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DIGITAL IMAGE
PROCESSING
AND ANALYSIS
Human and Computer Vision
Applications with CVIPtools
SECOND EDITION
SCOTT E UMBAUGH
This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reasonable efforts have been made to
publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot assume responsibility for the validity of all materials
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Preface..............................................................................................................................................xv
Acknowledgments....................................................................................................................... xix
Author............................................................................................................................................ xxi
Exercises................................................................................................................................... 68
Problems........................................................................................................................ 68
Programming Exercises............................................................................................... 70
Supplementary Exercises....................................................................................................... 70
Supplementary Problems............................................................................................ 70
Supplementary Programming Exercises.................................................................. 71
References................................................................................................................................ 72
Further Reading...................................................................................................................... 73
References.............................................................................................................................. 441
Further Reading....................................................................................................................442
8. Image Enhancement............................................................................................................443
8.1 Introduction and Overview......................................................................................443
8.2 Gray-Scale Modification............................................................................................445
8.2.1 Mapping Equations......................................................................................445
8.2.2 Histogram Modification.............................................................................. 456
8.2.3 Adaptive Contrast Enhancement............................................................... 468
8.2.4 Color................................................................................................................ 476
8.3 Image Sharpening . ................................................................................................... 489
8.3.1 Highpass Filtering........................................................................................ 490
8.3.2 High Frequency Emphasis.......................................................................... 490
8.3.3 Directional Difference Filters...................................................................... 493
8.3.4 Homomorphic Filtering............................................................................... 494
8.3.5 Unsharp Masking......................................................................................... 497
8.3.6 Edge Detector–Based Sharpening Algorithms........................................ 499
8.4 Image Smoothing....................................................................................................... 503
8.4.1 Frequency Domain Lowpass Filtering...................................................... 503
8.4.2 Convolution Mask Lowpass Filtering........................................................ 503
8.4.3 Nonlinear Filtering.......................................................................................505
8.5 Key Points.................................................................................................................... 514
Exercises................................................................................................................................. 521
Problems...................................................................................................................... 521
Programming Exercises............................................................................................. 527
Supplementary Exercises..................................................................................................... 529
Supplementary Problems.......................................................................................... 529
Supplementary Programming Exercises................................................................ 530
References.............................................................................................................................. 531
Further Reading.................................................................................................................... 532
Section V Appendices
Appendix A: CVIPtools CD..................................................................................................... 891
Appendix B: Installing and Updating CVIPtools .............................................................. 893
Appendix C: CVIPtools Software Organization................................................................. 895
Appendix D: CVIPtools C® Functions.................................................................................... 897
D.1 Toolkit Libraries............................................................................................ 897
D.2 Toolbox Libraries.......................................................................................... 902
Appendix E: Common Object Module (COM) Functions: cviptools.dll......................... 911
Appendix F: CVIP Resources................................................................................................... 923
Index.............................................................................................................................................. 927
Digital image processing and analysis is a field that continues to experience rapid growth,
with applications ranging from areas such as space exploration to the entertainment indus-
try. The diversity of applications is one of the driving forces that make it such an exciting
field to be involved in for the twenty-first century. Digital image processing, also referred to
as computer imaging, can be defined as the acquisition and processing of visual informa-
tion by computer. This book presents a unique approach to the practice of digital image
processing, and will be of interest to those who want to learn about and use computer
imaging techniques.
Digital image processing can be divided into two primary application areas, human
vision and computer vision, with image analysis tying these two together. Although the
book focuses on image processing and analysis, the image analysis part provides the
reader with the tools necessary for developing computer vision applications such as those
discussed in Chapter 12. The automatic identification of land types in satellites images,
robotic control of a Mars rover, and the automatic classification of abnormalities in medical
images are examples of computer vision applications. Human vision applications involve
manipulation of image data for viewing by people. Examples include the development of
better compression algorithms, special effects imaging for motion pictures, and the resto-
ration of satellite images distorted by atmospheric disturbance.
The creation of the two new software tools, the Computer Vision and Image Processing
Algorithm Test and Analysis Tool (CVIP-ATAT) and the CVIP Feature Extraction and
Pattern Classification Tool (CVIP-FEPC), realizes a much more powerful development
environment. The new Windows® version of CVIPtools, which has been integrated even
more throughout the book, in conjunction with the two new development tools, creates a
valuable environment for learning about imaging as well as providing a set of reusable
tools for applications development.
Approach
To help motivate the reader I have taken an approach that presents topics as needed. This
approach starts by presenting a global model to help gain an understanding of the over-
all process, followed by a breakdown and explanation of each individual topic. Instead
of presenting techniques or mathematical tools when they fit into a nice, neat theoretical
framework, topics are presented as they become necessary for understanding the practi-
cal imaging model under study. This approach provides the reader with the motivation to
learn about and use the tools and topics, because they see an immediate need for them. For
example, the mathematical process of convolution is introduced when it is needed for an
image zoom algorithm, and morphological operations are introduced when the filtering
© 2011 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Preface xvii
operations are needed after image segmentation. This approach also makes the book more
useful as a reference, or for those who may not work through the book sequentially, but
will reference a specific section as the need arises.
After the CVIPtools environment is installed from the CD, an image database will be in
the default images directory, which contains the images used in the book. The CVIPtools
Website, www.ee.siue.edu/CVIPtools, is a resource that has useful imaging examples,
information and links to other imaging Web sites of interest. Additionally, a Solutions
Manual with Instructor’s CD containing PowerPoint lecture slides is available from the
publisher to those adopting the book in their courses.
Table 1.—Distribution of Population, Live Births and Deaths During First Year, and Infant
Mortality Rate According to Section of Johnstown, for all Children Included in this Investigation.
