God’s Kingdom

and God’s Son

THE BACKGROUND TO MARK’S CHRISTOLOGY

FROM CONCEPTS OF KINGSHIP IN THE PSALMS

ROBERT D. ROWE
GOD'S K I N G D O M AND GOD'S SON
 ARBEITEN ZUR GESCHICHTE
DES ANTIKEN JUDENTUMS
UND DES
URCHRISTENTUMS

herausgegeben von

M a r t i n Hengel (Tübingen), Peter Schäfer (Berlin),

Pieter W. van der Horst (Utrecht), M a r t i n G o o d m a n (Oxford),
Daniel R. Schwartz (Jerusalem), Cilliers Breytenbach (Berlin)

L
 GOD'S KINGDOM
AND
GOD'S SON
The Background to Mark's Christology from Concepts
of Kingship in the Psalms

BY

R O B E R T D. R O W E

' '68 ‫'ל‬

BRILE
LEIDEN · B O S T O N · KÖLN
2002
 This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Cover design by Studio Cursief/Pierre Miny Chustka (Amsterdam)

L i b r a r y of C o n g r e s s Cataloging-in-Publication D a t a

Rowe, Robert D.
God's kingdom and God's son : the background in Mark's christology
from concepts of kingship in the Psalms / Robert D. Rowe
p. cm. — (Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und
des Urchristentums,
ISSN 0169-734X ; 50)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and indexes.
ISBN 9004118888 (alk. paper)
1. Bible. N.T. Mark—Criticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Bible. O.T.
Psalms—Criticism, interpretation, etc. 3. God—Kingship. I. Title.
II. Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des
Urchristentums ; Bd. 50.

BS2585.2 .R69 2002

226.3Ό6—dc21 00-048576

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufhahme

Rowe, Robert D.:

God's kingdom and God's son. the background in Mark's christology
from concepts of kingship in the Psalms Leiden ; Boston ;
Köln : Brill, 2002
(Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken J u d e n t u m s und des
Urchristentums ; 50)
ISBN 90-04-11888-8

ISSN 0169-734X
ISBN 90 04 11888 8

© Copyright 2002 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The .Netherlands

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PRINTED IN T H E NETHERLANDS
Grateful to Godfor 3 Generations

This Book is Dedicated

to the. Memory of

WILFRID DYSON R O W E
(1909-1992)
and
MARY R O W E
(1911-1997)

Who first taught me

to love and serve God as King
in thefellowship of His Son

And isfor

VALERIE

Preciousjewel of a wife

Andfor

JEREMY

God's gift of a son

 CONTENTS

Acknowledgments xi

Abbreviations xv

Note on Translation and References xvii

Introduction 1

PART O N E

T H E K I N G S H I P O F G O D A N D D A V I D I C (OR MESSIANIC)
K I N G S H I P IN T H E PSALMS A N D ISAIAH 40-66

I. Concepts of Kingship in the Psalms 13

1. Introduction 13
2. T h e Kingship of Yahweh in the Psalms 14
3. Davidic Kingship in the Psalms 31
4. Summary of the Relationship between the Kingship
of Yahweh and Davidic Kingship 59

II. Another View of Kingship - from the Later Chapters

of Isaiah 63
1. Introduction 63
2. T h e Kingship of Yahweh 65
3. Messianic Kingship 70
4. Summary of the Relationship between the Kingship
of Yahweh and Messianic Kingship 82

PART T W O

T H E K I N G S H I P (OR K I N G D O M ) O F G O D IN EARLY
JUDAISM AND MARK'S GOSPEL

III. T h e Kingdom of God in Early Judaism 87

1. Addressing God as 'King' - in the Apocrypha 87
2. God's sovereignty vindicated 2 Maccabees and Daniel 90
Vil! CONTENTS

3. 1 Enoch, Assumption of Moses and other

apocalyptic works 93
4. T h e Q u m r a n documents 97
5. Hellenistic Jewish literature 103
6. Psalms of Solomon - a Palestinian perspective 106
7. Synagogue prayers, Rabbinic literature and
the Targums 109
8. Summary 113

IV. T h e Kingdom of God in Mark 115

1. T h e Initial Proclamation of the Kingdom of God 115
2. T h e Kingdom of God in relation to Jesus 123
a. T h e Parables of the Kingdom 123
b. T h e Future Kingdom and the Transfiguration 133
c. Teaching on Discipleship and Entry into the
Kingdom 145
3. Summary 158

PART T H R E E

MESSIAH(S) A N D M E S S I A N I C K I N G S H I P IN EARLY
JUDAISM AND MARK'S GOSPEL

V. Messianic Figures in Early Judaism 165

1. Messianic Figures at Q p m r a n 166
2. Messianic Figures Elsewhere in Early Judaism 190
3. T h e Political Context and the Zealot Movement 219

VI. T h e Messianic Kingship of Jesus in Mark 229

1. Preliminary: the Question of Jesus' Identity in Mark 229
2. Passages in the later chapters of Isaiah 235
3. Psalm 2 - God's Son 242
4. Psalm 118 - the Rejected Stone/Cornerstone and
the O n e who Comes in the Lord's N a m e 262
5. Psalm 110 - David's Lord seated at the
Lord's Right H a n d 278
6. Psalm 22 and other Lament-Psalms - Forsaken
by God 295
7. Summary 304
 CONTENTS ÌX

Conclusions 307

Bibliography 315

Index of Ancient References 371

Index of Modern Authors 406
Index of Selected Topics 414
Key to Hebrew/Aramaic and Greek words and phrases 423
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book began its life a quarter of a century ago, when I com-
menced a research programme at London Bible College. In its origi-
nal version, it was presented as a doctoral dissertation at the end of
1990. It has now been revised and updated by reference to some of
the significant publications since then, including the previously
unpublished fragments of the Dead Sea Scrolls. This long period of
germination has been due mainly to the fact that for the last twenty-
one years, I have been working full-time as a lawyer in central Lon-
don. I should like to take the opportunity here to acknowledge with
sincere thanks the help and support I have received during this time in
various ways.
Looking back even further, I should like to acknowledge the excel-
lent grounding I received in studying theology as an undergraduate at
Cambridge University in 1969-70 (an academic year sandwiched
between two parts of a law degree). There I benefited from lecture
courses given by Professor C.F.D. Moule, nearing the end of his
career, and by his successor-but-one as Lady Margaret's Professor,
G r a h a m Stanton, at the beginning of his. I also appreciated the teach-
ing and encouragement of Dr. (later Professor) R.E. Clements, who
was my Old Testament supervisor.
At London Bible College, Dr. Donald Guthrie guided my studies
over a long period, and I remain very grateful for his patience, kind-
ness and insightful comments. His humble scholarship has been a
wonderful example to many. At the commencement of my research, I
benefited from the encouragement and enthusiasm of the late Dr.
Marcus Ward, my first external supervisor. His role was then taken by
Professor M a x Wilcox, while he was at the University College of
North Wales in Bangor. I appreciated his depth of knowledge in the
field of the use of the Old Testament in the New, and his wise advice
particularly as to the scope of my dissertation. I have also been helped
by conversations at various stages with Professor Leslie Allen, the
Reverend Dr. R.T. (Dick) France and Professor M a x Turner, and by
their encouragement.
T h e staff at London Bible College were consistently helpful, and I
valued the friendship and comments of my fellow-students when I was
able to spend more time at the College at the beginning of my
XÜ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

research. I was also grateful for the book grants and similar awards
that I received at that time from funds at Emmanuel College, Cam-
bridge, recommended by the Dean, the Reverend Don Cupitt.
Professor G r a h a m Stanton acted as the main external examiner for
my dissertation, and both he and Dr. Guthrie (as the internal examin-
er) recommended me to publish it in some form. I am grateful to Pro-
fessor Stanton for his kind consideration and perceptive remarks, as
well as for passing my work for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
He has since given me help and encouragement on one or two occa-
sions as I have pursued the possibility of publication. I am also very
grateful for the encouragement and support given to me in recent
years by Professors Earle Ellis, Otto Betz and Martin Hengel. Profes-
sor Hengel, as one of the editors of AGJU, has kindly recommended
my work for publication in this series. My thanks also are due to the
editorial staff at Brill, Ivo Romein and Louise Schouten and their col-
leagues, for their courteous assistance and professional expertise.
At two different periods, leading up first to the completion of the
original dissertation, and again to the completion of the revised and
updated version, my law partners at Lithgow Pepper & Eldridge have
graciously allowed me to take regular time off to study. My particular
thanks go to my former partners, Miss Ruth Eldridge and the Rev-
erend J o h n Chandler, my present partners, Stephen Blair and
Michael Mellett, and my solicitor colleague, Philip Manning, who
have supported this project and covered my work during my absence.
As well as using the library at London Bible College, I have appre-
ciated being able to make considerable use at different times of the
University Library and Tyndale House Library in Cambridge, and
the libraries of Heythrop College and Spurgeon's College in London,
as well as making occasional use of the British Library and Dr.
Williams's Library, also in London.
I was grateful to both Pat Bates and Marjorie Preston, who each
typed a draft chapter or sections of the original dissertation for me.
Special thanks were due to Margaret McCallum (now Duffy), who
spent many hours typing sections of text, notes and bibliography very
accurately on to the word-processor. Revisions to the dissertation
have been typed on a computer which I j3urchased with money kindly
left to me by the late J o h n Wootton, a fellow church member.
I am thankful for the prayerful support and encouragement of
many Christian friends at church fellowships where I have been a
member or worshipped regularly during my studies: Duke Street Bap-
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Xlll

tist Church, Richmond; St. Andrew's Church, Chorleywood; and St.

Luke's Church, West Norwood, particularly mentioning its former
and present vicars, the Reverend Peter Ronayne and the Reverend
Luke Wickings, and curate, the Reverend Brian Allen.
My family have also been consistently supportive. I am grateful to
my parents, Wilfrid and Mary Rowe, for so many things. They were
both pleased to receive a copy of the original version of my disserta-
tion, and it is fitting that this book is dedicated to their memory. T h e
degree ceremony in the summer of 1991 was a happy occasion with
all the family mentioned here being present. I was honoured too that
Dr. Guthrie, although not in good health, made a special effort to
attend the ceremony, and as President of London Bible College, pre-
sented me with my certificate. Both he and my father died the follow-
ing year. My brother David, another 'lawyer-theologian', also fol-
lowed this project with interest and gave help and support, as did my
parents-in-law, Russell and Vera Walton, who were always ready to
encourage and give practical help. My lovely wife Valerie has meant
much more to me over the years of our marriage than words can tell,
and our son Jeremy has been a great joy to us both. Valerie especially,
and also Jeremy (between games of pool!), have allowed me time and
space to complete my research programme, and the revisions for this
book, so it is right that they be included in its dedication: without their
support and prayers, this book could not have been written.
Above all, I want to give thanks to God that He has guided and
enabled me to complete and publish this work, which I believe He led
me to commence. It has been an immense privilege to be involved in
such a study, and my references will show how much I have learned
from other students of the Old and New Testaments. Starting from
many different beliefs and viewpoints, we are all generally seeking a
true interpretation of these ancient documents. I think our work may
be analogous to that demanded by God through the prophet Haggai,
" G o up to the hills and bring wood and build the house, that I may
take pleasure in it and that I may appear in my glory" (1:8). Bringing
wood from the hills may sometimes be arduous and appear mundane,
but without it the house will not be built as it should be. My prayer is
that my work and that of other students of the Bible will contribute,
albeit in small ways, to preparing a place for God 'to appear in His
glory'.

10th October 2001

 ABBREVIATIONS

ANET J.B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to

the Old Testament (1950; 3rd. ed., 1969).
ANRW H. Temporini & W. Haasse, edd., Aufstieg und
Niedergang der römischen Welt (Berlin and New York:
Walter de Gruyter).
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research.
BDB F. Brown, S.R. Driver & C.A. Briggs, edd., A Hebrew
and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (1907; rep. (with
corrections) 1953).
Bib Biblica.
BibRev Bible Review.
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester.
BR Biblical Research.
CBQ_ Catholic Biblical Quarterly.
CR.BS Cunents in Research: Biblical Studies.
CRIudNT Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum.
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert.
DSD Dead Sea Discoveries.
ET English translation.
ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses.
EvCl Evangelical Quarterly.
ExpT Expository Times.
HTR Harvard Theological Review.
IDB G.A. Buttrick, ed., Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, 4
vol. (Nashville: Abingdon, 1962).
IDB Supp K. Crim, ed., Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible,
supplementary volume (Nashville: Abingdon, 1976).
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal.
Int Interpretation.
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature.
JJS Journal ofJewish Studies.
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review.
JR Journal of Religion.
JSJ Journal for the Study ofJudaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and
Roman Periods.
JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament.
xvi ABBREVIATIONS

J SOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament.

JSP Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha.
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies.
JTS Journal of Theological Studies.
LXX Septuagint.
MT Massoretic Text (of the Old Testament).
NERT W. Beyerlin, ed., Near Eastern Religious Texts relating to the
Old Testament (ET, 1978).
Neot Neotestamentica.
NovT Novum Testamentum.
NT New Testament.
NTS New Testament Studies.
OT Old Testament.
RB Revue Biblique.
RQ Revue de Qumran.
RSV Revised Standard Version.
SE ο Studia Evangelica.ο
SEA Svensk Exegetisk Arsbok.
SJOT Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament.
SJT Scottish Journal of Theology.
SNTS Studiorum Novi Testament! Societas.
SNTU Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt.
ST Studia Theologica.
Str.-B. H.L. Strack and P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen
Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch, 4 vol. (1922-28).
TDNT G. Kittel & G. Friedrich, edd., Theological Dictionary of
the New Testament, 10 vol. (ET, Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1964-76).
TDOT G.J. Botteiweck, H. Ringgren & H.-J. Fabry, edd.,
Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament (ET of TWA T;
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974; rev. ed., 1977
onwards).
Th^ Theologische Zeitschrift.
TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
altchristlichen Literatur (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag).
TW AT G.J. Botteiweck, H. Ringgren & H.-J. Fabry, edd.,
Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament (Stuttgart:
Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1970 onwards).
TynB Tyndak Bulletin.
IT Vetus Testamentum.
 ABBREVIATIONS XV11

FTSupp Vetus Testamentum, Supplements.

WBC Word Biblical Commentary.
W Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.
£NW Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft.
Z_ThK Zuschrift für Theologie und Kirche.

N O T E O N TRANSLATION AND REFERENCES

English translations of the Old Testament, New Testament and Apoc-

rypha generally follow the Revised Standard Version (New York,
Glasgow, London, Toronto, Sydney and Auckland: Collins; Old Tes-
tament, 1952; New Testament, 1946; 2nd. ed., 1971; Apocrypha,
1957).
References to chapter and verse numbers in the Psalms (and else-
where in the OT) generally follow English versions, except where stat-
ed. Sometimes the standard numbering in Hebrew or Aramaic is giv-
en in parenthesis. Where the L X X is being referred to, the standard
chapter and verse numbers of the L X X are generally given first.
Cross-references in the footnotes to other page numbers of this
book are shown in italics.
 INTRODUCTION

The Jews invented limited monarchy

1
(because only God was accorded supreme power)

'Two-tier 5 kingship is depicted in the Old Testament Psalms, with God

(Yahweh) as King over all, and King David and his successors sup-
posed to act under God's authority. T h e concept has had a profound
effect not only on the history of government, but also on the history of
Christianity. We shall argue that this was a primary key to understand-
ing the position of Jesus (as Messianic successor to David/Son of
G o d / S o n of man) in relation to the supreme kingship/kingdom and
authority of God. It developed to become one of the main models lying
behind Christians' worship of one God in three Persons.
In an article published in 1957, P. Vielhauer argued that there is no
evidence of linkage between the concepts of the kingdom of God and
the Son of m a n either in Jewish literature or in Jesus' teaching, and
concluded that all the Son of man sayings come from the early
church. 2 M a n y scholars have argued against Vielhauer's position
from a number of different perspectives. 3 O u r concern is to question
Vielhauer's view that the Messiah (interpreted in a broad sense) or
Son of man were incompatible with the kingdom of God in Jewish
thought. Vielhauer thought of the Son of man as the heavenly figure

1 Review of S.E. Finer, The History of Governmentfromthe Earliest Times (1997) in The
Economist Review of Books and Multimedia (London, October 18th. 1997), pp. 4-5. Finer's
treatment o f ' T h e Jewish Kingdoms, 1025-587 B.C.' is in vol. I, pp. 238-273 of his
work.
2 'Gottesreich und Menschensohn in der Verkündigung Jesu', in FestschriftfiirGiin-
ther Dehn, ed. W. Schneemelcher (1957), pp. 51-79; rep. in P. Vielhauer, Aufsätze zum
J\ieuen Testament { 1965), pp. 55-91.
3 E.g., Η.Ε. Tödt, The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition (orig. publ. in German,
1959; 2nd. ed., 1963; ET, 1965), pp. 329-347; Ε. Schweizer, 'The Son ΰ ί Man', JBL
79 (1960), pp. 119-129. Vielhauer replies to their criticism in Jesus und der Men-
schensohn', <TM~60 (1963), pp. 133-177, rep. in Aufsätze zum Neuen Testament{ 1965),
pp. 92-140. J . Jeremias, New Theology Theology, I (ET, 1971), pp. 265f., agrees with
Vielhauer that the two concepts were only linked together in the gospels (e.g., at Mk.
8:38; 9:1) in the process of compilation, but argues that Jesus spoke of the kingdom of
God in his public preaching, and of the Son of man in his private teaching addressed
to his disciples; this distinction between Jesus' public and private teaching is taken fur-
ther by B.F. Meyer, The Aims of Jesus{ 1979). Cf. also, G.N. Stanton, Jesus of Nazareth in
New Testament Preaching (1974), pp. 163-166; G.R. Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the King-
dorn of God{ 1986), pp. 220f.
2 INTRODUCTION

in the Similitudes of Enoch, who is identified with the Messiah. While

the Similitudes may not predate the ministry of Jesus, the 'one like a
son of m a n ' in Daniel 7:13 comes in the context of God's kingship,
and the gift of a kingdom to him (verse 14) appears to be parallel with
God setting up his kingdom in Daniel 2:44. 4
It is not our intention in this study to focus on the complex debate
regarding the Son of man in the teaching ofJesus, but we need to rec-
ognize that in some interpretations at least (including that of Viel-
hauer) the Son of man may be related to a concept of the Messiah.
O u r main concern is the relationship between the kingdom of God
and messianic kingship. Was Vielhauer correct in seeing such a firm
division between the two concepts?
T h e question is important because the New Testament clearly
brings these concepts together. In Mark's gospel, for example, Jesus is
acknowledged by the evangelist to be 'the Christ, the Son of God',
and he is also portrayed as preaching about the kingdom of God. In
Revelation 1 1:15, the two concepts are very closely related:

Then the seventh angel blew his trumpet, and there were loud voices in
heaven, saying, "The kingdom of the world has become the kingdom of
our Lord and of his Christ, and he shall reign for ever and ever."

There is an allusion here to Psalm 2:2, which speaks of a plot against

'the Lord and his anointed'. In fact, Psalm 2 speaks of the enthronement
of the Davidic (or messianic) king, who is addressed by God as 'my son'.
God's enthronement and kingship are also implied in this psalm, as is
the case in Psalm 110:1, where the Davidic (or messianic) king is invited
by God to 'sit at my right hand, till I make your enemies your footstool'.
Psalms 2 and 110 are the two psalms most widely used in the New
Testament to attest the Messiahship of Jesus, 5 and we wish to follow

4 I have argued that the figure of Dan. 7:13 should be seen to have a messianic role,
in my article, 'Is Daniel's "son of man" messianic?', in Christ the Lord: Studies in Christel-
ogy presented to Donald Guthrie, ed. H. Rowdon (1982), pp. 71-96.
5 For comprehensive studies of the use of these two psalms in the New Testament,
see D.M. Hay, Glory at the Right Hand: Psalm 110 in Early Christianity (1973); C.E. Wood,
The Use of the Second Psalm in Jewish and Christian Traditions of Exegesis: A Study in Christolog-
ical Origins (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, St. Andrew's Univ., 1975). Cf. M. Gourgues, A
la Droite de Dieu: Résurrection de Jésus et Actualisation du Psaume 110.1 dans le Nouveau Testa-
ment{ 1978); M. Hengel, ' "Sit at My Right Hand!" The Enthronement of Christ at the
Right Hand of God and Psalm 1 10:1', in Studies in Early Christology (ET, 1995), pp.
119-225, who states that Ps. 110:1 is the Old Testament text which appears most
often in direct quotations or in indirect references in the New Testament (p. 133).
 3 INTRODUCTION

up the significance of the fact that they both imply God's kingship (or
kingdom). It may also be of significance that both these psalms are
quoted or alluded to in speeches in the early chapters of Acts (as is
Psalm 118, another royal psalm). There has been much argument
over the historical value of these speeches, but M. Wilcox concluded
that Luke seems in the speech material to be drawing on a Semitic
source of some kind, at least for his Old Testament quotations and
allusions. 6 T h e likelihood that we have here some evidence of very
early church exegesis,7 is supported by the fact that Psalms 2 and 1 10
appear in many different strands of New Testament literature.
Can we step a stage further back than that, and suggest that these
psalms may have been important for Jesus himself? Vielhauer's article
was concerned with the historical Jesus, and if it can be shown that
Jesus quoted or alluded to messianic psalms in relation to his mission
and ministry, then the connection between the concepts of the Messi-
ah or Son of man on the one hand and the kingdom of God on the
other must be squarely faced. We shall argue in our final chapter that
many of the references to these psalms in Mark's gospel may reason-
ably be traced back to Jesus, and so we will need to consider Jesus'
self-consciousness, insofar as that is possible. 8
However, the main argument of this book, in relation to Viel-
hauer's position and the historical Jesus, is the reverse procedure to
that set out in the last paragraph. If we can show a close relationship
between the kingdom of God and messianic kingship in the Psalms
(and other parts of the Old Testament), in the (inter-testamental)
materials of early Judaism and in Mark's gospel (which in this case

6 The Semitisms ofActs ( 1965), pp. 180f. Cf. J. de Waard, A Comparative Study of the Old
Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the New Testament (1965), pp. 78Π'., who notes
affinities in the Acts speeches with forms of the Old Testament text found at Qumran.
7 So, B. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic: The Doctrinal Significance of Old Testament
Quotations (1961), pp. 34ÍT.; contra, D.Juel, Messianic Exegesis: Christological Interpretation of
the Old Testament in Early Christianity (1988), p. 140.
8 Cf. J.A.T. Robinson, 'The Last Tabu? The Self-Consciousness ofjesus', in Twelve
More New Testament Studies (1984), pp. 155-1 70. For surveys of recent work on the his-
torical Jesus, see S. Neill & T. Wright, The Interpretation of the New Testament 1861-1986
(2nd. ed., 1988), pp. 379-403; W.R. Telford, 'Major trends and interpretative issues
in the study of Jesus', in Studying the Historical Jesus: Evaluations of the State of Cunent
Research, edd. Β. Chilton & C.A. Evans (1994), pp. 33-74; B. Witherington, The Jesus
Quest. The nird Questfor the Jew of Nazareth {1995);J.P. Meier, 'The Present State of the
"Third Quest" for the Historical Jesus: Loss and Gain', Bib 80 (1999), pp. 459-487;
S.E. Porter, The Criteria for Authenticity in Historical-Jesus Research. Previous Discussion and
New Proposals (2000), pp. 28-62.
4 INTRODUCTION

may be taken as a paradigm for the other two synoptic gospels), then,
given that it is generally accepted that Jesus spoke of the kingdom of
God, the criterion of coherence suggests that he also saw himself in
some kind of messianic role. 9 Indeed, it must then be much more like-
ly that this was the case, rather than that a messianic role was first
assigned to Jesus at a later stage by the early church. We are not deny-
ing the development of christology in the early church, but pointing to
where some of the basic ideas are likely to have originated.
Returning to the Psalms, we find frequent affirmations of Yahweh's
kingship, probably linked to the celebration of the New Year festival
(as S. Mowinckel argued), and also a very high ideology of the Davidic
kingship, which (as argued by A . R . J o h n s o n a n d J . H . Eaton) can be
related to the same festival. While there was probably little knowledge
of the original Sitz im Leben of these two categories of psalms in the first
century A.D., the connections between Yahweh's kingship and
Davidic kingship, which could be interpreted messianicallly, were
plain to see. We will consider these two concepts of kingship and the
connections between them in our first chapter. Yahweh's kingship is
supreme. T h e Davidic (or messianic) king is to be one of the instru-
ments of Yahweh's kingship on earth, in what is effectively a 'two-tier'
kingship.
In our second chapter, we shall see how the concept of Yahweh's
kingship is used in a manner similar to the Psalms, and how the con-
cept of Davidic (or messianic) kingship is used in a distinctive manner,
in the later chapters of Isaiah. We cannot give detailed consideration
in a study of this kind to these two concepts of kingship in the remain-
der of the Old Testament, but by studying a substantial part of an Old
Testament book other than the Psalms, we can ascertain that what we
have found in the book of Psalms (which contains the most extensive
exposition of both concepts) is present elsewhere, sometimes taking

9 Discussions of the various criteria for authenticity include R.H. Stein, 'The "Cri-
teria" for Authenticity', in Gospel Perspectives: Studies of History and Tradition in the Four
Gospels, I, edd. R.T. France & D. Wenham (1980), pp. 225-263;J.P. Meier, A Marginal
Jew. Rethinking the Historical Jesus, I (1991), pp. 167-195; C.A. Evans, Jesus and His Con-
temporaries: Comparative Studies (1995), pp. 13-26; G. Theissen & A. Merz, The Historical
Jesus. A Comprehensive Guide (ET, 1998), pp. 115-118, proposing a 'criterion of historical
plausibility'; S.E. Porter, op. cit.·, contrast the methodological discussion in D.C. Alii-
son, Jesus ofNazareth. Millenarian Prophet (1998), pp. 1-77, who criticizes the stratifica-
tion of sources put forward by J.D. Crossan, 77te Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediter-
ranean Jewish Peasant (1991), and proposes the adoption of a paradigm or explanatory
model before applying indices of authenticity.
 5 INTRODUCTION

different forms. We should also remember that the Psalms and Isaiah
are more frequently cited in the New Testament, than any other Old
Testament books.
We now need to consider how the Psalms (and other sections of the
Old Testament) were used in the time of Jesus and the early church.
T h e psalms were regularly sung by the Levites in the temple to the
accompaniment of instruments. 10 T h e r e was singing in the Q p m r a n
community, but it is not certain to what extent the use of the Psalms in
the temple was imitated in Palestinian synagogues in the first century
A.D. Psalm-singing did take place, however, in the synagogues of the
Diaspora. 11 Early Christian worship arose out of the context o f w o r -
ship in the temple and synagogues, and in particular took over the use
of the Psalms. 12
We should also be aware of the use of the scriptures in schools,
including lessons in reading. Synagogue schools in the time of Jesus
provided elementary education for boys until at least the age of
twelve, as the institution of the synagogue needed people who knew
the Law and could read. In the first centuries of the Christian era, the
synagogue also functioned as a type of library. 13 Jesus therefore had
opportunity to get to know the scriptures, and was probably schooled
in their traditional interpretation. Indeed, according to J . Jeremias,
Jesus "lived in the Old Testament", and the Psalter was "his prayer

10 Cf. Ε. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age ofJesus Christ (175 B . C . -
A.D. 135), II, rev. & ed., G. Vermes, F. Millar & M. Black (1979), pp. 288f., 303f.
11 Cf. G.F. Moorc, Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era: The Age of the Tan-
naim (1927-30), I, p. 296; R.P. Martin, Worship in the Early Church ( 1964; rev. ed., 1974),
pp. 40-42; A. Sendrey, Music in Ancient Israel ( 1969), pp. 172-184; M. Hengel, 'Hymns
and Christology' (orig. publ. in German, 1980), ET in Between Jesus and PauL· Studies in
the Earliest History of Christianity {1983), ppi 78-96, at p. 90 and notes 23, 25 (on p. 189).
12 Cf. M. Hengel, art. cit., pp. 90-93, referring to the particular use of the 'messian-
ic' psalms, which the early church read and sang in a new way; idem, 'The Song about
Christ in Earliest Worship', in Studies in Early Christology (ET, 1995), pp. 227-291 ; H.O.
Old, 'The Psalms of Praise in the Worship of the New Testament Church', Int 39
(1985), pp. 20-33, who focuses on the psalms of Yahweh's kingship (93; 96-99), argu-
ing that the acclamation, 'The Lord reigns', would have been taken eschatologically
in Judaism immediately prior to the Christian era; similarly, B.S. Childs, Introduction to
the Old Testament as Scripture (1979), pp. 517f. Cf. also, Ε. Werner, The Sacred Bridge: The
Interdependence ofLiturgy and MUM in Synagogue and Church during the First Millennium ( 1959),
pp. 1-26, 1281Γ.
13 See M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism (ET, 1974), I, pp. 78-83; E. Schürer, op. cit.,
II, pp. 415ff.; R. Riesner, Jesus als Lehrer (1981), pp. 97-245; M. Bar-Ilan, 'Writing in
Ancient Israel and Early Judaism. Part Two: Scribes and Books in the Late Second
Commonwealth and Rabbinic Period', in Mikra, edd. M.J. Mulder & H. Sysling
(1CRIudNT2A; 1988), pp. 21-38; J.P. Meier,‫״‬/‫׳‬, cit., I, pp. 271-278, 303-309.
6 INTRODUCTION

book", since he quoted and alluded to that more frequently than to

any other book. 14
T h e r e is a general consensus that the Old Testament was impor-
tant to Jesus, and that in his teaching he interpreted, and sometimes
re-interpreted, the Law in an authoritative manner. 1 5 However, while
it is also generally recognized that Jesus preached the kingdom of God
(which must have some linkage with Old Testament thought), a line of
scholarship, following R. Bultmann, does not consider that Jesus' own
interpretations of the scriptures can be recovered, insofar as they
relate to his own role, since the witness of the gospels mainly reflects
the beliefs of the early church centred on the Risen Christ. 16
It is important to see Jesus' use of the Old Testament in the light of
its varied and developing uses in the New Testament as a whole. 17

14 Op. àt., I, p. 205. For the importance to the average Jew of memorizing prayers,
psalms in particular, and other parts of scripture, see N.T. Wright, The New Testament
and the People of God { 1992), pp. 233, 241 ; cf. M. Hengel, Studies in Early Christology (ET,
1995), pp. 169-170, commenting that we should not forget that pious Jews had mem-
orized all 150 songs of their hymnbook. Cf. R.T. France, Jesus and the Old Testament:
His Application of Old Testament Passages to Himself and His Xlission (1971), who treats quo-
tations of and allusions to the Old Testament attributed to Jesus in the synoptic
gospels, where these relate to his own status and mission. France's approach is to
assume the essential reliability of the tradition unless there are good reasons for ques-
tioning it (pp. 22-24).
15 See, e.g., R. Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament (ET, 1952-55), I, pp. 15f.;
G. Bornkamm, Jesus ofNazareth (ET, 1960), pp. 96-100; C.H. Dodd, The Founder of
Christianity (1971), pp. 65fl‫־‬.; E.P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (1985), pp. 245-269;
E.E. Ellis, The Old Testament in Early Christianity: Canon and Interpretation in the Light of
Modem Research ( 1991 ; paperback ed., 1992), pp. 125-138; N.T. Wright, Jesus and the
Victory of God{ 1996), pp. 287-292, 432. Cf. J.A.T. Robinson, 'Did Jesus Have a Dis-
tinctive Use of Scripture?' (first publ., 1982), in Twelve More New Testament Studies
(1984), pp. 35-43, who sees the 'challenging use of Scripture' as distinctive to Jesus;
B. Chilton & C.A. Evans, 'Jesus and Israel's Scriptures', in Studying the Historical
Jesus: Evaluations of the State of Current Research, edd. Β. Chilton & C.A. Evans (1994),
pp. 281-335.
16 Cf. D.M. Smith, Jr., 'The Use of the Old Testament in the New', in The Use of the
Old Testament in the New and Other Essays: Studies in Honour of William Franklin Stinespring,
ed.J.M. Efird (1972), pp. 3-65, at pp. 20-25.
17 For fairly comprehensive treatments of the use of the Old Testament in the vari-
ous sections of the New Testament (as well as by Jesus and the early church), see R.N.
Longenecker, Biblical Exegesis in the Apostolic Period ( 1975); A.T. Hanson, The Living
Utterances of God: The New Testament Exegesis of the Old (1983). For useful surveys of schol-
arship on the subject, see D.M. Smith, Jr., art. cit.; I.H. Marshall, 'An assessment of
recent developments', in It is Written: Scripture Citing Scripture. Essays in Honour of Bam-
abas Lindars, SSF, edd. D.A. Carson and H.G.M. Williamson (1988), pp. 1-21; E.E.
Ellis, op. cit., pp. 53-74; cf. S.Ε. Porter, 'The Use of the Old Testament in the New
Testament: A Brief Comment on Method and Terminology', in Early Christian Interpre-
tation of the Scriptures of Israel. Investigations and Proposals, edd. C.A. Evans & J .A. Sanders
(1997), pp. 79-96, for a discussion of some methodological issues.
 7 INTRODUCTION

C . H . Dodd, in a short but seminal book, published in 1952, 18 rejected

the view of J . R . Harris that the New Testament writers used a testi-
mony book consisting of selected Old Testament scriptures, compiled
for apologetic purposes. 19 Instead Dodd pointed to various extended
sections of the Old Testament, which were particularly applied to
Jesus by the the early church, and generally used in accordance with
their Old Testament context, subject to a certain shift of application. 20
He also suggested that Jesus was responsible for the creative exegesis
that linked together, for example, the Danielic 'Son of man', the Mes-
siah seated at God's right hand (Psalm 110:1) and the Isaianic 'Ser-
vant of the Lord'. 21 However, neither B. Lindars nor D. Juel, in their
important studies on the way the Old Testament was used by the ear-
ly church, 2 2 give much credence to the influence ofJesus' own exege-
sis.
It is also important to see the use of the Old Testament by Jesus and
the early church in the context of contemporary Jewish methods of
exegesis and ways of understanding various parts of the Old Testa-
ment. 2 3 Thus, before studying each of our two main themes (the king-

18 According to the Scriptures: The Sub-structure of New Testament Theology.

19 J.R. Harris, Testimonies, 2 vol. (1916-20).
20 Contra, A.C. Sundberg, Jr., 'On Testimonies', NovT 3 (1959), pp. 268-281; cf.
I.H. Marshall, art. cit., pp. 5-8, who criticizes Sundberg's arguments.
21 Op. cit., pp. 109-1 10. Cf. M. Black, 'The Theological Appropriation of the Old
Testament by the New Testament', SJT 39 (1986), pp. 1-17, at pp. 8-17, who sup-
ports Dodd's view, holding that both Mk. 9:12f. and Mk. 14:62 are genuine dominical
sayings, the first being a 'didactic pesher' and the second a 'prophetic-apocalyptic
pesher'. Black emphasizes the importance of the parallel in the Parables (Similitudes)
of Enoch, where the three Old Testament figures that Dodd refers to are also com-
bined.
22 Both referred to in note 7 above. Following Harris and Dodd, Lindars sees the
main use of the Old Testament in the early church as apologetic, related to preach-
ing. Juel sees the earliest use of the Old Testament in the early church in theological
reflection, beginning from the confession ofjesus as Messiah and seeking understand-
ing in view of the tension between the suffering, death and resurrection o f j e s u s and
the traditional messianic figure ofJewish scriptural exegesis. Dodd, Lindars and Juel
all take the kerygma as the starting-point for New Testament exegesis of the Old.
23 See, e.g., M. Wilcox, 'On investigating the use of the Old Testament in the New
Testament', in Text and Interpretation: Studies in the New Testament presented to M. Black,
edd. Ε. Best & R. McL. Wilson (1979), pp. 231-243, at pp. 235f., who argues that the
early church would have needed to start with the exegetical traditions of contempo-
rary Jewish thought concerning the Messiah and the end events, so that the elements
o f ' t h e kerygma' would appear as an end-product rather than a starting-point; cf. the
comments of M. Black, art. cit., pp. 7-8; l.H. Marshall, art. cit., pp. 3-4.
For studies of rabbinic exegetical methods, see, e.g.,J.W. Doeve, Jewish Hermeneutics
in the Synoptic Gospels and Acts (1954); D. Daube, The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaum
(1956); cf. Ε.EL Ellis, op. cit., pp. 77-121. For the significance of Qumran 'pesher'
8 INTRODUCTION

dorn of God and the messianic kingship ofjesus) in our chosen gospel,
Mark, in chapters 4 and 6, we will consider their counterparts (the
kingdom of G o d and messianic figures) in early Judaism in chapters 3
and 5 respectively. We will consider how these concepts are used at
Q u m r a n (where the evidence for messianic figures is particularly sig-
nificant and is treated separately in the first sub-section of chapter 5),
and in the apocrypha and pseudepigrapha (as well as canonical
Daniel in relation to the kingdom of God), with more cursory treat-
ment of synagogue prayers, the rabbinical literature and the Targums.
We will also refer, particularly in chapter 6, to Jewish interpretations
of various Old Testament passages referred to in Mark. In the final
sub-section of chapter 5, we will look briefly at the political situation in
Palestine in the first century A.D., considering especially the evidence
of Josephus and highlighting the Zealot movement, to see how this
may have affected the making of messianic claims and may help to
explain what led to the death o f j e s u s .
O u r main study is in the gospel of Mark, for we can only approach
the historical Jesus through the gospels. Mark was probably the earli-
est gospel to reach its final form (although traditions contained in the
other gospels may be as early as those in Mark). Further, most of the
citations from the Psalms, which Mark uses in relation to Jesus, also
appear in Matthew and Luke, as does Jesus' preaching of the kingdom
of God. However, there are many differences of emphasis and redac-
tion between the three synoptic gospels, and it is important that we
study the final form of at least one gospel, as a literary unit. We there-
fore intend to study how Mark treats the kingdom of G o d and the
messianic kingship o f j e s u s , observing the Old Testament background
and parallel concepts and interpretations in early Judaism, and finally
summarizing, in our Conclusions, the relationship between these two
kinds of'kingship' in Mark.
While the gospels (including Mark) are theological documents,
which commence with faith in Jesus as the Christ, it has been well
argued that the writers were also interested in the 'past' ofjesus, 2 4 and

exegesis in relation to the New Testament, see, e.g., K. Stendahl, The School of St.
Matthew and Its Use of the Old Testament (1954; 2nd. ed., 1968); E.E. Ellis, Paul's Use of the
Old Testament (1957). Cf. also, F.F. Bruce, Biblical Exegesis in the Qumran Texts (1960); G.
Vermes, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism (1961; 2nd. ed., 1973); D. Patte, Early Jewish
Hermeneutic in Palestine (1975).
24 See, e.g., C.F.D. Moule, 'The intention of the evangelists', in New Testament
Essays: Studies in Memory 0fT. W. Manson, ed. AJ.B. Higgins (1959), pp. 165-179; G.N.
 9 INTRODUCTION

so in some sense they are also historical documents, which can be used
with care to obtain information about the historical Jesus, including
his interpretations of scripture. However, while questions which affect
the historical Jesus form the broader context of this thesis (and Mark's
evidence is relevant, since he purports to tell us what Jesus said and
did), our primary focus is on the gospel of Mark itself. Mark's use of
the Old Testament in general has been studied by A.Suhl, 25 and H.
Anderson, 2 6 while his use of the Old Testament in the passion narra-
tive has been studied by H.C. Kee, 27 and K.E. Brower, 28 and most
recently, Mark's specifically christological exegesis of the Old Testa-
ment has been studied b y j . Marcus. 2 9
While there have been several studies both of Mark's christology,
and also of the kingdom of God in Mark, these two areas in Mark are
not generally related to each other. 30 It is our intention to point to the
interrelationship of the kingdom of God and the messianic kingship of
Jesus in Mark, and to examine how the Old Testament background of
these concepts and contemporary interpretations in early Judaism help
to elucidate the background to Mark's christology. Thus we are study-
ing Mark as a theological (as well as a historical) document, since it is of
theological importance to see how these two concepts are related.

Stanton, op. cit., pp. 137ff.; E.E. Lemcio, 'The Intention of the Evangelist, Mark', NTS
32 (1986), pp. 187-206; idem, The Past ofjesus in the Gospels (1991). Cf. E.E. Ellis,
'Gospels Criticism: A Perspective on the State of the Art', in Das Evangelium und die
Evangelien, ed. P. Stuhlmacher (1983), pp. 27-54, at pp. 27-34.
25 Die Funktion der alttestamentlichen Zitate und Anspielungen im Markusevangelium ( 1965).
26 'The Old Testament in Mark's Gospel', in The Use of the Old Testament in the New
and Other Essays, ed. J.M. Efird (1972), pp. 280-306. Cf. S. Schultz, 'Markus und das
Alte Testament', £ 7 M 1 9 6 1 )58‫)־‬,pp. 184-197; M D. Hooker, 'Mark', in It is Written:
Scripture Citing Scripture, edd. D.A. Carson & H.G.M. Williamson (1988), pp. 220-230.
27 'The Function of Scriptural Quotations and Allusions in Mark 11-16', in Jesus
und Paulus. Festschriftßir W.G. Kümmel zum 70. Geburtstag, edd. E.E. Ellis & Ε. Grässer
(1975), pp. 165-188.
28 The Old Testament in the Markan Passion Narrative (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of
Manchester, 1978). Cf. D J . Moo, The Old Testament in the Gospel Passion Narratives {1983).
29 The Way of the Lord. Christological Exegesis of the Old Testament in the Gospel of Mark
(1993).
30 See, however, R.E. Watts, Isaiah's New Exodus and Mark (1997), who studies the
use of passages from Isaiah in Mark's gospel, relates these both to God's kingdom and
to the identity ofjesus, and concludes that "the Isaianic New Exodus seems to provide
the best integrative paradigm for the Gospel as a whole" (p. 369). As a suggestion for
further research, Watts proposes that other O T motifs and texts used by Mark
(including Zechariah and the Psalms) could be studied, to see how they fit with this
Isaianic New Exodus theory (p. 388). Interestingly, the original study programmes
that lie behind both Watts' book and this present work were completed at around the
same time.
10 INTRODUCTION

While Vielhauer may be taken as an example of one extreme view,

that the concepts are inherently incompatible, an opposite and comm-
moner view (at least in popular Christian thought) is that the kingdom
of God and Jesus' messianic kingship are virtually identical. This is put
forward, for example, by H.L. Chronis, who in an otherwise helpful
article on Mark 15:37-39, claims that Mark intends to depict Jesus
"not as the royal Messiah, but as the promised divine King". 31 We
shall see that Mark in fact carefully distinguishes between the two con-
cepts, as do other Old Testament, inter-testamental and New Testa-
ment writers. This distinction must be kept in mind, even though we
are arguing for a relationship between the two concepts, sometimes
close, sometimes more distant, in various strands of literature. Mark
and other New Testament writers do not proclaim Jesus as 'King' of
the kingdom of God, except in the sense that he exercises his authority
as Messiah (Christ) and Lord on God's behalf. 32 God is the 'King' of
the kingdom of God. T h e New Testament invariably maintains the
distinction between the Father and the Son.
C.H. Dodd saw the Old Testament as "the sub-structure of all
Christian theology", in that the fundamental and regulative ideas of
New Testament theology arise directly out of certain selected passages
of scripture (which he sets out) in relation to the gospel facts. 33 As a
contribution to the continuing study of the use of the Old Testament
in the New, we are seeking to ascertain how far the concepts of God's
kingship (or kingdom) and Davidic (or messianic) kingship, as seen in
the Psalms and related passages, form part of the sub-structure of
Mark's theology and christology. We shall see that Mark's supreme
title for Jesus is 'Son of God', which is related to his Messiahship. O u r
study is therefore a study in 'the background to Mark's christology',
relating 'God's kingdom' to 'God's Son'.

