M1.3 New Climate Economy 2018 Report
M1.3 New Climate Economy 2018 Report
Cities
Yet urban areas are not fully realising their enormous Unlocking the power of cities to deliver economic
potential to drive sustainable development. Nearly a development in a sustainable way requires ambitious
billion urban residents live in informal settlements action. At its core, this depends on compact,
without access to decent housing, secure tenure, or connected, and coordinated use of urban land.
improved water and sanitation.470 Urbanisation is Promoting density is critical to avoid locking in
occurring in places with much lower average levels of sprawling, inefficient and climate-vulnerable modes of
income than historical averages, particularly in sub- growth, but the kind of density matters. 'Good density'
Saharan Africa,471 and new urban areas are emerging. means functionally and socially mixed neighbourhoods
Over 60% of the land projected to become urban by with access to green spaces, comfortable, affordable,
2030 has yet to be developed,472 and smaller cities are and climate-smart housing for all, and high-quality
growing faster than mega-cities.473 More mature cities public transport networks.478 When done right,
are struggling with chronic congestion and toxic air compactness improves residents’ access to jobs,
pollution, yet private car ownership is projected to services, and amenities and, compared to sprawl,
increase by as much as 60% in developed countries could reduce infrastructure capital requirements
and up to 500% outside the OECD by 2050.474 For by over US$3 trillion between 2015 and 2030.479
cities to achieve their potential, it will be important Densification is also more carbon efficient (see Figure
to reduce the expected pressures resulting from 9) and resilient to climate change and disasters.480
the explosive rural-urban migration by balancing Promising examples of good density in action can be
sustainable urban development alongside sustainable found all over the world today from Barcelona’s car-lite
rural development.475 Superblocks (see Box 25) to Singapore’s green canopies
(see Box 26), which are estimated to build resilience by
Tackling inequality alongside climate change and other reducing local peak temperatures by as much as 5°C,
environmental challenges is central to sustainable while also reducing energy costs associated with air
urban development. Soaring house prices are also conditioning.481
contributing to growing inequality within cities and
countries but there are also other drivers.476 More
extreme weather events—from extended heat waves
to rising sea levels and flood risk—are exacerbating
3
Log (per capita CO₂ emissions [tCO₂])
-1
-2
-3
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Log (Urban Density [people per square kilometer])
Note: A Pearson’s correlation on a dataset of 127 cities found that r=-0.3383, with p<0.05. Source: Coalition for Urban Transitions.
Data source: Oxford Economics, 2014.482
To achieve greater compactness, established cities will At the same time, care should be taken to avoid the
need to retrofit, repurpose, or replace much existing displacement of low-income or other marginalised
infrastructure, and in some cases relocate people urban residents as inner-city areas become more
settled in increasingly areas increasingly vulnerable attractive. New York’s High Line, an abandoned
to disasters (for example, coastal zones), while elevated train line spur converted into an aerial
fast-growing cities need to steer investment to new greenway, displaced residents by boosting nearby
infrastructure and housing stock (see also Section 1.C property values a staggering 103% in eight years,
on building efficiency). In both cases, governments despite a recession.485 Inclusive urban planning, as
will need to reform spatial plans, building codes, modelled by Thailand’s Baan Mankong programme
and tax incentives that favour sprawl483 and that (see Box 27), will be key to increasing density while
might exacerbate vulnerability to climate change and enhancing the resilience and well-being of the urban
disasters.484 poor.
