbe, son of Guaire, termed his heir,
or coärb, who was drowned with twenty-two of his crew, who were
probably brethren of the monastery, on his passage to Ireland in 736;
and Macoigi of Apuorchrosan, who became abbot of the monastery
of Bangor in Ireland, the monastery from which Maelrubha had
proceeded on his mission to Britain, and died there in 801. The
possessions of this monastery were very extensive, and
comprehended the entire district extending along the shores of the
Western Sea from Loch Carron on the south to Loch Broom on the
north. They appear to have fallen into the hands of a family of
hereditary sagarts or priests, who, according to tradition, bore the
name of O’Beollan. The name of one of these priests is connected
with an upright slab in the churchyard, bearing the figure of a
collared cross, which is known as the stone of Ruairidh mor mac
Caoigan, who was said to have been proprietor of Applecross, and
to have been slain by the Danes. His name undoubtedly connects
him with abbot Macoigi; but we find ourselves on surer ground in the
reign of Alexander the Second, when Ferchar, called Macintsagart,
that is, the son of the sagart, or priest, gave such powerful support to
the king in suppressing insurrections both in the north and in
Galloway, that he was created earl of Ross as his reward. His
position as hereditary lord of the extensive possessions of the
monastery made him, in fact, a very powerful chief; and from him the
later earls of Ross were descended. From him, too, descended,
according to Mac Vurich, ‘Gillapatrick the Red, the son of Ruairidh,
the son of the green abbot,’ who is known in tradition as the ‘red
priest,’ and whose daughter brought the possessions of the
monastery into the family of the Macdonalds, Lords of the Isles.
Besides other churches dedicated to St. Maelrubha, there was one
in the parish of Muckairn, on a small island in a lake called Kilvarie
Loch; and here was the usual relic of the crozier kept by the
possessors of a small portion of land; for, in 1518, Sir John Campbell
of Calder receives the services of some of the small clans, ‘who
were sworn upon the mess buik and the relic callit the Arwachyll, at
the isl of Kilmolrue;’ and there is a township near it called Ballindore,
that is, Baile-an-deoradh, the town of the Deoradh, or Dewar, as he
came to be called.[778]
State of the Celtic It only remains for us now to terminate this
monastery of Iona. inquiry into the decadence of the old Celtic
Church with the island of Iona, whence it originally took its rise; and
here too we shall find that the efforts made to preserve the old Celtic
establishment failed, and that it had to give way before the invasion
of one of the religious orders of the Roman Church. The last of the
old abbots, of whom we have any notice, died in the last year of the
eleventh century; and for upwards of fifty years there is an unbroken
silence regarding Iona. During this period the whole of the Western
Islands were under the rule of the Norwegian kings of the Isles, and
the connection between the church in the Isles and the mainland of
Scotland, on the one side, and Ireland, on the other, must have been
to a great extent cut off. The abbots of the Irish monastery of Kells
were at this time the coärbs of Columcille there; but they do not
appear to have had anything to do with Iona, and there is no trace of
the bishop of Dunkeld having at this time exercised any jurisdiction
over the island. The Norwegian kings of the Isles, though professing
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