31 'The T o m Veil: Cultus and Christology in Mark 15:37-39', JBL 101(1982), pp.
97-114, at p. 103.
32 Cf. 1 Cor. 15:24-28. M.D. Hooker-Stacey, 'Disputed Questions in Biblical Stud-
ies; 2. Jesus and Christology', ExpT 112 (2000-2001), pp. 298-302, at p. 301, writes,
"Even when Jesus is accorded the highest honours, it is as one who himself gives glory
to God. New Testament christology is essentially theocentric."
33 Op. cit., pp. 1 1 1 Π 1 2 7,.‫־‬.Cf. Β.' Lindars, 'The Place of the Old Testament in the
Formation of New Testament Theology: Prolegomena', JO'S 23 (1976-77), pp. 59-66,
at pp. 60, 66, who sees the Old Testament as the greatest single influence in the for-
mation of New Testament theology, but as "a servant, ready to run to the aid of the
gospel whenever it is required, ... never acting as the master or leading the way, nor
even guiding the process of thought behind the scenes."
 PART ONE

T H E KINGSHIP O F G O D AND DAVIDIC

(OR MESSIANIC) K I N G S H I P IN T H E PSALMS
A N D ISAIAH 40-66
 CHAPTER ONE

C O N C E P T S O F K I N G S H I P IN T H E PSALMS

1. Introduction

Studies of Israelite kingship differ in character according to whether

they are considering the Psalms or the historical books as their prima-
ry sources of evidence. 1 While the historical books (and the prophets)
are essential to any view of the origin, dating and character of the his-
torical forms of monarchy in Israel, it is in the Psalms that Israelite
conceptions of kingship attain their highest expression. 2
Since we are concerned ultimately with the New Testament use of
concepts of kingship in the Psalms, we must attempt to look at the
Psalms and the rest of the Old Testament through New Testament

1 Cf. J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed., 1986), dealing entirely with
the Psalmic evidence, and T.N.D. Mettinger King and Messiah (1976), which mainly
treats the historical books. DJ.A. Clines, 'Psalm Research since 1955: I. The Psalms
and the Cult', TynB 18 (1967), pp. 103-126, at p. 126, suggests that "concentration on
the sacral or religious functions of the king can easily lead to an exaggeration of their
importance, and one may be justified in thinking that the growth point for future
study of Israelite kingship may be the more secular aspects of the monarchy rather
than the religious aspects." However, H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion (ET, 1966), p. 221,
whilst recognizing the differences between the Northern and Southern kingdoms and
acknowledging that any talk of an Israelite royal ideology must be considered
extremely questionable, points out that we have very few records from the Northern
Kingdom, and "since hostility to the kingship can hardly be called a royal ideology, it
seems justifiable to base our presentation on the witness of the (Jerusalemite) royal
psalms, supplementing them only occasionally with information drawn from the his-
torical books." See now the essays i n j . Day, ed., King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient
Near East{ 1998).
2 Surveys of scholarship on the Psalms may be found in A.R. Johnson, 'The
Psalms', in The Old Testament and Modem Study, ed. H.H. Rowley (1951), pp. 162-209;
D.J.A. Clines, art. cit. and 'Psalm Research since 1955: II. The Literary Genres', TynB
20' (1969), pp. 109-125; J . H . Eaton, 'The Psalms and Israelite Worship', in Tradition
and Interpretation, ed. G.W. Anderson (1979), pp. 238-272; B. Feininger, Ά Decade of
German Psalm Criticism', JS0T20 (1981), pp. 91-103;J.H. Eaton's 'Appendix to the
1986 Edition' of Kingship and the Psalms, pp. 221-240; J.K. Kuntz, 'Engaging the
Psalms: Gains and Trends in Recent Research', CR•BS 2 (1994), pp. 77-106; J.L.
Mays, 'Past, Present, and Prospect in Psalm Study', in Old Testament Interpretation: Past,
Present and Future, edd.J.L. Mays, D.L. Petersen & K.H. Richards (1995), pp. 147-156;
D.C. Mitchell, The Message of the Psalter: An Eschato logical Programme in the Book of Psalms
(1997), pp. 15-65; D.M. Howard, Jr., 'Recent Trends in Psalms Study', in The Face of
Old Testament Studies: A Survey of Contemporary Approaches, edd. D.W. Baker & B.T.
Arnold (1999), pp. 329-368.
14 C H A P T E R ONE

eyes, and thus we shall deal mainly with the concepts of kingship as they
can be discerned on the face of the literature (bearing in mind the
intense study of the scriptures in Judaism). So we will not concentrate on
modern questions of Sitz im Leben and proposed cultic rituals, except
where these are reasonably obvious and necessary to explain the mean-
ing of the various concepts and their inter-relationship. Neither will we
be following the methods of more recent studies which concentrate on
the composition and editorial unity of the Psalter as a whole, although
we shall note some of their conclusions as a witness to how the collection
of Psalms may have been interpreted when it reached its final form. 3
Occurrences of the root ‫ מלך‬in the Psalms break down into three
roughly equal parts, referring first to Yahweh, secondly to the Davidic
king, and thirdly to other kings (e.g., 'the kings of the earth', Psalm
2:2, 10). It is an important fact that the Psalms present extensively the
highest view of Davidic kingship, and also in the same collection refer
to the kingship of Yahweh on more occasions than in the whole of the
rest of the Old Testament. 4 W e shall first define from the Psalms, the
characteristics of the kingship of Yahweh, then in our next section the
characteristics of Davidic kingship, before summarizing the relation-
ship between the two in the final section of this chapter.

2. The Kingship of Yahweh in the Psalms

a. Introduction
It is beyond the scope of this study to deal with the origin and preva-
lence in Israel of the idea of the kingship of Yahweh. In this section we
shall describe the features of the kingship of Yahweh as they are pre-
sented in the Psalms.
H. Gunkel recognized as one special category of 'hymns' in the
Psalms the enthronement songs (Psalms 47; 93; 96; 97; 98; 99), com-
posed to celebrate the enthronement of Yahweh as universal king. H e
considered they were eschatological and dated them after the exile. 5 S.

3 The first major work on the composition and message of the Psalter as a whole
was that of G.H. Wilson, The Editing of the Hebrew Psalter (1985); cf. the various essays
by Wilson and others in J.C. McCann, ed., The Shape and Shaping of the Psalter ( 1993).
4' Cf. J . Coppens, 'La Royauté de Yahvé dans le Psautier', Part I, ETL 53 (1977),
pp. 297-362, at p. 297. See also generally, the article ‫ מלך‬by H. Ringgren, Κ. Seybold
& H.-J. Fabry in TWATW (1984), col. 926-957; ET in 7 B 0 7 V I I I , pp. 346-375.
5 H. Gunkel & J . Begrich, Einleitung in die Psalmen (1933), pp. 94-116; ET, Introduction
to the Psalms: The Genres of the Religious Lyric of Israel ( 1998), pp. 66-81.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 15

Mowinckel, adding Psalm 95 to the above group, put forward the the-
ory that these psalms had their origin in the pre-exilic cult at the
Jerusalem New Year festival, where the phrase ‫יהוה מלך‬, which he
translated 'Yahweh has become king' (Psalms 93:1; 97:1; 99:1; 96:10),
signified the dramatic ascent of Yahweh to his royal throne, portrayed
in the cultic ritual. 6
M a n y more psalms than these refer to the kingship of Yahweh, and
Mowinckel adduces many more to support his proposed Enthrone-
ment Festival, that is, the pre-exilic New Year festival in Israel, where
Yahweh is ritually enthroned in the cult and his kingship is célébrât-
ed. 7 T h e root ‫ מלך‬is applied to Yahweh in twenty-one psalms (5:2;
10:16; 22:28; 24:7-10; 29:10; 44:4; 47:2, 6-8; 48:2; 68:24; 74:12; 84:3;
93:1; 95:3; 96:10; 97:1; 98:6; 99:1, 4; 103:19; 145:1, 11-13; 146:10;
149:2). This does not exhaust references to Yahweh's kingship in the
Psalms: there are a number of occurrences of the root ‫מטל‬, 'to rule'
(e.g., 89:9), ‫כסא‬, 'throne' (e.g., 9:4, 7; 11:4; 47:8; 89:14; 93:2; 97:2),‫יטב‬,
'to sit, be enthroned' (e.g., 2:4; 22:3; 47:8; 80:1 ; 99:1 ; 103:12) 8 and the
roots meaning 'to judge'‫( דין‬e.g., 96:10) and more often ‫( טפט‬e.g., 82:1 -
3, 8; 94:2; 96:13; 98:9). 9 Words signifying exaltation, glory and great-

6 S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship (ET, 1962), I, pp. 1061Γ. C. Westermann,
'Book of Psalms', IDB Supp (1976), pp. 705-710, at p. 708, emphasizes that the Psalms
of Yahweh's Kingship "are not a separate category, but are descriptive praise of God
(hymns) .... As hymns they do not have any form in common, and only the shout 'Yah-
weh is (has become) King!' is shared by them all"; cf. Praise and Lament in the Psalms (ET,
1981), pp. 242ff. W. Brueggemann, 'Psalms and the Life of Faith: A Suggested Typolo-
gy of Function', J SOT 17 (1980), pp. 3-32; rep. in W. Brueggemann, The Psalms and the
Life of Faith, ed. P.D. Miller (1995), pp. 3-32, suggests, following the work of P. Ricoeur,
another way of categorizing psalms as those of orientation, disorientation and reorienta-
tion, with the psalms of Yahweh's kingship assigned to the last category: "the power,
vitality, and authority for celebration come from the unarguable experience of those
persons who have discovered that the world has come to an end but a new creation is
given" (p. 15). For a recent treatment of genre in relation to psalm interpretation, see
H.P. Nasuti, Defining the Saaed Songs: Genre, Tradition and the Post-Critical Interpretation of the
Psalms{ 1999); cf. Κ. Seybold, Introducing the Psalms (ET, 1990),pp. 109-128.
7 See pp. 27Jf. Cf. H. Birkeland, The Evildoers in the Book of Psalms (1955), p. 78, who
follows Mowinckel in assigning Ps. 118 to the Enthronement Festival in the light of
their views of the content of that festival, although the psalm does not mention the
kingship of Yahweh. Similarly,J.H. Eaton, op. cit., p. 62.
8 That ‫ ־סב‬means 'to sit enthronecF is shown by the context. Thus, in Pss. 80:1; 99:1,
Yahweh is seated (enthroned) 'upon the cherubim', an obvious reference to the Ark,
while in Ps. 2:4 his being seated (enthroned) 'in the heavens' is in contrast to 'the kings
of the earth' (verse 2). Cf. Ps. 110:1, where Yahweh's command to the Davidic king to
sit (be enthroned) at his right hand implies that Yahweh too is enthroned.
9 Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 108: '"to judge' is in Hebrew just as much to rule,
or to account for one's enemies in battle, or to save one's friends, as to pronounce
16 C H A P T E R ONE

ness, applied to Yahweh, may also be allusions to his kingship. In our

exposition of the features of the kingship of Yahweh, we shall concen-
träte on the more important psalms, where these features are obvious.

b. Exposition of the Psalms of Yahweh's kingship

In Psalm 5:2, the Psalmist prays to Yahweh as 'my King and my God'
(cf. Psalms 44:8; 68:24; 74:12; 84:3; 145:l). 1 0 The possessive pronouns
imply the covenant relationship between Israel (or the King) and Yah-
weh, and this interpretation is supported by the emphasis on right-
eousness, the characteristic requirement of the covenant (Psalm 5:8,
12; cf. Deuteronomy 4:8).
In Psalm 9:4 Yahweh is seated on the throne 'giving righteous judg-
ment' (cf. verse 8). His rule is everlasting (verse 7), and stretches over
the whole world (verse 8; cf. verses 19, 20). However, his throne is in
Zion (verse 11), and it is the enemies of Israel, who are 'the wicked' that
are destroyed (verses 5, 6). T h e same nationalism may be seen in 'his
land' (Psalm 10:16)," where again Yahweh's rule is everlasting and is
seen in his destruction of the nations. In Psalm 11:4, Yahweh's throne
is 'in heaven' and again there is a strong emphasis on his righteous
judgment (verses 3, 5, 7). In Psalm 22:28, he rules over the nations.
Psalm 24 commences with an affirmation of Yahweh's ownership
of the world and all its inhabitants (verse 1), based on his creation
(verse 2). T h e next section (verses 3-6) deals with the special relation-
ship between Yahweh and Israel, whereby they seek him and do right-
eousness, and then he will bless, vindicate and save them. It relates to
the moral requirements of coming before Yahweh in Zion, and then
the covenant blessings that will be received. T h e psalm concludes with
a processional liturgy for the Ark (verses 7-10). 12 T h e power and might

judgment; the last is only one of many ways of 'judging'. As a rule, it means setting
conditions on earth in the right order; that is the meaning of Yahweh's 'judgment' as
a king." This meaning of the verb ‫ טפט‬as 'to rule', as well as 'to judge', is supported by
J . Gray, 'The Kingship of God in the Prophets and Psalms', VT11 (1961), pp. 1-29, at
p. 3, on the evidence of the Ras Shamra texts, and he comments that this fact is of
great moment in extending the category of enthronement psalms and relevant pas-
sages in the Prophets to much nearer the proportions for which Mowinckel contends.
10 J.H. Eaton, Psalms (1967), p. 38, comments: "the bold singular pronouns are
appropriate in the mouth of the king, acknowledging the real power behind his own
office or speaking for the whole community."
11 M. Dahood, Psalms (1966-70), I, p. 61, takes the second clause of verse 16, 'let
the heathen perish from his earth}.'
12 So R. Schnackenburg, God's Rule and Kingdom (ET, 1963), p. 28, who considers
that this psalm is pieced together from different fragments. Most commentators take
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 17

of Yahweh is emphasized, and 'mighty in battle' suggests his victories

on behalf of Israel (verse 8). ‫'( מלך הכבוד‬King of glory') is mentioned
five times. 'Glory' is often associated with a theophany (e.g., Exodus
16:7, 10), especially in connection with the sanctuary and the Ark
(e.g., Exodus 40:34, 35; 1 Kings 8:11; Isaiah 6:3).
Psalm 29 is a hymn to the 'voice of Yahweh', and describes a theo-
phany in the form of a storm, with consequent emphasis on the word
'glory' (verses 1-3, 9) and the name 'Yahweh' (mentioned 18 times).
He is dominant over the heavenly council (verses 1-2), and over the
inherent disorder of the natural world ('the flood', verse 10); his king-
ship is everlasting (verse 10). Verse 11 shows that the mighty power of
Yahweh, supreme in heaven and on earth, may be used for the benefit
of 'his people' (in covenant relationship with him), giving them
peace. 13 In Psalm 44:4, God, as King, enables Israel to win victories.
In Psalm 47, Yahweh's kingship is celebrated as universal: 'a great
king over all the earth' (verses 2, 7, 8).14 He is truly 'king of kings',
since the 'shields of the earth' that he possesses (verse 9) are the kings
of the earth. His greatness is shown by the way he has helped Israel,
his chosen people, and defeated their enemies (verses 3, 4). It then
appears that the nations have not only the option of defeat, but may
also join Israel in coming to worship God (verses 1, 9; cf. Isaiah 2:2ff.;
Micah 4:Iff.). T h e psalm bears witness to joyous shouting, singing,
clapping of hands and the sound of a trumpet. Clearly this is a cultic
situation of the exaltation or enthronement of Yahweh (verses 5, 9).15
In Psalm 48:2 the suzerainty of Yahweh is linked with his city Zion,

the gates (verses 7, 9) to refer to the temple, though A. Cohen, The Psalms (1945), pp.
69-70, and D. Kidner, Psalms (1973-5), I, p. 113, suggest the gates ofjerusalem.
13 Cf. L. Sabourin, The Psalms: Their Origin and Meaning (1969), I, p. 187: "This
psalm lauds the majesty of God's theophany. High above the raging elements the
King Lord thrones in sublime imperturbability (verse 10)."
14 According to M. Dahood, op. cit., I, p. 284, ‫'( מלך נתל‬great king', verse 2; cf. Ps.
48:2) is another term for 'suzerain' or 'overlord'.
15 D. Kidner, op. cit., I, pp. 177f., relates verse 5 to 2 Sam. 6:15, where on David's
bringing the Ark into Jerusalem, the shout and the sound of the trumpet are also men-
tioned, "so God is pictured here ascending his earthly throne, whether or not drama-
tised anew by a periodic procession with the ark." Cf. L. Sabourin, op. dt., I, p. 219:
"Whereas the other divine kingship psalms speak simply of a 'coming' of Yahweh (cf.
96:13; 97:3; 98:9), Ps. 47:5 says that G O d 'mounts his throne'." H.-j. Kraus, Psalmen
(1961; 5th. ed., 1978), I, p. 505, says ‫( עלה‬verse 5) describes the procession of the Ark
into Zion; cf. P.C. Craigie, Psalms 1-50(1983), p. 349. Contrast]. Schaper, 'Psalm 47
und sein "Sitz im Leben"', £AW 106 (1994), pp. 262-275, who argues that in its cur-
rent form Ps. 47 originated in the postexilic era, and so does not provide evidence for
Mowinckel's proposed Enthronement Festival.
18 C H A P T E R ONE

which represents ‫'( צפון‬north', verse 2; cf. Isaiah 14:13), the traditional
Canaanite name for the mountain of God. 1 6 His victory over the kings
(verse 4) takes the form of a theophany (verses 5-7). It is achieved for
the sake of his people (cf. 'our God', verses 1, 8, 14), but its implica-
tions are worldwide (verse 10). Psalm 74 probably relates to the
destruction of Jerusalem in 587 B.C. and its aftermath. At verse 12,
the eternal nature of God's kingship is affirmed, looking back into the
past: he is 'from of old'. His salvation through the miracles of the exo-
dus from Egypt (verses 12-15) is linked to his creation and control over
nature (verses 16, 17). God's covenant with Israel is recalled (w. 1, 2,
20), while verse 19 suggests his kingly concern for 'thy poor'.
In Psalm 80, Yahweh's kingship ( Ό Shepherd of Israel', verse 1) is
linked to his leadership of Israel (verses 1, 8, 9), and to the 'man of thy
right hand', the Davidic king (verse 17). Psalm 82 shows God's
authority over the divine council (verses 1, 2), his concern for right-
eous j u d g m e n t (verses 3, 4), and his universal sovereignty (verse 8).
Psalm 84 shows a close link between Yahweh's kingship and the tem-
pie at Zion (verse 3), and prayer is made to him for the Davidic king
(verse 9).17 Psalm 89:14 depicts ‫'( ^ו־ק וםק!פט‬righteousness and justice')
as the foundation of Yahweh's throne (also Psalm 97:2). T h e psalm
also speaks of his incomparability in the heavenly council (verses 5-8),
his control over the natural world (verses 9-13), and his covenant
faithfulness to his people and their king (verses 14-18; cf. verse 49).
In Psalm 93:2, Yahweh's kingship is everlasting, looking back to his
action in the creation of the world (verse l). 18 T h a t same creation

16 Cf. M. Dahood, op. cit. I, pp. 289-290. The quotation of this verse is attributed to
Jesus at Mt. 5:35; cf. pp. 148ff.
17 According to A.A. Anderson, The Book of Psalms (1972), II, p. 601, the most likely
setting of the psalm is the Feast of Tabernacles at which the lordship of Yahweh
would be celebrated, and prayers for the Davidic king could be offered.
18 N.H. Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival - Its Origin and Development{^^), p. 202,
comments on verse I : "He has robed himself in majesty just as the earthly kings put
on their royal attire when they take their seat on their royal thrones (cf. 1 Kings
22:10)." J . Coppens, art. cit., Part II, ETL 54 (1978), pp. 1-59, at p. 10, characterizes
the theme of this psalm as "la royauté métahistorique ou théologique de Yahvé."
M.E. Täte, Psalms 51-100 (1990), pp. 474-479, sees, in addition to the more obvious
similarities of content between Ps. 93 and Pss. 96-99, editorial links between Ps. 93
and its two neighbouring Psalms 92 and 94; cf". D.M. Howard, Jr., The Structure of
Psalms 93-100 (1997). G.H. Wilson, op. cit., pp. 209-220, considers Pss. 90-106 (Book
IV) to be the editorial centre of the Psalter, focusing on Yahweh alone as king, and
standing as an "answer" to the problem posed in Ps. 89 as to the apparent failure of
the Davidic covenant with which Books I-III are primarily concerned; cf. M.E. Tate,
op. cit., p. xxvii, who summarizes part of the message of Book IV as, "The Davidic
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 19

power and control ('it shall never be moved', verse 1) assure Yahweh's
triumph over the waters of chaos (verses 3, 4), which threaten the
order of the cosmos, and represent all forces in opposition to Yah-
weh's decrees (verse 5). T h e 'decrees' reflect his righteous kingship,
and as they probably allude to the laws of Moses, imply God's faithful-
ness to Israel. 19 Mention of ‫'( קדט‬holiness', verse 5) is particularly fre-
quent in the psalms of Yahweh's kingship (29:2; 47:8; 48:1; 89:35;
96:9; 97:12; cf. Exodus 15:11).
In a psalm of thanksgiving, praising Yahweh for his saving deeds,
95:3 affirms his greatness and his supremacy over all gods. Verses 4
and 5 speak of his possession and creation of the world, 20 which
themes are linked in verses 6 and 7 i^our Maker', verse 6) with his rela-
tionship to his covenant people. Verses 8-1 1 appear to be a prophetic
oracle: the experience of the wilderness is made a challenge to God's
people today.
In Psalm 96, all the earth is summoned to praise Yahweh with a
'new song' (verses 1, 7-9; cf. Psalms 98:1; 149:1). T h e r e is a summons
to declare among the nations Yahweh's glory and saving works, pre-
sumably in relation to his people Israel (verses 2, 3, 10). Yahweh's
greatness is compared to the status of other gods: he is far superior
(verse 4). Indeed, they are nothing ('idols', verse 5). His contrasting
greatness is proved by his creation. This thought is taken up in verse
10, where the nations are to be told that the evidence of Yahweh's
righteous rule is to be found in his creation and control of the world. 21
Verses 11-13 are clearly eschatological, though they may originally

monarchy is over; the sons of David are all dead, but Yahweh reigns as King." For Ps.
89, see pp. 43-44.
19 A. Weiser, The Psalms (ET, 1962), p. 620, takes ‫ עדתיף‬to mean "the tradition of the
Heilsgeschichte which was recited in the covenant cult." E. Lipiriksi, IM Royauté de Tahvé
dans la poésie et le culte de l'Ancien Israël ( 1965), pp. 144f., believes the word is synonymous
with ‫ בר־ת‬and refers to the Davidic covenant. A.R.Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient
Israel (2nd. ed., 1967), pp. 67-68, sees 93:5 as referring to Yahweh's covenant with
Israel.
20 Verse 5 is in contrast to Canaanite myths concerning the primeval sea; cf. D.
Kidner, op. cit., II, p. 344. While control over the seas (Pss. 29; 93) was taken over
from Canaanite mythology to show Yahweh's power, the emphasis appears to be on
his present power over the forces of nature, rather than on the manner of creation (cf.
the historical application of the myth in Ps. 74:13, 14). See J . Day, God's Conflict with the
Dragon and the Sea. Echoes of a Canaanite Myth in the Old Testament ( 19851.
21 The phrase, 'Yea, the world is established, it shall never be moved', occurs
together with ‫ ־הוה מלך‬in both 93:1 and 96:10. It is thus possible that Ps. 96 is using a
quotation from Ps. 93, putting it in a new context to emphasize the universality of
Yahweh's rule.
20 C H A P T E R ONE

have had present reference to a 'coming' of Yahweh in the cult. T h e

natural realm is to join in the song of praise to Yahweh (verses 11, 12)
and his righteous rule (or judgment) over the whole world is empha-
sized (verses 10, 13).
In Psalm 97, Yahweh's reign is a cause of rejoicing for the whole
earth (verse 1; cf. Psalms 96:11, 12; 98:7, 8). Verses 2-5 picture the
coming of Yahweh in a theophany (cf. Exodus 19:16, 18; Judges 5:5;
Psalm 18:7-15; Habakkuk 3:3-15). 'His adversaries' (verse 3) refer pri-
marily to Israel's national enemies (cf. verse 8), but this meaning may
have been extended here to include anyone who is a rebel in Yah-
weh's world. His lordship over all the earth (verses 5, 9) is proved by
his power and control over the natural realm (verses 3-5). ' T h e heav-
ens' (implying their creation and order) proclaim Yahweh's righteous
rule (verse 6; cf. verse 2).22 Idols are worthless: Yahweh is superior to
all the gods (verses 7, 9). T h e principles of Yahweh's righteous rule are
seen in verses 10-12 (cf. Psalm 24:3ff.). H e rewards with life and light 23
those who are faithful to his covenant. T h u s this psalm displays a
strong connection between Yahweh's control of the natural realm and
his moral demands (cf. Psalm 19).
Psalm 98, similar to Psalm 96, begins with an exhortation to praise
Yahweh because of his historical deeds of salvation on behalf of his
covenant people Israel (verses 1-3). These have been a witness to the
nations (verses 2, 3), who are then exhorted to praise Yahweh, the
King (verses 4-6), presumably because he wants to extend to the whole
world the righteous judgments and saving deeds he has worked for
Israel. T h e natural world (including all its inhabitants) are exhorted to
join in joyously acclaiming the coming of Yahweh to set up his right-
eous rule over the earth (verses 7-9). 24
Psalm 99 is more nationalistic than others of the enthronement
psalms ('Yahweh our God', verses 5, 8, 9). However, his enthronement
in Zion (verse 2) 'upon the cherubim' (verse l) 25 provokes a theophany

22 On verse 2 (cf. Pss. 89:14; 82: 3,4), A.A. Anderson, op. dt., II, p. 687, comments:
"Righteousness and justice are the basis of all kingship, both divine and human."
23 'Light' may denote a connection in the cultic ritual with Ps. 118:27; cf. Ps. 89:15.
24 A.R. Johnson, op. cit., p. 100, comments on Ps. 98 that the "exultant anticipation
of Yahweh's coming in triumph to judge the earth is tempered with words of caution;
for .... it is only to a righteous nation that Yahweh thus comes in final demonstration
of his universal sovereignty."
25 A. Weiser, op. cit., pp. 642ÍI, sees allusions to the Ark in verses 1, 5 and 7.
According to S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 130, the most prominent act of the enthrone-
ment festival of Yahweh was the great procession, where the personal presence of
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 21

that has worldwide effects, and his dominion over all the peoples is
assured (verses 1, 2). T h e situation in the temple may be seen in the
threefold cry 'he is holy' (verses 3, 5, 9; cf. Isaiah 6:3). T h e r e is an
emphasis on righteousness in his kingship over Israel (verse 4). His
covenant relationship with Israel, especially the revelation of his com-
mandments at Sinai, is mentioned in verses 6, 7. He is gracious in
answering prayer (verses 6, 8) and is a forgiving God, but also an
avenger of wrong (verse 8).26
In Psalm 103, a hymn treating Yahweh's covenant love for Israel
(and 'his righteousness', verse 17), verse 19 shows Yahweh's heavenly
kingdom ruling over all. This includes the heavenly court (verses 20,
21), and all his works of creation (verse 22), who are exhorted to join
the psalmist in blessing Yahweh. Psalm 145 is "a unique hymn of
praise of God's all-embracing royal dominion in the world and
throughout man's history (verse 13)."27 Yahweh's righteousness is
mentioned (verse 7, 17, 20), while his covenant love for Israel is envis-
aged as spreading abroad for the benefit of all mankind (verses 11, 12,
18, 19), on the basis of his creation of all (verses 9, 10). Psalm 146
mentions Yahweh's creation (verse 6), his faithfulness to his covenant
people (verses 5, 6), and his eternal reign, which is centred in Zion
(verse 10).28 T h e characteristics of his justice and righteous rule are set
out in verses 7-9, showing his concern for the oppressed and the needy
(cf. 1 Samuel 2:7, 8; Psalms 68:5, 6; 82:3, 4; 107:10ff; Isaiah 42:7;
61:1). Psalm 149 is strongly nationalistic: Yahweh is Maker oflsrael,
King of Zion (verse 2), and vengeance is to be wreaked on the nations,
in accordance with Yahweh's j u d g m e n t (verses 6-9).

c. Characteristics of the Kingship of Yahweh

G. von Rad appears to be exaggerating, when he says of the enthrone-
ment psalms, "It is striking how in these impassioned poems what is
peculiar to Israel and her existence - saving history, election, the

Yahweh was symbolized by the Ark. Cf. G.H. Davies, 'The Ark in the Psalms', in
Promise and Fulfilment, ed. F.F. Bruce (1963), pp. 51-61, who additionally sees refer-
ences to the Ark in Ps. 96:6, on analogy with the use of the word ‫'( עז‬strength') in con-
nection with the Ark in Ps. 132:8; and in Pss. 95:6; 96:13; 98:6, 9, on analogy with 2
Sam. 6:4, 5, where 'before Yahweh' may mean 'in front of the Ark'.
26 Cf. M. Dahood, op. cit., II, p. 370, "Even in his grace, Yahweh remains a holy
God."
27 R. Schnackenburg, op. cit., pp. 19f.
28 Verses 3-4 bear witness to anti-monarchist tendencies, similar to those in 1 Sam.
8.
22 C H A P T E R ONE

covenant, etc. - falls into the background." 2 9 Rather, our survey sup-
ports the view of R. Schnackenburg that the notion of a purely tran-
scendent kingship of Yahweh was quite foreign to Israel. In Hebrew
thought God's sublime sovereignty always directs both the world and
history. 30 While there is no doubt that the root idea of kingship is
supreme authority, power or leadership, the most important feature of
the kingship of Yahweh in the Psalms is his historical relationship with
Israel as his covenant people. This relationship is implied or referred
to in all the psalms we have considered, except 82, and even there the
characteristics of God's justice (verses 3, 4) are in accord with his
righteousness, as expressed in his covenant with Israel.
He has shown his mighty power in deeds of salvation for Israel
(Psalms 24:5, 8; 44:4; 47:3, 4; 96:2; 98:1-3). These saving deeds are in
accordance with Yahweh's righteousness, which is the supreme char-
acteristic of his kingship in all its aspects. 31 It is shown in his decrees
and commandments (24:3, 4; 93:5; 97:10-12; 99:6-8), in his concern
for the poor, needy and oppressed (68:5, 6; 74:19; 82:3, 4; 145:14;
146:7-9), and by his destruction of Israel's enemies, the nations and
kings, who are characterised as 'the wicked' (9:3-6, 19; 10:16; 47:3;
48:4-7; 68:1-3; 97:3, 10; 149:6-9). T h e majority of the psalms we have
considered affirm Yahweh's righteousness, and we have noted that
'righteousness and justice' are the foundation of his throne (89:14;
97:2), first of all being established by his statutes and deeds in relation
to Israel (99:4).
Yahweh's rule is centred in Zion (9:11; 48:2; 84:3, 7; 99:2; 146:10;
149:2), and sometimes there is a clear link with the Davidic king
(80:17; 84:9; 89:3-4, 18ff.). Yahweh's saving deeds towards Israel are a
witness to his power and character, to be declared to the whole world
(96:2, 3, 10; 98:1-3). 32 In addition to such saving deeds towards Israel

29 OU Testament Theolog,) (ET, 1962-65), I, p. 363. Cf. M. Tsevat, 'God as King',

IDB Supp (1976), pp. 515-516, who says that the idea of God as King in the Old Tes-
tament has two meanings and apparently two origins: first, he is King of the gods; sec-
ondly, of Israel.
30 R. Schnackenburg, op. cit., pp. 19f. Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 108.
31 Cf. A.R.Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus', in The
Ijibymnth, ed. S.H. Hooke (1935), pp. 73-11 1, at pp. 76-77, where he characterizes the
root idea of ‫ צדק‬as a unity of parts. He points out the importance of ‫צדק‬, for the king
and the nation and concludes that the nation is ultimately dependent for its existence
on the ‫צדק‬, the loyalty or right relation, of Yahweh.
32 J . Coppens, art. cit., Part II, ETL 54 (1978), pp. 1-59, at p. 37, characterizes the
psalms of Yahweh's kingship as "poèmes kérygmatiques", and continues, "Le kérygme
théologique qu'ils annoncent est celui du règne, de la royauté, du dieu d'Israël."
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 23

especially seen in the exodus, the mighty power of Yahweh (24:8, 10;
29:1, 2, 11; 47:2-4; 48:1, 2; 74:12; 93:4; 95:3; 96:4; 97:9; 99:2; 145:3,
11) is also experienced as a present reality in the cult as a theophany.
Here the glory of Yahweh is emphasized as well as his power over the
natural realm (24:7-10; 29:3-10; 48:4-7; 97:2-5; 99:1).
T h e theophany, which represented and re-enacted the power of
Yahweh's righteous kingship over Israel, must from the first have
implied a heavenly kingship (11:4; 103:19) which is eternal (9:7; 10:16;
29:10; 48:8, 14; 74:12; 82:6, 7; 93:2; 145:13; 146:10; cf. Exodus
15:18). This led to the celebration of Yahweh's control over three
areas beyond the bounds of his covenant people Israel: i) other heav-
enly beings (or gods), ii) the realm of nature, and iii) the other
nations. 33
i) Yahweh is incomparable above all the gods (Psalms 82:6, 7; 89:6,
7; 95:3; 96:4, 5; 97:7, 9; cf. Exodus 15:11). Yahweh's saving deeds
towards Israel will have led to the affirmation that the gods of the oth-
er nations in supposed opposition to Yahweh are worthless idols
(Psalms 96:5; 97:7). T h e heavenly council is exhorted to praise Yah-
weh (29:1,2; 103:20, 21).34
ii) Yahweh's saving deeds on Israel's behalf show his control over
nature (29:3-10; 74:12-15; 89:9-10; 93:1, 3, 4; 96:10; 97:3-5). This
leads on to the thought of his ownership or mastery over the world
(24:1; 74:16; 89:11; 95:4), which is then seen to be based on his ere-
ation of all things (24:2; 74:16, 17; 89:11, 12; 93:1; 95:5; 96:5, 10;
97:6; 103:22; 145:9, 10; 146:6). For J . Coppens, Yahweh is "le créa-
teur et le seigneur de l'univers". 35 While Yahweh's creation is thus fre-
quently mentioned, and logically it provides the root of his authority, 36
it is not the most characteristic feature of the description of Yahweh's
kingship. Often the emphasis is on his control over nature now and in

33 It was in the development of the idea of the cosmic kingship of Yahweh that
Canaanite religious ideas doubtless provided an important stimulus (e.g., Ps. 29). R.
Schnackenburg, op. cit., pp. 20-21, comments that God rules over creation, over Israel
and the nations, in varying degrees and in different ways.
34 J . Coppens, art. cit., Part II, ETL 54 (1978), pp. 1-59, at pp. 55-56, sees in Pss. 29
and 93 that Yahweh's heavenly kingship was established by a double victory over the
gods, and over the waters of chaos. However, there seems to be no evidence of any
battle in these psalms, only manifestations of Yahweh's power. The waters (Pss. 29:10;
93:3, 4), while belonging to the imagery of Canaanite mythology, probably symbolise
by their turbulence all opposition to Yahweh's kingship, whether divine, natural or
human.
35 Art. cit., I, p. 362.
36 Cf. N.H. Snaith, op. cit., pp. 20If.
24 C H A P T E R ONE

the future (96:11, 12; 98:7, 8), rather than his creation in the past.
' T h e heavens proclaim his righteousness' (97:6; cf. 50:6; 19:Iff.),
implying perhaps his orderly and harmonious arrangement of the
heavenly bodies, 37 while his righteous rule may be seen in his dealings
with all his creatures (145:9, 15-17; cf. 33:4, 5; 104:27). 38
iii) T h e third application of Yahweh's heavenly kingship is its uni-
versality on earth and his control and mastery over the nations (9:8,
19, 20; 22:28; 47:2, 7-9; 82:8; 96:10, 13; 97:9; 98:9; 99:1, 2; 103:19).
While this may have been represented as a present reality in the cult,
its realisation is in the future. 3 9 Yahweh is seen as coming to rule (or
judge) the whole earth and its inhabitants (96:13; 97:3-5; 98:9),
accompanied by the joyous celebration of the natural world (96:11,
12; 97:1; 98:7, 8; cf. 103:22). All the earth is exhorted to praise Yah-
weh (96:1; 97:1; 98:4), and other nations are invited to worship him
(47:1, 9; 98:4; 99:3; cf. 145:10, 18, 19).40 In line with other aspects of
his rule, so the universal rule of Yahweh is characterised by righteous-
ness (9:7, 8; 96:10, 13; 98:9). T h e emphasis on judgment in the con-
ventional sense (cf. Matthew 25:3Iff.) is clearly present, but the con-
cept of Yahweh's universal rule also involved a broader, more positive
aspect, as is evidenced by the joy with which it is greeted (96:11,12;
97:1; 98:7, 8).41

37 Cf. G. VVidengren, 'Early Hebrew Myths and their Interpretation', in Myth, Ritu-
aland Kingship, ed. S.H. Hooke (1958), pp. 149-203, at p. 197.
38 A.R.Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (2nd. ed., 1967), p. 140, notes that "it
is only as His (God's) rule is acknowledged in the moral realm, or it is only as His will
is done on earth as also in heaven, that the full benefit of His creative activity in the
realm of nature can become available for mankind, and that His kingdom may be
seen in the fulness of its glory."
39 Cf. A.R.Johnson, 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' in Myth, Ritual and Kingship,
ed. S.H. Hooke (1958), pp. 204-235, at p. 234, who holds that fr Ū m the first the
psalms of Yahweh's kingship were not only cultic in origin but also, like the associated
royal psalms, eschatological in their orientation.
40 Cf. J . Coppens, art. cit., II, p. 38.
41 See p. 15 and note 9 above; cf. G. Widengren, art. at., p. 196, where, after detect-
ing a trace of the idea of the god as judge in the Ugaritic text II AB iv 43-44, com-
ments that this was "an idea that in Israel played such an immense role in the picture
of Yahweh Himself, sitting on His throne, judging the nations." Cf. Ν.H. Snaith, op.
cit., p. 202 (on Ps. 96); A.R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (2nd. ed., 1967), p.
74 (on Ps. 24). Certainly where the word 'judgment' means more generally, 'rule', it
implies righteous rule.
On the relationship between Israelite nationalism and universalism in the psalms of
Yahweh's kingship, see H. Birkeland, The Evildoers in the Book of Psalms (1955), pp. 74-
75; cf. T.C. Vriezen, An Outline of Old Testament Theology (ET, 1958), p. 350, who com-
ments, after comparing the Chronicler's idea of the kingship of Yahweh (1 Chron.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 25

d. Dating the Psalms of Yahweh's Kingship

T o a large extent, scholars' views of the dating of these psalms depend
on their views of the psalms' Sitz im Leben.*2 However, on other crite-
ria, J . Coppens, for example, considers that they were composed over
a long period of time, from near the Davidic age until after the Baby-
Ionian exile. 43 He sees the end of the evolution of the concept of Yah-
weh's kingship in Psalms 103, 145 and 146 as "une doctrine morale et
religieuse qui compte parmi les plus élevées de l'Ancien Testament". 4 4
T h e period of composition is stretched further by Ε. Lipinski, who
dates Psalm 93 in the time of Solomon or one of his immediate succès-
sors, and Psalm 97 in Maccabean times, due mainly to the use of the
word ‫'( חסידיו‬his saints', verse 10).45
Isaiah 40-55 ('Deutero-Isaiah') bears striking resemblances to the
enthronement psalms, as categorised by S. Mowinckel, who argued
that Deutero-Isaiah was dependent upon them. 4 6 T h e opposite view
was taken by N.H. Snaith, who said that Psalms 93; 96-98 are so thor-
oughly dependent upon Isaiah 40-55, that if the Deutero-Isaianic ele-
ments are removed the residue is negligible. 47 It seems unlikely how-

17:14; 28:5; 29:23, etc., where !‫ מלכות יהוו‬means Israel) with similar conceptions of
Israel as the people of God is latejudaism, that it was "especially universality, already
connected with the idea of Yahweh's kingship in the Psalms, that made the expression
‫ מלבוח יהיה‬a term that could very well be used in an eschatological sense".
42 See sub-section (e) on pp. 26-3/; cf. the views of Gunkel and Mowinckel, noted
on p. 14-15.
43 Art. at., II, p. 37.
44 Art. cit., II, p. 39; cf. p. 58. However, M. Dahood, op. cit., III, p. 24, says a post-
exilic date for Ps. 103 appears very unlikely; cf.J.H. Eaton, Psalms (1967), p. 247.
45 E. Lipinski, op. cit., pp. 172, 270. Contra,}. Coppens, art. cit., II, p. 6, who sees Ps.
97 as dependent on Deutero-Isaiah. Coppens sees Pss. 29; 93; 47A; 68 and possibly
89:6-19 as pre-exilic; Pss. 44; 74 as exilic; the definitive composition of Ps. 89 and Pss.
95; 99 exilic or soon afterwards; Pss. 98; 96; 47B; 97 as coming from the dawn of the
Judaic period; and Pss. 103; 146; 145 as the latest of the kingship of Yahweh psalms
(art. cit, II, pp. 51-54). M. Dahood, op. cit., II, p. 339, follows Lipinski in assigning a
tenth-century date to Ps. 93.
46 Op. cit., I, pp. 116-118.
47 Op. cit., p. 200. Similar views are expressed by W. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old
Testament (ET, 1961), I, p. 198; E.Jacob, Theolog)) of the Old Testament (ET, 1958), p. 61 ;
R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions (ET, 1961), p. 505; and most signifi-
cantly H.-J. Kraus, Die Königsherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testament (1951), p. 123, specially
emphasizing the importance of Is. 52:7-10. In the most recent comprehensive study of
the psalms of Yahweh's kingship, Jörg Jeremias, Das Königtum Gottes in den Psalmen
(1987), pp. 121-136, takes Pss. 96 and 98 as dependent on Deutero-Isaiah. For a
wide-ranging critical discussion in reponse to Jeremias' work, see B. Janowski, 'Das
Königtum Gottes in den Psalmen: Bermerkungen zu einem neuen Gesamtentwulf,
/ ? 7 M 86 (1989), pp. 389-454.
26 C H A P T E R ONE

ever, that the composition of these magnificent psalms was narrowly

drawn from the work of a writing prophet, and probably dependence
was the other way around. 4 8 As A.R. Johnson points out, if the
enthronement psalms were really dependent upon Deutero-Isaiah,
one would expect to find in them some reference to Yahweh's role as
the 'Redeemer'(‫ )גאל‬of his people. 49

e. The Significance of Yahweh's Kingship in the Cult

O . Eissfeldt wrote that there is no necessity to assign the enthrone-
ment psalms to a celebration "which in any case is not actually attest-
ed but only surmised." 50 Further, according to H.-J. Kraus, they do
not necessarily have the same Sitz im Lebend while Ν . H . Snaith point-
ed out that Psalms 93; 95-100 are Sabbath psalms in the Jewish litur-
gies, and argued that in the post-exilic period, the Kingdom of God
was associated with the Sabbath rather than New Year's Day. 52
However, the liturgical elements in these psalms suggest their situa-
tion in a festival. 53 T h e r e is much evidence of joyful celebration and

48 Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., p. 237, where commenting on Ps. 98, he supports depen-
dence on the part of Deutero-Isaiah, since it is characteristic of this prophet to re-
apply liturgical tradition. In a later work, Psalms of the Way and the Kingdom: A Conference
with the Commentators (1995), pp. 118-119, Eaton summarizes, "Deutero-Isaiah should
not be seen as the font of inspiration for the psalms of God's kingship, but rather as an
outstanding example of the tradition of festal prophecy, an example shaped by a par-
ticular historical setting." Cf. M. Dahood, op. cit. II, p. 357, who does not view Ps. 96
as dependent on Deutero-Isaiah and adds, "it is widely recognized that universalism,
namely, the rule of God over the known world as well as over one people, was current
in the ancient Near East from the third millenium onward." T.N.D. Mettinger, 'In
Search of the Hidden Structure: Y H W H as King in Isaiah 40-55', SEÂ 51-2 (1986-
87), pp. 148-157; updated version in Writing and Reading the Scroll of Isaiah. Studies of an
Interpretative Tradition, edd. C.C. Broyles & C.A. Evans (1997), I, pp. 143-154, consid-
ers that similarities between the prophet and the psalms should be explained as arising
from a common background.
49 'The Psalms', in The Old Testament and Modern Study, ed. H.H. Rowley (1951), pp.
162-209, at p. 195; cf. H.H. Rowley, Worship in Ancient Israel: Its Forms and Meaning
(1967), p. 193. J.F.D. Creach, 'The Shape of Book Four of the Psalter and the Shape
of Second Isaiah', JS0T80 (1998), pp. 63-76, suggests that the editors of Book Four of
the Psalter (Pss. 90-106) had Second Isaiah as a model.
50 The Old Testament: An Introduction (ET, 1965), p. 110. In 'Jahwe als König', %AW
46 (1928), pp. 81-105, Eissfeldt follows Gunkel in seeing the enthronement psalms as
post-exilic and eschatological.
51 H.-J. Kraus, Psalmen (5th. ed., 1978), II, p. 851. He is supported by J . Coppens,
art. cit., II, p. 9.
52 N.H. Snaith, op. at., pp. 200, 203.
53 So, A.R.Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus' (see note 31
above), pp. 88-89: "In Pss. 47 and 68 (cf. Ps. 24) we have evidence for a procession
which finds its warrant in the fact that Yahweh is enthroned as King."
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 27

communal praise to Yahweh (Psalms 29:1, 2; 47:1, 6, 7; 48:1, 11;