Deaths
during
Total first Infant
Population,
SECTION OF CITY AND WARD. live-born year of mortality
1910.[12]
babies. babies rate.
born in
1911
The whole city 55,482 1,463 196 134.6
Down-town section (wards 1, 2, 3, 4) 5,944 80 4 52.0
Kernville (wards 5, 6) 6,070 104 6 57.7
Homerstown (ward 7) 4,476 109 17 156.0
Roxbury (ward 8) 2,862 85 19 117.6
Conemaugh Borough (wards 9, 10) 5,282 136 16 117.6
Woodvale (ward 11) 3,945 107 20 271.0
Prospect (ward 12) 1,893 55 11 200.9
Peelorville (ward 13) 1,443 13 4 ([13])
Minersville (ward 14) 2,403 72 9 125.0
Cambria City (wards 15, 16) 8,706 310 55 177.4
Moxham (ward 17) 5,735 157 14 39.2
Morrellville (wards 18, 19, 20) 5,757 194 15 32.5
[13]
Coopersdale (ward 21) 968 36 8 ( )
13. Total live births less than 50; base therefore considered too small to use in computing an infant
mortality rate.
To learn where the babies die is perhaps the first step in solving the infant mortality problem. The
modern health officer recognizes this and generally has in his office a wall map upon which are
indicated sections, wards, city blocks, and sometimes even houses. As infant deaths are reported, pins
are stuck in the map in the proper places, a density of pins on any part of the map indicating, of course,
where deaths are most numerous, although the percentage of infant deaths may not be the highest.
The highest infant mortality rate, 271, is found in the eleventh ward, known as Woodvale, although this
is neither the most populous ward nor the one having the largest number of births. The infant mortality
rate here, however, is double the rate for the city as a whole and more than five times as great as it is
for the most favorable ward.
This is where the poorest, most lowly persons of the community live—families of men employed to do
the unskilled work in the steel mills and the mines. They are for the most part foreigners, 78 per cent.
of the mothers interviewed in this ward being foreign born.
Through Woodvale runs the main line of the Pennsylvania Railroad. To the north of the tracks rises a
steep hill, toward the top of which is Woodvale Avenue, the principal street north of the railroad. (See
plate A.) Sewer connection is possible for the houses along this avenue, as a sewer main has recently
been installed, but the people have not in all cases gone to the expense of having the connection made,
and in other cases where they have done so sometimes only the sinks are connected with the sewer
and the yard privy is retained.
On the streets above Woodvale Avenue dwellings are more scattered and the appearance is more rural.
A few of the families still have to depend upon more or less distant springs for their water, although city
water is quite generally available throughout Woodvale.
The streets near the bottom of the hill, as Plum Street, for example, are so much below the level of the
sewer mains that they can not be properly drained into the sewer. Private drain pipes from houses are
buried a few feet below the surface and protrude from the sides of the hills, dripping with house
drainage which flows slowly into ditches and forms slimy pools. (See Plates B and C.)
None of the streets on the north side of the railroad track are paved; sidewalks and gutters are lacking.
In cold weather the streets are icy and slippery and even dangerous on account of the grade. In warm
weather they are frequently slippery and slimy with mud.
Maple Avenue is the principal street of that part of Woodvale lying to the south of the railroad tracks,
and it is the only properly paved and graded street in Woodvale. The streets on this side of the tracks,
however, are not in as bad a condition as those to the north, nor are the drainage and general sewerage
conditions as offensive as north of the tracks, but many of the streets are nevertheless muddy and
filthy. (See Plate D.)
Prospect ranks next to Woodvale in infant mortality, having a rate of 200. This section, lying along a
steep hill and above one of the big plants of the steel company, has not a single properly graded,
drained, and paved street. The sewers are of the open-ditch type, and the natural slope of the land
toward the river is depended upon for carrying off the surface water that does not seep into the soil.
The closets are generally in the yard and are either dry privies or they are situated over cesspools.
Some of the people who live on the lower part of the slope have wells sunk directly in the course of the
drainage from above. (See Plate E.)
Cambria City, which is composed of the two most populous wards of Johnstown, has the third highest
infant mortality rate, 177.4. It has a large foreign element, as is evidenced by the fact that 90.6 per
cent. of the mothers interviewed were foreign born. It is situated along the river, between the hills of
Minersville and Morrellville, and somewhat to the north of Prospect. The sewage from other residential
sections and from the steel mills above them empties into the river at this point. In warm, dry seasons
the river is low, flows slowly, and forms foul-smelling pools.
Sewer connection is possible for most of the houses in Cambria City, although all are not connected.
Some, on the streets bordering the river, have private drain pipes that empty out into the stream.
Others have their kitchen sinks connected with the sewer but still retain yard privies, which, of course,
are not sewer connected.
There is considerable crowding of houses on lots, rear houses being commonly built on lots intended for
but one house. Density of population and house congestion are greater here than elsewhere in the city.
The streets of Cambria City are somewhat better graded and more generally paved than those of
Woodvale, but muddy streets and unpaved sidewalks nevertheless exist here. Broad Street, however,
which is the business thoroughfare and runs through the center of the section, is the widest and best
constructed street in Johnstown. Bradley Alley, on the other hand, running the length of Cambria City
and parallel to Broad Street, is the most conspicuous example in the city of a narrow lane or alley used
as a residence street. A number of small dwellings, generally housing more than one family, have their
frontage on this alley, which is 19 feet 10 inches in width and without sidewalks. It is unpaved and in
bad condition, generally being either muddy or dusty and littered with bottles, cans, and other trash.
(See Plates F. and G.)
Homerstown has an infant mortality rate of 156, ranking fourth among the several sections of
Johnstown in this respect. It has a fairly prosperous and somewhat suburban appearance, but its
comparatively high infant mortality rate can perhaps be partly accounted for by the bad street
conditions and the fact that refuse of all sorts is dumped into the shallow river at this point.
Minersville is a district where a high rate would be expected from prevailing conditions. The rate is 125,
or less than the average for the city but more than double that for the most favorable sections. This
ward is built on a hill and so located that the rising clouds of grit-laden smoke from the steel mills
envelop it much of the time. Only one street in this section is well paved, and this is seldom clean.