The most important factor in increasing the resilience Efficient, clean transport systems are essential for
and adaptive capacity of the built urban environment good density. Cities must avoid being physically
is to guide development that is out of harm's way locked into car-based transport systems and prioritise
at the systems and planning phase. Urban sprawl is active and shared transport. Making walking and
often accompanied by an increase in vulnerability cycling safe and convenient is a universal priority,
particularly amongst the poorest, who may be located with particularly large potential in smaller and lower-
in areas prone to flooding or landslides, and who lack income cities. Public transport is more complex, but
adequate housing and infrastructure services. Planning there are opportunities to learn from front-running
for the multipurpose use of assets, such as connectivity examples. Since the successful experiments in Curitiba,
and flood protection, can reduce risks at low cost. Brazil, and Bogota, Colombia, for instance, 164 cities
When infrastructure is at the design phase, choice worldwide have built bus rapid transit (BRT) systems,
of materials and other design features can be guided carrying close to 33 million passengers a day (see Box
by the need to increase resilience to extreme heat, 2).486 There are also opportunities to harness exciting
flooding and storms. new innovations in urban mobility, such as ride-hailing
Box 24
Finance for Cities
NCE estimates that roughly US$2—3 trillion per year will be required between 2015 and 2030 to fill the sustainable
infrastructure financing gap.493 Infrastructure related to sustainable urban development is estimated to account for
between two-thirds and three-quarters of all infrastructure investment to 2030.494 There is also scope to lower the total
investment needs though safeguarding and enhancing natural infrastructure, both blue and green (see Section 3). Yet
governance and market failures are driving a financing gap of roughly 50%.495 Investing in sustainable urban infrastructure
does not mean it has to be more expensive. Indeed, making cities more compact and connected will lower investment
requirements by as much as 10%.496 Yet there remains substantial need to mobilise new resources to fill the financing gap.
Public finance has traditionally been a significant source of urban infrastructure investment, but public budgets are
often insufficient for larger or more complex projects (with the notable exception of China). This is particularly true in
the context of austerity, limited ability to collect revenues, or competing priorities for public budgets. The financing gap
is most evident in cities in low- and middle-income countries: While Freiburg (Germany) and Bristol (United Kingdom)
have per capita budgets of US$3,638 and US$4,907 respectively, Iwo (Nigeria), Pekalongan (Indonesia), and Feira de
Santana (Brazil) have per capita per year budgets of only US$14, US$101, and US$399 respectively (see Figure 12).497
Municipalities in developing countries typically have limited capacity or authority to raise revenues, but also the largest
infrastructure deficits.
Although public budgets may be insufficient to meet investment needs, national governments have a critical role
to play in raising and steering finance for sustainable urban infrastructure.498 They have large opportunities to
simultaneously increase the fiscal envelope and to create incentives for households and firms to behave in a sustainable
manner through tax reform. This may be through urban-influencing policies, such as standards for weatherisation of
built infrastructure, removing fossil fuel subsidies and introducing a carbon price, or urban-specific policies, such as
eliminating subsidies for parking or reforming land and property taxes to favour densification.499
National governments also have responsibility for boosting revenue-generation capacities at the local level. One study
suggested that only 42% of countries devolve fiscal or legislative powers to subnational governments,500 which means
that many cities are almost entirely dependent on financial transfers from national governments. Clear legal frameworks
outlining what revenues local governments can use will help incentivise them to improve the efficiency of both revenue
collection and expenditure, thereby growing public fiscal capacity at local level.
Cities also have substantial scope to improve the efficiency of revenue collection and expenditure. Kampala, Uganda,
offers an extraordinary success story, tripling its revenue in a five-year period by improving administration and
compliance. Kampala Capital City Authority invested in an electronic platform called eCitie, which allows citizens to
pay business licences, hotel taxes, property rates, ground rents, and other fees on their mobile phones. This increased
people’s willingness to pay, as they did not have to wait in long queues.501 The platform eCitie also helped to tackle
corruption and tax avoidance, as city officials could more easily track payments. Kampala Capital City Authority is now
undertaking an ambitious valuation programme in order to update land and property registries, which is expected to
triple revenues from the business district.502 Many cities around the world, including Kampala, are working to increase
their creditworthiness in capital markets. Creditworthiness effectively serves as a useful proxy for the quality of public
finance administration, as it encompasses multiple factors including own-source revenue collection, asset management,
and reliability of debt repayments.