68:3, 4, 26, 32f.; 89:15, 16; 95:1, 2, 6; 96:1-3, 7-9; 97:1, 8, 12; 98:1, 4-
6; 99:3, 5, 9; 149:1-3, 5, 6; cf. 100:1, 2, 4). Musical instruments are
mentioned (47:5; 68:25; 98:5, 6; 149:3), singing (5:11 ; 9:2, 11 ; 47:6, 7;
68:4, 25, 32; 84:2, 4; 89:1; 95:1, 2; 96:1, 2, 12; 98:1, 4, 5, 8; 145:7;
146:2; 149:1, 5; cf. 100:1), dancing (149:3), clapping of hands (47:1;
98:8), and the festal shout (47:1, 5; 89:15; 54 cf. 33:3; 132:9, 16). A pro-
cession is evident in Psalm 68:24, 25, and perhaps Psalm 48:12ff. T h e
procession is likely to have been that of the Ark, symbolising the près-
ence and power of Yahweh, as the Gate-liturgy of Psalm 24:7-10 wit-
nesses (cf. 132:6, 14). Psalm 47:5, 8 (especially ‫' עלה אלהי־ם‬God has gone
up', verse 5) suggests the dramatic representation of the enthronement
of Yahweh, probably by the positioning of the Ark. 55
We must not forget the challenge to faith in the cult, where past
(and perhaps future) events were recalled and represented in the pre-
sent (Psalm 95:7-11). O n this evidence, S. Mowinckel put forward his
theory:
From the very principle of cultic interpretation it is plain that a 'feast of
Yahweh's enthronement' must have existed, the main foci of which
must have been Yahweh's enthronement and his kingship, based on his
victory over the powers of chaos and the primeval oceans, and the ere-
ation, repetition and re-experience of the 'facts of salvation' in and
through the festival, and further, the renewal of the historical 'salva-
tion': the election, the deliverance from Egypt, and the making of the
covenant.56

Mowinckel sees this feast as originally part of the old agricultural feast
of harvest and new year, though later on, great parts of its complex of

54 M. Dahood, op. cit., II, p. 315, however, renders ‫( תרועה‬Ps. 89:15) as 'your radi-
ance' on analogy with the parallel clause in Num. 23:21 LXX.
55 Cf. note 15 above. M. Dahood, op. cit., I, p. 285, sees verse 5 indicating that
God has ascended his throne on Mount Zion. He supports the observation of A.R.
Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (2nd. ed., 1967), p. 75, note 2, that ‫ עלה‬is a the-
ological wordplay on the divine appellative ‫'( עליון‬the Most High', verse 2). Johnson
also notes the use of ‫ עלה‬with reference to the ascent of Mount Zion in Pss. 24:3;
68:18.
56 Op. cit., I, pp. 129-130. Cf. H. Birkeland, op. cit., p. 90: "Within the ideology of
the New Year's festival in its Israelite form the idea of the enthronement of the heav-
enly King to rule the world was not only one among other aspects; it overshadowed
all the other aspects traditionally connected with the festival." Writing more recently,
from a literary and theological standpoint, J.L. Mays, The Lord Reigns. A Theological
Handbook to the Psalms ( 1994), pp. 12-22, proposes that an organizing centre for the the-
ology of the Psalter as a whole can be found in the sentence Yhwh malak.
28 C H A P T E R ONE

ideas were passed on to the new special New Year's Day, the 1st of
Tishri. 57
It appears that the autumn festival, the feast of Tabernacles, was
the most important of the year in that it was the main annual feast of
pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 5 8 This is stated in Zechariah 14:16ff., where
it is significant that Yahweh is called 'the King' (verses 16, 17). T h e
gift of rain is also made dependent on the celebration of the Feast of
Tabernacles in Jerusalem (verse 17).59 A . R . J o h n s o n argues from this
passage, and the fact that rain is due to Yahweh's power over the cos-
mic sea (Psalms 33:6-7; 46:4; 65:9; Amos 5:8), that Psalms 29 and 93,
where Yahweh is enthroned over the raging flood and roaring torrent,
were intended for the New Year Festival. 60 It is also significant that
when J e r o b o a m became king of Israel at the division of the kingdoms,
'he appointed a feast on the fifteenth day of the eighth month like the
feast that was i n j u d a h ' (1 Kings 12:32).61
In the context of the autumn Feast of Tabernacles, 6 2 the meaning
and significance of the cry ‫( יהוה מלך‬Psalms 93:1; 96:10; 97:1; 99:1; cf.
Isaiah 52:7), which S. Mowinckel translated 'Yahweh has become
king', has been much discussed. 63 Particularly in Psalm 47, the cele-
bration of the accession of an earthly king may have served as a pat-
tern for God's assumption of royal power. 6 4 However, as W. Zimmerli

57 Op. cit., I, p. 130. Jörg Jeremias, op. cit., also sees most of the psalms of Yahweh's
kingship as being linked to the Feast of Tabernacles. S.J.L. Croft, The Identity of the
Individual in the Psalms ( 1987), pp. 80-85, summarizes what he tentatively claims to be a
scholarly consensus on the outline of the main part of the ritual of the autumn festival.
58 Cf. N.H. Snaith, op. cit., p. 56.
59 N.H. Snaith, op. cit., p. 66, states that in Palestine prayers for rain were associated
with the autumnal harvest feast from the earliest times.
60 A.R. Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus' (see note 31
above), p. 87. Cf. also Ps. 68:9.
61 Cf. N.H. Snaith, op. cit., p. 47; G.W. Anderson, 'Hebrew Religion', in The Old
Testament and Modern Study, ed. H.H. Rowley (1951), pp. 283-310, at p. 294.
62 S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, pp. 118-124.
63 S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 107: "It is not a lasting condition that the poet
describes with this expression, and the older translation 'The Lord reigneth' is mis-
leading." Contra, H.-J. Kraus, op. cit., II, p. 814, who translates the phrase, "Jahwe ist
König". Cf. A.R.Johnson, Sacral Kingship (see note 19 above), p. 65, note 1, "the
thought which dominates these psalms is that of Yahweh's kingship from the begin-
ning to the end of time, the emphasis lying rather upon the thought that it is Yahweh
who is King." He notes that Mowinckel's view is clearly belied by Psalm 93:2. Mow-
inckel, op. dt., I, replies to this argument, at pp. 114-115.
64 Cf. Ο. Eissfeldt, 'Jahwe a k K ö n i g ' , ^ A W 46 (1928), pp. 81-105, at pp. 101-102;
The Old Testament: An Introduction (ET, 1965), p. 110; C. Westermann, IDB Supp (1976),
pp. 708-709. Cf. also G. Widengren, op. cit., pp. 199-200; M.Z. Brettler, God as King.
Understanding an Israelite Metaphor ( 1989), p. 157.
 C O N C E P T S O F K I N G S H I P IN T H E PSALMS 29

argues, ‫ יהוה מלך‬should not be understood as meaning 'Yahweh has

become king' in the context of a new enthronement, but should be
translated as 'Yahweh (and none other) is king'. 65 It appears that the
eternal kingship of Yahweh was actualized at a specific moment in the
cult, but this did not imply that Yahweh had ever ceased to be King.
According to W. Brueggemann, "Israel's hymnic assertion, 'Yahweh
is king,' is not just a description of Yahweh the king, but evokes Yah-
weh to kingship. It calls Yahweh to the throne." 6 6
N.H. Snaith argued that there was no connection between the
Kingdom of God and New Year's Day until the first century A.D., fol-
lowing the destruction of the Temple by Titus. 67 However he does not
consider the evidence of Zechariah 14:16ff., nor the likelihood that
some 68 if not all of the enthronement psalms are pre-exilic, nor that
the liturgical elements present in them seem to demand their use in a
great festival. It seems more likely that the use of Psalms 93; 95-100 as
sabbath psalms 69 was a later development.
In 1951, H.-J. Kraus wrote, " M a n feierte in Jerusalem ein
königliches Zionfest am ersten Tage des Laubhüttenfestes. Dieses Fest
verkündigte die Erwählung des Zion und die Erwählung der Dynastie
Davids." 70 H e notes that in the early period the monarchy and sanctu-
ary were very closely connected, and emphasizes the double election

65 Old Testament Theology in Outline (ET, 1978), p. 40. Cf. M. Dahood, op. cit., II,
p. 340: "By placing mir before the verb, the psalmist appears to stress that Yahweh,
and no other deity, exercises kingship." Cf. also A. Gelston, Ά Note on ‫ייהוה סלך‬, VT
16 (1966), pp. 507-512. According to R. de Vaux, op. cit., p. 505, ‫ ־הוה מלך‬is not a for-
mula of enthronement: it is an acclamation, like the cry 'Long live the King'; similar-
ly,J. Coppens, op. cit., II, p. 10; M.E. Tate, op. cit., p. 472.
66 "Psalms and the Life of Faith: A Suggested Typology of Function", JSOT 17
(1980), pp. 3-32; rep. in W. Brueggemann, The Psalms and the Life of Faith, ed. P.D.
Miller (1995), pp. 3-32, at p.28. In Israel's Praise: Doxology against Idolatry and Ideology
(1988), pp. 58-59, Brueggemann notes that this liturgie formula may have several dif-
ferent functions and intentions in various social contexts: for example, "in the slave
huts, the whisper of the phrase 'Yahweh reigns' is a destabilizing assertion."
67 Op. cit., pp. 193, 205.
68 E.g. Pss. 29; 93, because of Ugaritic parallels. M. Dahood, op. cit., says of Ps. 29,
"virtually every word in the psalm can now be duplicated in older Canaanite texts" (I,
p. 175), and of Ps. 93, that only five words have not been attested in the Ras Sharma
tablets (II, p. 344). Mention of the Davidic king in Pss. 80; 84 necessitates a pre-exilic
date for these psalms too.
69 See p. 26 and note 52 above.
70 Die Königsherrschaß Gottes im Alten Testament (1951), pp. 50f.; cf. Psalmen (5th. ed.,
1978), II, pp. 1057-1061. For a criticism of Kraus' theory, see S. Mowinckel, op. cit.,
II, pp. 230-231. N. Poulssen, König und Tempel im Glaubenszeugnis des Alten Testaments
(1967), p. 72, is not convinced of the existence of a royal Zion fesival. Cf. also, H.
Kruse, 'Psalm exxxii and the Royal Zion Festival', F T 3 3 (1983), pp. 279-297.
30 C H A P T E R ONE

of Jerusalem and David in the cultic repetition of 2 Samuel 6, the

ascent of the Ark to M o u n t Zion, for which he sees evidence in Psalm
132; 1 Kings 8:3ff., 16ff.71 While Kraus is probably correct in his
depiction of these elements in the annual festival, I cannot agree to his
postponement of the composition of the enthronement psalms and of
any link between the kingship of Yahweh and the New Year festival
until after the exile, as put forward in his 1951 monograph. 7 2
A. Weiser considers that a Covenant festival was celebrated in pre-
exilic Jerusalem at the New Year. T h e basic elements and ideas of this
festival included a cultic drama, in which the history of man's salvation
was re-enacted, and consisted of two parts, actio Dei (action of God and
the Word of God) and reactio hominum (response). There was a theo-
phany, linked with the Ark, a proclamation of the name of God, then a
revelation of the nature of Yahweh, consisting in the recapitulation of
the Heilsgeschichte (the mighty acts of God), and in the proclamation of
his will (the Decalogue). Also present were the ideas of judgment
(linked with proclamation of Yahweh's will) and of the kingship of Yah-
weh (linked with proclamation of his will and the idea of creation). 73
Mowinckel recognizes that the idea of a renewal of the covenant with
David (which he acknowledges formed part of the New Year festival) is
naturally linked up with the idea of a renewal of the covenant on
Mount Sinai, completed by the covenant with David. 74
A.R. Johnson has emphasized the role of the Davidic king in the
New Year festival. 75 He sees as included in the festival the dramatic

71 H.-J. Kraus, Worship in Israel (ET, 1966), pp. 183-184. Cf. H. Gunkel & J .
Begrich, op. cit., p. 142, where Gunkel says we can deduce from Ps. 132 a festival that
was dedicated to the remembrance of the founding of the royal dynasty and its sane-
tuary. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 130, allows that one aspect of the New Year complex
was a repeated festival for the consecration of the Temple, which also had the charac-
ter of a renewal of the covenant with David and the royal house. So also, A. Weiser,
op. cit., pp. 34-35.
72 As J . Hempel, 'Book of Psalms', IDB III, pp. 942-958, at p. 949, points out, sup-
porting pre-exilic celebration of Yahweh's kingship on New Year's day, the religious
enthusiasm of the returning exiles was so small that the post-exilic prophets have to
blame them for the neglect of Yahweh's cult and ordinances. Kraus has now altered
his position, in allowing Pss. 93; 99 as pre-exilic, and accepting the antiquity of the
idea of the kingship ofYahweh (see Psalmen (5th. ed., 1978), II, pp. 816f., 851f).
73 Α. Weiser, op. cit., pp. 28-34.
74 S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 130. H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion (ET, 1966), p. 195,
comments that perhaps the interpretations of Weiser (who concentrates on the bibli-
cal evidence) and Mowinckel (who places the Israelite data in the context of the New
Year's festival found throughout the ancient Near East) are not mutually exclusive.
75 A.R. Johnson, 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 39 above), p. 235.
Cf. J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (\976; 2nd. ed., 1986),p. 111.
 C O N C E P T S OF KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 31

representation of the descent of the true Messiah (= the Davidic king)

to the Underworld and his ultimate deliverance by Yahweh from the
forces of darkness and death. This is followed by a triumphal procès-
sion in which the Ark, as the symbol of Yahweh's presence, and the
King, who in this dramatic ritual has proved to be the true Messiah
and the accepted 'Son' of Yahweh, proceed to the Temple for the
final act of enthronement which is to mark the beginning of this new
era. 76 Whereas Johnson sees the psalms of lamentation as often refer-
ring to the cultic suffering of the king (especially Psalm 89),77 others
have argued that they speak of actual sufferings and earthly dangers. 78
So while there may be uncertainty over the exact content and details
of the main pre-exilic festival, we should not deny the importance of
the cultic situation of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship. It is also likely
that the Davidic king played an important role in the festival and we
now turn to the portrayal of Davidic kingship in the Psalms.

3. Davidic Kingship in the Psalms

a. Israelite Kingship in the Ancient Near Eastern World

In Israel the monarchy arose under Philistine pressure, with the
choice of Saul (who was initially not unlike other charismatic leaders
before him) as king over Israel. 79 It is very significant in relation to the
adoption of ancient Near Eastern ideas of kingship that the institution
was rejected in some circles in Israel, in that it was contrary to Yah-
wistic religion, indeed to the kingship of Yahweh (Judges 8:22, 23; 1
Samuel 8:7; 10:19; 12:12).80 1 Samuel 8:19f. shows that the Israelites

76 Cf.J.H. Eaton, op. cit., p. 133: "With reasonable clarity we see that the dramatic
celebration of Yahweh's kingship in the autumn festival entailed also a dramatic pre-
sentation of the Davidic office. In symbol the king was beset by enemies from all quar-
ters and brought to the realm of death; his humble fidelity was thus proved and Yah-
weh answered his prayer, exalting him above all dangers and foes."
77 A.R.Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus' (see note 31
above), p. '100.
78 E.g., S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (ET, 1956), p. 87: H. Birkeland, op. cit., p. 78.
79 G. von Rad, 77)JVTI, pp. 565-571, at pp. 565f. Cf. A. Alt, 'The Monarchy in the
Kingdoms of Israel and Judah' (orig. publ. in German. 1951), in Essays on Old Testa-
ment History and Religion (ET, 1966), pp. 241-259, who notes that, in contrast to j u d a h ,
the charismatic kingship of Saul (with no dynastic succession) was kept alive in the
northern kingdom of Israel after the division of the kingdoms.
80 K.-H. Bernhardt, Das Problem der altorientalischen Königsideologie im Alten Testament
(1961), p. 305, says this anti-kingship tension was characteristic of the oldest Israelite
thoughts of kingship. Cf. H. Ringgren, op. cit., p. 220; W. Zimmerli, op. cit., p. 86.
 32 C H A P T E R ONE

were consciously adopting kingship as a foreign institution, in their

reply to Samuel, "No! but we will have a king over us, that we also
may be like all the nations ..." (cf. Deuteronomy 17:14).81
A great change took place probably under David, in three respects,
(i) David's conquests are said to have produced an empire that may
have been a m o n g the largest of its day (2 Samuel 8).82 (ii) His conquest
of t h e j e b u s i t e stronghold ofJerusalem probably resulted in the taking
over of elements of Canaanite kingship ideology (cf. Melchizedek, the
former priest-king of Jerusalem, Genesis 14:18ff.; Psalm 110:4).83 (iii)
T h e oracle of Nathan that Yahweh would establish David's dynasty
after him on the throne severed links with the previous charismatic
leadership of the tribal amphictyony, where Yahweh had chosen spe-
cific individuals as 'judges'. 84 Because of these factors, it is probable
that the high kingship ideology which is evidenced in the royal psalms
had its origin in the Davidic-Solomonic kingdom. 8 5
I. Engnell found throughout the Ancient Near East, and particu-
larly at Ras Shamra, a consistent pattern of divine kingship ideolo-

81 According to M. Noth, 'God, King and Nation in the Old Testament (orig.
publ. in German, 1950), in The Laws of the Pentateuch and Other Studies (ET, 1966), pp.
145-178, at p. 161, the most striking historical fact concerning kingship in Israel is
that Israel only got around to it very late.
82 Cf. J.J.M. Roberts, 'The Davidic Origin of the Zion Tradition', JBL 92 (1973),
pp. 329-344, at pp. 339f., who considers that all the features in the Zion tradition can
be explained most adequately by positing an original Sitz im Leben in the era of the
Davidic-Solomonic empire. The existence of such an empire has been denied in a
number of studies over the last decade or so, e.g., N.P. Lemche, 'Is it Still Possible to
Write a History of Ancient Israel?', SJOT8 (1994), pp. 165-190, who contrasts David
and Solomon with the great northern kings, Omri and Ahab; as a representative of
the other side of this sometimes heated debate, see, e.g., B. Halpern, 'Erasing History.
The Minimalist Assault on Ancient Israel', BibRev 11/6 (1995), pp. 26-35, 47, who
states that the recently discovered Tel Dan inscription unmistakably indicates the
existence of a dynasty in the ninth century B.C.E. that traced its origin to David. For
a summary of current scholarly opinions, see G.N. Knoppers, 'The Vanishing
Solomon: The Disappearance of the United Monarchy from Recent Histories of
Ancient Israel', JBL 116 (1997), pp. 19-44.
83 Cf. M. Noth, art. cit., p. 170; H.-J. Kraus, Worship in Israel (ET, 1966), pp. 210,
223f.;J. Day, 'The Canaanite Inheritance of the Israelite Monarchy', in King and Mes-
siah in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. J . Day (1998), pp. 72-90, esp. 73-75. A.R.
Johnson, Sacral Kingship (see note 19 above), pp. 33f., observes from 2 Sam. 24:16ff.
that David made no attempt to exterminate the inhabitants ofJerusalem but actually
went out of his way to conciliate them, e.g., by purchasing the threshing-floor of
Arauneh thejebusite.
84 Cf. H.-J. Kraus, op. cit. p. 181 ; W. Zimmerli, op. cit., p. 90.
85 H. Ringgren, op. cit., p. 59, mentions the importance of David himself in this
development. A. Alt, art. cit., p. 256, and H.-J. Kraus, op. cit., p. 187, highlight the time
of Solomon.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 33

gy. 86 H. Frankfort, however, made distinctions especially between

Egyptian and Mesopotamian kingship. T h e Mesopotamian king was,
like Pharaoh, charged with maintaining harmonious relations
between h u m a n society and the supernatural powers, yet he was
emphatically not one of these but a m e m b e r of the community. In
Egypt, on the other hand, the king was one of the Gods descended
a m o n g men. 8 7 H.-J. Kraus considers that elements of the courtly style
and of the royal ideology of their neighbours were certainly adopted
in Israel, but that they were refashioned in a remarkable way. 88 H e
cites the relationship between G o d and the king in terms of adoption
(Psalms 2:7; 110:3), where the mythical ideas of the hierosgamos and of
the divine birth of the ruler are excluded. 8 9
It is likely that the enthronement of a new king in Jerusalem took
place at the New Year festival that followed the death of his father, 9 0
and the inclusion of the royal psalms (especially Psalms 2 and 110) in

86 I. Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East (1943; 2nd. ed., 1967), p.
173. Commenting on Engnell's finding divine kingship at Ras Shamra, R. de Langhe,
'Myth, Ritual and Kingship in the Ras Shamra Tablets', in Myth, Ritual and Kingship,
ed. S.H. Hooke (1958), pp. 122-148, at pp. 142f., writes, "I maintain that after twenty
years of Ugaritic studies I do not find these ideas and interpretations in the Ugaritic
texts." So also, R. de Vaux, op. cit. p. 112. De Langhe, however, art. cit, pp. 127-129,
emphasizes the difficulty of coming to any definite conclusions on the basis of the Ras
Shamra texts. In the same volume of essays, G. YVidengren, art. cit., p. 175, states in
contrast, "What is of primary importance is the fact that Krt (in the Ras Shamra texts)
is depicted entirely as a Primordial King."
87 Kingship and the Gods (1948), p. 6. Frankfort is followed by S. Mowinckel, He That
Cometh (ET, 1956), pp. 27-48; The Psalms in Israel's Worship (ET, 1962), I, p. 51. S.H.
Hooke, 'Myth and Ritual: Past and Present', in Myth, Ritual and Kingship, ed. S.H.
Hooke (1958), pp. 1-21, at pp. 6 f , considers Frankfort overstressed the difference
between Egypt and Babylon. So also, A. Bentzen, King and Messiah ( 1955), p. 23.
88 Op. cit., p. 181. K.-H. Bernhardt, op. at., p. 304, notes that three very important
factors in ancient oriental kingship ideology are absent from the O T : (a) identification
of God and the king; (b) the king as an object of worship; (c) the king's authority over
the powers of nature.
89 So also, G. von Rad, 'The Royal Ritual i n j u d a h ' (orig. publ. in German, 1947),
in The Problem of the Hexateuch and other Essays (ET, 1966), pp. 222-231, at pp. 226Γ;
T.N.D. Mettinger, King and Messiah (1976), p. 265. S. Mowinckel The Psalms in Israel's
Worship (ET, 1962), I, p. 52, sees the history of Israel from one point of view as "a con-
stant tension between the ancient ideas from the desert and the new Canaanite (gen-
eral oriental) ones." Cf. N.Q. King, 'Kingship as Communication and Accommoda-
tion', in Promise and Fulfilment, ed. F.F. Bruce (1963), pp. 142-162, at p. 142: "In the
Judaeo-Christian world of thought Kingship is a dangerous symbol of communica-
tion, yet it is one which hardly can be avoided. It is useful, ancient and deeply embed-
ded in the human mind. Some accommodation has to be made with it, an acceptance
of part and a positive rejection of part."
90 See N.H. Snaith, op. cit., pp. 75-80; H.-J. Kraus, op. cit., p. '222.
34 C H A P T E R ONE

the Psalter suggests that this event was recalled and celebrated at each
New Year festival. 91 G. von R a d suggests that at his enthronement, in
addition to the crown, the king is also invested with the
' t e s t i m o n y ' ( 2,‫עדות‬Kings 11:12) which he considers is synonymous
with the 'decree'(‫ )חק‬of Psalm 2:7, and the 'covenant'(‫ )ברית‬of Psalms
89:39 and 132:12 (cf. Psalm 105:10, where ‫ חק‬and ‫ ברית‬are used in par-
allel). This testimony, which von R a d compares to the royal protocol
in Egypt, consisted of Yahweh addressing the king in direct speech,
calling him his son, investing him with sovereign rights, and confer-
ring upon him his coronation name, and so on. 92

b. Introduction to the Royal Psalms

Like the psalms of Yahweh's kingship, the royal psalms are not a special
'kind' or 'type', but comprise hymns of praise, thanksgivings, lamenta-
tions, prophetic sayings and several other types. 93 Since their common
element is that they speak of the king, it is now generally agreed that
they are pre-exilic. 94 O. Eissfeldt comments that the tendency to ascribe
a substantial number of psalms to the pre-exilic period sheds new light

91 Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 60;J.H. Eaton, op. cit., pp. 112f.
92 G. von Rad, art. cit., pp. 226-229. He is followed by S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p.
62; R. de Vaux, op. cit., p. 103; G. Cooke, 'The Israelite King as Son of God', ^AlV73
(1961), pp. 202-225, at pp. 213f. T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., p. 286, follows von Rad
with regard to the 'decree' of Ps. 2:7. A.R.Johnson, op. cit., pp. 23f., considers that the
document embodied the conditions of the covenant, which the king undertook to
observe, while according to G. Widengren, Sakrales Königtum im Alten Testament und im
Judentum (1955), p. 29; 'Early Hebrew Myths and their Interpretation' (see note 31
above), p. 167, the 'testimony' of 2 Kings 11:12 was a copy of the Mosaic Law. The
latter view is supported by H. Ringgren, op. cit., p. 223.
93 Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p~ 47.
94 G. Cooke, art. cit., pp. 204f., and H.H. Rowley, op. cit., p. 200, note 6, consider
that Ps. 110 may well have been composed in Davidic times. Th. Booij, 'Psalm CX:
"Rule in the Midst of Your Foes!'", FT41 (1991), pp. 396-407, puts forward several
considerations in favour of assigning Ps. 110 to the pre-exilic period, including the ref-
erence to Melchizedek (verse 4), which indicates that "the reign of the Davidic
dynasty was not yet unchallenged but had to be justified before the Canaanite part of
the population." On the basis of source criticism, T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., p. 259,
writes: "It is probable that the conception of the divine sonship of the king was of sig-
nificance during the Solomonic era. It seems however that the Davidic covenant was
an increasingly important element of royal ideology during the late pre-exilic peri-
ods." Cf. I. Engnell, Critical Essays on the Old Testament (ET, 1970), p. 226, where he
says the messianic oracles of Balaam (e.g., Num. 24:17fF.) may go back to about 1200
B.C., and that, outside of Gen. 49:81f., we find there the oldest direct testimony to the
Messiah. For a survey of the history of scholarship on the royal psalms, see S.R.A.
Starbuck, Court Oracles in the Psalms: The So-called Royal Psalms in their Ancient Near Eastern
Context (1999), pp. 19-66.
 C O N C E P T S O F K I N G S H I P IN T H E PSALMS 35

on the phrase ‫ לדוד‬which stands at the head of 73 psalms: "Although it is

not thereby shown to be reliable in all cases, or even in the majority of
cases, it nevertheless appears to contain some core of truth." 95
I. Engnell interpreted ‫ לדוד‬as meaning a 'psalm for the king', to be
used by David or his successors in the cult.91' While not assuming that
all psalms with this heading were royal, after examination Engnell
considered about thirty of them were incontrovertibly royal psalms,
and about thirty others were, with a high degree of probability, royal
psalms. 97 Engnell combines his theory regarding the heading ‫ לדוד‬with
a positive attitude towards the tradition of David as a poet and skilled
musician. 98 As H . H . Rowley comments, we cannot uncritically
ascribe to him all the psalms that have ' T o David' at their head,
though there is every reason to believe that he was no mean poet. 99
Another important argument which results in increasing the num-
ber of royal psalms is that of H. Birkeland, who argues that the ene-

95 The Old Testament: An Introduction (ET, 1965), p. 448.

96 I. Engnell, op. cit., pp. 8'2f.; cf. his Studies in Divine Kingship (see note 84 above), p.
1 76, note 5, where he comments that the term ‫ לדוד‬was in reality the point de départ of
his whole investigation. The same view is held by S. Mowinckel, op. cit, I, pp. 76f; A.
Weiser, op. cit., pp. 96-98. Ο Eissfeldt, op. cit., pp. 451 f., considers ‫ ל‬need not be under-
stood as indicating the author, on analogy with Ugaritic texts.
97 I. Engnell, Critical Essays (see note 94 above), p. 84. He further comments, at p.
104, that the psalms in the beginning were 'royal' literature.
98 I. Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship (see note 86 above), pp. 176f; cf Critical Essays
(see note 94 above), p. 81. This is in contrast to the views of S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p.
77; II, p. 98; A. Weiser, op. cit., pp. 96-98. A.R.Johnson, The Cultic Prophet and Israel's
Psalmody (1979), pp. 264f., 419f., is inclined to think that several psalms were early or
even Davidic (e.g., Ps. 51), and that David's position in relation to the cultic prophets
Nathan and Gad and in the cultic arrangements for Solomon's Temple was signifi-
cant. Such dating accords with our conclusion that high kingship ideology probably
had its origin in the Davidic-Solomonic 'empire' (see p. 32). It is likely that there was
more impetus to a high ideology being expressed in royal psalms at that time, than
when the so-called empire had disappeared and the Israelite kingdoms were in
decline.
99 Op. cit., p. 205. A similar view is held by G. Fohrer, Introduction to the Old Testament
(ET, 1970), p. 284. At pp. 282f., Fohrer rejects the cultic interpretation of ‫לדוד‬, argu-
ing against its antiquity, and considering that the frequent mention of the circum-
stances under which David is said to have composed a psalm shows that ‫ ל‬denotes
authorship. Cf. B.S. Childs, 'Psalm Titles and Midrashic Exegesis', JSS 16 (1971), pp.
137-150, at p. 148, where he holds that the Davidic episodes in the Psalm titles are an
extremely late post-exilic phenomenon. Contra, D. Kidner, op. cit., I, pp. 33, 46, who
also takes ‫ ל‬to signify authorship (p. 33).
S. Mowinckel's arguments (op. cit., I, p. 77; II, p. 98) that most of the Psalms 'of
David' must be later than David, do not appear very strong since we can only surmise
the state of theology in David's day, in contrast to later times. His argument that in
Pss. 89; 132 the worshipper is clearly a descendant of David, not David himself (II, p.
98), is not relevant as these two psalms are not headed ‫לדוד‬.
36 C H A P T E R ONE

mies mentioned in the Psalms are gentiles, and thus the psalms where
they are mentioned were originally for the king's use: "In fact, an 'I' to
whom 'enemies' appear as a natural adjunct, can only be a king. In
the ancient Near East a king can scarcely be mentioned without 'ene-
mies'." 100 T h e fact that the type of individual laments was in origin
royal, but was 'democratized' for use by others away from the cultus,
was recognized by H. Gunkel. 101 However, J . H . Eaton supports Birke-
land's view that the primary (royal) sense of the texts should not be put
aside without adequate justification. 102
While it is certain that the individual laments were used later by
ordinary worshippers, this does not preclude the original purpose of
many of them being for use by the king. 103 S. Mowinckel considers
that most of the Ί'-psalms were spoken by the king as a 'corporate' or
representative personality on behalf of Israel. M a n y of the psalms
speak of wars, and also the near relationship in which they place the
petitioner to Yahweh (e.g., 'servant') goes beyond what we would
expect of the private individual in early times. 104
J . H . Eaton, in his study concerning the extent of the royal psalms,
puts forward the view that in many cases the royal interpretation is to
be preferred because it allows the psalm as it stands to be seen as a
consistent and meaningful whole. Further, he contends that the nar-
row interpretation of royal psalms leaves an astonishing gap, as there
would be scarcely any royal petitions or intercessions. 105 In addition to

100 H. Birkeland, op. cit., p. 14. He is followed, with some reservations, by A.R.
Johnson, 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 39 above), p. 230; J . H . Eaton,
op. cit., pp. 14f. For a criticism of Birkeland's position, see S.J.L. Croft, The Identity of the
Individual in the Psalms ( 1987), pp. 15-48, who distinquishes between 'the wicked' and
'enemies' in the Psalms.
101 H. Gunkel &J. Begrich, op. cit., pp. 147f.
102 J . H . Eaton, op. cit., p. 15.
103 H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the Old Testament (ET, 1956), pp. 54-64 (cf. Israelite
Religion (ET, 1966), p. 235), follows I. Engnell in characterizing a group of psalms
(including Pss. 18; 22; 69; 88; 118) as "Servant Psalms", spoken by the king in the
midst of ritual suffering that is analogous to the Tammuz cult of Babylonia. Cf. p. 31
and notes 77, 78 above.
104 S. Mowinckel, op. dt., I, pp. 42-46, 76f. W. Houston, 'David, Asaph and the
Mighty Works of God: Theme and Genre in the Psalm Collections', JSOT 68 (1995),
pp. 93-111, has examined and tabulated the themes and genres of the psalms headed
'of David', in comparison to those of other groups of psalms, and has found that the
Davidic psalms are overwhelmingly the expressions of a personal relationship with
God. He concludes that the primary purpose of this collection was to provide prayers
for the king's personal use.
105 J . H . Eaton, op. dt., p. 25.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 37

the generally accepted royal psalms, Eaton finds 31 others "with clear-
ly royal content" (including Psalms 22; 23; 40; 41; 69; 89; 91; 118),106
and 23 "less clear cases", where he considers that the probability that
they are royal emerges as strong. 107 Eaton notes that while almost all
Gunkel's 'royal psalms' concern events on the ritual plane (especially
enthronement), the majority of his 'additional royal psalms' originated
as responses to particular crises (especially war), which goes a long
way to explain why they have not been so generally recognized. 108

c. Exposition of the Royal Psalms

Psalm 2: probably this psalm was used when the Davidic king was
enthroned, or when that event was recalled (verses 2, 6-8). Its prima-
ry feature is the sovereignty of Yahweh (verses 4, 11, 12).109 T h e
rebellious nations (verses 1-3) are no match for him (verse 4). His
plan of action relates to the appointment of his king on M o u n t Zion
(verse 6), who in dependence on Yahweh (verses 7, 8), will shatter his
enemies (verse 9). T h e nations are warned (verses 5, 10) to submit
themselves to Yahweh before his wrath is manifested (verse 12),

106 Op. cit., pp. 27-64. SJ.L. Croft, op. cit., p. 80, accepts that 25 of these are royal.
107 Op. cit., pp. 64-85. SJ.L. Croft, ibid., accepts only eight of these as royal, but
suggests that four additional psalms not discussed by Eaton may well be royal. Cf. M.
Dahood, op. cit., III, p. xxxviii, where he lists as royal sixteen psalms additional to the
generally accepted list.
108 Op. cit., p. 131. Among his 'additional royal psalms', Eaton emphasizes the
importance of Ps. 118, as depicting a ritual procession in similar fashion to Ps. 18, fol-
lowing A.R.Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus' (see note 31
above), pp. 105f. We have added Ps. 118 to the more generally accepted royal psalms,
to be expounded in sub-section (c) below.
109 Cf. Α. Weiser, op. cit., p. 115; W. Zimmerli, op. cit., p. 92;J.H. Eaton, op. cit., p.
113. M. Dahood, op. cit., I, p. 7, comments, "The genuinely archaic flavour of the lan-
guage suggests a very early date (probably tenth century)." Contra, E.S. Gerstenberger,
Psalms, Part I with an Introduction to Cultic Poetry (1988), pp. 48-49, who designates Ps. 2
as a Messianic Hymn, composed sometime between 6th. & 3rd. centuries B.C. He
considers the "the universalistic and eschatological horizon of Ps. 2 cannot be
explained within the aspirations of Israel's historical monarchies."
P. Auffret, The Literary Structure of Psalm 2 (ET, 1977), pp. 31-34, highlights linguistic
connections between Psalms 1 and 2, while P.D. Miller, 'The Beginning of the
Psalter', in The Shape and Shaping of the Psalter, ed. J.C. McCann (1993), pp. 83-92, pro-
poses that those connections indicate that, on an editorial level, Psalms 1 and 2 were
intended to be read together as a dual introduction to the Psalter: "While Psalm 2
invites the reader to hear the voice of the Lord's anointed in the following psalms,
Psalm 1 says that what we hear is the voice of anyone who lives by the Torah, which
may and should include the king". So also, J.C. McCann, A Theological Introduction to the
Book of Psalms (1993), pp. 4 Iff., who comments that Psalm 2 is really more about the
reign of God than about the Davidic monarchy.
38 C H A P T E R ONE

while the last clause of verse 12 may refer to the example of the
king. 110
While there is a clear differentation between Yahweh and the king
(verses 2, 6-8), there is also a very close link between them (verse 2).111
T h e king is Yahweh's adopted son (verse 7), and he is given the assur-
ance of answered prayer (verse 8).112 He is invited to ask for universal
sovereignty (verse 8),113 though it is clearly Yahweh who has pre-
ordained this (cf. 'the decree', verse 7), and the king's victory over for-
eign nations is seen as a display of Yahweh's rule (verses 9, 12). T h e
king has considerable delegated authority (verse 6, 8, 9): he is the
agent on earth of Yahweh's heavenly kingdom. However, it is Yah-
weh's authority primarily that is in view in this psalm. T h e r e is no hint
of any independent authority or initiative on the part of the king. He is

110 D. Kidner, op. cit., I, p. 53, comments that this final beatitude makes it clear that
it is grace that inspires the call to submission in verses 10ff, "There is no refuge from
Him; only in him." J.F.D. Creach, Yahweh as Refuge and the Editing of the Hebrew Psalter
(1996), p. 17, understands the beatitude (verse 12d) as an addendum to the psalm, the
location of which was possibly motivated by the presence of similar expressions in Pss.
3-41.
111 In verse 3, Yahweh and his anointed are referred to collectively by plural
pronominal suffixes.
1 12 K.H. Rengstorf, 'Old and New Testament Traces of a Formula of thejudaean
Royal Ritual', NovT5 (1962), pp. 229-244, at pp. 234f., relates this verse to Yahweh's
invitation to the young king Solomon (1 Kings 3:5ff.) and to 2 Kings 2:9, where Eli-
jah's similar invitation to Elisha brings a request for the privilege of primogeniture.
He therefore thinks the form may have connections with the act of adoption (cf. Ps.
2:7), emphasizing the king's dependence on Yahweh.
113 A.R.Johnson, art. cit., p. 109, sees the two main themes of Ps. 2 as central to the
conception of the Davidic king: (a) his 'Sonship' in relation to Yahweh, and (b) his
supremacy over the kings of the earth; similarly, S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 65. At p.
55, Mowinckel notes that foot-kissing (verse 12; cf. Is. 49:23) as a sign of subjection
and homage was a general oriental custom, known both from Egypt, and Babylonia-
Assyria. He considers that the promised world sovereignty is "not to be expounded as
realistic political aspiration, but is a religious postulate founded on the belief in Yah-
weh as the Lord of the world." Cf. P.C. Craigie, Psalms 1-50 (1983), pp. 68f., who
comments that Ps. 2 clearly reflects the joint-kingship of the state of Israel (and later
Judah) with God as the universal king and the Davidic king as his 'son' and earthly
representative. Because God's kingdom is universal, the earthly king's jurisdiction is
also presented in worldwide terms. By contrast, H.-J. Kraus, Psalmen (5th. ed., 1978),
I, pp. 147f., considers that the extent of David's empire was a factual point of depar-
ture for such expressions of world sovereignty; so also, T.N.D.Mettinger, King and
Messiah p. 104.
H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the Old Testament (ET, 1956), p. 12, considers that Ps. 2
would fit very well into that part of the annual Festival in which the defeat of the ene-
mies was represented. Contra, J . T . Willis, Ά Cry of Defiance - Psalm 2', JSOT 47
(1990), pp. 33-50, who suggests that verses 6ff. look back to the prior enthronement of
the king, and sees the Sitz im Leben of the psalm in impending military conflict, propos-
ing as parallels verbal defiance prior to single combat or battles between armies.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 39

anointed by Yahweh (verse 2), appointed by him (verse 6), and adopt-
ed by him (verse 7). His total dependence on Yahweh is symbolized by
the final clause of verse 12.

Psalm 18: the king (verse 50) here praises Yahweh for his deliver-
ance." 4 T h e close relationship between the king and Yahweh is very
marked in the long string of appellatives applied to Yahweh, all with
the pronominal suffix 'my' ('my strength', etc., verses 1, 2; cf. verse
46), and even more by ‫( ארחמף‬Ί love thee', verse 1), the only place in
the Old Testament where a h u m a n being is said to 'love' Yahweh and
the subject and object are respectively denoted by first and second
person singular pronouns. 1 1 5 T h e dependence of the king on Yahweh is
strongly emphasized (verses 3, 6, 16-19, 28-42, 50). He prays for deliv-
erance (verses 3, 6), and a theophany is described as Yahweh comes to
rescue the king (verses 7-15). 116
God's deliverance of the king came because 'he delighted in me'(‫חפץ‬,
verse 19). At verses 20íf. (cf. Psalms 24:3ff; 101), the king claims to have
faithfully kept Yahweh's commandments, and that it is on the basis of
this righteousness that Yahweh has rewarded him (verses 20-24). How-
ever, such righteousness is in the nature of loyalty to Yahweh's covenant
(verse 25), and is no cause for arrogance (verse 27) - rather it shows
dependence on Yahweh (verses 27-30)."' Righteousness is an essential
feature of the Davidic kingship, as it is of the kingship of Yahweh.

1 14 A.R.Johnson, art. cit., p. 100, considers this psalm refers to the king's deliver-
ance by Yahweh from 'Death' (verse 4, 5), as enacted in the cult at the New Year Fes-
tival. So also, A. Bentzen, op. cit., pp. 27f; J.H. Eaton, op. cit., p. 116. Eaton, Psalms
(1967), p. 62, thinks the psalm may indeed date from the reign of David in Jerusalem.
S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, ρ 72, comments that of all the psalms Ps. 18 is the one which
has the most Egyptian style, laying more stress on grandiose descriptions and ebullient
enthusiasm than on actual facts.
115 ‫ רחם‬is an unusual verb, linked with compassion and mercy. A. Cohen, The
Psalms (1945), p. 44, says it denotes deep and fervent affection. Cf. Ps. 1 16:1, where
the word ‫ אהב‬is used.
116 With verses 9-11, cf. Pss. 97:2; 68:4. With verse 13, cf. Ps. 29:3ff. It appears that
we have here themes which were common in the New Year festival in connection
with the kingship of Yahweh. Cf. J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed.,
1986), p. 116. At verses 15-17, it seems that the king's deliverance is represented in
terms of Yahweh's deliverance of the nation at the Red Sea (cf. Ps. 77:16-20), with
perhaps the added symbolism that waters represent opposition to Yahweh (cf. Pss.
29:10; 93:3, 4). D.K. Berry, The Psalms and their Readers: Interpretative Strategies for Psalm
18 (1993), pp. 79-80, comments that "Yahweh's aid to the king was direct aid to the
people, and this perception is the justification for the personal nature of the public
song."
117 Cf. A.R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship (see note 19 above), p. 120.
40 C H A P T E R ONE

T h e concentration on Yahweh reaches its peak at verse 30: 'This

G o d ‫ ־‬his way is perfect.' T h e vitality of Yahweh is celebrated in the
cry 'Yahweh lives' (verse 46).' 18 Yahweh gives the king light (verse 28),
and strengthens him for war (verses 29, 31-42). T h e king has been
saved by Yahweh (verse 46) from his enemies (verses 29, 34, 37-45, 47,
48). T h e universal rule of the king (verses 43-45; 'head of the nations',
verse 43) may be compared to Psalm 2:8-9. Verse 50 finally shows the
king as dependent on the victories Yahweh has given to him and his
covenant love.

Psalm 20: this appears to be a liturgy before the king goes into battle. 119
Verses 1-5 were perhaps sung by the temple singers, expressing the
wish that Yahweh may answer the king's prayers (verses 1, 5) and
remember his cultic sacrifies (verse 3). Verse 5 anticipates the victory
shout. Verses 6-8 were probably spoken by the king on the basis of the
assurance that has come to him through his prayers and the liturgy.
O n c e again there is the theme of answered prayer (verse 6; cf. verse 9),
and of total dependence on Yahweh (verses 7, 8). Verse 9 represents a
final plea from the temple singers. T h e whole psalm exalts Yahweh:
the ' n a m e ' of God is emphasized (verses 1, 5, 7). Victory must come
from Yahweh (verses 2, 4, 6, 9).