Houses on some of the streets near the top of the hill are not sewer connected, and streams of waste
water trickle down the hill and give rise to unpleasant odors. (See Plates H and I.)
Conemaugh Borough, with an infant mortality rate of 117.6, ranks sixth in this respect among the
sections into which Johnstown has been divided. It comprises wards 9 and 10 and begins at the edge of
the down-town section and spreads upward over the hills to the southwest. Some of the houses on
streets near the top of the hill are not sewer connected, and streams of water constantly trickle down
the numerous alleys and streets that descend the hill. (See Plate J.) This section makes a very
unfavorable first impression because of the open drainage and of the many dirty, badly paved streets.
(See Plate K.) Unlike some of the other wards, it has a rather evenly distributed population and is
without the vast uninhabited areas and acutely congested spots found in some other sections. On the
whole there is little crowding on the lots and there are many good-sized yards. One-third of the
population is foreign born. Of these the Italians are the most numerous. Despite certain ugly spots this
section has not the unwholesome atmosphere that characterizes Woodvale and to a lesser extent
Prospect, Cambria City, and Minersville.
The infant mortality rate of 117.6 per thousand in Roxbury is the same as that of Conemaugh Borough.
For reasons not plainly apparent the rate here is higher than in Moxham, Morrellville, Kernville, or the
down-town section, although it appears to be as favorably conditioned as these sections are from a
social, economic, and sanitary standpoint. Here, as in all these sections, however, are many conditions
not conducive to health. For example, parts of Franklin Street are in bad repair. The roadway is full of
ruts and holes; the street, which is seldom sprinkled, is dusty in dry weather and muddy in wet weather,
and in front of good houses along one section of this street runs an open ditch that receives house
drainage.
Moxham has the eighth highest infant mortality rate, it being 89.2. Conditions here are generally rather
favorable, although there is some complaint that at “high water” the sewage received by one of the
runs in this section backs into some of the houses and then the sinks and water-closets overflow. Some
of the homes here, near the city limits, are not supplied with city water but are still dependent upon
wells and springs.
One of the three wards constituting Morrellville (ward 18) has a rural appearance; there is little house
crowding on lots, big yards are common, and the streets are not paved. It is, however, marred by an
offensive open-ditch sewer. Ward 19 of Morrellville has a more finished, less rural appearance. One of its
objectionable features is that house drainage and the bloody waste of slaughterhouses are emptied into
a shallow stream that flows through it. Ward 20 adjoins ward 19, and although it spreads out into a
suburb it appears for the most part to be a comfortable and busy little village. Strayer’s Run winds
about here and receives sewage. The fact that it is without a guardrail in some places and that the
railing is inadequate in others makes it a source of danger, and according to common report such
accidents as children falling into the stream have occurred. The infant mortality rate for Morrellville is
82.5.
Kernville, a section with a considerable proportion of prosperous people, has a very favorable infant
mortality rate, it being 57.7. Parts of this section, however, are on a hill stretching upward from Stony
Creek, which is both unsightly and offensive in warm weather and when the water is low.
The down-town section, i.e., wards 1, 2, 3, and 4, where are to be found many of the best conditioned
houses, the homes of many of the well-to-do people, has the lowest infant mortality rate in the city, it
being but 50.
No infant mortality rate is presented in the tables for Coopersdale or for Peelorville. In the first-named
section only 36 live-born infants were considered, and 8 of them died in their first year. But this high
rate need not be considered as especially significant, as the base number is small for such a
computation. Coopersdale, however, is a suburban-appearing community in which one would expect the
infant mortality rate to be low.
Peelorville is that part of the thirteenth ward which adjoins Prospect. A number of company houses are
located here in which sanitary conditions are fairly good. The ward seems to have good drainage and no
sewage nuisances. It is a community of wage earners and not of prosperous homes. Only 18 babies are
included in the report for this district, one of whom died. With such a small base the infant mortality
rate is not significant. (See Plate L.)
SANITARY CONDITIONS—SEWERAGE, PAVEMENTS, GARBAGE
COLLECTIONS
The general inadequacy of the sewerage system which has been indicated for the city as a whole is due
in part to the fact that the city is largely an aggregation of sections, formerly independent of Johnstown
itself, which have been annexed at different periods. Some of these boroughs had sewer systems more
or less developed when they were taken into Johnstown; others had none. Not only the sewerage of
Johnstown but that of outlying boroughs pollutes the two shallow rivers, the Conemaugh and the Stony
Creek, that flow through Johnstown. These are burdened with more waste than they can properly carry
away, and the deposits which are left on the rocks in various sections of both rivers create nuisances
that are the subject of much complaint, especially during the warm summer months. (See Plates M, N,
O, and P.) At various times agitation has been started to improve the rivers which, as they flow through
Johnstown, are, at the low-water stage, little better than swamps of reeking slime from the waste
matter emptied into them from the hundreds of sewers along their banks. The pipes through which
waste matter is emptied into the streams go only to the river edge, leaving their mouths uncovered and
making the river beds at times pools of slowly flowing filth. These unsightly, malodorous conditions
could be remedied if pipes were extended out into the middle of the streams, where the water is
deeper.
With the exception of sprinkling a few wagon loads of lime along the banks of the streams each year,
the city has done nothing to abate the nuisances arising from the use of these rivers as sewers or to
restrain the coal and steel companies from allowing the drainage from mines and mills to enter the
streams.
The engineer’s records show that Johnstown had in 1911 a total of 41.1 miles of sewers and 36 sewer
outlets, and 82 miles of streets, 52.7 miles being paved. The alleys in Johnstown are generally
inhabited. They are narrow and without sidewalks. Their length is 52.88 miles and 47.35 miles are
unpaved. The combined length of streets and alleys is 134.88 miles. A comparison of this combined
length of streets and alleys with the 41.1 miles of sewers having 36 outlets shows the inadequacy of the
sewer system.