Even if both national and local governments optimise their tax systems, there is a need to find new sources of public
revenue and mobilise private investment. Governments and DFIs can use public finance strategically to leverage private
finance by ensuring that urban infrastructure projects are bankable (by improving returns or de-risking investments)
and by ensuring government entities are creditworthy.503 Governments can tap into a large array of instruments for this
purpose, including bank lending, bond issuance, public-private partnerships, land value capture (LVC), guarantees, and
insurance.504
Local governments in developing countries can deploy these finance instruments more effectively with enabling national
policies and technical assistance from DFIs, and DFIs are increasingly able to support cities’ to take infrastructure
investment to scale. The World Bank, for example, launched the “City Resilience Program” to work with cities on a
pipeline of well-prepared and bankable investments to enhance urban resilience; it also acts as the banker for the city,
improving access for private and institutional investors and facilitating strategic investments to build resilience.505
The case of bonds is also illustrative to attract private investment. Before cities can issue bonds, they need national
legislation to clearly articulate whether they can borrow and under what conditions, including from which institutions,
how much, in what currencies, and using what collateral. South Africa is a notable success story, explicitly and
constitutionally enshrining the rights of municipalities to borrow. This has enabled both Johannesburg and Cape Town to
issue municipal green bonds.506 For example, Johannesburg’s 10-year, 10.18% note raised more than US$125 million for
investments in renewable energy, landfill methane capture, and hybrid-fuel buses.507
LVC instruments allow the state to secure a proportion of the uplift in land prices associated with sustainable
infrastructure investment. These are much more effective when integrated into an effective revenue system as well
as when there are transparent land and real estate markets and robust legal frameworks to guide the appraisal,
appropriation and sale of land before and after public improvements. LVC is being deployed in an increasingly diverse
range of contexts, including Addis Ababa, Harare, London, Portland, Quito, Shenzhen, and Tokyo.508 Notably, almost
half of the new Hyderabad Metro in India was funded through LVC instruments, primarily through issuing property
development rights around the planned metro stations.509 In a city where one in four people lives in informal settlements
without clean drinking water, safe sanitation, or decent housing, LVC instruments offered an ingenious way to mobilise
private investment in urban infrastructure. (See also Box 46 on LVC in Morocco). Infrastructure that meets sustainability
standards by delivering low-carbon and resilient transport, water or flood protection services, will have higher value
added over the medium to long-term, and thus provide a more stable revenue source for cities.510
Figure 11
Average Density of Cities by Region in 2000—2002 and 2013—2015.
East Asia
and the Pacific
Land-rich
Developed
Countries
Sub-Saharan Africa
Latin America
and the Caribbean
South and
Central Asia
Southeast Asia
0 30 60 90 120 150
Source: Coalition for Urban Transitions. Data source: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy.514
Typically, the ranks of the world’s most liveable cities are topped by larger low-density cities, such as Sydney and
Vancouver, or smaller established cities, such as Vienna and Zürich.546 A common exception is Singapore, which squeezes
8,155 people into every square kilometre.
One of the reasons for Singapore’s liveability is the provision of high-quality urban greenery throughout the city, thanks
to policies such as mandatory roadside plantings, which have ensured that trees have been introduced systematically with
enough growing space to provide substantial canopy cover. This creates a pleasant urban environment: Trees, parks, and
other green infrastructure help to reduce temperatures, filter air pollution, and mute street noise.547 Where permeable,
these surfaces can support storm water management as well as prevent overflow from combined sewers handling both
rainwater and sewage. Importantly, Singapore has focused on the distribution and connectivity of parks, not just on the
total area of parkland. Hundreds of kilometres of green, pedestrian park connectors mean that people have easy access to
green space despite higher density living.