Psalm 21: Yahweh's strength and power are praised (verses 1, 13), and
the final verse is hymnic. 120 T h e king's prayers are answered (verses 2,

118 So, A. Bentzen, op. cit., p. 28, who denies that this means that Yahweh has been
dead and has risen again. By contrast, G. YVidengren, Sakrales Königtum (see note 90
above), p. 69, compares the cry '"Al'iyan Ba'al lives" from the Ras Shamra texts (1
AB III 8-9), which he says is the same cult form. A. Weiser, op. cit., p. 196, note 1; A.A.
Anderson, The Book of Psalms (1972), I, p. 166; J . H . Eaton, op. cit., p. 116; and P.C.
Craigie, op. cit., pp. 176f., admit the Ugaritic parallel, but consider that its usage in the
cult was different, perhaps contrasting Yahweh as the Living God with the deities of
other people (Anderson), or extolling him as the living Lord, because he has delivered
his servant from death (verses 5-6; Craigie). Eaton sees that it points to the autumn
festival's assertion of Yahweh's own kingship; cf. the incomparability of Yahweh
(verse 31; cf. Ex. 15:11; Ps. 89:6, 7), and his victory being celebrated among the
nations (verse 49; cf. Pss. 96:2, 3, 10; 98:1 -3). M. Dahood, op. cit., I, p. 118, takes verse
46 as "May Yahweh live".
119 Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 225; D. Kidner, op. cit., I, p. 101; P.C. Craigie, op.
cit., p. 185. Contrast A. Weiser, op. cit., pp. 205-206, who holds that the psalm was
part of the ritual of the New Year festival at Jerusalem (verse 2), where Yahweh was
glorified as King. He translates verse 9, " O Lord, do help us, Ο King ..."
120 M. Dahood, op. cit., I, p. 131, takes verses 8-12 as referring to Yahweh, not the
king. Against this view, seeJ.H. Eaton, op. cit., pp. 117f.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 41

4).121 T h e r e is a very close link between the king and Yahweh: the king
rejoices in Yahweh (verses 1, 6), trusts him (verse 7), and finds his secu-
rity in Yahweh's covenant love (verse 7). Verses 2-6 show the gifts
which Yahweh has showered on the king, 'the grace of kingship': his
heart's desire (verse 2), goodly blessings as well as a golden crown
(verse 3), eternal life, possibly signifying his eternal dynasty (verse 4).
Yahweh gives him his own attributes - glory, splendour, majesty
(verse 5). He is most blessed for ever (verse 6).122 All these blessings are
dependent on Yahweh's gifts and help. In addition verses 8-12, proba-
bly spoken by the temple singers or prophets, promise the king victory
over all his enemies.

Psalm 45: this is a royal wedding song, as is seen by the king's prépara-
tions (verses 8, 9), and those of the queen (verses 10-15).123 T h e king is
praised for his beauty and his grace of speech (verse 2).124 H e is called
Ό mighty one', and his 'glory' and 'majesty' are referred to (verses 3,
4). He is victorious (verse 4), and his enemies are subdued (verse 5).
T h e reason for this warfare is 'for the cause of truth and to defend the
right' (verse 4). His righteousness and hatred of wickedness are
emphasized (verses 6, 7). His throne is related to that of God, and it
will last for ever (verse 6; cf. verse 17).125

121 A.R.Johnson, op. cit., p. 132, takes verse 4 ('He asked life of thee') as referring to
the ritual where Yahweh delivers the king from Sheol. Cf. note 114 above.
122 Cf. L. Sabourin, The Psalms (1969), II, p. 228, who renders verse 6, 'For you
made him a blessing forever'; similarly, A. Weiser, op. cit., pp. 210-211. Certainly it is
implied that the blessings received by the king are conveyed by him to his subjects; so
also, H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the Old Testament (ET, 1956), p. 18.
123 This is often considered a northern psalm, partly because of its reference to
Tyre; so, e.g., A. Weiser, op. cit., p. 362; W. Zimmerli, op. cit., p. 91 .J.H. Eaton, Psalms
(1967), p. 123, argues against this view on the basis that the eternal covenant with
David is referred to (verses 2, 6, 17). According to Weiser (p. 361), the psalm is the
only example of a profane (i.e., non-sacral) lyric in the Psalter. Contrast Eaton, ibid.,
who suggests the possibility that the marriage was celebrated as a sequel to an annual
re-enthronement of the king in the autumnal festival; cf. Kingship and the Psalms (1976;
2nd. ed., 1986), p. 119; N.H. Snaith, op. cit., pp. 80, 220.
124 S. Mowinckel, op. cit. I, p. 56, comments that this psalm is an example of a
hymn praising the 'divine king'. He adds that they occur somewhat more often in
Babylonia and very frequently in Egypt.
125 W. Zimmerli, op. cit., p. 91, acknowledges that the king was actually referred to
as 'God' (‫ אלה־ם‬not mir). This is possible, since most of the psalm refers to the king's
attributes in terms of Yahweh's, e.g., might, glory, majesty (verse 3), while the use of
the word ‫ אלהים‬in the Old Testament is not restricted to Yahweh (cf. Ps. 82:6). A clear
distinction is made between God and the king in verses 2 and 7, so the use of ‫אלהים‬
referring to the king in no way implied identity with Yahweh. C.R. North, 'The Reli-
42 C H A P T E R ONE

T h e emphasis on righteousness shows the king's subordination to

God's will. God is called 'your G o d ' (verse 7), indicating a close rela-
tionship. T h e king is dependent on God for blessing (verse 2) and
appointment ('anointed', verse 7). A. Cohen comments on ‫על־כן‬
('therefore', verse 2; cf. verse 7), "These outward qualities which all
can see are an indication that the king has been blessed by God, and
the same favour will assuredly rest upon his descendants." 1 2 6 Verse 16
shows the king's universal rule.

Psalm 72: verse 1 is a prayer (cf. verse 15), showing the king's depen-
dence on God. It is God's justice and righteousness that are to be giv-
en to the king (verse 1). While God is not mentioned again before the
beatitude (verses 18, 19), which may not have been an original part of
the psalm, 127 the whole presentation of kingship is here based on Yah-
weh's righteousness and blessings. W. Brueggemann comments that
Psalm 72 is perhaps the best articulation of the way in which the
Davidic dynasty is to embody the rule of Yahweh. 1 2 8
T h e petitions continue (verses 2ff.):129 there is a strong emphasis on
righteousness (verses 1, 2, 3, 4, 7). T h e king's rightous rule is connect-
ed with prosperity in the realm of nature (verses 3, 16; cf. Psalms
96:11-13; 98:7-9; also 144:12-15). Its effect is like that of rain in bring-

gious Aspects of Hebrew Kingship', W 5 0 (1932), pp. 8-38, at p. 29f., on analogy

with Song of Sol. 1:15; 4:1, rendered verse 6, 'Thy throne is like God's throne, for
ever and ever'. He is followed by M. Noth, art. cit., p. 175; A.R.Johnson, 'Hebrew
Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 38 above), p. 225. A. Cohen, op. cit., p. 141, takes
the verse, 'thy throne (is the throne of) God'; similarly, J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the
Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed., 1986), pp. 142-143. M. Dahood, op. cit., I, pp. 269f, translates,
'The eternal and everlasting God has enthroned you!', postulating ‫ כסאך‬revocalized,
as a verb; so also, P.C. Craigie, op. cit., pp. 336-337. For a summary of ancient and
modern interpretations, see now D.C. Mitchell, op. cit., pp. 246ff.
126 Op. cit., p. 140. Cf. M. Dahood, op. cit., I, p. 271, who renders ‫( על־כן‬verses 2, 7)
as 'because', expressing the cause of the things that have previously been stated.
127 So, J . H . Eaton, Psalms (1967), p. 183; D. Kidner, op. cit., I, p. 257: this is a beati-
tude ending Book II, as each of the other books of the Psalms (except the last) ends
with a beatitude. However, A. Weiser, op. cit., pp. 504-505, questions whether, in view
of verse 20, verses 18 and 19 did not after all form part of the original text of the
psalm. They would emphasize the king's dependence on Yahweh, made clear in verse
1. Yahweh, the covenant God of Israel, is incomparable (verse 18). His sovereignty
over the whole earth is anticipated in a theophany (verse 19).
128 Israel's Praise: Doxology against Idolatry and Ideology ( 1988), p. 68.
129 J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed., 1986), p. 120, remarks that
there seems to be an oscillation of mood between prayer that the king may then rule
successfully (as a result of the gift in verse 1) and declaration that he will then do so. He
notes that the conferment of blessings on the king has much in common with Psalms
21 and 45.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 43

ing fertility (verse 6). Clearly righteousness in this psalm leads to pros-
perity, including the realm of nature and the defeat of the king , s ene-
mies (verses 8-14), 130 and the people are blessed (verse 3; cf. 'peace',
verse 7). We may surmise that the reason for this link is that Yahweh
both controls the natural world and appoints the king to rule right-
eously (cf. Psalm 97:6).
A . R . J o h n s o n helpfully summarizes the thought of Psalm 72 as fol-
lows:

The key words are 'righteousness'(‫צדק‬,‫ )צדקה‬and 'justice'(‫ ;)מטפט‬and the

basic thought throughout is that the king may watch carefully over the
rights of his subjects, and so ensure, in particular, that the weaker mem-
bers of society may enjoy his protection and thus have justice done to
them according to their need ... it is only as the earthly king ensures a
sound moral order by means of his righteous rule that one can be sure
of a corresponding stability in the realm of nature with all that this
implies for the economic well-being of the people.131

Verse 2 recalls Yahweh's covenant with Israel ('thy people', 'thy poor';
cf. Psalm 74:19). 132 In imitation of Yahweh's kingship, the king is to
give justice to the poor and needy (verses 4, 12-14; cf. Psalms 82:3, 4;
146:7). His dynasty is everlasting (verses 5, 15, 17). He will have
worldwide dominion (verses 8-11): his enemies are to be defeated
(verses 9, 10), all nations serve him (verse 11), and call him blessed
(verse 17) - thus all men may obtain the benefits of his rule (cf. the rule
of Yahweh, Psalms 47:1, 9; 96:1 ; 98:4). 133

Psalm 89: this psalm "illustrates the attempt to puzzle out Yahweh's
purpose in his covenant with his anointed." 1 3 4 Yahweh's covenant

130 H. Ringgren, op. cit., p. 17, emphasizes the force of the word 'for' (verse 12),
showing that the king's righteousness is a condition for his dominion of the 'heathen'.
131 Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (see note 19 above), pp. 8-9. Cf H. Ringgren,
Israelite Religion (ET, 1966), p. 228.
132 Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 68.
133 As a contribution to the study of the 'canonical shape' of the book of Psalms, W.
Brueggemann & P.D. Miller, 'Psalm 73 as a Canonical Marker', JSOT72 (1996), pp.
45-56, suggest (on grounds partly of the vocabulary used) that the speaker of Psalm 73
may be intended to be the king, as this psalm stands at the beginning of Book III,
whereas the royal Psalm 72 concludes Book II.
134 W. Zimmerli, op. cit., p. 92. M. Dahood, op. cit., II, p. 311, suggests a date for
this psalm in the post-Davidic monarchic period. By contrast, A. Cohen, op. cit., p.
289, suggests it speaks of the Babylonian exile; T. Veijola, Verheissung in der Krise ( 1982)
sees it as coming to completion in the latter part of the exile. S. Mowinckel, op. cit. I .
44 C H A P T E R ONE

love is proclaimed (verses 1, 2), and his covenant with David referred
to (verses 3, 4) in the introduction (verses 1-4) to the psalm's three
main sections. Verses 5-18 comprise a hymn to Yahweh similar to the
psalms of Yahweh's kingship. Verse 14 shows righteousness as the
basis of Yahweh's kingship. Reference is made to his incomparability
in the heavenly council (verses 5-8), his ownership and creation of the
world (verses 11, 12), and his mighty deeds in the exodus on behalf of
Israel (verses 9, 10, 13; cf. Psalm 74:12-14). 135
Verses 19-37 speak of the Davidic covenant. David is 'chosen from
the people' (verse 19).136 Yahweh will enable him to defeat his foes
(verses 22, 23). Verses 25-27 speak of the king in very high terms.
According to H. Ringgren, verse 25 may even go so far as to equate
David with God, as victor over the waters of chaos (cf. verse 9).137
Verse 26 shows the king's close relationship to Yahweh, and his total
dependence on him (cf. 2 Samuel 7:14; Psalm 18:2). As the 'first-born'
son of Yahweh, he has world dominion: he is the 'highest of the kings
of the earth' (verse 27). 138 Verses 28-37 deal with the everlasting
nature of Yahweh's covenant with David (cf. 2 Samuel 7:14-16).
T h e final section, verses 38-51, deals with the apparent renuncia-
tion of the covenant with David. T h e king has been defeated (verses
42, 43), he is mocked (verses 50, 51), his rule is no more (verses 39, 44).
It is a plea for an escape from God's wrath (verses 38, 46). God is
reminded of his covenant with David (verse 49). 139

p. 70, sees it as a lament, attributed to the king on a day of penance and prayer after
lost battles. According to S.J.L. Croft, op. cit., pp. 118f., the lament (verses 38-51) was
added to an earlier festal psalm (verses 1-37), and was used on occasions of genuine
military need.
135 A.R.Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus' (see note 31
above), p. 98, says this hymn makes clear the psalm's connection with the New Year
festival; cf.J.H. Eaton, Psalms( 1967), pp. 219-222.
136 G. Cooke, art. cit., p. 211, comments that this emphatically states the essential
humanity of David.
137 Israelite Religion (ET, 1966), p. 226, note 18.
138 A.R.Johnson, art. cit., p. 79, renders this verse: '1 on My part will make him My
first-born, Elyon to the kings of the Earth.' He comments, "The term in question (Ely-
on = 'Most High'), occurring as it does in a liturgy obviously meant for public use, can
scarcely have failed to suggest an equation of the king with the national deity." 'Paral-
lei' might be a better word here than 'equation'.
139 A.R.Johnson, art. cit., p. 100, sees in this psalm the ritual humiliation of the
Israelite king at the New Year festival, as the "suffering Servant"; similarly, A.
Bentzen, op. cit., p. 30; H. Ringgren, op. cit., pp. 236-237; J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the
Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed., 1986), pp. 121f. Μ.Ε. Tate, op. cit., pp. 413-418, suggests that
this liturgical view is not necessarily antithetical to a history of composition, which
culminates in a lament following the death of a king, possibly Josiah (so, e.g., H.-J.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 45

Psalm 101: this appears to be a statement of intent by the king to keep

Yahweh's commandments and exercise his justice. 140 T h e r e is a strik-
ing parallel with Psalm 18:30, 32 (cf. 18:23, 25) in the twice men-
tioned ‫'( דו־ך תמים‬the way that is blameless', verses 2, 6).1417‫'(ז?!ד‬loyalty',
verse 1) and ‫'( אמן‬faithful', verse 6) imply the covenant with David or
Israel, and clearly the standards of Yahweh are being applied. T h u s
we find strong emphases on righteousness, and the king's role in
administering justice. 142 T h e king will not go after evil himself (verses
2-4), but he will destroy the evildoers (verses 5, 7, 8). He will do good
to those who, like him, keep Yahweh's covenant (verses 2, 6).

Psalm 110: like Psalm 2, this was probably used as a coronation psalm
for the king. 143 Verse 1 appears to be an oracle of Yahweh spoken to
the king. 144 T h e joint sovereignty of Yahweh and the king is demon-
strated, in that Yahweh himself must be enthroned for the king to sit

Kraus, Psalmen (5th. ed., 1978), II, pp. 781-785) orjehoiachin (see, e.g., M.D. Goul-
der, The Psalms of the Sons ofK0rah( 1982), pp. 218-219). M.H. Floyd, 'Psalm LXXXIX:
A Prophetic Complaint about the Fulfillment of an Oracle', VT 42 (1992), pp. 442-
457, argues that the nature of the complaint in verses 38-51 necessitates that the point
of reference is the fall o f j u d a h to the Babylonians in 587; cf. K.M. Heim, 'The (God-)
Forsaken King of Psalm 89: A Historical and Intertextual Enquiry', in King and Messi-
ah in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. J. Day (1998), pp. 296-322. For comment on the
editorial significance of Ps. 89, being the final psalm of Book III of the Psalter, and
how it stands in relation to Book IV (Pss. 90-106), see note 18 above.
140 Cf. Α. Weiser, op. cit., p. 648, who sees the psalm as probably a proclamation
issued by the king at his enthronement festival. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 56, finds a
model for this psalm in the Babylonian king's confession on the day of penitence at
the New Year festival. Cf. ANET, p. 334a. Another possible parallel is the Egyptian
negative confession, ANET, p. 34.
141 Cf. H.-J. Kraus, Psalmen (5th. ed., 1978), II, p. 489.
142 Cf. H. ‫׳‬Birkeland, op. cit., p. 70.
143 So, H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the 0T(ET, 1956), p. 13; cf. L.C. Allen, Psalms
101-150 (1983), pp. 83-85, who postulates that the psalm may have been written to
celebrate David's early conquest ofJerusalem and succession tojebusite kingship, but
may have been used inter alia in subsequent enthronements of succeeding kings. M.
Dahood, op. cit., III, p. 1 12, considers it was probably composed to celebrate a mili-
tary victory. He adds, "Its many verbal and conceptual resemblances to Psalm 2 sug-
gest a tenth-century date of composition." G. Gerleman, 'Psalm cx', FT31 (1981), pp.
1-19, relates the psalm to the historical experiences o f j u d a h .
144 Cf. D. Kidner, op. cit., II, p. 392, "King David speaks in the psalm as the
prophet who declaims the enthronement oracle to the Messianic King." While 'my
lord' was no doubt used of the reigning king, this psalm (like other royal psalms) may
from the beginning have had eschatological overtones, which would make a humble
king and people realize that a greater figure was to fill the office of'my lord'. If, on the
basis of Mk. 12:35ff., David is retained as the author, is it possible that David com-
posed this psalm (in advance) for the coronation of Solomon, wondering whether the
promise of 2 Sam. 7:12, 13, would be fulfilled mightily in him?
46 C H A P T E R THREE

at his right hand. T h e king has great authority ('your mighty sceptre',
verse 2), but this is dependent on Yahweh's authority - he sends forth
the sceptre from Zion. Yahweh promises to make the king's enemies
his footstool (verse l), 145 and he is given authority to rule in the midst
of his foes (verse 2). Verses 5, 6 show the king's further dependence on
Yahweh, as Yahweh defeats the nations, with the king presumably
acting as his agent in this work.
Verse 3 is obscure, but may refer to the king's vitality (cf. Psalm
72:6). T h e L X X has έκ γαστρός προ Εωσφόρου έγέννησά σε, '1 have
begotten you from the w o m b before the morning', and it is quite pos-
sible that the verse refers to the king as Yahweh's adopted son. 146
Verse 4 also shows the special close relationship between the king and
Yahweh, dealing with Yahweh's oath that the king will have an eter-
nal priesthood 'after the order of Melchizedek': thus a different kind of
priesthood (to that of the Levites) is allied to the royal office. 147

Psalm 118: most scholars take this psalm as a thanksgiving spoken by

the king. 148 It has a strong element of liturgy (verses 2-4, 19, 20, 26,
27), and portrays the king entering the Temple to give thanks to Yah-
weh after a hard-fought victory. T h e 'I' passages (verses 5-7, 10-14,
17-19, 21, 28) denote the king as the representative of the people, who
partake in the king's blessing (the 'we' passages, verses 23-27). 149 Like
Psalm 18:3, 6, the king is rescued by Yahweh in answer to his prayer
(verses 5, 21). T h e king is in combat with his enemies (verses 6, 7, 10-
13). He acknowledges his dependence on Yahweh (verses 6-9, 13, 14),
emphasizing the power of the 'name' of Yahweh (verses 10-12; cf.
Psalm 20:1, 5, 7). Verses 14-16, 28 draw on the great poem in Exodus

145 Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, pp. 54-55, for Egyptian parallels.
146 G. Widengren's translation (see H. Ringgren, op. cit., p. 13) has strongly mytho-
logical overtones. G. Cooke, art. cit., pp. 218-224, in a thorough study of interpreta-
tions of this verse, dissents from Widengren's view, and translates, 'In holy array from
the womb of the dawn go forth; as the dew I have begotten you.'
147 'For ever' may be nothing more than a reference to Nathan's prophecy. Verse
7 is also obscure, possibly referring to the king stooping down for a drink on the bat-
tlefield, or it could be a sacramental drink that was part of the coronation rites.
148 So, A. Weiser, op. cit., p. 725; M. Dahood, op. cit., III, p. 155; A.A. Anderson, op.
cit., II, p. 797; L.C. Allen, op. cit., pp. 124-125; contra, H.-J. Kraus, op. cit., II, p. 979. S.
Mowinckel, op. cit., I, pp. 180-181, sees Ps. 118 as a procession psalm at the enthrone-
ment festival of Yahweh, referring to the king's victories in the name of Yahweh; so
also, H. Birkeland, op. cit., p. 78.
149 The king's entry through the gates of righteousness (verses 19, 20) opens the
way for the people to beseech Yahweh's blessing (verse 25), and share in the king's
success (verse 26).
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 47

15:2, 6. Verse 15 may refer to a military camp, or to the feast of

booths.
T h e r e is a strong emphasis on righteousness (verses 15, 19, 20). In
verses 17, 18, Yahweh has rescued the king from death (cf. Psalms
18:4, 5; 21:4). 150 Yahweh's deliverance has confirmed the king's right-
eousness (cf. Psalm 18:20). Verses 19 and 20 probably refer to the
temple gates (cf. the concern for righteousness at Psalm 24:3ff., 7ff.).151
Verse 22 may be a proverbial saying: 152 it relates either to a corner-
stone (cf. Isaiah 28:16; Jeremiah 51:26), or to the keystone of an arch
(cf. Zechariah 4:7). 153 Verse 28 shows a strong personal link between
the king and Yahweh. T h e psalm is set in the context of Yahweh's
covenant with Israel (verses 1-4, 29).

Psalm 132: the original Sitz im Leben of this psalm appears to have been
a dramatic commemoration or liturgical re-enactment of the bringing
of the Ark to Jerusalem and the consequent foundation of the
Jerusalem cultus in close association with the Davidic dynasty. 154
Verses 2-8 recall David's bringing the Ark to Jerusalem. It is a festival
occasion (the joyous shout, verses 9, 16). T h e r e is a close connection
between Yahweh's choice of David and his dynasty (verses 11, 12),
and his choice of Zion 'for his habitation' (verses 13, 14). As always,

150 A.R. Johnson, art. cit., p. 106, again sees here the ritual humiliation of the king;
cf. H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion (ET, 1966), p. 236. The sore chastening (verse 18)
may be an allusion to Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. 7:14). With verse 27, cf. Ps. 18:28.
151 M. Dahood, op. cit., III, p. 159, thinks they are the gates ofjerusalem, on analo-
gy with Ps. 24.
152 So, A.A. Anderson, op. cit., II, p. 802.
153 M. Dahood, op. cit, III, p. 159, considers it is a cornerstone rather than a key-
stone and takes it to mean Israel. In the context of the gate (verses 19, 20), we may
wonder whether (perhaps following a proverb) the keystone (or topstone) of the arch is
being referred to. Such a keystone must be unusual in shape to fit in the top of the
arch and as such it may have been rejected earlier on for normal building purposes. If
this interpretation is correct, the king not only enters the gate, but symbolically repre-
sents the prime piece of the gateway of Yahweh, with the result that others (his peo-
pie) may enter in (cf. verse 26). The rejection is in terms of the previous distress,
though we cannot be sure to what extent this is cultic or historical or both. It appears
to refer primarily to the king, and only secondarily to Israel.
154 So, A.R.Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (see note 19 above), p. 19. A.
Weiser, op. cit., p. 779, relates the psalm to a feast of the dedication of the Jerusalem
temple, H . J . Kraus, op. cit., II, p. 1059, to a royal Zion festival; cf. Die Königsherrschaft
Gottes im Alten Testament (1951), pp. 27Íf. M. Dahood, op. cit., Ill, p. 241, takes the
psalm as tenth-century. By contrast, M.D. Goulder, 'The Songs of Ascents and
Nehemiah', JSOT75 (1997), pp. 43-58, at pp. 43 (note 1), 55, sees it as "the epitome
of post-exilic spirituality", with w . 1-10 being a recollection of David's devotion.
48 C H A P T E R THREE

despite David's historical initiative in bringing the Ark to Jerusalem, it

is Yahweh's authority and sovereignty that are in view (verses 11, 13,
15-18). 155 At verses 11, 12, there is a repetition of Nathan's prophecy,
though here in a conditional form, emphasizing the importance of the
king's obedience to Yahweh (cf. the importance of 'righteousness',
verse 9). Yahweh is asked to help his anointed (verses 1, 10), and at
verses 17, 18, the king is promised a lamp (cf. Psalm 18:28; 2 Samuel
21:17; also Isaiah 42:6; 49:6), a bright crown, and the shame of his
enemies. 156
Yahweh's choice of Zion leads to prosperity (verse 15; cf. 2 Samuel
6:11, 12), salvation and joy (verse 16). Concern for the poor (verse 15)
is a mark of Yahweh's kingship (cf. Psalm 146:7). T h e use of ‫'( ישב‬habi-
tation', verse 13; 'dwell', verse 14), especially as it occurs directly after
its use in David's sons 'sitting' on his throne (verse 12), implies Yah-
weh's kingship. 157

Psalm 144: this psalm is very similar to Psalm 18.158 Verses 5-8, 11
request a theophany as in Psalm 18:7ff. T h e enemies are specified as
contrary to Yahweh's standards of righteousness (verses 8-11). T h e r e
is evidence of a close relationship between the king and Yahweh (vers-
es 1,2; 'thy servant', verse 10). Dependence on Yahweh is emphasized
throughout verses 1-11. T h e thought of man's unworthiness (verses 3,

155 The Ark (verse 8) was often considered as Yahweh's throne. One of the themes
of 2 Sam. 6 and 7 appears to be that Yahweh is teaching David, the recent conqueror
ofJerusalem, the power and primary authority of his (Yahweh's) kingship. It must be
seen to be Yahweh's initiative in choosing Zion (Ps. 132:13, 14), not the historical
accident of David's conquest of Zion, and his bringing the Ark on his own initiative,
almost as baggage, on a cart. Thus it was only after a severe setback (2 Sam. 6:6-10)
that David brought the Ark into the city, and then Yahweh would not allow him to
build the temple. Yahweh's priority is seen in that, instead of David building him a
house (2 Sam. 7:5-7), Yahweh will make David a house (2 Sam. 7:11), and there fol-
lows the promise of an everlasting dynasty. Thus Yahweh's choice of Zion must be
seen as prior to his choice of David's dynasty (cf.‫כי־‬, 'For*, Ps. 132:13). The king's sov-
ereignty must have as its basis the sovereignty of Yahweh.
156 'Hardships' (verse 1) may refer to the king's ascetism or humiliation, if we fol-
low Johnson's view of the king's ritual humiliation. Cf. David's behaviour (2 Sam.
6:14-16, 20-22) where he dances before the Ark, dressed in a linen ephod rather than
his finery. To Michal's objection, David says he is rejoicing before Yahweh (2 Sam.
6:21), but the king's humiliation here may have had less to do with personal indiscre-
tion on David's part, and more to do with Jebusite kingship rituals than is frequently
imagined.
157 So, A.A. Anderson, op. cit., II, p. 884. Cf. p. 15 and note 8 above.
158 Cf. Ps. 144:1, 2 with 18:1,2,34,47; 144:5 with 18:7-9; 144:6 with 18:14; 144:7
with 18:16, 17. Cf. L.C. Allen, op. cit., p. 290.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 49

4), is similar to Psalm 8:4. 159 Verses 9-10 are thanksgiving, as are vers-
es 1-2. T h e 'new song 5 (verse 9) suggests the New Year festival, when
Yahweh's Creator-Kingship was celebrated (cf. Psalms 33:3; 40:3;
96:1; 98:1; 149:1). Verses 12-15 are a petition for fertility and prosper-
ity (similar to, but more m u n d a n e than, Psalm 72:3, 6, 7, 16). These
blessings are for the people, who acknowledge Yahweh as their god
(verse 15), but are also linked (as in Psalm 72) with the righteous rule
of the king (verses 8, 11).160

2 Samuel 23:1-7: this poem is very similar to the royal psalms, showing
(like Psalm 72) the ideal of righteousness which was associated with
the throne of David. 161 David is called 'the son ofJesse' and 'the man
who was raised on high' (verse 1), thus emphasizing his essential
humanity, despite his high appointment. 1 6 2 However, his authority is
shown in the everlasting covenant Yahweh has made with him in
favour of his house (verse 5), and in his claim to inspiration by Yah-
weh's spirit (verse 2).163 T h e king's rule is clearly dependent both on
Yahweh's covenant (verse 5) and Yahweh's standards of righteousness
(verses 3, 6, 7). Verse 3 emphasizes the importance o f j u s t rule, depen-
dent on the fear of God. This will result in blessings from Yahweh,
implying prosperity and fertility (verse 4; cf. Psalms 72; 144). Verse 7

159 Since Ps. 144 is a royal psalm, the 'son of man' here refers to the king. Also in
Pss. 80:17; 146:3, the phrase is used in parallel with the king or 'princes'. This suggests
a royal interpretation is correct for Ps. 8:4. This argument is valid, even though ‫בךאנוס‬
is used in Ps 144:3, and ‫ בן־ארם‬in the other three references, because of the clear con-
nection between Pss. 144:3 and 8:4: both verses use the other word for 'man' in the
parallel clause. I have presented this argument in a fuller form in my article, 'Is
Daniel's "son of man" messianic?', in Christ the Lord: Studies in Christology presented to Don-
aid Guthrie, ed. H.H. Rowdon (1982), pp. 71-96, at pp. 76-82.
160 J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed., 1986), pp. 127f., 134, empha-
sizes the significance of this psalm in showing that "the royal humiliation is more than
a lesson; it is a means of grace for contemporary society." At p. 178, he calls it a "roy-
al work of atonement", similar to Ps. 22. Cf. SJ.L. Croft, op. cit., pp. 73ÍT., for a fairly
positive criticism of Eaton's general position. However, at pp. 87f., he strongly criti-
cizes Eaton's view of some atoning significance in the royal rites, arguing that too
great a degree of royal suffering would destroy the pattern of correspondence which
B. Halpern, The Constitution of the Monarchy in Ancient Israel (1981) found in the Psalms
between the affirmation of Yahweh's kingship and that of the Davidic ruler. M.
Dahood, op. cit., III, p. 328, tentatively ascribes this psalm to the tenth century.
161 So, A.R.Johnson, op. cit., p. 17; cf. H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion (ET, 1966), pp.
228-229.
162 So, A.R.Johnson, op. cit., p. 29; G. Cooke, art. cit., p. 211.
163 2 Sam. 23:1, 2 is very close in ideas and wording to Is. 61 :If., adding weight to
the designation of the latter passage by G. YVidengren, Sakrales Königtum (see note 92
above), p. 57, as a "royal hymn of self-glorification".
50 C H A P T E R THREE

sees the king fighting against his enemies, who are defeated in the
cause of righteousness (verses 6-7).

d. Characteristics of Davidic Kingship

i. In relation to Yahweh
Mowinckel 164 writes, " T h e Israelites' attitude to their king is most
characteristically expressed in the term used of his relation to Yah-
weh, 'Yahweh's A n o i n t e d ' " (Psalms 2:2; 18:50; 20:6; 28:8; 84:9;
89:38, 51; 132:10, 17; cf. 1 Samuel 2:10, 35; 12:3, 5; 16:6, etc.;
Lamentations 4:20; Habakkuk 3:13). Saul (1 Samuel 10:1) and David
(1 Samuel 16:13) were both anointed by Samuel, David also by the
men o f j u d a h (2 Samuel 2:4) and the elders of Israel (2 Samuel 5:3).
Solomon was anointed by Zadok (1 Kings 1:39), a n d j o a s h b y j e h o i a -
da or the people o f j u d a h (2 Kings 11:12). By this anointing the king is
endued with the supernatural Spirit of Yahweh, receiving the 'grace
of kingship' by this 'sacrament' (cf. 1 Samuel 10:6, 9, 10; 16:13; 2
Samuel 18:3; 23:2). 165
Yahweh's choice in the appointment of the king was of the utmost
importance: David was the 'Chosen O n e ' of God (Psalms 78:70; 89:3,
19; cf. 1 Samuel 16:12; 2 Samuel 6:21; 7:8). Saul too was chosen by
God (1 Samuel 10:24). I n j u d a h however, no further choice was made
by Yahweh after David, since by a single choice, he gave David an
everlasting covenant that would assure the succession of his dynasty (2
Samuel 7:1 1-16). 166 Hosea 8:4 shows that the requirement that the
king should be Yahweh's choice continued in the northern kingdom
(cf. Deuteronomy 17:15).
The king was also in a special way the servant (‫ )עבד‬of Yahweh
(Psalms 78:70; 89:3, 20, 39, 50; 132:10; 144:10; cf. titles of Psalms 18;

164 He That Cometh (ET, 1956), p. 66.

165 Cf. A.R. Johnson, 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 38 above), p.
207: "The fact that the king held office as Yahweh's agent or vicegerent is shown
quite clearly in the rite of anointing which marked him out as a sacral person."
According to R. de Vaux, 'The King of Israel, Vassal of Yahweh' (first publ., 1964), in
The Bible and the Ancient Near East (ET, 1972), pp. 152-166, at pp. 162-165, the anoint-
ing was the essential rite of the coronation ceremony. He notes that the petty kings of
Canaan were anointed as vassals of Pharaoh, just as great Egyptian officials were
anointed on their installation; he thus considers that anointing by Yahweh not only
conferred kingship, but also made the king a vassal of Yahweh. T.N.D Mettinger, King
and Messiah (1976), p. 210, disagrees with this interpretation, on the basis that David's
anointings by the elders o f j u d a h and Israel were primary, rather than an anointing
'by Yahweh'.
166 So, A. Alt, art. cit. (see note 77 above), pp. 256f.; R. de Vaux, art. cit., p. 153.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 51

36; also 1 Samuel 23:10, 11; 25:39; 2 Samuel 3:18, etc). This relates to
Yahweh's choice (Psalms 78:70; 89:3, 19, 20), and is especially used of
David. However, it is by no means an exclusively royal title (cf. Psalm
105:6, 26, 42). R. de Vaux considered that the title ‫'( נגיד‬prince', 1
Samuel 9:16; 10:1; 13:14; 25:30; 2 Samuel 5:2; 6:21; 7:8; 1 Kings
1:35; 14:7; 16:2) had a religious connotation, denoting that the king
was a leader called by Yahweh and subject to him. 167
T h e king's subordination to Yahweh was more strongly empha-
sized than was usual in the oriental royal ideology. 168 T h e rights and
duties of the kingship were written by Samuel in a book (1 Samuel
10:25), while throughout the royal psalms we have noticed the impor-
tance of righteousness on the part of the king (e.g., Psalms 18:201f.;
101; 1 18:19, 20).169 T h e laws of the kingdom are clearly those of God
(e.g., Psalms 72:If.; 89:30ff.; 132:12). 170 According to R. de Vaux, the
covenant (‫ )בר־ת‬which Yahweh made with David was the equivalent of
a treaty of vassalage. 171 2 Samuel 7 sets out the terms of this
covenant: 172 David's offspring will sit on the throne of his kingdom for
ever (verses 13, 16); Yahweh will enter into a Father-Son relationship
with him, and will discipline him, but will not remove his steadfast
love from him (verses 14, 15).173
T h e king as 'the son' of Yahweh is mentioned at 2 Samuel 7:14;
Psalms 2:7; 89:26, 27, and possibly Psalm 110:3. Yahweh's words,
"You are my son, today I have begotten you", are clearly an adoption
formula. 174 T h e 'today' of Psalm 2:7 is also significant in showing that

167 R. de Vaux, ibid. It is only at 1 Kings 1:35 where David (not Yahweh) appoints
Solomon ‫ ננ־ד‬over Israel and overjudah. T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., p. 183, holds that
1 Kings 1:35 is the oldest occurrence of the term in the extant sources, and therefore
he considers it is in origin a secular term for the crown prince, rather than a pre-
monarchic term denoting the leader of the people.
168 So, S. Mowinckel, op. cit., pp. 72f.
169 Cf. A.R.Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus' (see note 31
above), pp. 76, 101, 106, on the importance of the king's .‫צדק‬
170 Cf.J.H. Eaton, op cit., pp. 141f.
171 R. de Vaux, art. cit., pp. 157f., where he cites a Hittite treaty.
172 The word ‫ בר־וז‬is not in fact mentioned in this chapter, but the covenant word
‫'( חסד‬steadfast love', verse 15) occurs. ‫ בר־ח‬is referred to in 2 Sam. 23:5; Pss. 89:3, 28,
34, 39; 132:12. T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., p. 292, compares the unconditional form of
the covenant (2 Sam. 7:15; Ps. 89:33-35), with its conditional form (Ps. 132:12); see
also H. Ringgren, op. cit., pp. 229-230.
173 J.H. Eaton, op. cit., p. 150, considers it is significant that Ps. 89, which gives
prominence to the king's servanthood and sonship, also makes much of the covenant
God has created with the dynasty.
1 74 So, G. Cooke, art. cit., p. 209, who at p. 216, adduces Num. 1 1:12 as evidence in
52 C H A P T E R THREE

the king is not thought of as being physically the son of Yahweh. 1 7 5 At

Psalm 89:27, he is called 'the firstborn', a term which is also applied to
Israel (Exodus 4:22, 23). This shows the special favour of his position -
he is the one most entitled to represent the father's kingship. 176
I. Engnell spoke of Hebrew 'divine kingship'. 177 More recently the
tendency has been to describe the Davidic kingship as 'sacral' rather
than 'divine'. 178 A . R . J o h n s o n comments that despite his high rank,
we must beware of exaggerating the importance of the fact that in
Israelite thought the Davidic king is potentially so closely related to
God. H e is by nature a man, and, so far as his subjects are concerned,
he is no more than primus inter pares.179 T h e conclusion that divinity
was not claimed by the Israelite kings is supported by the fact that the
important historical narratives about David, which in all probability
arose from a m o n g the court circles of David and Solomon in
Jerusalem, do not suggest it. 180 Further, the prophets did not attack
Hebrew kings and kingship on account of their claiming divinity, as
they surely would have done. 181
T h e sonship of the king gives him great authority. T h e r e is a link
between 'sonship' and the king's universal dominion (Psalms 2:8;

Israel for an informal practice of adoption ('Carry them in your bosom'; cf. Ruth
4:16; Ps. 27:10). S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship{ ET, 1962), I, pp. 54, 58,
states that both in Egypt and Mesopotamia the god addresses the king with the adop-
tion formula, 'thou art my son', but he acknowledges that many a phrase has been
borrowed from the general oriental ritual king style without taking over its original
sense.
175 Cf. G. Cooke, art. cit., p. 209. At ρ 270, Cooke puts forward the theory that ‫ ל‬in
2 Sam. 7:14 before ‫'( אב‬father') and ‫'( בן‬son') shows that the Davidic king's sonship is
metaphorical, using as an analogy Ex. 4:16, where Moses is to be 'as God' (‫ )לאלה־ש‬to
Aaron. He thus translates verse 14 (more strictly) as, "I shall be to him for a father, and
he shall be to me for (as) a son." He is supported in this view by T.N.Ū. Mettinger, op.
cit., p. 260.
176 So, J.H. Eaton, op. cit., p. 146.
177 I. Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship (see note 86 above), p. 174, note 1; so also
A.R.Johnson, art. at., p. 79.
178 So H. Ringgren, op. at., p. 233: "It must be kept in mind that the Israelite king
was definitely not looked upon as a god, but rather as the representative of God upon
the earth, appointed by Yahweh and responsible to him." Similarly C.R. North, art.
cit., p. 38; G. von Rad, 7ZW7T, p. 566; M. Noth, art. cit., ρ 172; K.H. Rengstorf, art.
cit., pp. 237f.
179 Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (see note 19 above), pp. 29-30. Following H. Ring-
gren, op. cit., p. 237, however, we cannot accept the view of H. Frankfort, Kingship and
the Gods( 1948), pp. 341 f. (supported by M. Noth, art. cit., p. 165), that the character of
Israelite kingship was mainly secular. Frankfort did not mention the royal psalms.
180 M. Noth, art. cit., p. 171.
181 G. Cooke, art. cit., p. 225.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 53

'head of the nations', 18:43; 45:16; 72:8-11; 'the highest of the kings of
the earth', 89:27). 182 According to T.N.D. Mettinger, statements of
this kind should be seen in relation to the conception of the king as the
vicegerent of Yahweh, who can delegate power to whom he wishes. 183
Yahweh's help in defeating the king's enemies is one of the common-
est motifs of the royal psalms, present in all those we have treated.
T h e king has the privilege of free prayer to the divine father (Psalms
2:8; 18:3, 6; 20:4, 6; 21:2, 4; 118:5,21; 144:5-8, 11). It may have been
a feature of the adoption by Yahweh of the new king at his enthrone-
ment, that his first request was answered (Psalm 2:8; cf. 1 Kings
3:5ff.).184 Many other blessings attend the king. He enjoys divine pro-
tection and help, which on the one hand give him great power and
authority, and on the other hand show his complete dependence on
Yahweh. T h u s his monarchy is not absolute, but limited, because in
the last resort he is responsible to Yahweh for a right administration of
his office. 185 He must put his trust in Yahweh, not in other gods or in
h u m a n strength (Psalms 21:7; 118:8, 9).
T h e king is drawn into God's aura, as is seen by the correspon-
dence of Yahweh's kingship and the Davidic kingship, and by the
attribution of Yahweh's splendour to the king (Psalms 21:5; 45:3; 72:6,
7, 17; 89:25, 27; 110:1). He is given abundant life (Psalm 21:4). As a
son, he enjoys a specially close relationship with Yahweh: he can refer
to Yahweh as 'my G o d ' (cf. 'Yahweh your G o d ' 2 Samuel 14:17), and
by many other appellatives (e.g., 'my rock'), indicating Yahweh as his
personal deliverer (Psalms 18:1, 2, 21, 28, 29, 46; 89:26; 118:14, 28;
144:1, 2). H e can say to Yahweh, '1 love thee' (Psalm 18:1; cf. Psalm
21:1, 6).186

ii. In relation to the people

T h e appointment of the king involved, at least in the early period of
the monarchy, the democratic acceptance by the elders and the peo-
pic (1 Samuel 11:15; 2 Samuel 2:4; 3:21; 5:3; 1 Kings 12:1, 16, 20; 2

182 These themes are specially linked by A.R. Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in
the Jerusalem Cultus' (see note 31 above), in connection with Ps. 89:27 (p. 79) and Ps.
2 (p. 109); similarly, S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 65, on Ps. 2.
183 Op. cit., p. 104. Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., who stresses that Davidic rule lies within
God's kingdom (pp. 135f.), and sees the enemies of God as the enemies of the king
(pp. 137-141).
184 So, A. Alt, art. cit., p. 258.
185 So, A.R. Johnson, art. cit., p. 80.
186 Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., pp. 146-172.
54 C H A P T E R THREE

Kings 11:12, 17).187 De Vaux observes that the people of Israel are
associated with the promises made to David in Nathan's prophecy (2
Samuel 7:7, 8, 10, 11), and compares this to the treaties between
suzerains and their vassals, which took into consideration 'the people
of the land'. 188 T h e covenant between David and the elders of Israel
was made 'before Yahweh' (2 Samuel 5:3). At the coronation o f j o a s h ,
it appears that two covenants were made, one between Yahweh and
the king and the people 'that they should be Yahweh's people', and
the other just between the king and the people (2 Kings 11:17). Josiah,
after reading the book of the covenant in the hearing of all the people,
made a covenant with Yahweh to keep his commandments, and all
the people joined in the covenant (2 Kings 23:2, 3).189
T w o of the most important aspects of the Hebrew king's function in
relation to his people were those of being a leader in war, and of being
responsible for the administration ofjustice within the realm. 190 Just as
we have seen that the king's response to Yahweh must be in terms of
'righteousness', so he is responsible, above all, for preserving 'right-
eousness' in the land (Psalms 45:4, 7; 72:1, 2, 4, 7, 12-14; 101:1, 2, 5-
8; 144:8, 11; 2 Samuel 23:3, 6, 7).191 Just as Yahweh's throne is estab-
lished on righteousness and justice (Psalms 89:14; 97:2), so these same
qualities belonging to Yahweh are to be given to the king (Psalm 72:1,
2). T h e king's throne will be established by them (Isaiah 9:7; cf.
Proverbs 16:12; 25:5; 29:14). Also, in line with Yahweh's kingly con-
cerns (Exodus 22:21-24; Deuteronomy 10:18, 19; Psalms 68:5, 6;
82:3, 4; 146:7), as well as to guarantee justice for all, the king must
show a particular concern for the weaker and more helpless members
of society (Psalms 72:2, 4, 12-14; cf. Isaiah 1:23).192

187 T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., pp. 149-150, considers that the relationship between
the ruler and the people was conceived in contractual terms, and thinks it probable
that the royal covenant was normally renewed at every investiture.
188 R. de Vaux, art. cit., pp. 158f.
189 H.-J. Kraus, Worship in Israel (ET, 1966), pp. 199-200, sees King Josiah here as
the mediator of the (Sinai) covenant.
190 So, A.R.Johnson, 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 39 above), pp.
205f.; cf. H.-J. Kraus, op. cit., p. 187;J.H. Eaton, op. cit., p. 177.
191 Cf. H.' Ringgren, op. cit., p. 228.
192 Cf. A.R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (see note 19 above), p. 13. Pro-
tection for the needy and oppressed was a customary obligation of rulers in the
ancient Near East, as is seen by the complaining words of the king's son in the story of
Keret in the Ras Shamra texts (.NERT] p. 224):
You do not give the widow her rights,
you do not judge the cause of the one whose life is threatened,
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 55

W e have seen that prosperity for the people is dependent on the

king's righteous rule (Psalms 72:3, 6, 7, 16; 144:12-15; 2 Samuel 23:3,
4).193 S. Mowinckel has written that the endowment which Yahweh
has bestowed on the king may be expressed in terms of the 'righteous-
ness' and the 'blessing' of the king. T h e king is the saviour to whom
the people look for salvation, both in the negative sense of deliverance
from enemies, danger, and need, and in the widest positive sense of
good fortune and well-being. 194 T h u s the people had reason for their
good wishes (1 Kings 1:31, 37, 47; Psalm 72:15) and prayers for the
king. He is the 'lamp of Israel' (2 Samuel 21:17), the 'breath of our
nostrils' (Lamentations 4:20), 'worth ten thousand of us' (2 Samuel
18:3). His person is sacrosanct (1 Samuel 24:6; 26:11; 2 Samuel 1:14,
16). Yahweh and the king are equally to be feared and obeyed
(Proverbs 24:21). 195

you do not overthrow those who oppress the poor!