Not only is there an absence of paving, but the roadways are in very bad condition. A protest by “A
Citizen” in the Democrat of June 26, 1913, says that there are nine months in the year when it would be
impossible for the proposed fire-department automobile engines to attend a fire in the seventh, eighth,
eleventh, seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first wards owing to the condition
of the streets.
The scavenger system is also very defective. Citizens are required to pay for the removal of their ashes,
trash, and garbage. Garbage collections are not made by the municipality, but by private contractors,
and any sort of receptacle, covered or uncovered, can or box, is pressed into service by householders. It
is by no means uncommon to find streets and alleys littered with ashes, garbage, bottles, tin cans, beer
cases, and small kegs. Dirty streets are by no means exceptional in Johnstown, even though the State
of Pennsylvania has a law (act of Apr. 20, 1905) which provides for the punishment of any person who
litters paved streets. It reads, in part, as follows (sec. 7 of Pamphlet Laws, 227):
“From and after the passage of this act, it shall be unlawful, and is hereby forbidden, for any person or
persons to throw waste paper, sweepings, ashes, household waste, nails, or rubbish of any kind into any
street in any city, borough, or township in this Commonwealth, or to interfere with, scatter, or disturb
the contents of any receptacle or receptacles containing ashes, garbage, household waste, or rubbish
which shall be placed upon any of said paved streets or sidewalks for the collection of the contents
thereof.
“Any person or persons who shall violate any of the provisions of this act shall, upon conviction thereof
before any magistrate, be sentenced to pay the cost of prosecution and to forfeit and pay a fine not
exceeding $10 for each offense, and in default of the payment thereof shall be committed and
imprisoned in the county jail of the proper county for a period not exceeding ten days.”
In a report on infant mortality to the registrar general of Ontario, 1910, Dr. Helen MacMurchy says:
“Improve the water supply, the sewerage system, and the system of disposing of refuse; introduce
better pavements, such as asphalt, and at once there is a decline in infantile mortality.” All these are
sanitary features in need of great improvement in Johnstown, and unquestionably a lowered infant
mortality rate would reward any efforts for their betterment.
HOUSING
In Johnstown the so-called “double” house predominates, usually frame. The double house is in reality
two semidetached houses built upon a single lot. Rows of three or more houses of two, three, or four
rooms each are common, and they are known locally as three-family, or six-family houses, as the case
may be. Sometimes these are “rear houses,” that is, they are built behind other houses that face the
street, on the same lots and in fact are approached by way of a narrow alley running alongside the
house that has its frontage directly on the street. For this type of house water-closets or privies are
often in rows in the yard or court that is used in common by all families. (See Plates Q and R.) In some
places they are too few in number to permit each family to have the exclusive use of one.
Johnstown has three or four comparatively high-grade apartment houses, and in several office buildings
rooms are rented to families for housekeeping. These are generally taken by native families.
In one of these office buildings the two lower floors are used for business purposes and the two upper
floors are given over entirely to tenement purposes. From 40 to 50 families live here, many of whom
have but one room. To serve the 20 or 25 families on each floor there is one bath and toilet room for
men and another for women. Adjoining the toilet rooms is a small room containing garbage cans and
trash receptacles for the use of the tenants.
The sanitary conditions in some of the best tenements or apartments, however, are not up to the
standards of other cities, and in those occupied by the poorer people conditions are much worse than
are usually permitted to exist in cities having large tenement houses in great numbers, where a
tenement-house problem is recognized as such and active efforts are made by the municipality to
improve conditions.
An absolute measure of the importance of each single housing defect in a high mortality rate can not be
secured from this study. But it is not without interest to note that in homes where water is piped into
the house the infant mortality rate was 117.6 per thousand, as compared with a rate of 197.9 in homes
where the water had to be carried in from outdoors. Or that in the homes of 496 live-born babies where
bathtubs were found the infant mortality rate was 72.6, while it was more than double, or 164.8, where
there were no bathtubs. Desirable as a bathtub and bodily cleanliness may be, this does not prove that
the lives of the babies were saved by the presence of the tub or the assumed cleanliness of the persons
having them. In a city of Johnstown’s low housing standards, the tub is an index of a good home, a
suitable house from a sanitary standpoint, a fairly comfortable income, and all the favorable conditions
that go with such an income.
The same trend of a high infant mortality rate in connection with other housing defects is noted in the
next table.
Table 3.—Distribution of Live Births and of Deaths During First Year, and Infant Mortality Rate,
According to Housing Conditions.
14. Total live births less than 50; base therefore considered too small to use in computing an infant
mortality rate.
The following summary may be of interest in indicating some relation between infant mortality and
cleanliness or uncleanliness combined with dryness or dampness of homes:
Table 4.—Distribution of Live Births and of Deaths During First Year, and Infant Mortality,
According to Cleanliness and Dryness of Home.
Table 5.—Number of Babies Living in Homes of Each Specified Size, and Average Number of Persons
Per Room in Homes of Each Size.
GENERAL NATIVITY
The investigation embraced 860 babies of native mothers (of whom 6 were negroes) and 691 babies of
foreign mothers, making a total of 1,551. The infant mortality rate for the entire group was 134 per
1,000 live births; for the babies of native mothers 104.3, and for those of foreign mothers 171.3. The
stillbirth rate for native mothers having children in 1911 was less than that for foreign mothers, being
52.3, as compared with 62.2 per 1,000 total births.
The line between the natives and foreigners is very sharply drawn in Johnstown. The native population
as a rule knows scarcely anything about the foreigners, except what appears in the newspapers about
misdemeanors committed in foreign sections. The report of the Immigration Commission[15] comments
“on the attitude of the police department toward foreigners ... with regard to Sunday desecration,” and
states that “the Croatians are accustomed to spend Sunday in singing, drinking, and noisy
demonstrations. The police have been instructed to show no leniency on account of ignorance of the
municipal regulations, and, without any attempt at explaining the laws, they arrest the offenders in
large numbers.” Again, it states: “They are arrested more often for crimes that make them a nuisance to
the native population than for mere infractions of the law.... Few arrests are made for immorality among
foreigners.” “Sabbath desecration” is the crime foreigners are most frequently charged with.