Between 1986 and 2007, green cover in Singapore grew from 36% to 47%, despite a 68% increase in population,548 and
reduced average temperatures by between 0.5 and 5°C.549 This builds resilience to climate change while also mitigating
GHG emissions as a drop of 1°C in air temperature lowers peak electricity demand by as much as 4%, which translates
into reduced energy consumption and emissions.550 The government now requires property developers to replace any
greenery lost during construction and covers 50% of the costs of installing green roofs and walls on existing buildings,
spurring innovations to develop lighter and more robust rooftop and vertical greening systems. These systems are also
cheaper: The cost of greening fell from S$150/m2 to S$100/m2 in a two-year period.551
16 $16,000
14 $14,000
City population (millions)
10 $10,000
8 $8,000
6 $6,000
4 $4,000
2 $2,000
0 $0
Accra
Mombasa
Nairobi
Lagos
Durban
Johannesburg
Colombo
Bangalore
Surat
Ahmedabad
Mumbai
Medellín
Bogotá
Mexico City
Porto Alegre
São Paulo
Rio de Janeiro
Belo Horizonte
Seoul
Chengdu
Qingdao
Wuhan
Guangzhou
Tianjin
Beijing
Shanghai
Yokohama
Copenhagen
Singapore
New York
Note: Budget data represent years 2010—2016. Source: Beard et al. (2016).570
Policy distortions can further reduce the supply markets have developed in many cities.572 In sub-
of urban land and housing and therefore increase Saharan Africa, for instance, over 75% of all housing
their costs. Combined with low per capita incomes, stock is constructed informally.573 Conventional
increased costs keep many urban dwellers from urban planning, meanwhile, is often used to justify
participating in formal property markets. However, the eviction of low-income urban residents from
it is not solely economic factors that contribute well-located land.574 This perpetuates poverty by
to the chronic shortage in affordable, decent, reducing access to jobs, services, and amenities
formal housing. Discrimination in labour and and contributes to sprawling urban forms with all
land markets and a lack of legal or political rights their concomitant externalities, including increased
means that the urban poor are vulnerable to abuse vulnerability of the poor to climate change and
and exploitation.571 As a result, informal shelter disasters.
250
Urban Slum Population at Mid-Year (millions)
200
150
100
50
0
Nothern Sub-Saharan Latin Eastern Southern South-Eastern Western Oceania
Africa Africa America Asia Asia Asia Asia
and the
Caribbean
12,074,338
Bangladesh
SANITATION
4,468,331
Egypt OVERCROWDING
4,161,756
Ethiopia SANITATION
13,262,908
India WATER
79,321,754
Indonesia
WATER
3,107,924
Kenya
SANITATION
34,611,711
Nigeria WATER
12,864,925
Pakistan DURABLE HOUSING
13,098,602
Philippines WATER
5,848,777
RDC SANITATION
7,614,494
Tanzania* SANITATION
Source: Coalition for Urban Transitions. Data source: UN Habitat577 and national demographic and health surveys.578
Note: This figure shows official estimates of the urban population living in slums contrasted to the number of people lacking access to
decent housing and basic services using more rigorous metrics: a piped water supply, a flush/pour latrine, durable housing and no more
than three people to a room.
Between 2003 and 2010, the Baan Mankong programme in Thailand improved the housing security and conditions
of over 80,000 households across 249 urban areas.587 The programme channels government funds, in the form of
infrastructure subsidies and soft housing and land loans, directly to poor communities, which plan and carry out
improvements to their housing, environment, and basic services themselves. In most cases, communities pursued in situ
upgrading, secured legal tenure and connected to water and sewage systems. The programme also enabled communities
to relocate to reduce their exposure to environmental hazards, which was critical, given the 13 million people affected by
the 2011 floods in Bangkok.
The Baan Mankong programme was introduced and coordinated by the national government, which established
a revolving fund to provide housing loans with subsidised interest rates and long repayment periods, as well as
infrastructure subsidies to low-income residents living in informal settlements.588
The programme established a unique city-scale approach to slum upgrading, integrating low-income households into
the social and physical fabric of the city. Local governments worked with low-income communities to secure legal
tenure in their existing settlements or nearby parts of the city, using a combination of new planning permissions,
leasing arrangements, land-sharing with formal land owners, and cooperative land titles.589 The programme emphasised
collective approaches to planning and upgrading, which helped build social capital and capabilities within low-income
neighbourhoods.