The orphans are not fed by you,
nor are the widows fed behind your back.
193 Cf. S. Mowinckel, op. cit., I, p. 61; A.R. Johnson, op. cit., p. 137.
194 S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (ET, 1956), pp. 67-69. R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel:
Its Life and Institutions (ET, 1961), pp. 11 Of., says the king is ipso facto a saviour (cf. 2
Sam. 19:9, 10; 2 Kings 6:26; 13:5). According to I. Engnell, Critical Essays on the Old
Testament (ET, 1970), p. 222, the idea of a saviour and the idea of a king are mutually
interdependent.
A. Bentzen, King and Messiah (1955), pp. 39-47, considered that in Gen. 1:26-28; Ps.
8:5-8, we have descriptions of 'Man' as ruler over all living creatures: 'First Man' is
described as 'First King'. He therefore held that this idea must be implied in Mic. 5:2,
where the king is also associated with 'days of old' (cf. the ideas of paradise in Is. 9:7;
11:6-9, which bear some similarity to Ps. 72:3, 7, 16, all in a royal context). Similarly,
T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., pp. 269-274, who thinks it highly probable that the Israelite
conception of imago Dei has its roots in the Egyptian conception of the divine sonship
of the king, and that the Israelite king was originally denoted not only 'son' but also
'the image of God'; cf. G. von Rad. TDNTl, pp. 567f.
For the term 'son of man' (Ps. 8:4), referring to the king, see note 155 above. H.
Ringgren, op. cit., p. 231, notes that in Ps. 8:5, the words 'crown' and 'honour' suggest
the office of king, and 'glory' is usually an attribute of God. In The Messiah in the Old
Testament (ET, 1956), p. 20, Ringgren wrote in connection with Ps. 8, that since the
creative acts of God and man's dominion over creation were actualized in the annual
festival, it is conceivable that the proclamation o f t h a t dominion (Gen. 1:28, 29) was
repeated and addressed to the king, who, so to speak, played the role of Adam as the
representative of mankind; cf. R.D. Rowe, art. cit., pp. 76-77.
195 S. Szikszai, 'King, kingship', IDB III, pp. 11-17, at p. 15, well remarks that the
threefold comparison of the king's wisdom to that of the angel of God (2 Sam. 14:17,
20; 19:27) loses its implications when it is remembered that twice the speakers either
tried to deceive the 'omniscient' king or received a clear indication of the king's falli-
bility. On the king's wisdom in giving judgment, cf. 1 Kings 3:9, 12, 16-28; Prov.
8:15; 16:10.
56 C H A P T E R THREE

iii. In relation to the cult

T h e r e is no trace of any worship being offered to the king. 196 Rather,
prayers were offered to God on his behalf (Psalms 20:1-5, 9; 28:8, 9;
61:6, 7; 72:15; 84:9; 89:38ff; 132:1, 10).197 We have noted the king's
free access in prayer to God. T h e temple was first and foremost a roy-
al temple and its cultus primarily a royal cultus. 198 T h e king is there-
fore head of the official cult. 199 David desires to build a temple (2
Samuel 7:2), but instead prepares for the building and the services of
the temple (1 Chronicles 22-29). Solomon builds and dedicates the
temple (1 Kings 5-8). J e r o b o a m inaugerates the sanctuary at Bethel (1
Kings 12:26-33). Jehoash a n d j o s i a h order repairs for the temple (2
Kings 12:4f.; 22:3-7). Josiah reforms the temple (2 Kings 23).
T h e king also offered sacrifices (1 Samuel 13:9-10; 2 Samuel 6:13,
17, 18; 24:25; 1 Kings 3:4, 15; 8:5, 62-64; 9:25). 200 David participated
in the procession bringing the Ark into Jerusalem, wearing the priestly
ephod (2 Samuel 6:12-15). David and Solomon blessed the people (2
Samuel 6:18; 1 Kings 8:14). It thus seems that the king sometimes exer-
cised a priestly role, as we would expect from Yahweh's oath, "You are
a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek" (Psalm 110:4).201
G. Widengren thought that the king represented Yahweh in the
cultic ritual, 202 but there is no evidence for this unlikely happening. 2 0 3

196 Cf S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (ET, 1956), p. 76.

197 Cf. G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology (ET, 1962-65), I, p. 323, who comments,
"Nowhere in the O T does intercession unfold itself so richly as in the prayers for the
anointed."
198 So, A.R.Johnson, op. cit., p. 104; similarly, T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., p. 305.
199 So, H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion (ET, 1966), pp. 233f., who makes the point
that Ezekiel, though himself a priest, assigns certain cultic duties to the prince in his
plan for the new Israel (Ezek. 45:22).
200 J. de Fraine, L'aspect religieux de la royauté Israelite (1954), pp. 320ff., argued that
the sacrifices were always performed on the king's behalf. However, A.R. Johnson,
'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 39 above), p. 213, considers that origi-
nally at least, the king enjoyed the right of officiating at the altar in person and actual-
ly exercised this right on certain special occasions; cf. 2 Chron. 26:16ff.
201 S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship (ET, 1962), I, p. 64, speaks of the
union of royal and priestly power, which David and Solomon had inherited in
Jerusalem. According to M. Noth, art. cit., p. 170, the descendants of David appear in
priestly functions clearly as kings ofjerusalem, while priestly activities on the part of the
king are confined in the O T mainly to the Davidic kings ofjerusalem. However, R. de
Vaux, op. at., pp. 113f., denies that he was priest in the strict sense: "Ps. 110 could mean
that the king was a priest, but in the only way in which an Israelite king could be."
202 G. Widengren, 'Early Hebrew Myths and their Interpretation' (see note 37
above), p. 199.
203 See N.H. Snaith, op. cit, p. 218; A.R.Johnson, 'The Psalms' (see note 2 above),
p. 197; S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (ET, 1956), p. 82. In The Psalms in Israel's Wor-
 C O N C E P T S O F K I N G S H I P IN T H E PSALMS 57

According to S. Mowinckel, he was primarily the representative of the

people before Yahweh, and only secondarily the representative of
Yahweh. 2 0 4 It is generally agreed that the cultic ritual drama included
an attack by the 'kings of the earth 5 , who were combated by the
Davidic king (Psalms 2:8f.; 1 10:1, 5, 6).205 What is disputed is whether
Psalms 18; 89; 118; and 144 give evidence of the cultic defeat and
humiliation of the king (similar to that suffered by the Babylonian king
in the analogous New Year festival) probably during a nocturnal cere-
mony, before being delivered by Yahweh in the morning light. This
may have been seen as a ritual re-birth, the effect of which was to
secure the well-being of the nation. 206

e. History, cult or eschatology?

S. Mowinckel draws a sharp distinction between the royal psalms,
which he considers refer to the historical kings of Israel, and messianic
prophecies, which look forward to a future ideal king. He considers
the Messiah as an essentially eschatological ('end-time') figure, and
believes there was no eschatology as such in Israel in pre-exilic times.
Rather, the messianic hope developed as the people's disappointment
in the current occupants of the Davidic throne led them to look more
and more for fulfilment of the ideals of kingship in the future. 207

ship, I, p. 59, Mowinckel sees the king playing the part of David in the cultic drama,
with Yahweh represented by the Ark; so also, T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., p. 306.
204 S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh, p. 76; cf. The Psalms in Israel's Worship, I, pp. 44-
46. A.R.Johnson, art. cit., p. 197, speaks of his "mediatory role"; cf. S. Mowinckel, op.
cit., I, pp. 60f. Contra, M. Noth, art. cit., pp. 165f.
205 So, H.-J. Kraus, op. cit., p. 224; I. Engnell, op. cit., p. 227, where the king defeats
the forces of chaos; cf. also A.R.Johnson, art. cit.., pp. 196f.
206 This is the theory of A.R. Johnson, 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cul-
tus' (see note 31 above), p. 100; 'The Psalms' (see note 2 above), pp. 196f.; Saaal King-
ship in Ancient Israel (see note 19 above), pp. 131 f.; 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship'
(see note 39 above), pp. 228f. He is followed by J . H . Eaton, op. cit., pp. 166f., 177-181,
where he links Ps. 22 to Ps. 144, and says that in the securing of God's grace and the
removal of the threat to life, there is implicit "the royal work of atonement." T.N.D.
Mettinger, op. cit., p. 307, says this would perhaps not constitute a wholly inconceiv-
able element in Israelite kingship, but acknowledges a lack of positive evidence; so
also, SJ.L. Croft, op. cit., pp. 85ff, who produces (at pp. 89-113) an alternative recon-
struction of the royal ritual, including a ritual battle. H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion (ET,
1966), pp. 236f, is inclined towards Johnson's theory, but says conclusive proof is
hardly possible. He observes that in Ps. 89 and in Is. 40-55, this 'suffering servant'
theme is linked to motifs of the New Year festival; cf. note 103 above.
207 S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (ET, 1956), pp. 123f. The same distinction is
made by G. von Rad, TD.NTX, pp. 566f, though he has no explanation for the rise in
Israel of eschatology. E.Jacob, Theology of the Old Testament (ET, 1958), pp. 317f., dis-
agrees with Mowinckel, saying eschatology was "the hope which never ceased to be
the lever of faith." W. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament (ET, 1961), I, pp. 66f., also
58 C H A P T E R THREE

However, just as there need be no divorce between the cult and his-
tory (historical events being recited and dramatized in the cult, e.g.,
Psalm 95:7-11), so there need be no absolute separation between the
cult and eschatology. A.R. Johnson, in his earlier work, saw the pur-
pose of the New Year festival and the royal ritual in provisionally
guaranteeing the well-being of the nation for another year. 208 H e later
rejected the view that the autumnal festival was concerned with the
cyclic revival of the social unit, and argued instead that its orientation
was not merely towards the following cycle of twelve months but
towards a completely new era. 209 This means that the theory of royal
psalms does not preclude their sometimes being 'messianic' in the
eschatological sense of the term. 2 1 0
R. de Vaux provides a helpful summary of this position:

It has been maintained that Psalms 2, 72, 110 were at first royal psalms,
and were modified after the Exile in a Messianic sense; but it is very
hard to say what the revisions were. It is more reasonable to suppose
that these psalms, like Nathan's prophecy and other texts referring to
royal Messianism, had a twofold meaning from the moment of their
composition: every king of the Davidic line is a figure and a shadow of
the ideal king of the future.211

sees an eschatological element as being indispensible from an early time. D.C.

Mitchell, op.cit., argues for an eschatological programme underlying the Psalter as a
whole, including the royal psalms; contrast S.E. Gillingham, 'The Messiah in the
Psalms: A Question of Reception History and the Psalter', in King and Messiah in Israel
and the Ancient New East, ed. J . Day (1998), pp. 209-237, who acepts that Books 4 and 5
of the Psalter contain an eschatological element, in the enthronement psalms speak-
ing of the kingly rule of God, but considers that the royal psalms had mainly a histori-
cal reference, looking back to the monarchy in order to uphold the legitimacy of the
Temple and the worship of God there.
208 A.R.Johnson, 'The Psalms' (see note 2 above), p. 197.
209 Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (see note 19 above), p. 61, note 1 .J.H. Eaton, op.
cit., p. 134, taking Ps. 144 as his example, considers (like Johnson's earlier view) that
the royal humiliation was a means of grace for contemporary society, but he also
admits an eschatological element.
210 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 39 above), p. 234.
211 R. de Vaux, op. cit., p. 110. Similarly, G. Cooke, art. cit., pp. 206, 225; cf. H.-J.
Kraus, op. cit., p. 190: "We must not overlook the fact that the promise expressed by
the prophet Nathan points in essence to the future. The cultic realizations of this basic
proclamation became more and more marked by this fact, and the promise for the
future was always left open." R.E. Clements, 'The Messianic Hope in the Old Testa-
ment', J S O T 4 3 (1989), pp. 3-19, at pp. 12ff, similarly sees 2 Sam. 7 as the seedbed of
the messianic hope, which developed through a number of steps; cf. H. Kruse,
'David's Covenant', F T 3 5 (1985), pp. 139-164. Cf. note 144 above.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 59

Thus, while the Davidic king was present in the cultic worship (and
the royal psalms were applied to him), the future hope of a coming
ideal king, in fulfilment of Nathan's prophecy (2 Samuel 7:13, 14) and
of Psalms 2; 21; 45; 72; and 110 was also there from the beginning,
easily interacting with the past and the present in the communal wor-
ship of the eternal God, Yahweh. 2 1 2 Nobody knew who the Messiah
(as the ideal king later came to be called) would be, or when he would
appear: could it be the present Davidic king, or the next one?

4. Summary of the Relationship between the Kingship of Yahweh

and Davidic Kingship

O u r study has borne out what we stated in the introduction to this

chapter, that the Psalms present the highest view of Davidic kingship
and also refer to Yahweh's kingship much more frequently than else-
where in the Old Testament. O u r studies of individual psalms have
shown the importance of both these themes, which while distinct are
also closely related.
We have seen that the most important feature of the kingship of
Yahweh in the Psalms is his historical relationship with Israel as his
covenant people. Yahweh's rule is centred in Zion, and sometimes
there is a clear link with the Davidic king (Psalms 80:17; 84:9; 89:3-4,
18fF.). Yahweh's mighty power is experienced as a present reality in
the cult as a theophany. T h e eternal kingship of Yahweh was actual-
ized at a specific moment in the cult. We have referred to the chal-
lenge to faith in the cult, where past (and perhaps future) events were
recalled and represented in the present (e.g., Psalm 95:7-11). What we
may justifiably take as eschatological elements (e.g., Psalms 96:11-13;
98:7-9) may nevertheless have originally derived from a theophany or
'coming' of Yahweh in the cult, which embraced past, present and
future.
G. von R a d found difficulty in relating the thought of the kingship
of Yahweh to that of the messianic kingdom. He acknowledges that it
will not do to assume two independent traditions, for Isaiah, the most
powerful messianic prophet, also calls Yahweh a King (6:5), and the
same is true of Micah and Jeremiah. O n the other hand, he writes,

212 Cf. A. Bentzen, op. cit., p. 37; A.R.Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (see
note 19 above), p. 143; I. Engnell, op. cit., p. 224. R.D. Rowe, art. cit., pp. 72-76, con-
tains a summary of my views on Davidic (messianic) kingship in the Psalms.
60 C H A P T E R THREE

"the Psalter, to which the figure of the eschatological king is quite

alien, has the most numerous and important references to the king-
ship of Yahweh." 2 1 3 However, we have seen reason to disagree with
this view which separates eschatology completely from the royal
psalms, and so the difficulty is more apparent than real. 214
We have seen that, as Yahweh's 'anointed', the Davidic king was
endued with the spirit of God. H e was also God's 'chosen one' and his
'servant', and may have been regarded as Yahweh's 'vassal'. 215 T h e
king's universal dominion (e.g., Psalm 2:8) should be related to his role
as vicegerent of Yahweh. Further, the characteristics of Yahweh (e.g.,
'glory', 'splendour', 'majesty' and 'might', Psalms 21:5; 45:3) are
attributed to the king. J . H . Eaton sees the doctrine of a "single king-
dom, which is God's" dominating the psalms relating to the king's
ordination (2, 110).216 In Psalm 2, there is correspondence between
the enthronement of Yahweh in the heavens (verse 4), and the instal-
lation of his king on his 'holy hill', Zion (verse 6). In Psalm 110, the
king is to take his throne beside Yahweh (verse 1).
We have seen that righteousness (‫ )צדק‬is an essential characteristic
both of Yahweh's kingship, and o f t h a t of the Davidic king. According
to E . J a c o b , Psalm 72 regards the present kingship in the light of the
kingship of Yahweh. 2 1 7 We have seen that in this psalm the founda-
tions of Yahweh's throne, 'righteousness and justice' (Psalms 89:14;
97:2), are to be granted to the king (verses 1, 2), while elsewhere they
are the foundations of the earthly king's throne, too. T h e earthly
king's concern for the poor and needy (verses 2, 4, 12-14) reflects the
concern of the heavenly king, Yahweh (e.g., Psalm 82:3, 4). T h e peo-
pie's prosperity is dependent on the king's righteous rule.
We have observed that the temple was primarily a royal temple, with
the king as head of the official cult, sometimes exercising a priesdy role.

213 G. von Rad, TDJVTl, p. 568.

214 Cf. I. Engnell, op. cit., p. 233.
215 J . H . Eaton, op. cit., p. 135, calls it "a feature of all-pervading importance" that
the Davidic king is considered to serve within the sphere of God's own kingship. K.H.
Rengstorf, art. cit., pp. 237f., basing his argument on the total dependence on Yahweh
required of the king in Psalm 2:8, characterizes the Jerusalem-Judean kingship, in
contrast to the usual kingship of the ancient Near East, as a genuine theocracy, a ‫יהיה‬
‫מלכות‬, a βασιλεία του θεοΰ. T.N.D. Mettinger, op. cit., p. 292, on the basis of Psalms 89
and 110, says the king's sovereignty on earth "is a replica o f t h a t of God in Heaven."
Similarly, O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction (ET, 1965), pp. 102f.; Α. Weis-
er, op. cit., pp. 65f.; E.Jacob, op. cit., p. 238.
216 J . H . Eaton, op. cit., p. 135; cf. p. 144.
217 E.Jacob, op. cit., pp. 334f.
 C O N C E P T S O F KINGSHIP IN T H E PSALMS 61

T h e enthronement of the Davidic king may well have been re-enacted

at each New Year festival, and some of the royal psalms exalt Yahweh's
sovereignty in such a way that they would naturally fit into the New
Year festival (Psalms 2:4, 5, 10-12; 18:46; 21:13; 89:5-18; 110:1, 5, 6).218
In Psalm 89, what God does for and through the king is closely related
to God's mighty works as Creator and Ruler of all.219 With regard to
this, T.N.D. Mettinger writes, "The king does on earth what God does
in heaven. O n e is almost tempted to speak of the king as 'the image and
likeness of God' on earth." 220 We have noted the special correspon-
dence of verses 25 and 27 with features of the rule of Yahweh.
T h e king is Yahweh's 'son' by adoption. As Yahweh's vicegerent,
he has great authority, but is dependent on Yahweh. We have seen
that he enjoys a specially close relationship with Yahweh. Sometimes,
the psalmist refers to Yahweh as 'my King' (Psalms 5:2; 44:4; 68:24;
74:12; 84:3; 145:1). It is probable that a number of these psalms are
royal (5, 44, 74, 84), and so the Davidic king is pointing to the source
of his own kingship. 221 In Psalm 28, also probably a royal psalm, 222 the
king is referred to in verse 8, while Yahweh is referred to as 'my shield'
(verse 7) and 'their shepherd' (verse 9), both of which are designations
for kings (cf. Psalms 47:9; 78:70ff.). 223 So we see the Davidic king as an
'under-king' in what is effectively a 'two-tier' kingship.

218 Cf. A.R.Johnson, op. cit., p. v; 'The Rôle of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus'
(see note 31 above), p. 106; 'Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship' (see note 39 above), p.
235, linking the psalms of Yahweh's kingship and the royal psalms at the celebration
of the annual New Year festival, such that the two 'kingdoms' were united in the cult;
similarly, I. Engnell, op. cit., pp. 105f.
219 Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., p. 191, who sees the king witnessing to these two themes.
He also cites Ps. 22 as a royal psalm, showing the king praising God for his deliver-
ance, while proclaiming Yahweh's universal kingship (verse 28) and envisaging the
ever-widening circle of his worshippers.
220 Op. cit., p. 263. He follows the view ofJ.-B. Dumortier, 'Un rituel d'inthronisa-
tion: le Ps. lxxxix 2-38', F T 22 (1972), pp. Ì 76-196, at pp. 187-189, where he com-
pares verse 23 with verse 10b; verse 24a with verse 14b; and verse 24b with verse 17b.
221 So,J.H. Eaton, op. cit., pp. 136, 171; cf. S.J.L. Croft, op. cit., p. 78, who considers
Ps. 44 'certainly royal', Ps. 5 'probably royal', and Pss. 74 and 84 'not royal'. G.
Fohrer, Introduction to the Old Testament (ET, 1970), p. 270., also holds Ps. 44 to be a roy-
al psalm, praying for divine aid in a coming war; cf. P.C. Craigie, Psalms 1-50 (1983),
pp. 33If., who sees the king here as speaking in the first person singular, in a lament
following a military disaster of national proportions.
222 So, S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship (ET, 1962), I, p. 47; J.H. Eaton,
op. cit., pp. 40f.; S.J.L. Croft, op. cit., p. 30; contra, A.A. Anderson, op. cit., I, pp. 227f.;
P.C. Craigie, op. cit., p. 237.
223 A.R.Johnson, Saaal Kingship in Ancient Israel (2nd. ed., 1967), p. 104, observes
that in Ps. 84:3, 9, the thought of the heavenly king leads on to that of his specially
appointed deputy, the reigning member of the house of David.
62 C H A P T E R THREE

Finally, while we have argued that some of the royal psalms may
have been at least potentially messianic from the beginning, our over-
all thesis does not depend on that. Whatever their original setting,
B.S. Childs is surely correct that they were retained in the Psalter "as a
witness to the messianic hope which looked for the consummation of
God's kingship through his Anointed One." 2 2 4 Thus, whether a mes-
sianic interpretation of Davidic kingship in the Psalms arose early or
late, it was clearly a possible interpretation in the time o f j e s u s , and
was also related by many links to the concept of God's kingship or
kingdom.

224 B.S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture (1979), pp. 515-517; cf.
R.E. Clements, art. cit., p. 14, who sees the psalms being reinterpreted as prophecy,
looking forward to a time when a new Davidic ruler would appear. On the signifi‫־‬
cance of the position of royal psalms at the begining and end of sections of the Psalter
(e.g., Pss. 2; 72; 89), cf. C. YVestermann, Praise and Lament in the Psalms (ET, 1981), pp.
257f.; G.H. YVilson, 'The Use of Royal Psalms at the "Seams" of the Hebrew Psalter',
JSOT35 (1986), pp. 85-94.
For the significance of the beginning and end of the Psalter as a whole, see YV.
Brueggemann, 'Bounded by Obedience and Praise: The Psalms as Canon', JSOT50
(1991), pp. 63-92, and for a proposal regarding editorial 'frames' for the Psalter as a
whole, see G.H. YVilson, 'Shaping the Psalter: A Consideration of Editorial Linkage in
the Book of Psalms', in The Shape and Shaping of the Psalter, ed. J.C. McCann (1993), pp.
72-82, who sees a 'Royal Covenantal Frame' stretching between Psalms 2 and 144
and a 'Final YVisdom Frame' stretching between Psalms 1 and 145. Cf. D.C. Mitchell,
op. cit., p. 87, who sees the messianic theme as being central to the purpose of the
Psalter as a collection; E. Zenger, 'The Composition and Theology of the Fifth Book
of Psalms, Psalms 107-145', J S 0 7 1 9 9 8 )80‫)־‬,pp. 77-102, who notes that in contrast to
the fourth book of psalms (see note 18 above), the fifth book takes up the Davidic-mes-
sianic idea again in a positive way and puts it into the service of its theocratic message.
J . Schaper, Eschatology in the Greek Psalter (1995), demonstrates a heightening of
eschatology and messianism in the Septuagint translation of the Psalter. P.YV. Flint,
'The Book of Psalms in the Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls', F T 4 8 (1997), pp. 453-472,
notes that the Psalter is the book most attested among the Dead Sea Scrolls. He also,
in this article and in his monograph, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms
(1997), generally supports the 'Qumran Psalms Hypothesis' of J . A. Sanders, that
while the earlier sections of the Psalter (Pss. 1 -89) were fixed in order, there were alter-
native collections representing the later sections (Pss. 90-150) and accepted as 'scrip-
ture' at Qumran, particularly the longest Qumran Psalms Scroll, 1 l Q P s • 11=)‫ ׳‬Q 5 ) ,
which varies in order and content from the Masoretic Text; so also, G.H. YVilson,
'The Qumran Psalms Scroll (1 lQPs a ) and the Canonical Psalter: Comparison ofEdi-
torial Shaping', CßQ.59 (1997), pp. 448-464; but cf. D.C. Mitchell, op. cit., pp. 21-26,
who argues that the non-MT arrangements of the Psalms at Qumran were arranged
for specific purposes, but considers that the Qumran writers probably endorsed the
MT-type sequence. Mitchell also notes that "the authors of the Qumran literature
seem to have regarded the Psalms as future-predictive", and so the Psalms were inter-
preted messianically at Qumran; see pp. 97-103; 166-190.
 CHAFFER T W O

A N O T H E R VIEW O F KINGSHIP
- F R O M T H E L A T E R C H A P T E R S O F ISAIAH

1. Introduction

In the last chapter, we examined the characteristics both of the king-

ship of Yahweh and of that of the Davidic king, as expressed in the
Psalms, and summarized the close relationship between the two.
These themes also occur in many other books of the Old Testament,
especially the prophets, and it will be helpful to earth our findings in
the Psalms by relating them to at least one other Old Testament book,
before moving on to consider how the concepts of the kingdom of
God and the Messiah were used in Early Judaism and in the New Tes-
tament.
In this chapter and those on Early Judaism, we shall concentrate
our attention on three aspects:
a) how the characteristics of divine and h u m a n kingship noted in
the Psalms are expressed and developed, whether or not 'kingship' is
mentioned;
b) quotations of or allusions to the psalms of Yahweh's kingship and
the royal psalms (and related passages); and
c) places where God's kingship is linked to that of an individual
earthly ruler.
In line with our major concern, which is a New Testament perspec-
tive, we are not generally seeking to ascertain historical connections
between the occurrences of concepts of kingship in the various works
that we shall consider. Rather our concern is to examine the themes of
God's kingship/kingdom and Davidic (messianic) kingship, and note
the connections between them within a broad historical framework, to
determine the stock of ideas available to those living in the first centu-
ry A.D.
As our other witness in the Old Testament to concepts of kingship,
we have chosen the later chapters of Isaiah. 1 These chapters (40-66)

1 In connection with this study, I prepared sections on the whole of Isaiah, as well as
Jeremiah and Ezekiel, all of which speak of God's kingship as well as Davidic (or mes-
sianic) kingship. Both themes also occur in Micah and Zechariah, with one or other of
64 C H A P T E R THREE

appear to presuppose the Babylonian exile, but we must not forget

that in the first century A.D., the book of Isaiah would have been con-
sidered as a whole. Indeed, there has been increasing recognition in
recent years of the redactional linkages and similarities (as well as dis-
similarities) between the earlier and later chapters of the book. 2 T h e
sovereignty of Yahweh is a major theme in both main sections of Isa-
iah. T h e early chapters contain important messianic oracles (especial-
ly 9:1-7 and 11:1-10), and we will be considering the distinctive appli-
cations of the concept of messianic kingship in the later chapters.
Reasons of space prevent us from dealing with the whole of Isaiah,

the themes present in most of the other minor prophets. Cf. R.E. Clements, 'The
Messianic Hope in the Old Testament', JSOT43 (1989), pp. 3-19, at pp. 13-16 and
note 22 (on p. 19), who considers that when the prophetic writings of the Old Testa-
ment were given their final shape, a series of overall patterns was imposed on the liter-
ature. He states that there is a surprising similarity in the major themes of all the
prophetic collections. His argument builds on J. Vermeylen's redaction criticism of
Isaiah, showing messianic reinterpretation of earlier oracles, and B.S. Childs' 'canon
criticism'.
2 E.g., P.R. Ackroyd, 'Isaiah I-XII: Presentation of a Prophet', Congress Volume, Got-
tingen 1977, F T S u p p 29 (1978), pp. 16-48; R.E. Clements, 'The Prophecies of Isaiah
and the Fall ofjerusalem in 587 B.C.', FT30 (1980), pp. 421-436; 'Beyond Tradition-
History: Deutero-Isaianic Development of First Isaiah's Themes', JSOT 31 (1985),
pp. 95-113; W. Brueggemann, 'Unity and Dynamic in the Isaiah Tradition', JSOT29
(1984), pp. 89-107. The commentary ofJ.D.YV. Watts, Isaiah 1-33 (1985) and Isaiah
34-66 (\9Ά1), concentrates on the final redaction of the book as a whole. By way of
contrast, B.S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture (1979), p. 325, sees that
the canonical (theological) context of Isaiah 40fT. is that they are now understood as a
prophetic word of promise offered to Israel by the eighth-century prophet, Isaiah of
Jerusalem.
H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah. Deutero-Isaiah's Role in Composition and
Redaction (1994), argues that the prophet Deutero-Isaiah was especially influenced by
the literary deposit of Isaiah o f j e r u s a l e m and included a version of these earlier
prophecies with his own, editing them in such a way as to bind the two parts of the
work together; cf. R.E. Clements, 'Zion as Symbol and Political Reality: A Central
Isaianic Quest', in Studies in the Book of Isaiah. Festschrift Willem A.M. Beuken, edd. J. van
Ruiten & M. Vervenne (1997), pp. 3-17, who locates the author of Isaiah 40-55 in
Judah itself, rather than his being "the unnamed prophet of the exile".
Other recent contributions to the search for intertextual links and unity between
the various sections of the book of Isaiah include R. Albertz, 'Das Deuterojesaja-Buch
als Fortschreibung der Jesaja-Prophetie', in Die Hebräische Bibel und ihre zweifache
Nachgeschichte: Festschriftjur Rolf Rendtorff zum 65.Geburtstag, edd. E. Blum, C. Macholz &
E.W. Stegemann (1990), pp. 241-256; D. Carr, 'Reaching for Unity in Isaiah', JSOT
57 (1993), pp. 61-80; R. Rendtorff, 'The Book of Isaiah: A Complex Unity. Syn-
chronic and Diachronic Reading', in New Visions of Isaiah, edd. R.F. Melugin & M.A.
Sweeney (1996), pp. 32-49; C.R. Seitz, 'How is the Prophet Isaiah Present in the Lat-
ter Half of the the Book? The Logic of Chapters 40-66 within the Book of Isaiah', JBL
(1996), pp. 219-240; M.A. Sweeney, 'Prophetic Exegesis in Isaiah 65-66', in Writing
and Reading the Saoll of Isaiah. Studies of an Interpretative Tradition, edd. C.C. Broyles &
C.A. Evans (1997), I, pp. 455-474.
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 65

but we shall allude at times to the earlier chapters, as being part of the
'canonical whole'. We have chosen the later chapters of Isaiah,
because the concept of Yahweh's kingship which they contain is close-
ly related to that in the Psalms, as well as being influential in Mark's
gospel, as we shall see in a later chapter. Further, the distinctive appli-
cation of messianic kingship, which we shall argue is seen in the figure
of Yahweh's Servant in these chapters, helpfully contrasts with other
messianic oracles in the Old Testament prophets, and was also proba-
bly influential in the background to New Testament thought. In line
with our method in treating the Psalms, we shall consider the kingship
of Yahweh and messianic kingship in turn and then summarize the
relationship between the two.

2. The Kingship of Tahweh

While we are taking the 'later chapters of Isaiah' to commence with

chapter 40, it will be helpful to glance at least at the chapters which
closely precede it. Chapter 35 is generally recognised as having an
affinity of theme with chapters 40-55. 3 T h e mention of Yahweh's
kingship in verse 2 ('the majesty of our God') causes us to look back
still further in Isaiah, as it is in a very similar eschatological context to
33:21, 22. In chapter 35, Yahweh's kingship is centred on Zion (verse
10), and Israel will be saved (verse 4). T h e r e is also a vision of the
restoration of nature (35:1, 2, 6, 7; cf. Psalms 96:12; 98:8) and the
healing of h u m a n disabilities (Isaiah 35:5, 6).
Chapters 36-39 serve as an editorial link between the two main sec-
tions of the book of Isaiah. 4 Hezekiah's prayer (37:16) is addressed to
Yahweh as 'enthroned', in relation to the situation of the Assyrian
threat (cf. 6:lff.; 30:29ff.). It is a plea for God's judgement on Sen-
nacherib (verse 17) and salvation for Israel (verse 20). T h e answer
comes in Isaiah's prophecy of Sennacherib's destruction (verses 21-
35). T h e phrase ‫הכו־בים‬ ('enthroned above the cherubim', verse 16)
relates to the ark in the temple (verse 14) and occurs also in one of the
psalms of Yahweh's kingship, Psalm 99:1 (cf. 1 Samuel 4:4; 2 Samuel

3 See R.E. Clements, Isaiah 1-39 (1980), p. 271; O.H. Steck, Bereitete Heimkehr: Jesaja
35 als redaktionelle Brücke zachen dem Ersten und dem ^weiten Jesaja ( 1985); J . Blenkinsopp,
'Second Isaiah - Prophet of Universalism', J 5 0 T 4 1 (1988), pp. 88-103, at p. 84.
4 Cf. B.S. Childs, op. dt., pp. 332f.; C.R. Seitz, xjon 's Final Destiny: The Development of
the Book of Isaiah. A Reassessment of Isaiah 36-39 (1991); B.S. Childs, Isaiah (2001), pp.
259-266." Isaiah 36-39 is duplicated in 2 Kings 18-20.
66 C H A P T E R THREE

6:2 = 1 Chronicles 13:6). Yahweh is addressed as the 'God of Israel'

(Isaiah 37:16) but he has universal authority (verses 16, 20), on the
basis of his creation (verse 16). T h e idols of other nations are 'no gods'
(verse 19). All these elements and the monotheistic emphasis are char-
acteristic themes of Isaiah 40-55.
Chapters 40-55 have been likened to an immense enthronement
psalm (or 'psalm of Yahweh's kingship'). 5 We have argued that it is
likely that they were dependent on the psalms of Yahweh's kingship or
at least on the ideas and liturgy of the New Year (enthronement) festi-
val. 6 J . Gray, for example, argues that Isaiah 45:23 represents the
nations being constrained to acknowledge Yahweh's kingship, as in
the enthronement psalms (Psalms 47:9; 96:7ff.; 99:l-3). 7
T h r e e times in these chapters is Yahweh called 'King' (‫מלך‬, Isaiah
41:21; 43:15; 44:6), and in each case he is King 'of J a c o b ' or 'Israel'.
T h e r e is a close connection between Yahweh and his covenant peo-
pie. T h e r e is also an emphasis on H abgeschickte, God's saving acts on
behalf of Israel in the past, especially the exodus from Egypt (43:16,
17; 51:10), often linked with his acts in creation ('the Creator of
Israel', 43:15; 51:9, 13, 16; cf. Psalm 74:12-14; 95:3-6). Yahweh is the
' R e d e e m e r ' (‫גאל‬, Isaiah 41:14), 8 and he is represented as leading a
'new exodus' of his people, this time from Babylon (43:14-19). 9
T h e contexts of Isaiah 41:21 and 44:6 show Yahweh's authority
reaching far beyond the bounds of Israel. 41:21-29 is in the form of a
law-suit, where Yahweh calls on the gods of the nations to prove their
divinity by any act of control over history, which they had predicted in
advance. 1 0 Yahweh's example of his lordship over history is the career
of Cyrus (verse 25). Since the gods make no answer, they are account-
ed as nothing (verses 24, 29). 44:6 contains the strong monotheistic
statement, 'besides me there is no god' (cf. 43:10, 11).
Yahweh's sovereign authority over the universe and over all poten-
tial rivals is a necessary concomitant of his redemption of Israel from

5 H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the Old Testment (ET, 1956), pp. 39f.
6 See pp. 25-26; cf. S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (ET, 1956), p. 139; J . H . Eaton, Fes-
tal Drama in Deute!0-Isaiah (1979), p. 4; J . Day, 'Prophecy', in It is Written: Scripture Citing
Scripture, edd. D.A. Carson and H.G.M. Williamson (1988), pp. 39-55, at pp. 47f.
7 J. Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of God ( 1979), p. 174.
8 ‫ נאל‬in its various forms is frequently found in Is. 40-66; cf. H. Ringgren, TDOTll,
pp. 350-355.
9 Cf. C. Stuhlmueller, Creative Redemption in Deutero-Isaiah (1970).
10 Cf. C. Westermann, Isaiah 40-66 (ET, 1969), pp. 81-91; R.N. Whybray, Isaiah
40-66(\91b), pp. 67-70.
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 67

their exile in Babylon. As well as being King o f l s r a e l (44:6), he is pic-

tured as sitting enthroned above the earth (40:22), bringing earthly
rulers to naught (40:23). H e is not only lord of history, but also the ere-
ator of the universe (40:22). Yahweh's creation (cf. 40:12, 28) and the
futility of idolatry (40:18-20) are recurring and connected themes in
these chapters, as in the psalms of Yahweh's kingship (Psalms 96:5;
97:6, 7).
'Justice' (‫מטפט‬, Isaiah 40:14), is often an attribute of kingship (cf.
Psalms 89:14; 97:2, 8; 99:4). Isaiah 40:9-11 speaks of Yahweh's majestic
march with his people, his arm (of deliverance) 'ruling' (‫מטלה‬, verse 10)
for him (cf. 51:5), and Yahweh feeding his flock 'like a shepherd' (verse
11). As we have seen, 11 kings were frequently likened to shepherds. 12
It is in this context of Yahweh's kingship that 'good tidings' are to
be brought (40:9). Here the participial form of ‫ בטי־‬is feminine, thus
showing that Zion herself is the proclaimer. 1 3 T h e only other occur-
rences of the word in chapters 40-55 have the participle in the mascu-
line and show Zion as the recipient of the good tidings (41:27; 52:7). 14
T h e word also occurs in 60:6, where the nations proclaim the praise of
Yahweh (cf. 2:2-4), and in 61:1, where the anointed one brings good
tidings to the poor.
Looking back to the Psalms, there are only three occurrences of
‫בטר‬, two of them in psalms where Yahweh's kingship is expressly cele-
brated, 68 and 96. Psalm 68:11 is a mainly secular usage, though the
tidings of victory also indicate God's salvation of his people (verse 20)
and are told in the context of worship (verse 24). In Psalm 96:2, the
tidings are of Yahweh's salvation. In the third occurrence, Psalm 40:9,
Yahweh's righteousness is proclaimed in the great congregation,
probably by the king. 15 T h u s it is likely that the bringing of good tid-

11 See p. 61; cf. Ps. 78:71 ; Ezek. 34.

12 Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., p. 41, who sees Yahweh here as 'the shepherd-ruler'. See
also M.Z. Brettler, 'Incompatible Metaphors for YHYVH in Isaiah 40-66', JSOT 78
(1998), pp. 97-120.
13 Cf. E.J. Young, The Book of Isaiah (1965-72), III, pp. 36f.;J.F.A. Sawyer, 'Daugh-
ter of Zion and Servant of the Lord in Isaiah: A Comparison', JSOT 44 (1989), pp.
89-107, at pp. 91, 103; contra RSV marginal reading, Ό herald of good tidings to
Zion (or Jerusalem)'.
14 O. Schilling, 72)0711, pp. 313-316, agrees with G. Friedrich, 7OjVTII, pp. 708-
710, that the basic meaning of the word was 'good' rather than neutral tidings; only in
1 Sam. 4:17 does it mean bad tidings.
15 So, J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed., 1986), pp. 42-44; P.C.
Craigie, Psalms 7-50(1983), p. 314; SJ.L. Croft, The Identity of the Individual in the Psalms
(1987), p. 64.
68 C H A P T E R THREE

ings had a particular meaning in connection with the worship of Yah-

weh as King (cf. N a h u m 1:15), and that the king was sometimes the
proclaimer of these good tidings.
T h a t the 'good tidings' were generally linked in Israelite worship to
Yahweh's kingship, is shown by the coincidence of other cultic
themes. T h e 'new song' of Isaiah 42:10 occurs in Psalms 96:1 and
98:1 (both psalms of Yahweh's kingship), as well as Psalm 33:3 (where
Yahweh's enthronement is mentioned in verse 14, his justice in verse
5, and his creation in verses 6, 7) and the royal psalms, 40:3 and
144:9. T h e song, brought by the returning exiles (Isaiah 51:11), will be
echoed by the whole of creation (44:23; 49:13) as in the cultic célébra-
tion of the same enthronement psalms, 9 6 : 1 1 , 1 2 and 98:7, 8.
Isaiah 52:7-10 has strong similarities to 40:9-11. 16 T h e fact that Zion
is the recipient of the good tidings in 52:7 (also in 41:27) and the pro-
claimer in 40:9 may be explained on analogy with 'my servant' who is
represented both as Israel (41:8) and as an individual figure (42: l).17 T h e
community is seen as taking up the message that is also proclaimed to
them, probably by an individual. 18 T h e good news is ‫"( מלך אלהיך‬Your
God reigns", verse 7), a direct reminiscence of the cry in the enthrone-
ment psalms ‫( יהרה מלך‬Psalms 93:1; 96:10; 97:1; 99:1). T h e r e is an espe-
daily close parallel with Psalm 96:10, where the message of Yahweh's
kingdom is to be proclaimed among the nations (cf. Isaiah 52:10). It is
accompanied by singing of the natural order (Psalm 96:11, 12), which
may be contrasted with the singing of the desolated city in Isaiah 52:9.
T h e coming kingdom of Yahweh is good news, because it brings
peace (Isaiah 52:7), salvation (verses 7, 10), comfort and redemption
(verse 9) to Jerusalem. T h e messenger's proclamation in verse 7 comes
before the watchmen's vision in verse 8: they actually see the return of
Yahweh to Zion. 1 9 It is not easy to decide whether in Isaiah 40-55 the

16 Cf. C. Westermann, op. cit., p. 250.

17 See pp. 71-78; the individualisation of the Servant becomes clearer in the later
Servant songs. Cf. J.F.A. Sawyer, art. cit., who finds several points of comparison
between the female 'daughter of Zion' and the male 'servant of the Lord' in Isaiah 40-
66. See B.W. Stone, 'Second Isaiah: Prophet to Patriarchy', JSOT56 (1992), pp. 85-
99, on the effects of hearing a woman's voice in Second Isaiah.
18 Cf. P. Wilcox and D. Paton-Williams, 'The Servant Songs in Deutero-Isaiah',
JSOT 42 (1988), pp. 79-102, who see the Servant in Isaiah 40-48 (including the first
song, 42:1-4) as Israel, and in chapters 49-55 as the prophet, who takes up the unful-
filled mission of Israel as Yahweh's 'Servant'.
19 This may well have as its background a cultic procession of the ark to Jerusalem;
cf./). / 7 a n d note 15 (ch. 1).
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 69

kingship of Yahweh primarily relates to the present and the immedi-

ate historical future (e.g., the return of the exiles from Babylon) or to
the eschatological future. T h e r e are clearly elements of both, and
probably the question poses a false dichotomy. As in the Psalms, the
background is the cultic celebration of Yahweh's kingship which is
universal and eternal, affecting past, present and future, so present
manifestations of that kingship in contemporary history may be spo-
ken of in similar terms to the final eschatological manifestation.
In the final chapters of Isaiah (56-66), Yahweh's rule over Israel is
acknowledged (63:19) in a lament which complains that he has aban-
doned his covenant people. T h e oracle, "Heaven is my throne" (66:1;
cf. Psalms 11:4; 103:19) at first sight appears to be anti-temple (in con-
trast to Isaiah 60:13). 20 However, it is really attacking legalistic temple
observances by those who ignore God's commands (Isaiah 66:2-4; cf.
Psalm 50:6-17, 23). Yahweh's creation of all things (Isaiah 66:2) shows
the futility of attempting to confine him to the temple (verse 1) and
appease him with sacrifices (verse 3). This theme may be related to the
condemnation of idolatry in the light of Yahweh's creatorship and
kingship (cf. 40:18-23). Unrighteous worship is as bad as idolatry (66:3).
T h u s we see the importance of an ethical response to Yahweh's king-
ship, here by indiviuals who are 'humble and contrite in spirit', trem-
bling at his word (verse 2) and performing his righteous will (verse 4).
Thus, especially in Isaiah 40-55, we have noted similar characteris-
tics ascribed to Yahweh's kingship as in the enthronement psalms. It
has an ethical content, demanding a correct response in the present. It
is both universal, shown by Yahweh's creation and his j u d g m e n t of
the nations, and related to Zion and Israel, shown in deeds of salva-
tion on Israel's behalf (as well as j u d g m e n t on Israel in the first section
of Isaiah). It is both eschatological and has application in contempo-
rary history, to the Assyrian threat in the first section of the book, and
to the return of the exiles from Babylon in the second.
Yahweh's creation and the futility of idolatry are themes of the sec-
ond section of the book, and not of the first. Chapters 40-55 also
emphasize Yahweh's role as ‫כאל‬, 'Redeemer', which is not a major
theme of the enthronement psalms. 21 However, there are no major

20 Various interpretations are listed in R.N. Whybray, op. cit., p. 280.

21 Cf. p. 26and note 49 (ch. 1). The verb does however, occur in Psalms 74:2; 103:4
(both psalms of Yahweh's kingship) and in the royal psalm, 72:14. Further, 'redemp-
tion' is an aspect of Heilsgeschichte, especially related to the exodus.
70 C H A P T E R THREE

differences between the representation of Yahweh's kingship in the

Psalms and that in the book of Isaiah. Instead, we find some fresh
applications to different historical and ethical situations, and the
intensification of some aspects. We will however find a development
from the viewpoint of the Psalms in the presentation of Davidic (or
messianic) kingship in Isaiah.