15. United States Immigration Commission Reports, Volume VIII., “Immigrants in Industries: Part 2,
Iron and Steel Manufacturing in the East,” p. 387. Reference is to Johnstown and is a very true
picture of various immigrant institutions and of the comparative progress and assimilation of
different races there. Although the immigration report was made five years before our
investigation, conditions remain practically the same.
Foreigners are employed largely in the less skilled occupations of the steel mills, which operate 24 hours
a day, seven days a week. At the time the investigation was made some of the men in the steel mills
worked for a period of two weeks on a night shift of 14 hours, then two weeks on a day shift of 10
hours, and back again to the night shift of 14 hours for another two weeks, and so on. When shifts
were changed, one group of men was required to work throughout a period of 24 hours instead of for
the usual 10 or 14 hour period and another group had 24 hours off duty. Some departments of the steel
mills, however, shut down on Sundays, and in some departments for certain occupations an eight-hour
day prevails, but these more favorable conditions do not prevail among the majority of the unskilled
foreign workers whose homes were visited.
The foreigners who work on a 24-hour shift in a mill on one Sunday frequently “desecrate” their
alternate free Sabbath by “singing, drinking, and noisy demonstrations,” in spite of the known danger of
arrest for “crimes that make them a nuisance to the native population” or for “Sabbath desecration,”
laws concerning which are strictly enforced in Johnstown; for example, children are not permitted to
play in public playgrounds on Sunday and mercantile establishments are required to be closed on that
day. Also, it is “unlawful for any person or persons to deliver ice cream, or to sell or deliver milk from
wagon or by person carrying same, within the city on the Sabbath day, commonly called Sunday, after
12 o’clock m.” The ordinance from which the foregoing sentence was quoted became a law on January
25, 1914.
SERBO-CROATIAN
The foreign group having the highest infant mortality rate is the Serbo-Croatian[16] where infant deaths
numbered 263.9 per 1,000 live births.
16. A distinct and homogenous race, from a linguistic point of view, among Slavic peoples. They are
divided into the groups “Croatian” and “Servian,” on political and religious grounds, the former
being Roman Catholics and the latter Greek Orthodox. Their spoken language is the same but they
can not read each other’s publications, for the Croatians use the Roman alphabet, or sometimes
the strange old Slavic letters, while the Servians use the Russian characters fostered by the Greek
Church.
Three Krainers have also, for convenience, been included in this group. Krainers are Slovenians
from the Austro-Hungarian Province of Carniola and are designated “close cousins of the Croatians
but with a different though nearly related language” by Emily Greene Balch in her book entitled
“Our Slavic Fellow Citizens.”
The men of the Serbo-Croatian group are fine looking and powerful and are employed in the heavy
unskilled work of the steel mills and the mines. They greatly outnumber the women of their race in
Johnstown, and a man with a wife frequently becomes a “boarding boss”; that is, he fills his rooms with
beds and rents out sleeping space to his fellow countrymen at from $2.50 to $3 a month each. The
same bed and bedding is sometimes in service both night and day to accommodate men on the night
and the day shifts of the steel mills.
The wife, without extra charge, makes up the beds, does the washing and ironing, and buys and
prepares the food for all the lodgers. Usually she gets everything on credit and the lodgers pay their
respective shares biweekly. These conditions exist to some extent among other foreigners, but are not
as prevalent among other nationalities in Johnstown as among the Serbo-Croatians.
In a workingman’s family, it is sometimes said, the woman’s work-day is two hours longer than the
man’s. But if this statement is correct in general, the augmentation stated is insufficient in these
abnormal homes where the women are required to have many meals and dinner buckets ready at
irregular hours to accommodate men working on different shifts.
The Serbo-Croatian women who, more than any of the others, do all this work are big, handsome, and
graceful, proud and reckless of their strength. During the progress of the investigation, in the winter
months, they were frequently seen walking about the yards and courts, in bare feet, on the snow and
ice-covered ground, hanging up clothes or carrying water into the house from a yard hydrant.
Whether it harmed them to expend their force and vigor as they did could not be determined in
individual cases, but their babies are the ones who died off with the greatest rapidity, their infant
mortality rate being 263.9, as compared with the rates of 171.3 for all the foreign; 104.3 for the
natives; and 134 for the entire group as shown in Table 18. Excluding babies of Serbo-Croatian mothers,
the infant mortality rate for babies of foreign mothers is but 159.7.
ITALIAN
The Italian mothers visited in Johnstown bore 75 children in 1911, 4 being stillborn. The infant mortality
rate among the live born was 183.1, the highest of any racial group excepting the Serbo-Croatian,
where it was 263.9.
The Italians have been in Johnstown somewhat longer than the Serbo-Croatians and they seem to have
a little firmer grip on the community life there. Their homes are a shade better, a trifle cleaner, and
somewhat less crowded than those of the Serbo-Croatians, although their hygienic standards seem little
if any higher and they rank no better in literacy. The women do not perform the arduous duties that are
the lot of so many of the Serbo-Croatian women; they have not the robust physique of the latter and
the men are not found in those branches of the steel industry which require the extraordinary strength
possessed by the Serbo-Croatians. The occupations of the Italian fathers were found to be more
diversified than those of the Serbo-Croatians, some being fruit, grocery, or cheese merchants;
steamship agents; bricklayers, carpenters, or workers at other skilled and semiskilled trades.
SLOVAK, POLISH, ETC.