The fund was initially capitalised with public capital but is now substantially resourced through private banks and
loan repayments.590 The total public investment of less than US$100 million,591 translated to less than US$1,250 per
household, further reinforcing the cost-effectiveness of community-driven upgrading, compared to conventional
approaches.
The programme is still running in Thailand, and key features, such as the revolving fund and community-led upgrading
processes, have been adopted in over 200 urban areas across Cambodia, Nepal, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka.592
2.C All Aboard: Shared, Electric, Air quality is even worse in cities of the global
South, where as much as 90% of air pollution can be
Low-Carbon Transport attributed to cars in some cities.597 Dependence on
private cars also leads to more road crashes (which
Urban dwellers need transport to access jobs, services, costs up to 5% of GDP in developing countries)598 and
and amenities. However, urban transport networks more congestion (which costs 5% of GDP in Beijing,
are often not convenient, flexible or affordable. Where Sao Paulo, and Bangkok).599
they already exist, many struggle to keep up with
increased ridership or maintain aging infrastructure. Urban form and transport modes must shift for cities
Existing urban transport systems are also responsible to meet 21st century challenges. Larger cities in North
for over 11% of total global energy use—equivalent America and Oceania have typically invested heavily
to about double the entire energy consumption of in car-based transport systems, with much urban
Africa593—and about 18% of global CO2 emissions.594 land used for roads and car parks. Counterparts in
Where urban areas and transport systems are yet to Europe and Latin America are more likely to have
be built, planning needs to embrace public and non- well-developed public transport systems and cycling
motorised transport.595 networks. In urban Africa, widespread poverty means
that a large share of trips continue to be made on
The more private cars there are on city roads, the foot. Asian cities are more varied, but the trend is
greater the costs associated with air pollution, noise towards increasing dependence on private cars and
pollution, congestion, traffic accidents, and sprawl. commensurate urban sprawl. Historical patterns of
In 2010, OECD countries incurred health costs of and behavioural preferences for different types of
US$1.7 trillion from transport-related air pollution.596 urban transit continue to determine how people move
Figure 15
Modal Share for Five of the Ten Largest Cities in Each Region, Divided into Non-motorised
Transport (Walking and Cycling), Public Transport, and Private Motorised Options.
Adelaide
Perth
OCEANIA
Brisbane
Melbourne
Sydney
Houston
NORTH AMERICA
Los Angeles
Chicago
Philadelphia
New York
Mexico City
L ATIN AMERICA
Bogota
Lima
Rio de Janeiro
Sao Paulo
Minsk
Paris
EUROPE
London
Madrid
Berlin
Abidjan
Dar Es Salaam
AF RICA
Lagos
Addis Ababa
Nairobi
Mumbai
Dehli
ASIA
Tokyo
Shangai
Beijing
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Box 28
Medellin’s Cable Car
Medellin, Colombia, sits in a valley, bordered by steep mountainsides that hold the favelas. These informal settlements
were notoriously violent during Colombia’s drug wars in the 1990s and are still among the city’s poorest neighbourhoods.
Traveling to the city centre took several treacherous hours on foot or depended on infrequent and unreliable buses.609
This made it difficult for residents to access jobs, education, and other services.