3. Messianic Kingship

T h e royal psalms referred to the c o n t e m p o r a r y Davidic king, but

insofar as their features were not fulfilled in the historical kings of
Israel a n d J u d a h , they suggested an ideal kingship to be fulfilled in
the future, linked to N a t h a n ' s p r o p h e c y a b o u t David's offspring (2
Samuel 7:11-16). 22 Messianic kingship may therefore be defined as
the presentation of h u m a n kingship (normally of the Davidic line)
in ideal terms, such that not all of its features are likely to be ful-
filled in the c o n t e m p o r a r y ruler. W e must recognise, however, that
from the time of the exile, such language may also be used to
express the hope of a political restoration of the Davidic line. From
its b a c k g r o u n d in the cult, the language about Davidic (or messian-
ic) kingship (in a similar way to the language about Yahweh's king-
ship) was capable both of c o n t e m p o r a r y and eschatological applica-
tions.
Isaiah 40-55 contains three separate applications of the royal ideal:
(a) Cyrus; (b) the figure represented in the so-called "Servant songs"
(42:1-4 ϋ Γ 9; 49:1-6 or 13; 50:4-9 or 11; 52:13-53:12); and (c) the
covenant with David in 55:3-5. W e shall consider these in turn.
a) In chapters 40-48 there are a n u m b e r of allusions to Cyrus as
God's instrument in bringing his people back from exile in Babylon
(41:2-4, 2 5 f f ; 45:13: 46:11; 48:14f.), but only in 44:28; 45:1 is he
named. Yahweh says of Cyrus, ' H e is my shepherd' (44:28), a title fre-
quently used for kings, and adds that he will fulfil all Yahweh's pur-
pose, which was the ideal role of all Israel's kings in relation to Yah-
weh. Isaiah 45:1-4 is in the form of a royal oracle, similar to Psalms 2
and 110 (cf. Isaiah 42:1-4). 23 Cyrus is designated as Yahweh's 'anoint-
ed' (Isaiah 45:1; cf. Psalm 2:2; Lamentations 4:20), and Isaiah 45:2-3

22 See pp. 57-58, 62.

23 So, C. Westermann, op. cit., pp. 152-162; cf. especially, Is. 45:1, 2 with Ps. 2:8, 9,
relating to the subduing of the nations.
 A N O T H E R V I E W O F KINGSHIP 71

suggests that Yahweh's eschatological kingdom is being manifested

through the action of Cyrus.
At first sight, it is surprising that the messianic ideal should be
applied to Cyrus, a pagan ruler, who did not worship Yahweh (45:4).
It shows however the variey of instruments that Yahweh is willing to
use for the salvation of his people. Similarly, Nebuchadnezzar, who
was used by Yahweh to bring judgment on his people, is called 'my
servant' by Yahweh, in Jeremiah 25:9; 27:6; 43:10. T h u s we see the
ideal of Davidic kingship (which had the potential for contemporary
as well as eschatological application) applied in specific historical cir-
cumstances to foreign kings.
b) T h e r e have been many views advanced on the identification of
the Servant: corporate Israel, 24 the same though expressed in royal
concepts, 2 5 the Messiah, 2 6 an eschatological prophet like Moses, 27 a
prophet in the deutero-Isaianic circle who had died, 28 the prophet
deutero-Isaiah himself, 29 the same with a secondary reference to all
the faithful suffering people of Israel, 30 Cyrus, 31 and the city of

24 O. Eissfeldt, 'The Ebed-Jahwe in Isaiah xl.-lv. in the Light of the Israelite Con-
ceptions of the Community and the Individual, the Ideal and the Real', ExpT 44
(1932-33), pp. 261-268; T. YV. Manson, The Teaching ofJesus (1931; 2nd. ed., 1935),
pp. 178-180; M.D. Hooker, Jesus and the Servant{ 1959), pp. 25-52.
25 O. Kaiser, Der königliche Knecht ( 1959).
26 I. Engncll, 'The Ebed Yahweh Songs and the Suffering Messiah in Deutero-Isa-
iah', BJRL 31 (1948), pp. 54-93; J.N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah. Chapters 40-66[ 1998),
p. 108.
27 A. Bentzen, King and Messiah (1955) pp. 48-67, speaks of a 'new Moses'; G. von
Rad, Old Testament Theology (ET, 1962-65), II, pp. 250-262, of a future prophet 'like
Moses'. Cf. G. P. Hugenberger, 'The Servant of the Ix>rd in the "Servant Songs" of Isa-
iah: a Second Moses Figure', in The Lord's Anointed. Interpretation of Old Testament Messianic
Texts, edd. P.E. Satterthwaite, R.S. Hess & G.J. VVenham (1995), pp. 105-140, who
refers to the dominance of second exodus imagery in the context of the Servant Songs;
R.E. Clements, 'Isaiah 53 and the Restoration of Israel', in Jesus and the Suffering Servant.
Isaiah 53 and Christian Origins, edd. YV.H. Bellinger, Jr. & YV.R. Farmer (1998), pp. 39-54,
who considers that "essentially the same theological concerns which helped to shape the
Deuteronomic portrayal of Moses have shaped those of the suffering Servant" (p. 48);
K. Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah. A Commentary on Isaiah 40-55 (ET, 2001 ), pp. 20-22.
28 S. Mowinckel, op. cit., p. 250, who divorces the Servant Songs from their context.
29 R.N. YVhybray, op. cit.-, in Thanksgivingfor a Liberated Prophet: An Interpretation of Isa-
iah Chapter 53 (1978), YVhybray interprets ch. 53 as a thanksgiving for deutero-Isaiah's
release from a Babylonian prison. P. YVilcox and D. Paton-YVilliams, art. cit., p. 98,
prefer to see ch. 53 as a reflection on the prophet's tragic death.
30 J. Klausner, The Messianic Idea in Israel (ET, 1955), pp. 162-168.
31 J . Blenkinsopp, art. cit., pp. 88ff., in respect of the first Servant song, taking the lat-
er songs as probably referring to a prophetic individual and his following. Cf. J.D.W.
YVatts, Isaiah 34-66( 1987), who takes the Servant in Is. 52:13-53:12 to be Darius, but
considers that the suffering figure, which he distinquishes, may be Zerubbabel.
72 C H A P T E R THREE

Zion. 3 2 C . R . North noted an ambiguity in the songs between collec-

tive and individual interpretations, 3 3 and C. Westermann points us
in the right direction, when he disallows any certain identification of
the Servant in view of the cryptic nature of the songs and their
dependence on a variety of figures, kingly, prophetic and national. 3 4
Similarly, H . G . M . Williamson concludes that it is the task of the ser-
vant figure, not the identity of the one who should fulfil it, which
remains p a r a m o u n t in Isaiah 40-55. 3 5
In the first part of Isaiah, 'my servant' is used by Yahweh of the
prophet Isaiah himself (20:3; cf. Amos 3:7), of the king's steward Eli-
akim, who is represented with royal characteristics (Isaiah 22:20ff.),
and of David (37:35). While the title is frequendy used of David and
his successors in the Old Testament, 3 6 it is also used of others, and
Moses is referred to as God's servant some forty times. 37
Further, it is important to notice that the word ‫ עבד‬is used not only
in or about the "Servant songs" (42:1; 49:3, 5, 6, 7; 50:10; 52:13;
53:11) but also elsewhere in chapters 40-48, specifically referring to
Israel (41:8, 9; 44:1, 2, 21; 45:4; 48:20), 38 speaking of her comfort, for-
giveness and redemption. 3 9 T h e word is used without specific refer-

32 L.E. YVilshire, 'The Servant-City: A New Interpretation of the "Servant of the

Lord" in the Servant Songs of Deutero-Isaiah', JBL 94 (1975), pp. 356-367.
33 C.R. North, The Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah (1948; 2nd. ed., 1956); so, also
H.H. Rowley, The Servant of the Ijord and Other Essays on the Old Testament (1952), recog-
nizing in 'The Suffering Servant and the Davidic Messiah', pp. 61-88, that the SufTer-
ing Servant and the Davidic Messiah are related concepts. Cf. C. R. North, 'The Suf-
fering Servant: Current Scandinavian Discussions', SJT 3 (1950) pp. 363-379, where
he summarizes the views of H.S. Nyberg and others; !. Lindblom, The Servant Songs in
Deutero-Isaiah( 1951).
34 C. Westermann, op. cit., pp. 20f., 93; cf. D.J.A. Clines I, He, We, and They: A Liter-
ary Approach to Isaiah 53 (1976), p. 59; B. Lindars, 'Good Tidings to Zion: Interpreting
Deutero-Isaiah Today', BJRL 68 (1985-86), pp. 473-497, at pp. 484-493.
35 Variations on a Theme. King, Messiah and Servant in the Book ofIsaiah ( 1998), p. 166.
36 See pp. 50-51.
37 W. Zimmerli, TDMTV, pp. 659-673; cf.C. Lindhagen, The Servant Motif in the Old
Testament: A Preliminary Study to the 'Ebed Yahweh Problem in Deutero-Isaiah (1950).
38 C. R. North, The Second Isaiah (1964), p. 97, notes that this in itself was an innova-
tion (cf. Ps. 136:22; Jer. 30:10, 46:27f.; Ezek. 28:25; 37:25). While Abraham is
referred to in Is. 41:8 (and 51:2; cf. 29:22), it seems unlikely that the designation of
Israel as 'my servant' (41:8) depends on that description being applied to Abraham in
Gen. 26:24, since in 41:8 Yahweh calls him ·‫'( *הב‬my friend'; cf. 2 Chron. 20:7).
39 K. Elliger, Deuterojesaja 40,1-45,7 (1978), p. 204, notes that in contrast to its use in
these verses, the occurrence of ‫ עבד‬in 42:1 has an active component in its meaning. Cf.
P. Wilcox and D. Paton-Williams, art. cit., pp. 86-88, who acknowledge this contrast
but nevertheless identify the Servant of 42:Iff. with Israel, suggesting an ambivalence
in the prophet's attitude to God's people in chapters 40-48.
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 73

ence in 42:19; 43:10; 44:26, where Israel is seen as a messenger or

messengers (42:19; 44:26) or witnesses (43:10; cf. 43:9, 12; 44:8, 9;
55:4; 19:20). A comparison of roles may be made with both that of the
'herald of good tidings' (40:9; 41:27; 52:7) and the call to be 'a light to
the nations' (42:6; 49:6; cf. 52:15). However, in 42:19 and 43:10, the
context is the blindness and deafness of Israel (42:18-20; 43:8), which
probably refer back to the lack of response to Isaiah's message, pre-
dieted in 6:10, and demonstrate the need for the Servant's ministry in
42:7, 'to open the eyes that are blind' (cf. 29:18; 35:5; 42:16, 18).40
While form criticism may suggest a distinction between the Servant
songs and their context, 41 the application of ‫ ענ;ד‬to Israel elsewhere in
chapters 40-48 cannot be coincidental. 42 A clue to this relationship may
be seen in the application to Israel of the plural form 'servants of Yah-
weh' in 54:17, and then frequently in chapters 56-66 (56:6; 63:17; 65:8,
9, 13 (three times), 14, 15; 66:14), while the singular form is not used
after 53:11. T h a t verse reads, 'by his knowledge shall the righteous one,
my servant, make many to be accounted righteous', which shows one
important link beween corporate Israel (as God's 'servant(s)') and the
Servant of the songs. Israel (or a remnant) attain to the Servant's right-
eous status before God as the result of his atoning ministry. 43
T h e various uses of ‫ עבד‬in Isaiah 40-66 suggest that Israel failed in
her task as God's messengers or witnesses of his supreme power and
character to the world, because of her spiritual blindness and deaf-
ness. Instead, this role was performed by the Servant of the songs,
while finally Israel was restored to her intended status because of the
Servant's ministry on her behalf. In addition to this corporate (nation-
al) element in the figure of the Servant in the songs, 44 we should be

40 Cf. J . Goldingay, 'Isaiah 42.18-25', JSOT67 (1995), pp. 43-65, esp. p. 52.
41 Cf. C. Westermann, op. cit., p. 92; contra, T.N.D. Mettinger, A Farewell to the Ser-
vant Songs (1983), who argues that the 'songs' are not intruded into their context in Isa-
iah 40-55, and supports the corporate interpretation of the Servant.
42 Cf. B.S. Childs, Isaiah (2001), pp. 323-325: "For anyone who takes the larger lit-
erary context seriously, there can be no avoiding the obvious implication that in some
way (italics his) Israel is the servant who is named in 42.1" (p.325).
43 A further indication that we should see a relationship between (i) the Servant of
the songs, (ii) Israel as God's servant (singular) elsewhere in ch. 40-48, and (iii) Israel
as God's servants (plural) in 54:17 and ch. 56-66, is the frequent parallel with the
word 'chosen', applying to all three: the Servant songs (42:1; 49:7); singular Israel
(41:8, 9; 43:10; 44:1, 2; 45:4; cf. 43:20); and plural Israel (65:9, 15; cf. verse 22). Both
Israel (41:10) and the Servant of the songs (42:1) are 'upheld' by Yahweh.
44 At 49:3, the Servant is called 'Israel', in spite of his ministry to Israel in verses 5,
6. Westermann, Whybray (Isaiah 40-66), ad be., consider this to be a gloss; contra,].W.
74 C H A P T E R THREE

prepared for a prophetic element, in view of the frequent designation

of Moses as God's servant and the application o f t h a t title to Isaiah in
20:3. 45 Further, on the basis of a royal usage o f ' m y servant' in Isaiah
22:20 and 37:35 and frequently elsewhere in the Old Testament, 4 6 we
may look for royal elements in the Servant. This is especially appro-
priate as the king is seen in the royal psalms as representing his people,
whose interests depend on his fulfilment of the royal ideal. 47
Most scholars accept that 42:1-4 contains royal features. 48 S. Mow-
inckel, for example, agrees that the passage is in the style of the royal
accession-oracles (as Psalms 2 and 110), although he applies this to the
prophet's call. 49 Yahweh's 'upholding' of his servant (42:1; cf. 41:10) is
reminiscent of the royal vocabulary of the Psalms (41:12; 63:8), as is
his being 'kept' (or 'guarded', Isaiah 42:6; cf. 49:8) by Yahweh (Psalms
25:21; 40:11; 61:7). 50
T h e gift of God's Spirit (Isaiah 42:1; cf. 61:1) takes us back to the
messianic prophecy of Isaiah 11:2, especially since it is linked to the

Eaton, Festal Drama in Deutero-Isaiah ( 1979), pp. 63f.; P. Wilcox and D. Paton-Williams,
art. cit., pp. 90-91. N.L. Tidwell, 'My Servant Jacob, Is. XLII 1 ', in Studies on Prophecy,
ed. G. W. Anderson et al, ( F T S u p p 26; 1974), pp. 84-91, argues from the use of
'Israel' in Is. 49:3 for the LXX reading 'my servant Jacob' in 42:1.
45 Isaiah may have seen his own prophetic role as related to that of the ideal king,
who would proclaim Yahweh's righteousness and justice; see note 49 (ch. 4); cf. J . H .
Eaton, op. cit., pp. 32-35.
46 See especially Ps. 89:3, 20, 39, 50, a psalm dealing with the kingship of Yahweh
as well as that of the Davidic king, in the tradition of the New Year (enthronement)
festival, on which we have argued Isaiah 40-55 is based; cf. p. 66 and note 6 above.
47 See pp. 55, 57. Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., who argues that as Isaiah 40-55 depends
on the celebration of Yahweh's kingship at the autumn festival, so the Servant Songs
are based on the king's role in that festival; contra, J . Blenkinsopp, art. cit., note 23 (on
p. 101), who states that Eaton exaggerates the bearing of the New Year festival and
the ancient Near Eastern ideology of kingship on Second Isaiah. However, Blenkin-
sopp (pp. 84-85) suggests that much of the symbolic language of Is. 40-48 comes from
the Babylonian akitu festival, which must have been familiar to the deportees. This
derivation seems most unlikely, as we have noted the similarity between the Isaiah 40-
55 and the psalms of Yahweh's kingship, some of which have clear Ugaritic parallels,
which must pre-date the Babylonian exile. Further, it is psychologically improbable
that an exiled community would quickly import into their own religion the religious
ideas of their conquerors.
48 E.g., H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the Old Testament (ET, 1956), pp. 41f.; C. West-
ermann, op. cit., p. 97; J . Gray. op. cit., p. 280 (where he links these verses to Is. 11:10)
& pp. 283f.; J . Blenkinsopp, art. cit., pp. 88-89; P. Wilcox and D. Paton-Williams, art.
cit., p. 87; A. Laato, The Servant of YHWH and Cyrus: A Reinterpretation of the Exilic Mes-
sianic Programme in Isaiah 40-55 ( 1992), pp. 74-87.
49 S. Mowinckel, op. cit., p. 190, and note 1; cf. R.N. Whybray, Isaiah 40-66( 1975),
p. 71.
50 Cf. the collective application to Israel in Deut. 32:10; Ps. 31:23.
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 75

establishment of'justice' ( 4,3,1:42,‫;מ פט‬cf. 9:7; 11:3, 4).51 Those

who emphasize the prophetic ministry of the Servant suggest that the
'bringing forth' (Hiph. of 3,42:1,;‫)צא‬and 'establishing'(‫שום‬, verse 4) of
justice consist in a worldwide proclamation of God's rule (cf. 51:4, 5).
However, if such is the case, it is certainly linked with the effectual ful-
filment o f t h a t rule, the word being confirmed by action. ‫'( אמת‬faithful-
ness', 42:3) is a characteristic of the messianic king in Isaiah 11:5;
16:5.
T h e quiet and compassionate demeanour of the Servant (42:2, 3) is
a feature new to the royal ideology. 52 In contrast to the reed and wick
of verse 3, the Servant will not 'grow dim' or 'faint' (‫כהה‬, verse 4) or
'become bruised' or 'crushed' (‫רצץ‬, which may be the first hint of his
suffering that is seen in the later songs. 42:6 has been interpreted as
referring to Cyrus, 53 and to Israel, 54 but the use of the phrase ‫'( אור נדם‬a
light to the nations') not only recalls 42:1 but also recurs in 49:6,
where it is specifically applied to the Servant.
T h e context of 42:5-9 is Yahweh's creatorship (verse 5) and the
condemnation of idolatry (verse 8) which arc often linked with the eel-
ebration of Yahweh's kingship, 55 as is his attribute of 'righteousness'
(verse 6).56 T h e Servant is given as 'a covenant to the people' (verse 6;
49:8; cf. 54:10; 55:3, 4), implying the certainty of the salvation o f Y a h -
weh which will come to the world through his instrumentality. T h e
restoration of sight and the freeing of prisoners are examples of this
(42:7; cf. 35:5; 49:9; 61:1), probably referring in the first instance to
spiritual blindness and captivity (cf. 42:18-22).
In the second Servant song, we cannot rule out the possibility that
Yahweh naming him 'from the body of my mother' (49:1) is a refer-
ence to the Immanuel prophecy of Isaiah 7:14. 57 T h e use of the word
‫'( עז‬strength') in the Servant's affirmation, 'my God has become my
strength' (49:5), indicates a general similarity to the messianic prophe-

51 Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., pp. 48f.

52 It is this that makes it very unlikely that Cyrus is the subject of the first Servant
song; cf. p. 71 and note 31 above. He is spoken of in a very different manner in Is.
41:25; cf. P. Wilcox and D. Paton-Williams, art. cit., pp. 86f.
53 R.N. Whybray, op. cit., p. 76
54 C. Westermann, op. cit., p. 99.
55 See p. 67.
56 Cf. p. 22.
57 Cf. E.J. Young, op. cit., III, p. 268. The wording of verse 1 is different from Yah-
weh 'forming' the Servant from the womb (verse 5), a phrase that is applied also to
Israel (44:2, 24).
76 C H A P T E R THREE

cy in Micah 5:3, 4. 58 T h e same phrase is also reminiscent of the style

of the king's speeches in the royal psalms, 18:2 and 144:2 (cf. Psalms
21:1; 28:7, 8; 46:l). 5 9 Isaiah 49:2 may be based on the royal psalm,
45:2-5 (cf. Isaiah 11:4), and Isaiah 49:3 on the royal psalm, 2:7. T h e
Servant's ministry to Israel is broadened to the whole world (verses 5,
6). H e suffers, but is vindicated (verses 4, 7), as in some of the psalms of
individual lament.
T h e theme of suffering and vindication is more prominent in the
third Servant song (50:6-9), bearing similarity to Psalm 22 and other
individual laments. 60 Isaiah 50:4-5 emphasizes the prophetic ministry
of the Servant, but comparisons between the Servant songs and the
'confessions' ofJeremiah (e.g., Jeremiah 20:7-12) break down particu-
larly in the Servant's acceptance of suffering in contrast to Jeremiah's
complaints and desire for vengeance. 61 T h e close conjunction o f ' f e a r -
ing Yahweh' and 'obeying the voice of his servant' (Isaiah 50:10) sug-
gests a parallel with Psalm 2:2, 62 while 'walking in darkness' and the
lack of light appear to be an allusion to the messianic prophecy, Isaiah
9:2. 63 Isaiah 51:4, 5 may be a speech of the Servant in view of the sim-
ilarity to 42:1 -4, while 51:14-16 probably represents a further descrip-
tion of his sufferings and commission, here in the context of Yahweh's
creation (verses 13, 16).64
T h e fourth Servant song (52:13-53:12) clearly depicts his vicarious
suffering. 65 T h e only satisfactory model for this is to be found in the

58 This probably originated about a generation after the Immanuel prophecy, and
likewise referred to a pregnancy; cf. L.C. Allen, The Books ofJoel, Obadiah, Jonah and
Micah (1976), pp. 248, 345.
59 J.H. Eaton, op. cit., pp. 62f.
60 ‫׳‬R.N. YVhybray, op. cit., p. 151.
61 Cf., however, Is. 50:11. Cf. also, C. Westermann, op. at., pp. 227f. A direct link
between the Servant and Jeremiah may be postulated by the occurrence of a 'lamb
led to the slaughter 1 and being 'cut off from the land of the living' in both Is. 53:7, 8
a n d j e r . 11:19. If so, it seems more likely that the dependence was on the part o f j e r e -
miah, as an application from the general to the particular, but it may be that both
passages were based on common liturgical language.
62 Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., pp. 68f., where he argues that Ps. 2 is the most complete
parallel to Is. 50:4-11.
63 Cf. R. Schultz, 'The King in the Book of Isaiah', in The Lord's Anointed: Interpréta-
tion of Old Testament Messianic Texts, edd. P.E. Satterthwaite, R.S. Hess & G.J. Wenham
(1995), pp. 141-165, at pp. 155ff, where he adduces thematic links between the larger
literary contexts of the passages relating to the messianic king and to Yahweh's ser-
vant in Isaiah.
64 Cf. J.A. Motyer, The Prophecy of Isaiah (1993), pp. 404ff, 41 Off.
65 A priestly role for the Servant is recognized, if ‫ יזה‬is taken to mean 'sprinkle'
(52:15), as, e.g., F.F. Bruce, This is That (1968), who, at pp. 89-90, identifies the Ser-
vant with the future messianic king of Israel.
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 77

psalms of suffering (e.g., Psalms 22; 69; 89; 118): these often have a
clearly royal content, 6 6 and may well indicate ritual suffering on the
part of the king, enacted in the cult as representing his people (cf. Ps.
89:39, 44). 67 T h e ritual of the Day of Atonement (Leviticus 16) is also
probably in the background, while the Davidic king at various times
during the monarchy may well have taken a leading role in such cere-
monies on the basis of his priestly office (Psalm 110:4).
Apart from this background of ideas that may be surmised, the song
contains definite royal features. 68 T h e Servant's triumphant enthrone-
ment (Isaiah 52:13; cf. Isaiah 6:1), his precedence over kings (52:15)
and the image of military victory (53:12) allude to the royal accession
psalms (Psalms 2:2, 6, 8-10; 110:1-2, 5-6). In addition to the c o m m o n
use of tree-imagery for rulers, the use of ‫'( שרש‬root', Isaiah 53:2) may
be a more direct allusion to the Messiah (cf. Isaiah 11:1, 10).69 Royal
shepherd-imagery (cf. Isaiah 40:11; 44:28; Psalm 78:70-72; Ezekiel
34) may lie behind Isaiah 53:6, if that verse depicts a shepherd paying
a penalty on account of the sheep that have strayed.
T h e promised vision of the Servant's offspring and promised pro-
longation of his days (53:10) suggest God's covenant with David that
his offspring will reign 'for ever' (2 Samuel 7:12, 13; Psalm 132:11, 12;
cf. Isaiah 55:3). Finally, as Yahweh is called 'the Righteous O n e ' in
Isaiah 24:16, so is the Servant in 53:11, and righteousness is one of the
principal features of the Messiah's rule (Psalm 72:1, 2; Isaiah 9:7;
11:4, 5; 32:1). T h e nation will be accounted righteous because of his
sacrifice (Isaiah 53:11; cf. 60:21 ; 26:2).
While strong prophetic elements, an emphasis on suffering and
identification with the nation contribute to the enigmatic figure of the
Servant in Isaiah 40-55, it is hard to resist the conclusion that he is the
future Messiah, especially as it is only the figure of the Messiah (based
on the role of the king in the royal psalms) that can logically comprise
these disparate features. However, the fact of his rule (which is the tra-
ditional messianic function) is not seen here as being more important

66 See pp. 36-37, 57, and note 206 (ch. 1).

67 Cf. H. Ringgren, op. cit., pp. 49-53, who considers that the death and return to
life of the Babylonian fertility god Tammuz may be reflected in the language of this
song.
68 J . H . Eaton, op. cit., pp. 76f, following a Qumran reading has ‫( מטלות׳‬Ί have
anointed') for ‫'( בוטחת‬marred') in 52:14 (cf. 61:1). Cf. note 69 (ch. 5).
69 The same word is used of the remnant of Israel in Is. 37:31, but the context of
the fourth song gives no justification for a corporate meaning.
78 C H A P T E R THREE

than his proclamation of Yahweh's word and his offering of himself

for the sin of the people. Further, he is presented in such a way that his
calling may be applied to an individual prophet or the faithful 'rem-
nant' of the nation. 7 0 This interpretation is confirmed in the reference
to the Davidic covenant in 55:3-5, which we shall now consider.
c) In Isaiah 55:3, the nation is promised 'an everlasting covenant'
which is identified with God's 'steadfast, sure love for David'. 7 1 It has
been argued that this represents a transference of the Davidic
covenant to the people, such that an individual messianic interpreta-
tion is no longer in view. 72 However, while the plural of verse 3 shows
this broadening of the scope of the covenant, the prior reference of the
singular in verses 4 and 5 is probably to the Messiah, whose blessings
they share (cf. Psalm 72).73 T h e Servant is called 'a covenant to the
people' in Isaiah 42:6; 49:8, while the parallel phrase in 42:6, 'a light
to the nations' (cf. 49:6; 51:4) is recalled in the description of David (or
his messianic successor) as a 'witness to the peoples' (55:4). T h e royal
psalm, 18:43, may also be adduced as background for this verse, while
there are clear verbal and conceptual links between Isaiah 55:3 and
and the royal psalm 89, which we have noted frequendy refers to
David and his successor as Yahweh's 'servant'. 7 4

70 Cf. W.J. Houston, '"Today, in Your Very Hearing": Some Comments on the
Christological Use of the Old Testament', in The Glory of Christ in the New Testament,
edd. L.D. Hurst & N.T. Wright (1987), pp. 37-47, at p. 45, who comments that part
of the difficulty of the 'Servant Songs' is caused just by the fact that ideas associated
with royalty are here beginning to be used to express new expectations. The cultic
office of the king is the model but the portrait is not that of a mere king.
71 Cf. H.G.M. Williamson, ' "The Sure Mercies of David": Subjective or Objective
Genitive?', JSS 23 (1978), pp. 31-49, who defends (contra A. Caquot and W.A.M.
Beuken) the traditional view that the mention of David here is an objective (rather
than subjective) genitive.
72 E.g., G. von Rad, op. cit., II, p. 240; C. Westermann, op. cit., pp. 283-286;J. Beck-
er, Messianic Expectation in the Old Testament (ET, 1980), p. 69.
73 Cf. W.C. Kaiser,Jr., 'The Unfailing Kindnesses Promised to David: Isaiah 55:3',
JSOT 45 (1989), pp. 91-98, who takes Is. 55:3ff. to refer to the Davidic covenant,
which is shared with (rather than transferred to) Israel. He does not however see a
messianic reference, taking verse 4 to refer to David, and verse 5 to Israel. J . Blenkin-
sopp, art. cit., p. 93, note 32, speaks of a kind of crypto-messianism appearing here and
at Is. 61:8-9, in allusions to the Davidic covenant, which is associated with the Abra-
hamic covenant. Cf. also, E.J. Young, op. cit., III, pp. 377-379, who sees Is. 55:4, 5 as
referring to the seed of David, the Messiah, following the reference to the Davidic
covenant in verse 3; similarly, J.A. Motyer, op. cit., pp. 453-455.
74 See note 46 above; cf. Ο. Eissfeldt, 'The Promises of Grace to David in Isaiah
55.1-5', in Israel's Prophetic Heritage, edd. B.W. Anderson and W. Harrelson (1962), pp.
192-207, at pp. 196ff.; K.M. Heim, 'The (God-) Forsaken King of Psalm 89: A His-
torical and Intertextual Enquiry', in King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East,
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 79

We have observed that Isaiah 53:10 probably applies the Davidic

covenant to the Servant, while the following verse shows how the
covenant can be applied as well to the nation (as in 55:3), since they
are accounted righteous when the Servant bears their iniquities
(53:1 1).75 In the relationship to the nations, 55:5 (applying we suggest
to the Messiah) is reminiscent of 52:15 (applying to the Servant).
Finally, in Yahweh's glorification of the Messiah (55:5), there is an
allusion to Isaiah 11:10 (which also speaks of the nations seeking him),
and possibly to the 'branch of Yahweh' in Isaiah 4:2.
So in Isaiah 40-55 we see the characteristics of the Messiah (55:3-
5) applied first to Cyrus, who is ' a n o i n t e d ' by Yahweh to bring sal-
vation to his people Israel in a historical sense from exile in Baby-
Ion, a n d secondly to the Servant, who will mediate ultimate salva-
tion to the world. It may be that the p r o p h e t himself (or a n o t h e r
person) is thought of as the bringer of good tidings in 41:27; 52:7.
However, it is ultimately the Servant who proclaims the reign of
G o d that brings salvation (52:7; cf. 42:1-4; 51:4, 5) and, by his sacri-
fice of himself, opens up G o d ' s covenant of steadfast love to m a n y
(53:11 ; 55:3). T h e y in their turn, like Zion (40:9) and Israel (as Yah-
weh's 'servant', 42:19; 43:10, 44:26), may become the proclaimers
of G o d ' s rule.
Isaiah 56-66 contains a n u m b e r of possible references to the Ser-
vant of the songs in chapters 40-55, the most important of these being
61:1-3. T h e figure there speaks in the first person, as in 49:Iff. and
50:4ff. As in 42:1, he is endued with the Spirit of Yahweh (61:1), a link
further with the messianic prophecy in Isaiah 11:2, which is con-
firmed by a common concern for 'the p o o r ' ( 6 1 : 1,‫ ;ענוים‬Isaiah 11:4; cf.
29:19; 32:7; Psalm 72:2, 4, 12). H e is also 'anointed' by Yahweh, 7 6 and
there is a close connection between Isaiah 61:1 and David's anointing

ed. J . Day (1998), pp. 296-322, at pp. 306-314, where he summarizes his 'Exposition
of Isaiah 55.1-5 in the light of Psalm 89' with the conclusion that Is. 55:1-5 can be
read as the divine answer to the open question of Psalm 89. He argues that "the divine
answer consists not of a transferral of the original promises from the Davidides to
Israel, but in the promise of restoration for the Davidic dynasty" (p. 313). Contrast
B.S. Childs, op. cit., pp. 434-437.
75 Yahweh's 'covenant of peace' (Is. 54:10), parallelled as in 55:3 with his steadfast
love, seems to be a linking of the Noahic covenant (54:9; cf. Gen. 9:9ff.) with the
Davidic covenant, which is opened up to 'many' (53:11) by the ministry of the Ser-
vant.
76 If the reading ‫ בוטחת־‬in Is. 52:14 (see note 68 above) is correct, that would be a fur-
ther direct link with the Servant.
80 C H A P T E R THREE

and endowment with Yahweh's Spirit in 1 Samuel 16:13; 2 Samuel

23:1-2."
Since anointing was primarily a royal ceremony, 7 8 it is likely that
the figure o f l s a i a h 61 : Iff. is a royal/messianic figure (cf. 45: l). 79 Vers-
es 1-3 would fit well as a speech of the king following the symbolic rep-
resentation of victory over the nation's foes at the New Year festival
(cf. Psalm 1 18:14-29). 80 T h e proclamation of'liberty' (verse 1) suggests
an allusion to the year of jubilee (Leviticus 25:10), which J e r e m i a h
34:8 depicts as being inaugurated by the king. 81 ' T h e year of Yah-
weh's favour' (Isaiah 61:2) continues the theme of jubilee, as well as
alluding to 'a time of favour' (parallel to 'a day of salvation') in the sec-
ond Servant song (49:8). T h e cognate verb ‫ רצה‬is used of Yahweh's
favourable acceptance of the Servant himself in 42:1 ('in w h o m my
soul delights').
T h e release of prisoners (61:1) is anticipated in the Servant's min-
istry (42:7; 49:9), and this link with 42:7 suggests that the L X X reading
of the last clause of 61:1, τυφλοίς άνάβλεψιν ('recovery of sight to the
blind'; cf. Luke 4:18) may be correct (cf. Isaiah 29:18; 35:5). T h e 'bind-
ing up' of the brokenhearted (61:1; cf. Isaiah 30:26) and the 'comfort'
of those who mourn (61:2; cf. 66:13) reflect one of the central themes of
Isaiah 40-55, Yahweh's message of comfort for his people (40:1; 49:13;
51:3, 12, 19; 52:9). ' T h e oil of gladness' (61:3) appears to be a reference
to the royal psalm, 45:7, while the word ‫'( כהה‬faint', Isaiah 61:3) is the
same as that used o f ' t h e dimly burning wick' in Isaiah 42:3.
T h e naming of the people of Zion as 'oaks of righteousness' (61:3;
cf. 58:8; 60:21), may have its root in 'the righteous one, my servant'
making 'many to be accounted righteous' (53:11). So we see that the
'anointed one' of 61:1-3 is identified with the Servant of the songs, as
well as being, by virtue of his anointing, more easily identified as the

77 2 Samuel 23:1 fT. deals with David's prophetic role ('his word is upon my tongue',
verse 2; cf. Is. 50:4). See f u r t h e r , / 4 9.‫׳‬and note 163 (ch. 1); note 112 (ch. 5).
78 See p. 50 and note 165 (ch. 1 ).
79 J . Becker, op. cit., p. 70, note 8, sees here the anointing of prophets (cf. 1 Kings
19:16; Ps. 105:15), applied corporately to Israel; cf. C. Westermann, op. cit., pp. 365-
367, who interprets the passage to refer to the prophet 'Trito-Isaiah', adducing Micah
3:8 as evidence for similar prophetic language.
80 Cf. G. Widengren, Sakrales Königtum im Alten Testament und im Judentum ( 1955), p. 57.
81 Cf. W. Zimmerli, 'Das "Gnadenjahr des Herrn'", in Archäologie und Altes Testa-
ment: Festschrift fur Kurt Galling, edd. A. Kuschke & E. Kutsch (1970), pp. 321-332. H.
Ringgren,op. cit., p. 33, notes that Assyrian and Egyptian texts mention the release of
captives at the accession of a new king. Cf. also, W.J. Houston, art. cit., pp. 45-47.
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 81

Messiah. T h e fact that he brings 'good tidings' (61:1) confirms our

identification of the messenger announcing God's reign in 52:7 (cf.
40:9; 41:27) with the Servant of the songs.
T h e Servant may be speaking as the messenger of the good news to
Zion in 60:l-3; 8 2 61:10; 83 and 62:l-5. 8 4 W e should also consider Isaiah
59:16:

He saw that there was no man,

and wondered that there was no one to intervene;
then his own arm brought him victory,
and his righteousness upheld him.

T h e first phrase is similar to 41:28; 63:5, and probably refers to the Ser-
vant. 'His own arm' recalls 53:1, where it seems almost as though 'the
arm of Yahweh' is personified as the Servant, a more emphatic way of
saying that Yahweh is acting through the Servant (cf. 40:10; 48:14, of
Cyrus; 51:5, 9; 52:10; 62:8; 63:5, 12).85 O f greater significance, the word
'to intervene' ( 5 9 : 1 6,‫)מ?גיע‬recalls the Servant's intercession in 53:12. 86
59:17 may also then refer to the Servant, as may verse 21, which speaks
of the endowment of the Spirit of Yahweh and the impartation of his
words (cf. 49:2; 50:4; 51:16), though this is then applied to the Servant's
offspring (cf. 53:10), with whom the covenant is made (cf. 55:3).87

82 60:2 may be an allusion to the messianic passage in Is. 9:2'(cf. 58:8, 10); and 60:3
to the Servant being called 'a light to the nations 5 in 42:6; 49:6, remembering that this
feature of his ministry was applied to Israel (43:10; cf. 62:2). Cf. R.E. Clements,
'"Arise, shine; for your light has come": A Basic Theme of the Isaianic Tradition', in
Writing and Reading the Scroll of Isaiah. Studies of an Interpretative Tradition, edd. C.C.
Broyles & C.A. Evans (1997), I, pp. 441-454, at p. 453.
83 Cf. B.S. Childs, op. cit., p. 506. E.J. Young, op. cit., III, pp. 465f., says this cannot
refer to the Messiah, since he does not receive salvation, but brings it. However, the
clothing here need only imply the power to bring salvation, as in Is. 59:17. Cf. J.A.
Motyer, op. cit., pp. 504-507, referring to Is. 61:10-62:7 as the third 'Song of the
Anointed One'. Motyer sees four songs of the 'Anointed Conqueror' in Is. 59:14-63:6,
which he compares and contrasts with the four Servant songs (pp. 13-16); for a criti-
cism of this view, see R. Schultz, art. cit., pp. 142-145, 160-162.
84 Cf. J . H . Eaton, op. cit., pp. 89-91, who compares Is. 62:1 with the king's interces-
sory role, and that of the Servant in 53:12.
85 We may compare the possible personification of'the right hand of Yahweh' in the
Davidic king (Pss. 110:1, 5; 80:17; cf. Pss. 20:6; 118:15, 16); see f u r t h e r , / . 2 9 1 - 2 9 2 .‫׳‬/‫׳‬
86 Hiph. of ‫ ?נע‬occurs only six times in the Old Testament: J o b 36:32 (which may
be an incorrect reading); Jer. 15:11; 36:25 (meaning 'to entreat'); Is. 53:6 ('Yahweh
has laid on him the iniquity of us all'); 53:12; 59:16 (meaning 'to make entreaty' or 'to
interpose'); BDB, p. 803. '
87 There may also be a hint of the Servant's affliction in 63:9, although the refer-
ence is primarily to the Exodus. There is no clear allusion and in any case the correct
reading of the text is uncertain.
82 C H A P T E R THREE

T o summarize, we find in the book of Isaiah a marked develop-

ment of the ideas of messianic kingship from the royal ideology of the
Psalms, although firmly rooted as there in the liturgy of the Temple,
where Yahweh's kingship was celebrated. It is probable that the main
difference arose from the application of the temple liturgy in Isaiah to
political and ethical situations in the world outside. T h e messianic ide-
al was applied to the stubbornness of Aliaz in the I m m a n u e l prophecy
(Isaiah 7:14), to the situation following the Assyrian invasion (9:Iff.)
and to the conquests of Cyrus (45:1). In each case, the prophet looked
beyond the immediate situation, and saw a greater eschatological ful-
filment of the messianic ideal, especially in 9:1-7 and 11:1-10 in the
first part of the book, and in the Servant of the songs and the 'anoint-
ed one' of 61 :Iff. in the second part.