The infant mortality rate in the group designated “Slovak, Polish, etc.” is 177.1. In this group are
included all the Slavic races represented in the investigation excepting the Serbo-Croatian. The babies of
Slovak[17] mothers were found to be most numerous, there being 276 of them. There were 108 babies
of Polish,[18] 2 of Bohemian,[19] and 7 of Ruthenian[20] mothers. In addition, one baby of a Scandinavian
(Danish) mother was included, not because Scandinavians bear the least racial resemblance to the
Slavic races, but because the few Scandinavians in Johnstown happened to be on about the same
economic footing as the “Slovak, Polish, etc.”
17. Slovaks occupy practically all except the Ruthenian territory of northern Hungary; also found in
great numbers in southeast Moravia. They are the Moravians conquered by Hungary. In physical
type no dividing line can be drawn between Slovaks and Moravians. It is often claimed that Slovak
is a Bohemian dialect.
18. The west Slavic race native to the former Kingdom of Poland. For the most part they adhere to the
Roman rather than the Greek Orthodox Catholic Church.
19. The westernmost division or dialect of the Czech and the principal people or language of Bohemia.
Czech is the westernmost race or linguistic division of the Slavic (except Wendish, in Germany),
the race or people residing mainly in Bohemia and Moravia.
20. Also known as Little Russians; live principally in southern Russia; also share Galicia with the Poles
but greatly surpassed by Poles in number. In language and physical type resemble Slovaks.
Generally Greek Orthodox, but a few are Greek Catholics of the Roman Catholic Church, whose
priests marry, and are separated from other Roman Catholics by marked religious differences.
The rate for this group is lower than that for either the Serbo-Croatians or the Italians, but it is
nevertheless very high and one exceeded by only a few European countries, as shown by the table on
page 12.
Some of the “Slovaks, Poles, etc.,” live in the same squalid sections as the Serbo-Croatians, and in the
same type of inferior houses, but on the whole they have been in Johnstown longer, are more
prosperous, and are therefore beginning to move from Cambria City and Woodvale, where formerly
practically all lived, into more desirable sections. Those who have been in this country longest and
intend to stay here are buying homes with large yards in the less crowded sections and are raising
vegetables and flowers. Others, however, still remain in poor neighborhoods and sometimes buy houses
there for from $300 to $600 each, built close together on rented ground.
Lodgers are by no means uncommon among the people in this group, but usually their homes are
cleaner, less crowded, and possessed of more comforts than those of the Serbo-Croatians and Italians.
OTHER NATIONALITIES
The British[21] infant mortality rate in Johnstown is 129 and the German 127.7. The British and Germans
in Johnstown are more prosperous than the Slavic, Magyar, Jewish, Italian, Syrian, and Greek peoples,
and regard the others as “foreigners.” It was strange to hear a man, one who could speak English, say,
“We are not foreigners; we are Germans.” The British and Germans occupy the same relative position
economically that they occupy in the infant mortality scale with relation to other races.
21. English, Irish, Scotch, and Welsh included in the term British.
In the Magyar group, of 38 babies born alive 4 died in their first year, making an infant mortality rate of
105.3, which is almost as low as that for babies of native mothers. The Magyars are little if any better
off than the other “foreigners” among whom they live, but they possess somewhat higher standards of
living. They live in poor neighborhoods and have inferior houses, but their homes are cleaner and they
themselves somewhat more alert, personally cleaner, and less illiterate than the other foreigners.
There were but 10 babies of Hebrew mothers and 12 of Syrian and Greek mothers; among these there
were no deaths. These groups are too small numerically to be significant in a comparative race study of
infant mortality.
STILLBIRTHS
In all there were but 88 stillbirths included in the investigation. They were more numerous
proportionately among the Germans than among the mothers of any of the other nationalities. No single
nationality group, however, has a very large representation, and hence a comparison of the rate for one
with that for another nationality is not as significant as the difference in rate between native and foreign
mothers. Although a special study of the causes of stillbirths was not made in connection with a study
of deaths of infants during their first year of life, nevertheless the incidence of these births among the
different nationality groups is believed to be of some interest, and therefore shown in the next table.
(Omitted.)
ATTENDANT AT BIRTH
The native mother usually had a physician at childbirth; the foreign-born, a midwife. The more
prosperous of the foreign mothers, however, departed from their traditions or customs and had
physicians, while the American-born mothers, when very poor, resorted to midwives. The midwives
usually charged $5, and sometimes only $3; they waited for payment or accepted it in installments, and
they performed many little household services that no physician would think of rendering.
Two-thirds of those having no attendant were Serbo-Croatians. It was a Polish woman, however, who
gave the following account of the birth of her last child:
At 5 o’clock Monday evening went to sister’s to return washboard, having just finished day’s washing.
Baby born while there; sister too young to assist in any way; woman not accustomed to midwife
anyway, so she cut cord herself; washed baby at sister’s house; walked home, cooked supper for
boarders, and was in bed by 8 o’clock. Got up and ironed next day and day following; it tired her, so she
then stayed in bed two days. She milked cows and sold milk day after baby’s birth, but being tired hired
some one to do it later in week.
This woman keeps cows, chickens, and lodgers; also earns money doing laundry and char work.
Husband deserts her at times; he makes $1.70 a day. A 15-year-old son makes $1.10 a day in coal
mine. Mother thin and wiry; looks tired and worn. Frequent fights in home.
The infant mortality rate was lower for babies delivered by physicians than for those delivered by
midwives or for those at whose birth no properly qualified attendant was present. This is not necessarily
an indication of the quality of the care at birth, although in some cases the inefficiency of the midwife
may have directly or indirectly caused deaths, just as in some instances a physician’s inefficiency may
have caused them. The midwife, however, is resorted to by the poor, and in their homes are found other
conditions that create a high infant mortality rate.
Frequently the Serbo-Croatian women dispense altogether with any assistance at childbirth; sometimes
not even the husband or a neighbor assists. Over 30 per cent. of the births among the women of that
race took place without a qualified attendant. More than one-half of those delivered by midwives, less
than one-fifteenth of those delivered by physicians, and about one-fifth of those delivered without a
qualified attendant had babies who died in their first year of life.