Since the mid-2000s, Medellin’s favelas have seen a transformation, much of which is credited to the installation of
a cable car system. Opened in 2004, a network of nine cable car lines brings favela residents down the hillsides in 25
minutes for US$0.60.610 About 30,000 favela residents use the system daily,611 doubling residents’ access to employment
opportunities.612 Strikingly, neighbourhoods with cable cars experienced 66% fewer homicides in 2012 than comparable
neighbourhoods without them.613
Challenges remain, including improving the accessibility of the cable cars to all favela areas (walking and queuing times
can exceed one hour at peak); their vulnerability to electricity outages; and their limited usage by women, children, and
the elderly or infirm.614
Given their ability to connect hilltop areas to lower central zones cheaply and with less disruption to existing land uses,
cable cars are growing in popularity.615 Several other urban cable cars projects are operating in Latin America (Rio de
Janeiro, Caracas, Guayaquil, Santo Domingo, La Paz, and Medellín), Asia (Yeosu, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong), Africa
(Lagos, Constantine), and Europe (London, Koblenz, Bolzano). The World Bank estimates that they cost US$10-25 million
per km and can carry 1,000—2,000 passengers per hour in each direction, which compares favourably to BRT systems.616
97 195
MtCO₂ MtCO₂
50% 100%
87
Box 29
Lagos BRT “Lite”
With a population of 21 million, Lagos in Nigeria is the largest city in Africa and the seventh fastest growing city in the
world. Like many rapidly growing cities, Lagos’ economic growth and development has been hampered by its transport
system. Chaotic, slow, and unreliable, transit in Lagos has been dominated by thousands of yellow mini-buses called
Danfos. In 2008, Lagos became the first African city with a BRT.
Lagos’s 'BRT-Lite' opened on a 22 km,638 65%-segregated route with three terminals.639 At just US$1.7 million per km, it
cost a fraction of the US$6 million per km average of premium BRTs. The public transport operator, LAMATA, dropped
features like level loading and fancy stations that did not fit Lagos’s budget, enabling them to recoup their investment in
just 18 months.640 LAMATA was also able to secure substantial private investment: Private operators directly procured
100 new buses and leased a further 120 buses from a state-owned company.641
As of 2017, the Lagos BRT-Lite’s 300 buses carry 200,000 passengers daily, with an average journey of 30—55 minutes. This
is a time saving of 30% on average,642 complemented by reduced transport expenditures of as much as 31% for low-income
households along its route. Along its corridor, the Lagos BRT-Lite carries 25% of commuters while accounting for only 4% of
vehicle traffic. Road accidents have decreased significantly since its construction,643 and the project generated 2,000 jobs. A
final benefit: Carbon emissions are down by as much as 13% along the corridor, and particulate matter reduced by 48%.644
Box 30
EVs Taking Hold in Chinese Cities
Chinese cities are at the forefront of transport electrification, thanks to clear policies and generous subsidies provided
by the national government. China’s ambitious efforts have, in part, been motivated by severe air pollution—up to 70%
of Beijing’s emissions come from transport, and some cities experience up to 129 days of emergency-level smog each
year—as well as by climate mitigation targets and the opportunity to benefit the economy by capturing a growing share
of a valuable new manufacturing sector.645
The national government invested over US$7 billion across every stage of the EV lifecycle.646 This effort started in
2009 with the “10 cities, 1000 vehicles” programme, involving large-scale pilot projects electrifying public fleets with
predictable driving patterns (such as buses, garbage trucks, and taxis). The up-front costs of the large lithium-ion
batteries proved too high for commercial vehicles but are compatible with the investment abilities and long investment
horizons of China’s public agencies. This public procurement policy helped manufacturers achieve economies of scale
and knowledge spillovers for the production of private electric passenger vehicles. The national government also helped
local authorities to install chargers necessary for private ownership of EVs.
In 2015, China became the world’s largest market for electric private passenger cars,647 and the New Energy Vehicles
Programme has a target of reaching 20% of the total vehicle market demand by 2025. As of 2017, the country had a total
of 632,371 private electric cars on the road and an additional 200 million electric two-wheelers, 300,000 electric buses,
and up to 4 million low-speed, two seater EVs.648 Shenzhen alone has 16,359 electric buses and 12,518 electric taxis.649
E3ME modelling results for this Report show gains in employment, health improvements, and value addition from a scenario
of global accelerated uptake in EVs. In China, EV ownership could increase to about 3 vehicles per 100 people by 2030,
leading to an increase in total employment in the motor vehicle sector of more than 126,000 people and value-added gains in
the same sector of more than 6% relative to the baseline. Under this scenario, in 2030, more than 110,000 deaths due to air
pollution could be averted.650