4. Summary of the Relationship between the Kingship of Yahweh

and Messianic Kingship

Both these concepts occur in both the first and second parts of Isaiah.
T h e kingship of Yahweh is the context of Isaiah's call (6:1, 5), and this
is closely followed, in chapters 9 and 11, by two of the clearest and
most comprehensive presentations of the messianic hope in the Old
Testament. In chapters 40-66, the 'good news' of God's reign (52:7) is
closely associated with a messianic depiction of the Servant, as is made
clear in 61:1.
W e have seen that the kingly attributes of 'justice' and 'righteous-
ness' are applied both to Yahweh (40:14; 42:6) and to the Servant
(42:1-4; 53:1 1).88 W e have further noted that the themes of Yahweh's
creatorship and the condemnation of idolatry, which are related to
the celebration of Yahweh's kingship, occur in connection with the
Servant in 42:5-9 and 51:12-16. More generally, we have observed
that chapters 40-55 are based on the liturgy of the New Year
(enthronement) festival, especially the psalms specifically dealing with
the kingship of Yahweh, while the role of the Servant in the songs may
be based at least in part in the king's role in that festival.
W e have also seen that the 'anointed one' of 61 :Iff. may be identi-

88 If Is. 51:4, 5 is a speech of Yahweh, we may note the close connection between
his kingship there denoted and that of the Servant in 42:1-4. If it is a speech of the
Servant, his rule bringing salvation must be based on that of Yahweh as depicted in
52:7-10;
 ANOTHER VIEW OF KINGSHIP 83

fled not only with the Servant of the songs, but also with the preacher
of the good news of God's reign in 52:7. T h u s it is through the suffer-
ings of the messianic proclaimer of God's kingdom (52:13-53:12), that
the kingdom becomes effective on earth.
Since we have now considered a substantial part of an Old Testa-
ment book other than the Psalms, we can see that the dynamic rela-
tionship between the kingship of Yahweh and Davidic (or messianic)
kingship, based on the Jerusalem cult, is not confined to the Psalms.
O u r study in Isaiah has confirmed both the importance and the inter-
relationship of these two themes. It has also provided further evidence
of the potential that belongs to both of these themes for both historical
(or contemporary) and eschatological application. W e suggested in
our last chapter that the root of these diverse applications is to be
found in the cultic background of the celebration both of Yahweh's
kingship and of Davidic kingship. In the worship and ceremonies of
the temple, the eternal rule of Yahweh was sometimes experienced in
a theophany, where past, present and future were actualized in the
present.
We are of course aware that the majority of scholars do not consid-
er the Servant to be the Messiah, and we are not contending that this
should be an exclusive identification. M a n y applications of the figure
of the Servant have been made, both in ancient and modern times,
and we have noted strong corporate and prophetic elements in his
portrayal as well as royal/messianic elements. 89 However, most schol-
ars agree that there are royal features in the representation of the Ser-
vant, and it is our argument that these features predominate. They
may well have derived from the position of the Davidic king in the
cult, and may be considered messianic (like Isaiah 9:1-7; 11:1-10) inso-
far as they are presented in ideal terms and so are unlikely to be ful-
filled in a contemporary ruler. This does not exclude the possible
application of the Servant songs to other persons or to corporate
Israel. It does however mean that messianic application remained a
viable option, which probably failed to receive something closer to
unanimous approval because of the Servant's sufferings. 90 W e have

89 Cf. p. 241 and notes 37, 38 (ch. 6), referring to the views of G.B. Caird and YVJ.
Houston on prophetic language.
90 Cf. pp. 239-240 and note 33 (ch. 6), referring ι ϋ evidence collected by S.H.T.
Page for messianic interpretation of the Servant in pre-Christian times, and also to the
work of M. Hengel and N.T. Wright. For the evidence of the Targum, see pp. 215-
2 / 6 a n d notes 161, 162 (ch. 5).
84 C H A P T E R THREE

seen that there are similarities between the presentation of these suf-
ferings and some of the lament-psalms, which were associated with
the Davidic king.
At the beginning of this chapter, we pointed out that the book of
Isaiah would have been treated as an entity in the first century A.D.,
rather than divided fairly rigidly into two sections, as was the domi-
nant m o d e r n approach until the last few years. T h e corollary of this is
that it is likely that the Servant would sometimes be interpreted in the
light of the clearly messianic oracles of Isaiah 9 and II. 9 1 T h e kingship
of Yahweh is closely related to both figures.
W e shall now move, from our consideration of the Psalms and the
later chapters of Isaiah in the Old Testament, to early Judaism and
then to Mark's gospel in the New Testament. T h e following two main
parts of the book deal separately with our two connected themes, the
kingship (or kingdom) of G o d (in Part II, chapters 3 and 4) and Messi-
ah(s) and messianic kingship (in Part III, chapters 5 and 6). In each
part, we shall first survey the use of the respective theme in early
Judaism, and then consider how it is employed in Mark's gospel.

91 This seems to have occurred in Ps. Sol. 17 and the Similitudes of Enoch; see pp.
209-212 and notes 106, 137 (ch. 5). B.S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as Scrip-
lure (1979), p. 335, considers it a remarkable fact that the editors of Isaiah do not seek
to identify the Servant of Second Isaiah with the royal eschatological figure of First
Isaiah (9: Iff; 1 l:lff.). We have seen, however, that there are a number of parallels
between the two, even though a clear identification is absent. Indeed, Childs in his
recent commentary, Isaiah (2001), p. 505, on ch. 61, summarizes: "I would concur
that the final shape of the Isaianic corpus is such that a resonance between the escha-
tological Messiah and the suffering servant was soon heard by the Christian church as
a legitimate reader response to its scriptures in linking servant and Messiah." How-
ever, he counsels against reading back a "servant/Messiah" figure into chapter 61.
 PART T W O

THE KINGSHIP (OR KINGDOM) OF GOD IN EARLY

JUDAISM AND MARK'S GOSPEL
 CHAPTER THREE

T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY J U D A I S M

M a r k n o w h e r e explains the m e a n i n g of ή βασιλεία του θεοΰ in the

p r e a c h i n g of Jesus. Before we look at the contexts in which it occurs in
M a r k to attempt to make deductions as to its meaning, it would be
wise to glean w h a t we can about the m e a n i n g of the phrase f r o m con-
temporary Judaism.
Leaving aside the O l d T e s t a m e n t for the time being, let us survey
the other evidence. W e should not follow N o r m a n Perrin in restricting
o u r investigation to those passages where 'the kingdom of G o d ' or an
equivalent phrase is actually found, 1 but should also consider passages
where G o d is called ' K i n g ' or described in terms of kingship. 2

1. Addressing God as 'King' - in the Apocrypha

First we should note that in prayers of this period, 3 G o d is very often

addressed as 'King', a n d of course we have seen that prayer was the
context of some of the Psalms speaking of Y a h w e h ' s kingship. Judith
prays (9:12):

Hear, Ο hear me, God of my father, God of the inheritance of Israel,

Lord of heaven and earth, Creator of the waters, King of all thy ere-
ation, hear my prayer!

H e r e , as frequently elsewhere, ' K i n g ' is just one of a n u m b e r of titles

applied to G o d , but it is linked with G o d ' s creation, which is one of
the t h e m e s of the Psalms of Y a h w e h ' s kingship. In fact, part of
J u d i t h ' s song of thankgiving, which comes n e a r the end of the book
(16:13-15), bears m a n y similarities to these Psalms. She sings to G o d

1 N. Perrin, The Kingdom of God in the Teaching of Jesus ( 1963), pp. 168ÍF.
2 Cf. M. Lattke, 'On the Jewish Background of the Synoptic Concept "The King-
dorn of G o d " ' (first publ. in German, 1975; E T in The Kingdom of God in the Teaching of
Jesus, ed. B. Chilton (1984), pp. 72-91); O. Camponovo, Königtum, Königsherrschaft und
Reich Gottes in den früjüdischen Schriften (1984).
3 T h e period under review is taken to include the documents of the Apocrypha and
Pseudepigrapha that are prior to or contemporaneous with the life ofJesus and the
writing of the gospels, as well as the Qumran documents.
88 CHAPTER THREE

'a new song', a n d praises his greatness, glory, strength a n d invincibil-

ity (verse 13). G o d created by his voice sending forth his Spirit, a n d so
all his creatures should serve him (verse 14). An e a r t h q u a k e is pre-
dieted, linked to a t h e o p h a n y , but G o d - f e a r e r s are assured of mercy
(verse 15).
In Ecclesiasticus (ben Sirach) 50:15, G o d is described in the context of
worship as 'the Most High, the K i n g of all', while the prayer of
thanksgiving in 51 :Iff. begins, '1 will give thanks to thee, Ο Lord a n d
King'. In the H e b r e w version of Sirach, c h a p t e r 51 includes, after
verse 12, a litany of praise (51:12 i-xvi), which follows the pattern of
Psalm 136 a n d bears some similarities to the Shemoneh 'Esreh. T h e litany
concludes as follows (verses xiv-xvi):

Praise the King of the kings of kings;

for His mercy endures for ever.
And He has lifted up a horn for His people,
for the praise of His pious ones,
for the children of Israel, a people near to Him.
Hallelu-Yah!

T h e last four lines are a quotation f r o m Psalm 148:14, but in the con-
text of the litany the reference to 'a h o r n ' m a y well relate back to verse
viii, 'Praise H i m w h o makes a h o r n to sprout for the house of D a v i d '
(cf. Psalm 132:17). So we see this litany refers to the kingship of Yah-
weh, speaking of his authority over the greatest of earthly rulers (cf.
Daniel 2:37, 47), a n d also speaks of the Davidic messiah. In other
verses, G o d is praised as the one ' w h o f o r m e d all things' (verse iv), in
line with the creation t h e m e of the Psalms of Y a h w e h ' s kingship, as
well as the one ' w h o has chosen Z i o n ' (verse xiii; cf. Psalm 132:13),
which is clearly m o r e nationalistic. 4
G o d ' s kingship h a d of course been linked with Zion, as his earthly
dwelling-place, in Psalm 48:2. W e see a similar connection m a d e in
Tobit's p r a y e r of rejoicing (Tobit 13), where G o d is frequently

4 Quotations from the Hebrew version of Sirach 51:12 i-xvi follow the translation in
H.R. Moeller, ed. The Legacy of ζίοη (1977), pp. 39-40, which is based on Israel Levy,
ed., The Hebrew Text of the Book of Ecclesiasticus (1951). Cf. R. Meyer, 77XVTVII, p. 37,
note 18, who follows E. Stauffer and P. Kahle in holding that this passage is a
Zadokite psalm which "was not translated in Greek because the rule of the Zadokites
in Jerusalem had long since collapsed in the days of the grandson of Sirach. , ‫ י‬See also,
R.H. Charles, ed., The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English (1913),
I, p. 277. See further pp. 196-198 and notes 87-89 (ch. 5).
 T H E KINGDOM O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 89

addressed as 'King', 5 and the prayer concludes with a description of

the rebuilding o f j e r u s a l e m with precious stones, to give praise to G o d
(verses 16-18). In the previous chapter (Tobit 12:7, 11), the angel
R a p h a e l compares G o d with an earthly king: "It is good to guard the
secret of a king, but gloriously to reveal the works of G o d . "
T h e prayers of Mordecai and Esther in the Additions to Esther also
speak of G o d as 'King' (13:9, 15; 14:3, 12), pleading with him to use his
authority over earthly rulers to save Israel a n d to show that the gods of
other nations are vain idols w h o have no being (14:8-11). Mordecai
begins his prayer (13:9, 10):

Ο Lord, Lord, King who rulest over all things, for the universe is in thy
power, and there is no one who can oppose thee if it is thy will to save
Israel. For thou hast made heaven and earth and every wonderful thing
under heaven.

Esther's prayer begins, " O my Lord, thou only art our King" (14:3),
referring to God's relationship to his people Israel, and going on to con-
fess their sin (verse 6). Later she addresses G o d , " O King of the gods
and Master of all dominion!" (verse 12). T h e letter of Ahasuerus (in
Additions to Esther 16:21) refers to " G o d , who rules over all things". 6
3 Maccabees recounts events which are said to have taken place in
Jerusalem a n d Egypt in 217 B.C. 7 Again G o d is addressed as 'King' in
two prayers, that of the high priest Simon (2:2, 9, 13), a n d of Eleazar
(6:2). In 5:35 the Jews praise G o d as ' K i n g of kings', and G o d is fre-
quently referred to as ruling over all (2:2, 3, 7; 5:7, 28, 51), as well as
being "the creator of all things" (2:3).

5 God is called 'the King of the ages' (verses 6, 10), 'the King of heaven' (verses 7,
11), and 'the great King' (verse 15). The prayer commences, "Blessed is God who
lives for ever, and blessed is his kingdom" (verse 1), and there are references to God's
'majesty' in verses 6-7. For the Aramaic and Hebrew fragmentary texts of Tobit
found at Qumran (4Q196-200), see J . A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Chi-
gins (2000), pp. 131-235.
6 The Song of the Three Young Men is another litany reminiscent of the Psalms.
Verse 33 speaks of God's kingship: "Blessed art thou upon the throne of thy king-
dorn", while in verse 68, God is called 'the God of gods', suggesting his kingship over
the gods. Cf. Baruch 3:3; 1 Esdras 4:46, 58.
7 L. Rost, Judaism Outside the Hebrew Canon (first published in German, 1971; ET
1976), pp. 104-107, gives as a probable date for the composition of 3 Maccabees the
last third of the first century B.C.; H. Anderson, in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed.
J . H . Charlesworth, II (1985), at pp. 510-512, after surveying the evidence, opts for a
date in the earlier part of the first century B.C.
90 CHAPTER THREE

2. God's sovereignty vindicated - 2 Maccabees and Daniel

M a n y of the prayers that we have been considering, where G o d is

addressed as 'King', have had as their context the oppression of the
J e w s by foreign powers, with the implicit challenge to G o d ' s kingship
that that involved. O f t e n the books relate how G o d ' s sovereignty is
vindicated, and this is also the situation in 2 Maccabees. A prayer of
N e h e m i a h a n d others, that G o d m a y gather the scattered people of
Israel together and afflict those w h o oppress them, begins as follows
(1:24-25):

Ο Lord, Lord God, Creator of all things, who art awe-inspiring and
strong and just and merciful, who alone art King and art kind, who
alone art bountiful, who alone art just and almighty and eternal, who
dost rescue Israel from every evil, who didst choose the fathers and con-
secrate them.

H e r e (as in 3 Maccabees) the title o f ' K i n g ' is only one of a n u m b e r of

titles a n d attributes by which G o d is described in prayer. This prayer
forms part of the second letter contained in 2 M a c c a b e e s (1:10 - 2:18),
a n d it is interesting that the letter concludes with a reference to G o d
restoring the earthly kingship to his people, by m e a n s of the M a c -
cabean leaders: 'It is G o d w h o has saved all the people, and has
returned the inheritance to all, a n d the kingship a n d priesthood and
consecration, as he promised through the law' (2:17-18). Verse 18
continues with the hope that G o d will gather the scattered peoples of
the J e w s back to 'his holy place'. 8
In the main part of 2 Maccabees (at 7:9), the last words of the sec-
o n d of the seven brothers tortured to death by Antiochus conclude,
" T h e K i n g of the universe will raise us up to an everlasting renewal of
life, because we have died for his laws." H e r e G o d ' s kingship is linked
to his power to raise the dead, which is seen as the reward of martyrs
in the cause of faithfulness to G o d ' s laws. G o d ' s work of creation
(verse 23), which is stated to be ex nihilo (verse 28), is the basis for the
hope of resurrection, and it should be noted that this theme of G o d ' s

8 N.T. Wright, The New Testament and the People of God ( 1992), pp. 268-270, speaks of
the common second-temple perception that Israel's exile was still in progress: "Most
Jews of this period, it seems, would have answered the question 'where are we?' in
language which, reduced to its simplest form, meant: we are still in exile." 2 Macc.
1:27-29 is one of the passages he cites as evidence.
 T H E KINGDOM O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 91

creation (which as we have seen often occurs with an acknowledge-

m e n t of G o d ' s kingship) is here held in balance with the importance of
an ethical response to G o d , by keeping his laws.
T h e words of the fifth brother make it clear that God's kingship is
not thought of only as relating to a new creation, and therefore tran-
scendental (7:16, 17):

But he looked at the king, and said, "Because you have authority
among men, mortal though you are, you do what you please. But do
not think that God has forsaken our people. Keep on, and see how his
mighty power will torture you and your descendants!"

T h u s the king's earthly authority is c o m p a r e d to God's mighty power,

which would be shown in j u d g m e n t on the king on earth, a n d that
judgment is recorded in chapter 9. 9
J . A. Goldstein considers that the writer of the abridged history con-
tained in 2 Maccabees knew and believed in the revelations of Daniel
7-12. 10 In fact, aspects of 2 Maccabees are reminiscent of the canonical
book of Daniel as a whole. T h e r e are references to the resurrection (cf.
Daniel 12:2) and frequent references to God's kingship and authority"
in both books. Further, God's sovereignty is in both cases compared to
that of earthly rulers (especially N e b u c h a d n e z z a r in the early chapters
of Daniel), while individuals because of their faithfulness to G o d are
persecuted by the earthly rulers (cf. Daniel 3; 6). God's sovereignty is
seen in history, protecting and vindicating his people (although they
may suffer severe oppression) and overthrowing earthly tyrants. As
G.E. Ladd points out, Daniel does not share the pessimism of later
apocalypses, which despair of G o d acting in history. 12
While we are mainly in this section dealing with non-canonical
works, it is helpful here in considering the kingdom of G o d to refer to

9 Similarly in 2 Maccabees 15:3-5, God's kingship is compared in a very practical

way to the sovereign authority on earth of Nicanor, the Syrian governor. In 13:4, God
is referred to as "the King of kings", arousing the anger of Antiochus V against
Menelaus, while at 12:15, 28; 15:29, the sovereignty and power of God are linked
with the military conquests of the Jews. Cf. also 3:24, 28, 34.
10 J.A. Goldstein, 'How the Authors of 1 and 2 Maccabees Treated the "Messian-
ic" Promises', in Judaism and Their Messiahs at the Tum of the Christian Era, edd. J.
Neusner, VV.S. Green & E.S. Frerichs (1987), pp. 69-96, at p. 86.
11 Cf. Daniel 2:44; 4:3, 17, 25, 26, 32, 34, 37; 5:21, 23; 6:26; 7:9, 10.
12 G.E. Ladd, Jesus and the Kingdom (1966), pp. 93-94. He summarizes: "God never
abandons the stage of history; he remains Lord of all. Indeed, it is because he remains
the Lord of history that he will finally establish his Kingdom on the earth." (p. 94)
92 CHAPTER THREE

the book of Daniel, as it exercised an important influence both on later

apocalypses a n d at Q u m r a n . 1 3 As I have argued elsewhere, the book's
principal theme is the kingship of G o d , showing how he intervenes to
accomplish his purposes, a n d brings down earthly kings that flout his
authority. 1 4 However, unlike 2 Maccabees, Daniel also speaks of G o d
setting u p a future kingdom on earth. This comes at the end of
Daniel's interpretation of N e b u c h a d n e z z a r ' s d r e a m (2:44):

And in the days of those kings the God of heaven will set up a kingdom
which shall never be destroyed, nor shall its sovereignty be left to
another people. It shall break in pieces all these kingdoms and bring
them to an end, and it shall stand for ever.

Daniel's d r e a m in chapter 7 has similarities to N e b u c h a d n e z z a r ' s

d r e a m in chapter 2. G o d is represented as sitting on a throne in j u d g -
m e n t (7:9-10), but in place of G o d setting u p a kingdom (as in 2:44),
an everlasting kingdom is given (by God) to 'one like a son of m a n '
(7:13-14) a n d to 'the saints of the Most High' (verses 18, 22 a n d 27).
T h e s e saints had previously suffered oppression u n d e r the rule of the
last tyrant (verses 21 a n d 25). 15
D. W e n h a m has put forward the view that Daniel m a y represent
the primary background to the Gospels' teaching about the kingdom
of G o d , a n d certainly he is correct in drawing attention to its impor-
tance. H e argues that there are linguistic affinities between Daniel's
references to a future 'kingdom' a n d those of the Gospels. T h e s e m a y
be especially relevant as Daniel 2:4 - 7:28 was m o r e directly accessi-
ble, being written in Aramaic, the language most widely spoken in
Galilee a r o u n d the time o f j e s u s . H e also argues that the eschatologi-
cal kingdom in Daniel chapters 2 a n d 7 provides a good conceptual
background for the Gospels' teaching about the kingdom of G o d , that
it is superior to other possible alternatives, a n d that the presence of a
Danielic background in other parts of the Gospels (such as the heav-
enly Son of m a n concept) makes its use here m o r e likely. 16

13 Cf. note 28 (ch. 5).

14 R.D. Rowe, 'Is Daniel's "son of man" messianic?', in Christ the Lord: Studies in
Christology presented to Donald Guthrie, ed. H.H. Rowdon (1982), pp. 71-96, at pp. 82ff.
15 Ibid., pp. 84, 85.
16 D. Wenham, 'The Kingdom of God and Daniel', ExpT9Z (1987), pp. 132-134.
On the history of the Aramaic language, and its importance as the primary language
used by Jesus in his teaching, see M. Black, An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts
(first publ. 1946; 3rd. ed., 1967), pp. 15-28,41-49.
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 93

W e will be arguing for an alternative p r i m a r y background to the

kingdom of G o d in M a r k ' s gospel (from the Psalms of Y a h w e h ' s king-
ship a n d the second part of Isaiah), but this coheres with the concept
in Daniel. Also, if Jesus thought of himself in terms of the 'one like a
son of m a n ' in Daniel 7:13 (cf. M a r k 14:62), it is inconceivable that the
Danielic conception of G o d ' s kingship did not contribute to the way
he understood his own proclamation of the kingdom. 1 7

3. 1 Enoch, Assumption of Moses and other apocalyptic works

T u r n i n g now to non-canonical apocalyptic works, in the first section

of 1 Enoch (chapters 1-36), G o d is frequently addressed or referred to
as 'King'. 9:4 is in the context of angels addressing G o d : "For he is the
L o r d of lords, a n d the G o d of gods, a n d the K i n g of kings, a n d the seat
of his glory (stands) t h r o u g h o u t all the generations of the world." 1 8 At
12:3, where E n o c h tells how he began to bless G o d , he calls him, 'the
K i n g of the universe', while in conversations with angels at 25:3, 5, 7
a n d 27:3, G o d is referred to as 'the Eternal King'. G o d ' s throne is
referred to at 14:18-20; 24:3 a n d 25:3, while at 22:14, he is called 'the
Lord of righteousness w h o rules for ever'. 1 9 W e should note that G o d
is not designated as 'King' in connection with the great t h e o p h a n y
which is described in 1:3-9, showing that G o d ' s kingship or kingdom
is not at this stage necessarily linked with the concept of G o d ' s escha-
tological j u d g m e n t .
In the third section of 1 E n o c h (chapters 72-82), at 81:3, E n o c h
blesses "the G r e a t Lord, the K i n g of Glory for ever, for he has created
all the p h e n o m e n a in the world." T h e same theme, linking G o d ' s
kingship with creation (as well as with judgment), occurs in the next
section (chapters 83-90), in Enoch's h y m n of praise to G o d (84:2-3):

Blessed are you, Ο Great King,

you are mighty in your greatness,

17 G. Dalman, The Words ofJesus (ET, 1902), at p. 136, in making the point that
Jesus created his own terminology, says that "we may assume that He borrowed the
term 'sovereignty of God' as an eschatological designation from the Book of Daniel."
He goes on to say that Jesus' interpretation of the phrase, with its implication of
absolute happiness for those who experienced God's sovereignty, is not entirely new,
being clearly stated, among other passages, in Pss. 96-99.
18 The translation is that of E. Isaac in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. J . H .
Charlesworth, I (1983), pp. 5-89.
19 Ethiopie; Codex Panopolitanus (Greek) here reads, 'rules over the world.'
 94 CHAPTER THREE

Ο L o r d of all the creation of h e a v e n ,

K i n g of kings a n d G o d of the w h o l e world.
Y o u r a u t h o r i t y a n d k i n g d o m a b i d e forever a n d ever;
a n d y o u r d o m i n i o n t h r o u g h o u t all the g e n e r a t i o n s of generations;
all the h e a v e n s a r e y o u r t h r o n e forever,
a n d the w h o l e e a r t h is y o u r footstool forever a n d ever a n d ever.
F o r y o u h a v e c r e a t e d (all),
a n d all things y o u rule.

I n v e r s e 5 , G o d is a g a i n a d d r e s s e d i n p r a y e r a s ' G r e a t K i n g ' . Once

a g a i n w e c a n s e e t h a t p r a y e r s a n d h y m n s a r e g e n e r a l l y t h e c o n t e x t in
w h i c h G o d ' s k i n g s h i p is m e n t i o n e d , a n d w e m a y n o t e t h e s i m i l a r i t i e s
t o t h e P s a l m s o f Y a h w e h ' s k i n g s h i p . I n 9 0 : 2 0 h o w e v e r , a t h r o n e is
erected for 'the L o r d of the s h e e p ' to exercise j u d g m e n t . 2 0 In the final
section(s) o f 1 E n o c h ( c h a p t e r s 9 1 - 1 0 8 ) , t h e A p o c a l y p s e o f W e e k s
speaks of the building of a n eschatological t e m p l e 'for the G r e a t K i n g '
( 9 1 : 1 3 ) , 2 1 a n d in 1 0 3 : 1 , a n o a t h is t a k e n " b y t h e g l o r y o f t h e G r e a t
O n e a n d b y t h e g l o r y o f h i s k i n g d o m " (cf. M a t t h e w 5 : 3 4 - 3 5 ) .
In o u r t r e a t m e n t of 1 E n o c h , w e h a v e n o t so f a r m e n t i o n e d t h e sec-
o n d section, k n o w n as t h e Similitudes ( c h a p t e r s 37-71). T h i s was
p r o b a b l y t h e last m a j o r p a r t o f t h e b o o k t o h a v e b e e n w r i t t e n , a n d
m a y n o t h a v e p r e d a t e d t h e m i n i s t r y o f J e s u s . 2 2 G o d is i n v o k e d a s " t h e
L o r d o f k i n g s - h i m w h o r u l e s o v e r all k i n g s " ( 6 3 : 4 ; cf. v e r s e 2), w h i l e
' t h e E l e c t O n e ' is f r e q u e n t l y m e n t i o n e d a s b e i n g s e a t e d o n God's

20 According to M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism (ET 1974), I, pp. 176, 187; II, pp.
116-117 (note 458), this fourth section of I Enoch was composed in the time of the
Maccabees, before the death of Judas Maccabaeus. A date around 165-164 B.C. is
assigned by J . T . Milik, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumrân Cave4( 1976), pp.
4 Iff.; C. Rowland, The Open Heaven: A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity
(1982), pp. 252, 266; G.S. Oegama, The Anointed and His People. Messianic Expectations
from the Maccabees to Bar Kochba (1998), p. 67 (probably before 160 B.C.). The oldest
section of 1 Enoch is probably the Astronomical Book (chapters 72-82); seeJ.T. Milik,
op. cit., pp. 7-8; G.W.E. Nickelsburg, 'Salvation without and with a Messiah: Develop-
ing Beliefs in Writings Ascribed to Enoch', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 10
above), pp. 49-68, at p. 50.
21 Ethiopie: 4QEns has 'a royal Temple of the Great O n e in his glorious splendour,
for all generations, forever.' Cf. E.P. Sanders, J « ! « and Judaism( 1985), p. 82.
22 Cf. p. 209 and notes 135, 136 (ch. 5), esp. the articles mentioned in note 135 (ch.
5) by Knibb and Mearns. Most scholars now date the Similitudes some time in the
first century A.D., but there is still disagreement as to whether they are pre-Christian
or post-Christian; see J . H . Charlesworth, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the New
Testament (1985), p. 110. For example, G.R. Beasley-Murray, in an excursus in Jesus
and the Kingdom of God (1986), pp. 63-68, considers the first half or middle of the first
century A.D. as the likely time for the composition of the Similitudes.
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 95

throne. 2 3 It is interesting that in the two major apocalypses written

around the end of the first century A.D., 2 Esdras and 2 Baruch, there is
no mention of God's kingdom in an eschatological context, despite
the importance of the role that is given to the Messiah. 24
T h e Assumption (or Testament) of Moses probably comes from the early
part of the first century A.D. 2 5 10:1-10 speaks of a theophany:

For the Heavenly One will arise from his kingly throne.
Yea, he will go forth from his holy habitation
with indignation and wrath on behalf of his sons (verse 3).

T h e natural order is shaken and altered (verses 4-6), Israel's enemies

are judged and their idols destroyed (verses 2, 7), while Israel is exalted
to the heights (verses 8-10). Israel is told, 'you will confess your ere-
ator' (verse 10). In fact, in verse 1, the theophany and its results are
described as the appearance of God's kingdom:

Then his kingdom will appear throughout his whole creation.

Then the devil will have an end.
Yea, sorrow will be led away with him.

It is noticeable here that while the appearance of God's kingdom

throughout his whole creation is an eschatological event, G o d is
already reigning as king. H e merely arises from his kingly throne
(verse 3), to take action. H e is the Creator, whether or not he is con-
fessed as such (verses 1, 10). Also God's kingdom is no way just a
cipher for eschatological events. T h e r e is considerable emphasis on
God's personal action, as in verse 7: 'For God Most High will surge
forth, the Eternal G o d alone'.
In an earlier part of the book (4:2), a prayer is begun, 'Lord of all,
king of the lofty throne, you who rules the world'. This of course is in
line with the many other occurrences that we have noted of God
being addressed as 'King' in the context of prayer. Yet it is significant

23 45:3; 51:3; 55:4; 61:8; 62:1-5; 69:29. In 60:2 and 71:7, God's throne is referred
to, without mention of'the Elect One' or 'the Son of !Man'.
24 In 2 Esdras 2:35, "the kingdom" probably relates back to "the kingdom of
Jerusalem" (verse 10; cf. verse 13). Ezra's prayers begin, " O sovereign Lord" (2 Esdras
3:4; 4:38; 5:23, 38; 6:11; 7:17, [45, 58J; 12:7; 13:51), and he refers in prayer to God's
throne at 8:21. God's reign and rule, linked with his creation, are also celebrated in
the prayers of Baruch (2 Baruch 21:6, 7; 54:13, 22), while his throne is further men-
tioned at 46:4; 59:3. So these books also bear witness to the continuing use of the con-
cept of God's kingship in prayer.
96 CHAPTER THREE

that this usage, which bears witness to the supplicant's faith in G o d ' s
present position as King, as well as his desire for G o d to act on his
people's behalf in the future, is f o u n d in the same short book where
d r a m a t i c eschatological action is described in terms of G o d ' s kingdom
a p p e a r i n g t h r o u g h o u t his whole creation. T h e implication is that pre-
sent faith will be vindicated in the future by incontrovertible evidence
that G o d is King. Actually, the prayer of 4:2f., uttered in exile (proba-
bly by Daniel), is answered w h e n G o d inspires 'a king to have pity on
t h e m a n d send t h e m h o m e to their own l a n d ' (4:6). T h e event that
immediately precedes the a p p e a r a n c e of G o d ' s kingdom worldwide in
10:1 is the faithfulness of T a x o the Levite, w h o in the midst of cruel
oppression, chose to die together with his seven sons, rather than
transgress G o d ' s c o m m a n d m e n t s (9:1-7).
In the book of Jubilees, the a p p e a r a n c e of G o d a n d universal knowl-
edge of his kingship is predicted in connection with M o u n t Zion
(1:28):

And the Lord will appear to the eyes of all, and all shall know that I am
the God of Israel and the Father of all the children ofJacob, and King
on Mount Zion for all eternity. 26

At 4:26, we r e a d that M o u n t Zion 'will be sanctified in the new ere-

ation for a sanctification of the earth.' T h u s M o u n t Zion, where G o d
will reign, is linked with a new creation. 2 7 Similarly, in the Testaments of
the Twelve Patriarchs, the T e s t a m e n t of D a n 5:13 depicts the Holy O n e
of Israel reigning in the future over the new Jerusalem. 2 8 In the Testa-
ment of Job, we see G o d ' s kingship, linked with his creation, relating to
individuals. At 39:11-12, J o b forbids m e n to dig for the bodies of his
children in the ruins of the house that fell on t h e m . H e says they will

25 See L. Rost, op. cit., p. 148; J . Priest, in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. J . H .
Charlesworth, I (1983), pp. 919-934, at pp. 920-921. We are following Priest's trans-
lation.
26 The translation is from R.H. Charles, ed., The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the
Old Testament in English ( 1913), II, pp. 11 -82; cf. 4Q216 4:8-10.
27 Mention is also made of God's kingdom in the prayer of Abram in Jubilees
12:19.
28 This follows shortly after the prediction of the Lord's salvation arising from the
tribe o f j u d a h and the tribe of Levi, in 5:10. With regard to the messianic passages in
the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, see note 63 (ch. 5). T. Levi speaks of God's
majesty (3:9; 18:8) and his throne (5:1), while T. Benjamin speaks of God's kingdom
being taken away from among Benjamin's descendants in historical times (9:1), and
of Benjamin and his brothers at the resurrection worshipping the King of heaven
(10:7).
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 97

not find them, since they were taken u p into heaven by 'the Creator
their King'. 2 9

4. The Qumran documents

T u r n i n g to the Q u m r a n documents, in the Genesis Apocryphon (1QapGen

ar), God is referred to as 'the King (‫ )מלך‬of all the worlds' and 'the
King of [the heavens]', a m o n g other titles, in oaths given by Lamech
and his wife (2:4ff.; cf. 10:10 in relation to Noah). T h e n Abram
addresses G o d in prayer, ' T h o u who art Lord and king (‫ )טליט‬of all
things and who rulest over all the kings of the earth and judgest them
all!' (20:13). 30 In 4QD1bHam'4=) ‫ ״‬Q 5 0 4 ) , after mentioning the Davidic
covenant, that David will sit before G o d on the throne of Israel for
ever (frs. 1-2, 4:7-8), the passage continues, 'All the nations have seen
T h y glory' (line 8), while in line 12 of the same column, the temple is
spoken of as 'the House of T h y majesty'. T h u s God's kingship is
referred to in close relation to David's earthly kingship. 31
4Q448 speaks of God's kingdom (col. B, line 8; cf. col. C, line 6) in
the context of a prayer for King j o n a t h a n and his people Israel (col. B,
lines 2-4; cf. col. C, line 8).32 4QFl0rìlegium (=4Q174) 1:3 contains a
quotation from Exodus 15:17-18, 'In the sanctuary which T h y hands
have established, Ο Lord, the Lord shall reign for ever and ever'. This
is in the context of a midrash on 2 Samuel 7, and is related to the
building of the temple in the last days, while later on in the same pas-

29 Cf. R. A. Kraft, ed., The Testament of Job According to the SV Text (1974). The Life of
Adam and Eve 27:1 mentions God's majesty, and the linked Apocalypse of Moses
speaks of God's throne at 32:2; 37:4.
30 Cf. 4Q462 (4QNarrative C a ) fr. 1, lines 7-9, referring to God's rule, glory and
sovereignty; 4Q530 (4QB00k of Giants1' ar) 2:16, where God is described in a dream
as 'the Ruler (‫ )טלטן‬of heaven' who descended to earth, to sit in judgment; 4Q542
(4QTQahat ar) fr. 1, 1:2-3, referring to God as 'the God of eternity, and the Lord of
all the deeds, and the Ruler (‫ )שליט‬of all'. Translations from the Qumran documents
generally follow G. Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (1997), except
where stated.
31 Ci. pp. 175-176.
32 'King Jonathan' is either Alexander Jannaeus (so, E. Eshel, H. Eshel & A.
Yardeni, Ά Qumran Composition containing Part of Ps. 154 and a Prayer for the
Welfare of Kingjonathan and his kingdom' IEJ 42 (1992), pp. 199-229; idem, DJDX1
(1998), pp. 403-425; R.H. Eisenman & M. Wise, The Dead Sea Saolls Uncovered( 1992),
pp. 273-280) or Jonathan Maccabaeus (so, G. Vermes, 'The So-called Kingjonathan
Fragment (4Q448)', JJS 44 (1993), pp. 294-300). Cf. É. Puech, 'Jonathan le prêtre
impie et les débuts de la communauté de Qumrân, 4QJ0nathan (4Q523) et 4QPsAp
(4Q448)', ÄQ,17 (1996), pp. 241-270.
98 CHAPTER THREE

sage, the c o m i n g of two messianic figures to Zion is predicted - 'the

Branch of David' a n d 'the Interpreter of the L a w ' (1:11-12). 33 So
G o d ' s reign is here linked eschatologically with the building of the
temple a n d the arrival of Messiah(s).
4QAÍessianic Apocalypse ( = 4 Q 5 2 1 ) fr. 2, 2:7 speaks of G o d glorifying
the pious 'on the t h r o n e of the eternal K i n g d o m ' . T h e r e follow quota-
tions f r o m one of the psalms of Y a h w e h ' s kingship, Psalm 146:7-8
(line 8) a n d f r o m Isaiah 61:1 (line 12), referring to release of captives,
restoration of sight to the blind a n d bringing good news to the poor,
which are seen as marks of G o d ' s kingship in their O l d T e s t a m e n t
context. T h e same column begins, '...[the hea]vens a n d the earth will
listen to His Messiah' (line 1), so linking, as in 4 Q D i b H a m * a n d
4QFlorilegium, G o d ' s kingship with a Davidic or messianic figure. 3 4
In the Thanksgiving Hymns (1QH"), we find various similarities to the
psalms of Y a h w e h ' s kingship. For example, Exodus 15:11, showing
the incomparability of G o d , is quoted at 15:28, ' W h o is like T h e e
a m o n g the gods, Ο Lord...' T h e r e are a n u m b e r of h y m n s speaking of
G o d ' s creation a n d control over nature (e.g., 5:Iff.; 9:3-39; 20:Iff.).
G o d ' s works of creation 'shall recount thy glory t h r o u g h o u t T h y
dominion ( 3 5 . ( 5 : 1 7 )'(‫ מסלתך‬G o d ' s concern for the poor, needy a n d
fatherless, a m a r k of kingship in the O l d T e s t a m e n t , is shown at
10:34-35; 13:20; while G o d is addressed as K i n g at 18:8:

Behold, Thou art Prince of gods and King of majesties (‫)?!לך נכבדים‬,
Lord of all spirits, a n d R u l e r of all creatures. 3 6

H . - W . K u h n , in a study of the Thanksgiving H y m n s , has emphasized

that the m e m b e r s of the Q p m r a n c o m m u n i t y believed they were
already participating in the escatological blessings of salvation, as well

33 Cf. p. 179. As we observe at p. 184, the quotation of Isaiah 52:7 in

11 QMelchizedek, "Your God (07‫' ־‬Elohim) reigns" (2:16), probably refers to
Melchizedek reigning.
34 For further discussion of this so-called 'Resurrection fragment', see pp. 185-186.
4Q521 frs. 7+5, 2:1-3 speaks of God's creation.
35 There are many references in 1QH to God's glory: 1:10, 30; 3:35; 4:28; 5:20;
6:10, 12, 14; 8:5; 9:17, 26; 10:10-12,20; 11:6,8, 10;'12:15, 30; 13:11, 13; 15:20; 16:9;
18:22. In 4Q181, which is a fragment of a liturgical text concerned with the destinies
of the damned and the elect, 1:3 speaks of God's 'wonderful glory'; cf.J.M. Allegro &
A.A. Anderson, DJD V (1968), pp. 79-80.
36 God is also referred to as 'King' in a fragment of 1 Q H a found in Cave 4: 4Q427
fr. 7, 1:13, 15.
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 99

as looking forward to future events. 37 This is in line with the Psalms of

Y a h w e h ' s kingship, where as we have seen past, present and future
aspects of G o d ' s kingship are celebrated in the present, as though
j o i n e d together in one tapestry in the cult.
In the Psalms scroll found in Cave 1 1 , 1 1 Q I V ( = 1 1 Q 5 ) , Psalm 154
(Col. 18) speaks of G o d ' s might a n d majesty (line 2), while part of line
9 reads, 'his majesty is over all his works'. 3 8 This Psalm 154 (which is
extant in Syriac as Psalm 11:3-19) speaks of the importance of giving
glory to G o d (lines 1, 3, 9 a n d 16), for which purpose wisdom is giv-
en. 3 9 It is interesting that the Psalms scroll incorporates Psalm 93:1-3,
one of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship ( l l Q P s 3 22:16-17), which
immediately follows a h y m n glorifying Zion, known as the 'Apostro-
p h e to Zion' ( l l l V Z i o n , at Col. 22:1-15). A n o t h e r h y m n , known as
the ' H y m n to the C r e a t o r ' (1 l Q P s a C r e a t . , at Col. 26:9-15), com-
mcnces (lines 9-11):

Great and holy is the LORD, the holiest of holy ones for every genera-
tion. Majesty precedes him and following him is the rush of many
waters. Grace and truth surround his presence; truth and justice and
righteousness are the foundation of his throne.

In the latter part of the above quotation, there is a reference to Psalm

89:14 (cf. Psalm 97:2). W e have seen that Psalm 97 is one of the
psalms of Yahweh's kingship, w hile Psalm 89 contains a similar h y m n
to Y a h w e h , referring to his ownership a n d creation of the world, as
well as dealing with the Davidic covenant. Having begun with this
proclamation of G o d ' s kingship, the ' H y m n to the C r e a t o r ' goes on to
speak of G o d ' s creation. 4 0

37 H.-W. Kuhn, Enderwartung und Gegenwärtiges Heil: Untersuchungen zu den Gemein-

deliedern von Qumran (1966), pp. 177ff. Cf. G. Vermes, op. cit., pp. 67-72; E.P. Sanders,
Paul and Palestinian Judaism (1977), pp. 280-281; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., pp. 49-
51.
38 English translations from 11QPs ‫ ״‬follow J . A. Sanders The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll
(1967). ^
39 Verses 1 and 2 of the Syriac Ps. 154 (not included in 11QFV) also speak of glori-
fying God and proclaiming his majesty; similarly, Pss. 152:5; 153:1, 6 (=Syriac Pss. IV
and V), which do not appear at Qumran. 1 lQPs a Psalm 155 (Col. 24:3-17), extant in
Syriac as Ps. Ill, speaks of God's glory (lines 9, 13); while 1 lQPs·' Psalm 151A (Col.
28:3-12), extant as a much shorter version in Syriac as Ps. I (following the Greek),
speaks of David rendering glory to the Lord (line 5). Cf. 4QPs f (=4Q88) 10:14.
40 J.A. Sanders, op. cit., p. 129, comments on 11 QPs‫'׳‬Creat., "The poem is sapien-
tal, belonging to Jewish Wisdom literature of the period between the testaments, in a
category with Psalm 154 and Sirach 5L13ff." llQPs· 1 fr. E, 1:1-5 contains Psalm
100 CHAPTER THREE

Psalm 89 is also quoted in 4Q381 ( = 4 Q N o n - C a n o n i c a l Psalms B).41

This is a fragmentary poetic text, using some of the biblical Psalms a n d
incorporating the themes of G o d ' s creation, kingship a n d j u d g m e n t
a n d of his relationship to the Davidic king. Fr. 15 uses a n u m b e r of dif-
ferent phrases from Ps. 89:7-17 to speak of G o d ' s creation a n d rule a n d
his incomparability in the heavenly council (lines 4-7). Line 7, seeming
to refer to the heavenly council, reads, '[...For T h o u ] art the glory of its
majesty. As for me, T h i n e anointed one, I have understood...'
G o d ' s creation is also referred to in 4 Q 3 8 1 fr. 1, lines 3ff., while
mention is m a d e of a t h e o p h a n y , quoting Ps. 18:7-8, in fr. 24, lines 10-
11. Part of line 7 of frs. 76-77 reads:

[...congregation of the Holy of Holies, lot of the King of Kings

(‫)מלך מלכים‬.