Fifteen of the 19 Serbo-Croatian women whose babies died under 1 year of age kept lodgers.
In Johnstown the midwife is resorted to principally by the poor. Recent laws that the State is now trying
to enforce require that the standard for the practice of midwifery be raised. If this can be done
midwives might become definitely helpful persons in the community. One or two of the intelligent
graduate midwives in Johnstown have been an educational force among the foreign mothers for some
years past. On the other hand there were others who were so dirty and so ignorant that they were a
menace to the public health.
MOTHERS
LITERACY[22]
There are differences in the infant mortality rate between the babies of literate and the babies of
illiterate mothers; between those with mothers who can speak English and those with mothers who can
not; and between babies of the mothers who have been in this country for a considerable period and
those of the newer arrivals. Comparisons of this nature are confined to the foreign mothers, as only
three cases of illiteracy were found among native mothers, and the other comparisons would not, of
course, be applicable in any case to native mothers.
22. By literacy is meant ability to read and write in any language and not simply in English.
The next table shows that the infant mortality rate among the children of illiterate foreign mothers was
214, or 66 per thousand greater than the rate among literate foreign mothers.
Table 13.—Distribution of Births and of Deaths During First Year, Infant Mortality Rate, and
Number and Per Cent of Stillbirths, According to Literacy of Foreign Mothers.
DEATHS DURING
STILLBIRTHS.
FIRST YEAR.
LITERACY OF FOREIGN Total Live
Infant
MOTHERS. births. births. Per
Number. Number. mortality
cent.
rate.
Foreign mothers 691 648 43 6.2 111 171.3
Literate 445 419 26 5.8 62 148.0
Illiterate 246 229 17 6.9 49 214.0
The next table shows that babies whose mothers can not speak English were characterized by a more
unfavorable infant mortality rate than other babies.
Table 14.—Distribution of Births and of Deaths During First Year, Infant Mortality Rate, and
Number and Per Cent of Stillbirths, According to Ability of Foreign Mother to Speak English.
DEATHS DURING
STILLBIRTHS.
FIRST YEAR.
Total Live
ABILITY TO SPEAK ENGLISH. Infant
births. births. Per
Number. Number. mortality
cent.
rate.
Foreign mothers 691 648 43 6.2 111 171.3
Speak English 263 247 16 6.1 36 145.7
Can not speak English 428 401 27 6.3 75 187.0
AGE
The age of the mother is frequently believed to be a factor in the health of the child. The highest infant
mortality rate was found to be that for the group of babies with mothers over 40 years of age, and the
lowest for babies of mothers from 20 to 24 years of age.
Table 16.—Distribution of Births and of Deaths During First Year, Infant Mortality Rate, and
Number and Per Cent of Stillbirths, According to Age of Mother.
DEATHS DURING
STILLBIRTHS.
FIRST YEAR.
Total Live
AGE OF MOTHER. Infant
births. births.
Number. Per cent. Number. mortality
rate.
All mothers 1,551 1,463 88 5.7 196 134.0
Under 20 105 95 10 9.5 13 136.8
20 to 24 476 454 22 4.6 55 121.1
25 to 29 410 391 19 4.6 56 143.2
30 to 39 480 449 31 6.5 61 135.9
40 and over 80 74 6 7.5 11 148.6
The youngest mothers have a higher stillbirth rate than other mothers, and the oldest group of mothers
has the next highest rate. In this connection not only the foregoing table is of interest, but also Table
XII, based upon the entire reproduction histories of the mothers included in this study. As all the
children borne by these mothers are included, the base numbers in the latter table are larger and the
figures therefore somewhat more significant.
BABY’S AGE AT DEATH AND CAUSE (DISEASE) OF DEATH
A baby who comes into the world has less chance to live one week than an old man of 90, and less
chance to live a year than one of 80.—Bergeron.
The most dangerous time of life is early infancy; even old age seldom has greater risk. Death strikes
most often in infancy. The Johnstown babies died during their first year of life at the rate of 134 per
1,000 born alive, and they paid their heaviest toll in their very earliest days. If the total of 196 deaths
had been distributed evenly throughout the 12 months, 8.3 per cent. of the babies would have died
each month and 25 per cent. during each quarter. But instead of that 37.8 per cent. died in the first
month; 9.2 per cent. in the second, and 8.2 per cent. in the third, or over 55 per cent. in the first
quarter.
Table 17.—Number and Per Cent Distribution of Deaths of Babies, by Age at Death.
23. The Diseases of Infancy and Childhood, by L. Emmett Holt. p. 345. New York, 1912.
Table 19.—Distribution of Deaths, According to Cause of Death and Quarter of Calendar Year in
which Death Occurred.
24. Liefmann, H., and Lindemann, H., Die Lokalization der Sauglingsterblichkeit und ihre Beziehungen
zur Wohnungsfrage. Med. Klinik 1912, pp. 8, 1074.
Respiratory diseases were reported as a cause of death with almost as great frequency as diarrheal
diseases. As shown by Table 19, these deaths occurred principally in the colder months of the first and
fourth quarters of the calendar year.
FEEDING
Food is recognized as of such importance in relation to infant mortality that studies of this subject
frequently resolve themselves into studies of feeding only. Invariably these demonstrate the truth of the
statement of Dr. G. F. McCleary[25] that “in human milk we have a unique and wonderful food for which
the ingenuity of man may toil in vain to find a satisfactory substitute.” Many mothers, however, still fail
to appreciate the risk their young babies face in being given any except the natural infant food, and
consequently babies are in large numbers wholly or partly weaned from the breast in the earliest
months of their lives.
Table 20.—Distribution of Babies Alive at 3, 6, and 9 Months of Age by Type of Feeding at Each of
Said Ages, According to Annual Earnings of Father and Nativity of Mother.
Mother
765 155 20.3 747 195 26.1 735 251 34.1
native
Under $624 69 10 14.5 66 13 19.7 65 18 27.7
$625 to $899 180 36 20.0 177 46 26.0 173 55 31.8
$900 and
491 100 20.4 482 127 26.3 476 168 35.3
over[26]
Not reported[27] 25 9 36.0 22 9 40.9 21 10 47.6
Mother
590 38 6.4 566 55 9.7 547 102 18.6
foreign
Under $624 272 12 4.4 256 19 7.4 244 39 16.0
$625 to $899 178 12 6.7 174 17 9.8 169 30 17.8
$900 and
138 14 10.1 134 19 14.2 132 33 25.0
over[26]
Not reported[27] 2 2 2
26. Includes those reported as earning “ample.” “Ample,” as used in this report has a somewhat
technical meaning; when information concerning the father’s earnings was not available and the
family showed no evidences of poverty, the word “ample” was used. When, however, the family
was clearly in a state of abject poverty, it was included in the group “Under $521.”
Table 25.—Distribution of All Births, Live Births, and Stillbirths and of Deaths During First Year,
and Infant Mortality Rate, According to Sex of Baby and Nativity of Mother.
DEATHS DURING
STILLBIRTHS.
FIRST YEAR.
SEX OF BABY AND NATIVITY All Live Rate
Infant
OF MOTHER. births. births. per
Total. Total. mortality
1,000
rate.
births.
BABIES OF NATIVE MOTHERS.
To To
TIME OF RELINQUISHMENT OF PART OF HOUSEHOLD All
native foreign
DUTIES BEFORE CONFINEMENT. births.
mothers. mothers.
All mothers 1,551 860 691
No household duties relinquished to day of confinement 1,350 695 655
Part of duties relinquished:
Less than 7 days before confinement 3 1 2
7 to 13 days before confinement 7 5 2
2 weeks to 1 month before confinement 16 12 4
1 month or more before confinement 174 146 28
Had no household duties 1 1
Among the 174 babies of mothers who relinquished part of their household duties a month before
confinement, the infant mortality rate was 112.5, as compared with 136.7 for those of other mothers.
Table 27.—Distribution of Births and of Deaths During First Year, and Infant Mortality Rate,
According to Time of Relinquishment of Part of Household Duties of Mother Before Confinement.
Deaths
Infant
TIME OF RELINQUISHMENT OF PART OF All Live during
mortality
HOUSEHOLD DUTIES BEFORE CONFINEMENT. births. births. first
rate.
year.
All mothers 1,551 1,463 196 134.0
No cessation or less than 1 month 1,376 1,302 178 136.7
1 month or more 171 160 18 112.5
No housework 1 1
To what extent the relinquishment of household duties at a given time directly affected the health of the
child can not be definitely shown. A relation may exist, but on the other hand the difference in the
mortality rate may be due to the fact that the mothers could afford to give consideration to their
condition and escape some of their heaviest tasks as their pregnancy approached its end, and were
members of families who were thoughtful of them and relieved them of these tasks or employed extra
household assistance at such times.
Another indication of intelligence and of comfortable surroundings is the care given a mother in the
early days of her baby’s life, particularly if she is a nursing mother. The duration of her rest period
before the resumption of part of her household duties is one measure of this. The foreign mothers, with
less education, more numerous and arduous tasks, less opportunity for leisure, and smaller incomes,
begin to resume their housework sooner than the native mothers with young babies.
Table 28.—Distribution of Live Births and of Deaths During First Year, and Infant Mortality Rate,
According to Time of Mother Resuming Part of Household Duties After Confinement, by Nativity of
Mother.
DEATHS DURING
LIVE BIRTHS TO—
TIME OF RESUMING PART OF FIRST YEAR.
HOUSEHOLD DUTIES AFTER Infant
All Native Foreign
CONFINEMENT. Total. mortality
mothers. mothers. mothers.
rate.
Total 1,463 815 648 196 134.0
8 days or less 467 44 423 79 169.2
9 to 13 days 560 446 114 70 125.0
14 days or more 427 318 109 41 96.0
Mother died or not reported 9 7 2 6 ([28])
28. Total number of live births less than 50; base therefore considered too small to use in computing
an infant mortality rate.
The fact that a mother takes up her housework in the early days of her baby’s life does not necessarily
increase the danger of its death. In some cases, however, mothers stated that the quantity of their
breast milk was noticeably impaired when they got up and resumed their work too soon. Naturally this
would affect the baby’s nutrition. In other cases a mother’s cares and duties may be so absorbing that
she can not give the baby full attention. Whatever the exact explanation, attention should be called to
the greater frequency of infant deaths when the mother resumed household duties very soon after
childbirth.
A statement of the time of the mother’s resumption of household duties in full, like that giving the time
of resumption in part, shows that the native mothers have the longer period of rest.
Table 29.—Distribution of Live Births and of Deaths During First Year, and Infant Mortality Rate,
According to Time of Mother Resuming all Household Duties After Confinement, by Nativity of
Mother.
DEATHS DURING
LIVE BIRTHS TO—
TIME OF RESUMING ALL FIRST YEAR.
HOUSEHOLD DUTIES AFTER Infant
All Native Foreign
CONFINEMENT. Total. mortality
mothers. mothers. mothers.
rate.
Total 1,463 815 648 196 134.0
8 days or less 219 13 206 37 168.9
9 to 13 days 182 132 50 30 164.8
14 days or more 1,053 663 390 123 116.8
Mother died or not reported 9 7 2 6 ([29])
29. Total live births less than 50; base therefore considered too small to use in computing an infant
mortality rate.
The infant mortality rates for all mothers in the group just referred to, according to the time of resuming
housework in full after childbirth, show fewer infant deaths proportionately when the mother has had a
longer rest; that is, a rest of two weeks or more.
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