This is in the context of G o d ' s j u d g m e n t : 'the Lord will sit in j u d g e -

ment against you, j u d g i n g truly a n d without injustice...' (line 12). H e is
then described as, 'Lord of Lords, mighty a n d marvellous a n d n o n e is
like h i m ' (line 14). W e have noted that 4 Q 3 8 1 speaks of G o d ' s rela-
tionship to the Davidic king, a n d fr. 19, 1:5 has the words, 'your king-
d o m to your servant'(‫)מלכותך לעבדך‬, probably referring to G o d ' s gift of
his kingdom to the Davidic king (cf. line 4).
T h e r e are m a n y references to G o d as king a n d to his k i n g d o m in
the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4Q400-407; 11ÇM7), a f r a g m e n t of
which has also been f o u n d at M a s a d a (MasShirShabb). T h e s e songs
describe a n d invite participation in the heavenly worship of G o d by
angels, especially the seven 'sovereign princes' or archangels. T h e y
include imagery of the inner temple in h e a v e n a n d the divine throne-
chariot of Ezekiel c h a p t e r 1, which b e c a m e very p r o m i n e n t as a sub-
ject for meditation in later mysticism. A . M . S c h w e m e r considers the
Songs to be the most i m p o r t a n t pre-Christian Jewish text on the
t h e m e of the kingdom of G o d , while G.J. Brooke suggests they must
have been a p o p u l a r work, on the basis of there being possibly eight
copies in C a v e 4, as well as o n e in C a v e 11 a n d one at M a s a d a . 4 2

118:25-29, a royal psalm of thanksgiving to God, which was used in a liturgical fash-
ion by the crowds when Jesus entered Jerusalem, according to Mark 1 1:9-10. These
verses also appear in 4QPs b (=4Q84); see J . A. Sanders, op. cit., pp. 144, 161.
41 See E. Schuller, Non-Canonical Psalms from Qumran (1986); idem, DJD XI (1998),
pp. 87-172.
42 A.M. Schwemer, 'Gott als König und seine Königsherrschaft in den Sab-
baüiedern aus Qumran', in Königsherrschajl Gottes und himmlischer Kult im Judentum,
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 101

Along with a n u m b e r of other references to God as 'King' and to

his 'glory', God is described in the Songs as 'King of the "gods'"
(4Q400 fr. 1, 2:7; 4 Q 4 0 0 fr. 2, 2:5; 4 Q 4 0 1 frs. 1-2, 5; 4 Q 4 0 2 fr.3,
2:12; 4 Q 4 0 5 fr. 23, 1:13); 'King of the princes' (4Q400 fr. 1, 2:14);
'King of all' (4Q401 fr. 13, 1; 4 Q 4 0 3 fr. 1, 1:28); 'King of goodness'
(MasShirShabb 2:15; 4 Q 4 0 3 fr. 1, 1:5); 'King of holiness' (Mas Shir-
S h a b b 2:18; 4 Q 4 0 3 fr. 1, 1:17; 4 Q 4 0 5 fr. 23, 2:11); 'King of glory'
(4Q403 fr. 1, 1:31; 2:25; 4 Q 4 0 5 frs. 15 (col. 2) & 16, line 7; 11QJ7
10:5-6); 'King of kings' (4Q403 fr. 1, 1:34); 'King of majesty' (4Q403
fr. 1, 1:38); 'King of truth and righteousness' (4Q403 fr. 1, 1:46); and
'King of purity' (4Q403 fr. 1, 2:26).
A m o n g references to God's 'kingdom' or 'kingship', we read of his
'exalted kingdom' (4Q400 fr. 1, 2:1; 4 Q 4 0 3 fr. 1,1:14); the 'beauty of
your kingdom' (4Q400 fr. 1,2:3); 'praises of your kingship' (4Q400 fr.
2, 2:1); the 'splendour of his kingdom' (4Q400 fr. 2, 2:3); his 'glorious
kingship' (4Q403 fr. 1, 1:25); the 'glory of his kingship' (4Q403 fr. 1,
1:32; 2:10); 'the throne of his kingship' (4Q405 fr. 20 (col. 2) & frs. 21-
22, line 2); and 'the throne of the glory of his kingship' (4Q405 fr. 23,
1:3). A summary of this wide-ranging praise to G o d is found at 4 Q 4 0 3
fr. 1, 1:32: 'For in the splendour of praises is the glory of his kingship.'
M a n y references to God's kingdom are brought together in 4 Q 4 0 5 fr.
23, 2:11, describing 'the Princes of the kingdom, the kingdom of the
holy ones of the King of holiness in all the heights of the sanctuaries of
his glorious kingdom'. 4 3
4QBlessings (4Q286-290) also speak of God's throne as ' T h y glorious
chariots' (4Q286 fr. 1, 2:2), exulting in its splendour and majesty, and
refers to God's kingdom (4Q286 fr. 7, 1:5). It would be interesting if
the one surviving line of 4 Q 2 8 7 fr. 10, 13 may be read, 'the Holy Spir-
it [sett]led upon His Messiah', as that would indicate that mention of
God's 'messiah' is not necessarily out of place in a composition that
concentrates on God's throne and kingship. 44

Urchristentum und in da hellenistischen Welt, edd. M. Hengel & A.M. Schwemer (1991),
pp. 45-118; G J . Brooke, 'Kingship and Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls', in King
and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed.J. Day (1998), pp. 434-455, at p. 440 &
note 16. Based on palaeographical evidence, the Songs are thought to come from the
first century B.C.: see C. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition (1985).
43 Cf references in fragmentary texts 4Q303, line 7 to 'a king for all of them', and
4Q301 fr. 5, line 2 to 'his royal palace'.
44 Contra, G.J. Brooke, art. at., p. 453. On 4QB1essings, see R.H. Eisenman & M.
Wise, op. cit., pp. 222-230; C.A. Evans, Jesus and His Contemporaries ( 1995), pp. 134-135;
102 CHAPTER THREE

T h e c o n c e p t of G o d ' s kingship does not figure p r o m i n e n t l y in the

two m a i n Q u m r a n Rules, the Community Rule (1QS) a n d the Damas-
eus Document (CD). T h e C o m m u n i t y R u l e speaks of G o d ' s d o m i n i o n ,
in relation to k e e p i n g the law ( 1 Q S 9:24), his m a j e s t y (11:15), a n d
his glory (10:9; 11:20). Also, at 10:12, G o d is addressed as ' S u m m i t
of G l o r y ' a n d 'Almighty E t e r n a l M a j e s t y ' , b e i n g the last two out of
a list of six n a m e s used to address G o d . T h e D a m a s c u s D o c u m e n t
also c o n t a i n s n o direct references to G o d as king, b u t f u t u r e j u d g -
m e n t of those w h o have b r o k e n the law is r e f e r r e d to as b e i n g at a
time ' w h e n the glory of G o d is m a d e manifest to Israel' ( C D 20:25-
26).
T h e War Scroll however contains a h y m n ( 1 Q M 10:8-16), which
resembles the psalms of Y a h w e h ' s kingship, speaking of the incompa-
rability of G o d (lines 8-9), his choice of Israel (lines 9-10), the Sinai
covenant (lines 10-11), a n d G o d ' s creation (lines 11-16). 45 T h e r e fol-
lows an account of G o d ' s historical deliverances of Israel (1 l:lff.), a n d
then a description of the heavenly council p r e p a r i n g for battle on
earth in c o m p a n y with G o d ' s elect people (12:Iff.). It is here that
G o d ' s kingship is celebrated (12:7-8):

For Thou art [terrible], Ο God, in the glory of Thy kingdom (‫בכבוד‬
‫)מלכותכה‬, and the congregation of Thy Holy Ones is among us for ever-
lasting succour. We will despise kings, we will mock and scorn the
mighty; for our Lord is holy, and the King of Glory (‫ )מלך הכבוד‬is with us
together with the Holy Ones (cf. 19:1).

It is clear here that G o d ' s kingship is eternal, but G o d ' s kingship a n d

power will be d e m o n s t r a t e d in an eschatological battle on earth. At
1 Q M 6:6, victory in the battle is described as follows: 'And sovereign-
ty shall be to the G o d of Israel' -

‫והיתהלאל ׳פראל המלוכה‬

Victory in the battle will also bring 'everlasting dominion to Israel'

(12:16; 19:8), or, as 1:5 describes the war, 'This shall be a time of sal-

B. Nitzan, '4QBerakhot ‫ ־ ״‬c (4Q286-290): A Covenantal Ceremony in the Light of

Related Texts', ÄQ.16 (1995), pp. 487-506; idem, DJD XI (1998), pp. 1-74. Nitzan
translates 4Q287 fr. 10, 13, 'against the anointed ones of [His] ho[ly] spirit', reading
‫ ספיח־‬rather than .‫מט־חו‬
45 Cf. P R . Davies, 1QM, the War Scroll from Qumran( 1977), p. 95, wh Ū sees 10:8b-16
as a creation hymn, to be compared with 1 Q H a 9 (formerly 1): 1-39.
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 103

vation for the people of G o d , an age of dominion for all m e m b e r s of

His company.' 4 6

5. Hellenistic Jewish literature

As we move from Q u m r a n to the Hellenistic Jewish literature e m a n a t -

ing f r o m Egypt, 4 7 the most important d o c u m e n t for o u r present pur-
pose that we encounter, is the third book of the Sibylline Oracles. This
contains the following prediction of a Saviour King (verses 652-656):

And then God will send a King from the sun

who will stop the entire earth from evil war,
killing some, imposing oaths of loyalty on others;
and he will not do all these things by his private plans
but in obedience to the noble teachings of the great God.

J J . Collins has shown that the reference to 'a King from the sun' does
not relate to a Davidic or other Jewish messiah, but to an Egyptian king,
by comparison with the closely contemporary Egyptian Potters oracle. 48

46 So also 4Q491 (=4QM>) fr. 15, line 7, '[... to the God Most] High the kingship
and to his people salvation'. T h e 'kingdom' referred to in 1QSb (=lQ28b) 3:5; 4:26;
5:21 may also mean eschatological kingship to be exerised by the Community, follow-
ing the thought of Exodus 19:6; cf. 1QM 12:3. 4Q491c (= 4Q491 frs. 11 & 12), enti-
tied by its original editor M. Baillet, DJD VII (1982), pp. 26-30, as 'The Song of
Michael and the Just', speaks of an angelic or exalted human being having 'a throne
of strength in the congregation of "gods" so that not a single king of old shall sit on it,
neither shall their noble men'; see G. Vermes, op. cit., p. 185. There seems to be a
clear parallel here with the figure in 1 1 QMelchizedek. M. Hengel, Studies in Early
Christology (ET, 1995), pp. 201-203, after considering other possibilities for identifica-
tion of the figure, including the teacher of righteousness, concludes that interpretation
as a 'messianic' figure is the most probable; cf. J.J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star
(1995), pp. 148f., who speaks o f ' t h e eschatological priest/teacher'; J.C. O'Neill,
' " W h o is Comparable to Me in My Glory?" 4Q491 Fragment 11 (4Q491C) and the
New Testament', NovT42 (2000), pp. 24-38, taking the figure as likely to be the same
as Melchizedek in 11 QMelchizedek. Both in 4Q491 c and in 4Q471 b, there are refer-
ences to 'the king', speaking probably of God; cf. Ε. Eshel, '4Q471 B: A Self-Glorifica-
tion Hymn', ÄQ.(1996), pp. 175-203.
47 We have of course already considered 2 Maccabees and 3 Maccabees, which are
probably of Egyptian provenance.
48 See J J . Collins' introduction and new translation of Book 3 of the Sibylline Ora-
cles in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. J . H . Charlesworth, I (1983), pp. 354-380,
at pp. 354-356. He identifies the 'King from the sun' with the seventh king of Egypt,
mentioned in verses 193, 318 and 608, and dates the main corpus of Book 3 between
160-150 B.C. in the reign of Ptolemy VI Philometor. Quotations from the Sibylline
Oracles follow Collins' translation. Cf. Κ.Ε. Pomykala, The Davidic Dynasty Tradition in
Early Judaism. Its History and Significancefor Messianism (1995), pp. 256-258.
104 CHAPTER THREE

T h e r e is of course a precedent for venerating a gentile king as a messiah

in Isaiah 45:1, where the Persian king Cyrus is referred to as God's
anointed, and it is likely that Cyrus is referred to in Sibylline Oracles
3:286, as a king sent by G o d .
In the m a i n coipus of Book 3 of the Sibylline Oracles (verses 97-
349 a n d 489-829), G o d is frequently referred to as King: he is called
'the great king' (verses 499, 560, a n d 808), 'the immortal king' (verse
717), 'the great immortal king' (verse 617), a n d 'the C r e a t o r , just
j u d g e a n d sole ruler' (verse 704). According to verse 718, 'he alone is
sovereign', a n d verses 783f. predict 'just wealth a m o n g m e n ' , which is
'the j u d g m e n t a n d dominion of the great G o d ' . Indeed, verses 767ff.
speak of an eschatological climax w h e n G o d 'will raise up a kingdom
for all ages a m o n g m e n ' , which will bring peace (verse 780),while vers-
es 785-795 allude to the transformation of the natural order in terms
of the messianic p r o p h e c y at Isaiah 11:6-9. 49
Verses 1-96 of Book 3 form a separate work, composed later than
the m a i n corpus of the book. 5 0 Verses 1-2 speak of G o d having the
c h e r u b i m as his throne, a n d there follows a passage where the 'one
G o d ' is confessed as 'sole ruler' (verse 11), 'the great heavenly G o d
w h o rules the world' (verse 19), ' w h o created everything by a w o r d '
(verse 20). T h e emphasis on G o d ' s creation a n d the foolishness of idol-
atry is reminiscent of Isaiah chapters 40-48, which as we have seen,
b e a r m a n y similarities to the psalms of Y a h w e h ' s kingship.
T h e n follows an oracle of eschatological j u d g m e n t (verses 46-62):

But when Rome will also rule over Egypt

guiding it toward a single goal, then indeed the most great kingdom
of the immortal king will become manifest over men.
For a holy prince will come to gain sway over the sceptres of the earth
forever, as time presses on. (Verses 46-50)

T h e oracle continues with a prediction of fiery j u d g m e n t on R o m e ,

which is 'the j u d g m e n t of the great king immortal G o d ' (verse 56).
O n c e again it is clear that G o d is king a n d ruler over all in the present,
a n d his 'most great kingdom ... will b e c o m e manifest over m e n ' in the

49 J.J. Collins, art. cit., p. 357, writes that the eschatology of Sibylline Oracles 3 finds
its closest parallels in pre-exilic Jewish literature such as Isaiah and the Psalms. Verse
767 may also be seen to have a parallel in Daniel 2:44; 7:27. Cf. G.S. Oegama, op. cit.,
pp. 83-85, comparing Sib.Or. 3:767-808 with Is. 11:1-12.
50 J.J. Collins, art. cit., pp. 359-361, dates verses 46-62 shortly after the battle of
Actium in 31 B.C.
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 105

future (cf. Assumption of Moses 10:1). T h e 'holy prince' (verse 49)

appears to refer to a messiah 5 1 or saviour figure, rather than to G o d
himself, w h o is called 'the great (immortal) king' (verses 48 a n d 56).
While there are n o grounds for suggesting that a Davidic messiah is in
view (following the above interpretation of verses 286 a n d 652), it is
nonetheless significant that an apparently h u m a n messiah or saviour
figure is here referred to as G o d ' s instrument in establishing his king-
d o m on earth.
By contrast, G o d ' s kingship is not dealt with eschatologically in
the Wisdom of Solomon. H e r e W i s d o m is personified, a n d at 10:10,
referring to J a c o b ' s d r e a m , it is W i s d o m w h o 'showed him the king-
d o m of G o d ' , revealing the sphere w h e r e G o d rules. In c h a p t e r 9,
S o l o m o n prays that G o d will give h i m 'the wisdom that sits by thy
t h r o n e ' (verse 4; cf. verse 10). H e anticipates the result o f t h a t gift in
verse 12:

Then my works will be acceptable,

and I shall judge thy people justly,
and shall be worthy of the throne of my father.

While there is n o messianic element here (that is, concerning a future

messiah), Solomon's earthly t h r o n e (coming f r o m his father David) is
related to G o d ' s heavenly throne, a n d the gift of wisdom will enable
Solomon (and other kings) to rule justly (cf. Isaiah 11:2). 52
T h e W i s d o m of Solomon also speaks of a future kingdom for the
righteous. According to 3:8, the souls of the righteous 'will govern
nations a n d rule over peoples, a n d the L o r d will reign over t h e m for
ever' (cf. 5:16). So, the righteous will share in G o d ' s eternal kingdom.
T h e n in Wisdom 6:2-5, the kings of the nations are told that their
dominion a n d sovereignty c o m e f r o m G o d (verse 3), a n d they are
called 'servants of his kingdom' (verse 4). T h u s G o d ' s kingdom is seen
as pre-eminent. All h u m a n rulers are given authority by G o d , and are

51 So H.C.O. Lanchester, 'The Sibylline Oracles', in R.H. Charles, ed., The Apoc-
1ypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English ( 1913), II, pp. 368-406. J.J. Collins,
'Messianism in the Maccabean Period', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 10), pp.
97-109, at note 14 (p. 107), allows that this figure may refer to a Jewish king, but adds
that it may possibly refer to God himself.
52 In Wisdom 9:17 the gift of wisdom is mentioned in parallel with 'thy holy Spirit'.
Of other references to God's kingship in the Wisdom of Solomon, at 11:10 he is
likened to 'a stern king', 12:15 and 15:1 speak of his ruling all things, 12:16, 18 of his
sovereignty, and 18:15 of'the royal throne'.
106 CHAPTER THREE

his servants. N e a r the end of c h a p t e r 6, which r e c o m m e n d s wisdom to

earthly rulers, we read (verses 20-21):

... so the desire for wisdom leads to a kingdom.

Therefore if you delight in thrones and sceptres,
Ο monarchs over the peoples,
honour wisdom, that you may reign for ever.

T h e p r i m a r y m e a n i n g of these verses appears (in the light of 3:8) to be

that G o d ' s kingdom is the most i m p o r t a n t , a n d those w h o are right-
eous, w h o seek wisdom, will rule in G o d ' s eternal kingdom. T h e r e is
also probably the secondary meaning, that if the kings seek wisdom,
G o d will establish their earthly kingdoms, as he did that of Solomon.
T h e Letter of Aristaeus speaks of G o d ' s sovereignty (verse 141) a n d his
universal rule (verse 254), while the glory a n d wealth of earthly kings
are affirmed to c o m e by G o d ' s gift (verse 224). T h e other application
which we noted in the W i s d o m of Solomon, that the righteous will
share in G o d ' s kingdom, is taken f u r t h e r in 4 Maccabees 2:23, w h e r e
the m a n w h o lives subject to G o d ' s law 'will rule a kingdom that is
temperate, just, good, a n d courageous' (cf. 7:10). Similarly Philo uses
βασιλεία mainly as an ethical concept. 5 3

6. Psalms of Solomon - a Palestinian perspective

T u r n i n g f r o m Hellenistic Jewish literature of likely Egyptian prove-

n a n c e or connection, Palestinian J u d a i s m is generally thought to p r o -
vide the b a c k d r o p for the Psalms of Solomon. T h i s is a collection of
eighteen psalms, c o m i n g f r o m a devout (anti-Hasmonean) g r o u p
p r o b a b l y linked either with the Pharisees or the Essenes, a r o u n d the
middle of the first century B.C. 5 4 Pss. Sol. 17 a n d 18 speak of the

53 For a consideration of this usage by Philo, and his references to the kingdom of
God, see K.L. Schmidt, TD.NTI, pp. 574-576.
54 O. Eissfeldt, 77le Old Testament: An Introduction (ET 1965), pp. 610-613, mentions a
possible Essene link, while traditionally the Psalms of Solomon have been ascribed to
the Pharisees. B.L. Mack, 'Wisdom Makes a Difference: Alternatives to "Messianic"
Configurations', in Judaisms and Thar Messiahs (see note 10 above), pp. 15-48, at p. 36,
concludes after various qualifications that these psalms "do seem to fit somewhere
into the larger picture of that type of piety that runs from the early Hasidic move-
ments through Pharisaism and into Rabbinic Judaism", and recognizes that they
reflect a very popular piety. Cf. J . H . Charlesworth, 'From Jewish Messianology to
Christian Christology: Some Caveats and Perspectives', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs
(see note 10 above),' pp. 225-264, at p. 234 and note 23 (on pp. 258-259); R.B.
Wright, 'Psalms of Solomon: A New Translation and Introduction' in The Old Testa-
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 107

c o m i n g of the Messiah, w h o is 'the son of D a v i d ' (17:21), 55 a n d it is

significant that both of these psalms either speak of or imply G o d ' s
kingship.
Ps. Sol. 1 7 indeed is set in the context of G o d ' s kingship. It begins,
'Lord, you are our king forevermore' (verse 1), a n d concludes, ' T h e
Lord Himself is our king forevermore' (verse 46). G o d ' s kingdom is
referred to as eternally existing, a n d having political significance on
earth: 'the kingdom of o u r G o d is forever over the nations in j u d g -
m e n t ' (verse 3). Immediately after this reference to G o d ' s kingdom,
the psalmist speaks of G o d ' s choice of David to be king, a n d the
Davidic covenant (verse 4). Verses 21-25 are a prayer for the c o m i n g
of the Messiah, a n d verses 26-44 continue with a description of his
rule. His authority a n d power d e p e n d entirely on G o d ' s kingship,
' T h e Lord himself is his king, the h o p e of the one w h o has a strong
hope in G o d ' (verse 34).
Ps. Sol. 18 speaks of the blessings a n d discipline of the Messiah's
reign, as he directs people 'in righteous acts, in the fear of G o d ' (verse
8). It also speaks of the Lord's ears listening 'to the hopeful prayer of
the p o o r ' (verse 2) a n d his 'compassionate j u d g m e n t s ' (verse 3), con-
cern for the p o o r being one of the characteristics of Y a h w e h ' s kingship
in the O l d T e s t a m e n t .
Similar characteristics of G o d ' s kingship are found in the non-mes-
sianic Ps. Sol. 5, which speaks of G o d ' s 'righteous j u d g m e n t s ' (verse 1),
a n d calls him 'the shelter of the p o o r ' (verse 2). Specific reference to
G o d ' s kingship is then m a d e at the end of this psalm (5:18f.):

Those who fear the Lord are happy with good things.
In your kingdom your goodness (is) upon Israel.
May the glory of the Lord be praised, for he is our king.

Ps. Sol. 2 also does not speak of the Messiah, but emphasizes G o d ' s
kingship in relation to earthly rulers, ' H e is king over the heavens,
j u d g i n g even kings a n d rulers' (verse 30). J u s t as Ps. Sol. 17:23f. alludes
in a messianic passage to Psalm 2:9, so Ps. Sol. 2 has an allusion to

ment Psetidepigraphia, ed.J.H. Gharlesworth. II (1985), pp. 639-670, whose translation is

followed here. K..R. Atkinson, 'Toward a Redating of the Psalms of Solomon: Impli-
cations for Understanding the Sitz im lieben of an Unknown Jewish Sect', JSP 17
(1998), pp. 95-112, argues that Ps. Sol. 17 was composed in the early years of the
reign of Herod the Great; contra, K.E. Pomykala, op.cit., p. 159, who dates Ps. Sol. 17
between 61 and 57 B.C.
55 See pp. 200Jf.
108 CHAPTER THREE

verse 10 of the same royal Psalm 2, 'Now, therefore, Ο kings, be wise;

be w a r n e d , Ο rulers of the earth', in verse 32:

And now, officials of the earth, see the judgment of the Lord,
that he is a great and righteous king, judging what is under heaven.

Psalm 2 speaks of Y a h w e h ' s e n t h r o n e m e n t , as well as that of his Mes-

siah, a n d is an i m p o r t a n t source c o m m o n to the Psalms of Solomon
a n d M a r k ' s gospel, where the divine voice at J e s u s ' baptism a n d trans-
figuration alludes to verse 7 (Mark 1:11; 9:7; cf. 12:6).
In M a r k ' s gospel, Jesus preaches the good news of the kingdom of
G o d (l:14f.), alluding to the messenger of the good news of G o d ' s
reign in Isaiah 52:7. Again it is interesting that Ps. Sol. 11 alludes to
the same verse in Isaiah (verse 1):

Sound in Zion the signal trumpet of the sanctuary;

announce in Jerusalem the voice of one bringing good news,
for God has been merciful to Israel in watching over them. 56

T h e psalm goes on to speak of G o d ' s glory (verses 6, 8), which is

shared with J e r u s a l e m (verse 7; cf. Ps. Sol. 2:19-21), as her children
assemble f r o m the distant lands of their exile (verses 2-6). At other
places in the Psalms of Solomon, this future h o p e is expressed not (as
in Assumption of Moses 10:1 a n d Sibylline Oracles 3:47-48) in terms
of the a p p e a r a n c e or manifestation of G o d ' s kingdom, but rather in
terms of a future 'day' w h e n G o d will act in mercy (7:10; 18:5) a n d
j u d g m e n t (15:12).
T h u s we see that the Psalms of Solomon, as a collection, not only
speak of the c o m i n g Davidic Messiah, but also of G o d ' s kingdom, to
which that of the Messiah is subordinate (17:34). G o d ' s kingdom lasts
forever (being a present as well as a f u t u r e reality), is effective over the
nations (2:30; 9:2; 17:3), a n d is concerned for the righteousness of
individuals (9:5), as well as nations a n d rulers.

56 Cf. G. Friedrich, 77)ΛΤΙΙ, p. 715.

 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 109

7. Synagogue prayers, Rabbinic literature and the Targums

T h e Psalms of Solomon are of course hymns a n d prayers, which we

have noted are often the context in which G o d is addressed as 'King'.
W e must also consider the evidence of ancient liturgical prayers,
which are likely to have derived f r o m this period, that is prior to the
destruction of the T e m p l e in A.D. 70. T h e ancient prayer of the syna-
gogue, the Shemoneh 'Esreh (Eighteen Benedictions), has as the eleventh
petition in the Palestinian recension:

Restore our judges as of old,

And our leaders as in days of yore,
And reign over us - thou alone.
Blessed art thou, Ο Lord, Lover of jusdce. 57

While this prayer that G o d alone should 'reign over us' has a future
orientation, in the light of some of the earlier petitions (4-9), it is not
necessarily eschatological. T h e same prayer also includes petitions
concerning the Davidic Messiah (14 in both recensions, together with
the additional petition 15 in the Babylonian recension).
A n o t h e r ancient prayer, dating back at least to T a n n a i t i c times (the
first two Christian centuries), is the Kaddish. This is an Aramaic prayer
that m a y have been used immediately after the sermon in the syna-
gogue. T h e following is the earliest form of this prayer, according to J .
Jeremias: 5 8

57 This is the translation by Solomon Schechter of the text of the Palestinian

recension found in the Cairo Geniza: S. Schechter, 'Geniza Specimens', JQR old
series, 10 (1898), pp. 654-659, quoted in M. McNamara, Intertestamental Literature
(1983), pp. 199-203. With regard to the antiquity of the Eighteen Benedictions, see
K.G. Kuhn, Achtzehngebet und Vaterunser und der Reim ( 1950), pp. 1 Off. For recent com-
ments on dating the Eighteen Benedictions and the Kaddish, see G. Theissen & A.
Merz, The Historical Jesus: A Comprehensive Guide (ET, 1998), p. 252; G. Vermes, The
Changing Faces ofJesus (2000), pp. 178-179, 202. E.P. Sanders, Judaism: Practice and
Belief 63 BCE- 66 C£(1992), pp. 203-205, considers the the Eighteen Benedictions
(and other prayers accompanying the Shema') were not prayed as set texts, but
rather as set themes.
58 J . Jeremias, New Testament Theology, I (ET, 1971), p. 198, who is confident that this
prayer "was familiar to Jesus from childhood", and may have influenced the first two
petitions of the Lord's prayer. So also, N. Perrin, Jesus and the Language of the Kingdom
(1976), pp. 26-32. Cf. I. Elbogen, Derjüdische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwick-
lung (3rd. ed., 1931 ; 4th. ed., 1962), pp. 92-98.
110 CHAPTER THREE

Exalted and hallowed be his great name

in the world which he created according to his will.
May he let his kingdom rule 59
in your lifetime and in your days and in the lifetime of the whole
house of Israel, speedily and soon.
Praised be his great name from eternity to eternity.
And to this, say: Amen.

T h e eschatological element in the reference to G o d ' s kingdom is

clearer here than in the Eighteen Benedictions, but even so the
r e m a i n d e r of the prayer shows that it m a y not be entirely eschatologi-
cal in nature. 6 0
Dealing generally with the Rabbinic corpus, we have the problem of
how far later sayings may reflect the viewpoint of some members at least
of the Pharisees prior to A.D. 70. 61 However, there are fairly early refer-
ences to a J e w taking u p o n h i m s e l f ' t h e yoke of the kingdom of God'. 6 2

59 In G. Dalman, op. cit., p. 99, these words ‫ ממליך מלכותיה‬are translated, 'and may
He (God) set up His sovereignty ...', while in the Daily Prayer Book. Ha-Siddur Ha-
Shalem, translated by Philip Birnbaum (1949), they are translated, 'May he establish
his kingdom ...'. N. Perrin, ibid., points out that the Kaddish prayer was used by a com-
munity (in the synagogue), and the form of the expectation expressed by this petition
will have varied from individual to individual. While for many Jews prior to A.D. 66,
the prayer will have expressed the hope for a dramatic irruption of God into human
history (as envisaged in apocalyptic literature), "it can never have been limited to the
expression ofthat hope", as the 'kingdom of God' is a type of symbol which can never
be exhausted in any one apprehension of meaning.
60 The benedictions accompanying the Shema', which are mentioned in the Mish-
nah (M. Berakoth 1:4; 2:2; M. Tamid 5:1), make reference to God as 'King'; cf. M.
McNamara, op. cit., pp. 193-199. Other relevant prayers are cited by G. Dalman, op.
cit., pp. 98-100; R. Schnackenburg, God's Rule and Kingdom (ET, 1963), pp. 43-44; G.
Vermes, The Religion ofjesus the Jew ( 1993), pp. 134-135. It is difficult to date the origin
of these prayers or reconstruct their earliest form. However, J . Neusner, Messiah in
Context (1984), pp. 233-238, comments that the basic organization and arrangement
of the synagogue prayers are generally regarded as the work of authorities prior to the
formation of the rabbinical movement. He also notes that in the liturgy (the Siddur)
generally, the theme of the Messiah's coming tends to serve in a subordinate position
as part of the larger expression of hope for God's own rule.
61 For an approach to this problem, see E.P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism
(1977), pp. 59ff. J . Neusner, First Century Judaism in Crisis (1982), has emphasized how
Yohanan ben Zakkai had to refashion aspects of Rabbinic Judaism, following the
destruction of the Temple and its cult.
62 Str.-B., I, pp. 173ff. In Rabbinic literature outside the Targumim, the divine
name in 'the kingdom of God' is avoided by substituting ‫'( סמים‬of heaven'). Cf. Κ.G.
Kuhn, 77)jVTI, pp. 571-574, who emphasizes that in relation to the whole Rabbinic
corpus ‫ מלכות סמים‬is comparatively infrequent and not by a long way of such theologi-
cal importance as in the preaching o f j e s u s . For the following examples, cf. G. Dal-
man, op. cit., pp. 96-98.
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 129

R. Eleazar b. Azariah (c. A.D. 100) applied this phrase to keeping laws
of cleanness, a n d so keeping separate from transgression (Sifra Leviticus
20.26). R. Gamaliel II (c. A.D. 110) associated it with reciting the Shema'
(M. Berakot 2:2). T h e Shema' was the fundamental Jewish confession of
faith, consisting of D e u t e r o n o m y 6:4-9; 11:13-21; and N u m b e r s 15:37-
41, and the recitation of this served to acknowledge the one G o d (as
King), 1 ' 3 and the obligation to love Him, and keep His c o m m a n d m e n t s .
R . J o s h u a b. K a r h a (c. A.D. 150) said that in the Shema', D e u t e r o n -
omy 6:4-9 precedes D e u t e r o n o m y 11:13-21 (with its emphasis on the
commandments),

... so that a man may first take on him the yoke of the kingdom of heav-
en, and afterwards take on the yoke of the commandments. (M.
Berakot 2:2)64

T h u s while taking on 'the yoke of the kingdom of heaven' is closely

linked with keeping the c o m m a n d m e n t s , this saying shows, as E.P.
Sanders has emphasized, that G o d ' s covenant with Israel (which is
confessed by the individual at the beginning of the Shema) is prior to
that. T h e relationship with G o d , acknowledging (as a m e m b e r of the
Jewish community) G o d ' s kingship, precedes the obligation to keep
the c o m m a n d m e n t s . 6 5 It is to this relationship of an individual to G o d
that R. Y o h a n a n b. Zakkai (c. A.D. 80) seems to be referring, when he
states that the Israelite w h o voluntarily becomes a slave for life is
declaring that he renounces 'the yoke of the kingdom of heaven' a n d
takes u p o n himself 'the yoke of flesh a n d blood' (Y. Q i d d u š i n 59d
(1:2)). 6 6
Like the ancient Jewish prayers, the Targums b e a r witness to the life
of the synagogue, rather than the Rabbinical schools. 67 T h e y began in
the synagogues as oral translations of the scriptures into Aramaic, a n d
different targums were no doubt h a n d e d on orally a n d revised as need

63 Cf. the benedictions accompanying the Shema', which refer to God as 'King'
(note 60 above).
64 The translation follows that of H. Danby, The Mishnah (1933).
65 E.P. Sanders, op. cit., pp. 84ÍT.
66 Cf. T.W. Manson, The Teaching of Jesus (1931; 2nd. ed., 1935), pp. 130-138, who
held that in these and similar passages, the Kingdom of God is a personal relation
between God and individual human beings. He recognized however, that at first God
is King of Israel as a whole, while later the tendency is to individualize and universal-
ize this aspect of the Kingdom, with individual Israelites or Gentiles taking upon
themselves the yoke of the Kingdom.
67 Cf.J. Neusner, Messiah in Context( 1984), p. '234.
112 CHAPTER THREE

arose before they attained written form. 6 8 While the various written
T a r g u m s contain early material, especially those on the Pentateuch
and the Prophets, one cannot be sure in any particular instance that
an interpretation was contemporary say with the time o f j e s u s . How-
ever a consistent interpretation in the T a r g u m s (or some of them) may
give evidence of an earlier trend of thought or expression. 69
It is remarkable how consistently the T a r g u m J o n a t h a n to the latter
prophets, renders 'Yahweh [your God] reigns [will reign] ‫ י‬in the Mas-
soretic Text as 'the kingdom of Yahweh [your God] is [will be]
revealed'. 7 0 This occurs at Isaiah 24:23 and 52:7, Micah 4:7 and
Zechariah 14:9. In the Isaiah T a r g u m , this same phrase occurs at 31:4
and 40:9, where there is no mention in the M T of God's 'reign' or
'kingship', but where the verses speaks of God's powerful action on
behalf of Zion. In particular, the end of Tg. Isaiah 40.9, 'the kingdom
of your G o d is revealed', for M T , 'Behold your God!', was probably
influenced directly by the end of Tg. Isaiah 52:7, where the same
phrase stands for M T , 'Your G o d reigns'. Both verses speak o f ' g o o d
tidings' to Zion o r j u d a h , and the T a r g u m makes the content of those
'good tidings' the same in the both verses, 'the kingdom of G o d is
revealed'. It is clear from the various T a r g u m i c verses, that the revela-
tion of the kingdom of G o d represents God's dynamic action on
behalf of his people in salvation and j u d g m e n t . B.D. Chilton has
argued for this interpretation in the Isaiah T a r g u m to be dated in the
Tannaitic period (c. A.D. 70-135). 71

68 Cf. J . Bowker, The Targums and Rabbinic Literature (1969). G. Vermes, IDB Supp
(1976), pp. 441-443, concludes that we can safely reassert the widely held thesis that
"the main body of Targumic exegesis reflects the ordinary, non-technical understand-
ing of the message of the Bible current among Aramaic-speaking Jews in the first two
or three centuries of the Christian era. , ‫י‬
69 It is on these lines that B.D. Chilton argues, in A Galilean Rabbi and his Bible
(1984), that Jesus was familiar with the kind of interpretations that lay behind the
development of the Isaiah Targum.
70 The only exception is Ezek. 20:33. Also in Targum Onkelos at Exodus 15:18,
'Yahweh will reign' (MT) becomes, 'the kingdom of God stands fast'. T h e Targum to
the Psalms is probably much later in origin than those to the Pentateuch and the
Prophets (cf. note 164 (ch. 5)), and the phrase 'Yahweh reigns [will reign]' is retained
in the Targum to Psalms 47:8; 93:1; 96:10; 97:1; 99:1; 146:10 (the psalms of Yah-
weh's kingship). Cf. G. Dalman, op. cit., p. 101; K.G. Kuhn, TDNTl, p. 571.
71 B.D. Chilton, The Glory of Israel ( 1982), pp. 77-81, 86ff.
 T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN EARLY JUDAISM 113

8. Summary

Let us summarize our findings regarding the antecedents in early

Judaism of Jesus' usage (according to Mark) of ή βασιλεία του θεοΰ.
Looking broadly at instances where G o d is referred to as 'King' or
described in terms of kingship, we have seen that these often occur in
the context of prayer, both praising G o d (particularly in the Q u m r a n
Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice) and petitioning him for help. W e have
often noticed that reference to God's kingship is accompanied by
themes of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship, such as his creation (e.g., 1
Enoch 84:2-3; 1QH; 4 Q 3 8 1 ; Sib.Or. 3:Iff.), and his authority over
all, especially earthly rulers. In the context of oppression by foreign
powers, many of the documents (e.g., Daniel, 2 Maccabees) look to
God acting (as King) in historical events, whether past or future.
We have seen that sometimes God's kingship is linked specifically
with Zion and the Davidic Messiah or another messianic figure (e.g.,
4 Q D i b H a m ; 4QF10ri1egium; 4QMessianic Apocalypse; 4Q381;
?4QB1essings; Pss. Sol. 17; 18; Shemoneh 'Esreh), while on the other
hand, 2 Esdras and 2 Baruch do not speak of God's kingship in an
eschatological context, although the Messiah is a prominent figure.
T h e Targumic evidence is important, as the Aramaic phrase ‫מלכותא‬
‫( דאלקכון‬Tg. Isaiah 40:9; 52:7) may have been similar to the linguistic
use of Jesus, and is in the context of God as King acting to save his
people. This is celebrated especially in the psalms of Yahweh's king-
ship and the second part of Isaiah.
While there is generally a future orientation in references to God as
King (and this is especially true in prayer), the future that is contem-
plated may be G o d acting in history, not only in eschatological events.
Documents, such as the Assumption of Moses, Sibylline Oracles 3,
and the Psalms of Solomon, although they speak of the eschatological
future, also speak of God's kingship in relation to historical events or
the immediate future. T h e basic concept is that God's kingship is eter-
nal ( 1 Q M 12:7-8), and sometimes as in the psalms of Yahweh's king-
ship, the second part of Isaiah (both in the M T and the Targum), the
Shemoneh 'Esreh and the Kaddish, while there is a clear eschatological
reference, that does not exclude references to the future nearer at
hand. We have seen that on many occasions, references to G o d as
King have no eschatological element.
Sometimes eschatological j u d g m e n t is expressed in other ways than
by mentioning God's kingship (e.g., 1 Enoch 1; Pss. Sol.). However in
 CHAPTER THREE

Assumption of Moses 10:1 and Sibylline Oracles 3:47-48, God's

eschatological j u d g m e n t is referred to as his kingdom 'appearing' or
'becoming manifest' (cf. Tg. Isaiah; C D 20:25-26), while Daniel 2:44
and Sibylline Oracles 3:767 speak of G o d 'setting up' or 'raising up' a
kingdom at the end of time. These clearly eschatological references
are however comparatively sparse in the literature we have surveyed,
and nowhere is it suggested the kingdom of G o d will come into exis-
tence at the end-time. T h e thought is that God's kingdom always
exists but will be manifest to all at the end. In the Assumption of
Moses, the eschatological appearance of God's kingdom is seen to
represent God's personal dynamic action at the end of time.
References to God's kingship may also involve an ethical response
to God, as we have seen in Daniel, 2 Maccabees and the Assumption
of Moses, where individuals suffer for their faithfulness to G o d and his
laws. In Wisdom of Solomon 3:8, it is the righteous who will rule in
God's eternal kingdom (cf. 4 Maccabees 2:23), while Rabbinic teach-
ing speaks o f ' t a k i n g on the yoke of the kingdom of God'. This relates
not only to keeping God's commandments, but also to reciting the
Shema', and thereby affirming an individual's relationship to G o d as
part of his people, acknowledging God's kingship.
T h u s we see from all the diverse references in many different kinds
of literature, that God's kingship principally relates to what God does,
has done and will do in sovereign power, whether the viewpoint is uni-
versai, national or individual, but secondarily implies the need for a
response to God's action. O f t e n that response begins in the form of
prayer (which we have seen is the context of so m a n y references to
G o d as King), but it also involves faithfulness to God, whether by obe-
dience to his laws even in the face of martyrdom, as in 2 Maccabees,
or by taking part in the eschatological battle, as in the Q p m r a n W a r
Scroll.
 CHAPTER FOUR

T H E K I N G D O M O F G O D IN M A R K

H a v i n g considered the various ways in which the concept of G o d ' s

kingship was used a n d interpreted in early J u d a i s m , we must now
examine how this concept is employed by M a r k in his presentation of
the p r e a c h i n g of Jesus.

1. The Initial Proclamation of the Kingdom of God

M a r k ' s first description of Jesus' ministry is as follows (1:14, 15):

Now after John was arrested, Jesus came into Galilee, preaching the
gospel of God, and saying, "The time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of
God is at hand; repent, and believe in the gospel."

It is generally agreed that Jesus' proclamation of the kingdom of G o d

was central to his teaching, 1 a n d this is the case in M a r k ' s presenta-
tion. 2 ή βασιλεία του θεοΰ occurs in M a r k not only in the above sum-
m a r y of Jesus' teaching (1:15), but also on the lips of Jesus on twelve
other occasions, 3 as well as once in narrative (15:43).
A significant clue to the m e a n i n g of ή βασιλεία του θεοΰ in M a r k
m a y be d c d u c e d f r o m the fact that the above verses (1:14, 15) contain
an allusion to Isaiah 52:7:

How beautiful upon the mountains

are the feet of him who brings good tidings,

1 Cf. J . Weiss ,Jesus' Proclamation of the Kingdom of God (first ed. in German. 1892; ET,
1971); R. Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament, I (ET, 1952), pp. 4ff.; C.H. Dodd,
The Parables of the Kingdom (first publ. 1935; rev. ed., 1961), pp. 29-61 ;J. Jeremias, New
Testament Theology, I (ET, 1971), pp. 96ÍT.; D. Guthrie, New Testament Theology (1981),
pp. 409ff.; G. Vermes, Jesus and the World ofJudaism (1983), pp. 32-39; J.P. Meier, A
Marginal Jew. Rethinking the Historical Jesus, 11 (1994), pp. 237ff.; B.D. Chilton, Pure King-
dom. Jesus' Vision of God ( 1996).
2 R.T. France, 'Mark and the Teaching ofJesus', in Gospel Perspectives, I, edd. R.T.
France & D. Wenham (1980), pp. 101-136, shows that, despite initial impressions to
the contrary, nearly half of Mark's gospel is devoted to teaching, while Mark in his
narrative sections emphasizes Jesus' teaching role.
3 4:11,26, 30; 9:1, 47; 10:14, 15,23,24,25; 12:34; 14:25.
116 C H A P T E R THREE

who publishes peace, who brings good tidings of good,

who publishes salvation,
who says to Zion, "Your God reigns."
W e infer a deliberate allusion for the following reasons:
1. Both passages describe the proclamation of the 'reign' or 'king-
d o m ' of G o d as 'good tidings' or 'the gospel'. Isaiah 52:7 is the only
passage in the H e b r e w O l d T e s t a m e n t (MT) where these concepts
occur together. 4 As we have seen, the T a r g u m adds a f u r t h e r passage,
Isaiah 40:9 (probably u n d e r the influence of the targumic interpreta-
tion of Isaiah 52:7), w h e r e 'the kingdom of your G o d is revealed'
stands for M T , ' Y o u r G o d reigns'. Like Isaiah 52:7, Isaiah 40:9 also
refers to 'good tidings', a n d the T a r g u m has 'the kingdom of your
G o d is revealed' for M T , 'Behold your God!' 5
2. T h e r e occur in M a r k a significant n u m b e r of other likely allu-
sions to, or quotations f r o m passages in the later chapters of Isaiah: for
example, Isaiah 49:24f. in M a r k 3:27; 6 Isaiah 35:5, 6 in M a r k 7:32-
37; 7 Isaiah 66:24 in M a r k 9:48; Isaiah 53:10-12 in M a r k 10:45;« a n d
Isaiah 56:7 in M a r k 11:17. 9

4 The L X X has the verbal forms βασιλεύσει and εύαγγελιζόμενος while Mark uses
the cognate nouns βασιλεία and εύαγγέλιον. In translating Is. 52:7 from Heb., the
LXX has altered the text so that it is God who is compared to the messenger, while
the proclamation of his reign has become a promise for the future; cf. G. Friedrich,
TDNTII, pp. 712f. In Psalm 96, one of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship,‫'( בטי־‬bring
good tidings') occurs in verse 2, and the proclamation of Yahweh's reign in verse 10;
see pp. 67-68, and note 12 below.
5 Cf.pp. 111-112. The phrase, 'the kingdom of God', found in the Aramaic of the Tar-
gum tradition, may well have been the basis of Jesus' usage. Alternatively, mention of
God's kingdom in the Aramaic section of Daniel, has been put forward as background to
Jesus' usage, but while it may have been influential, neither the context in Daniel (which
appears to be more political) nor the precise terminology is as close to Jesus' usage
according to Mark, as is the Isaiah Targum. Cf. p. 92-93 and note 17 (ch. 3), quoting G.
Dalman; F.F. Bruce, Biblical Exegesis in the Qumran Texts (1960), p. 75, referring to Dan.
2:44; This is That (1968) p. 26, referring to Dan. 7:22. C.H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures
(1952), p. 69, considered that Mk. 1:15 contains a striking allusion to Dan. 7:22
(Theodotion): as well as referring to the kingdom, both passages also have 6 καιρός.
6 Cf. Β. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic (1961), p. 84, note 3. Other parallel pas-
sages are Is. 53:12 LXX; Ps. Sol. 5:3.
7 ' Cf. H. Anderson, The Gospel ofMark( 1976), pp. 192-194. We are classifying Isaiah 35
with the later chapters of Isaiah, because of its similarities to Isaiah 40-55; see p. 65.
8 Cf. P. Stuhlmacher, 'Existenzvertretung für die Vielen: Mk. 10,45 (Mt. 20,28)' in
Werden und Wirken des Alten Testament. Festschrift fur Claus Westermann zum 70. Geburtstag,
ed. R. Albertz etal. (1980), pp. 412-427, who also cites Is. 43:3-4 as a relevant parallel;
contra, C.K. Barrett, 'The Background of Mark 10:45', in New Testament Essays: Studies
in Memory of Thomas Walter Manson, ed. A.J.B. Higgins (1959), pp. 1-18. See further pp.
239-241.
9 There are also many references in Mark to the earlier chapters of Isaiah; among
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 117

3. In the section immediately preceding Mark 1:14, 15 there are

two outstanding references to Isaiah chapters 40 and 42 respectively.
T h e heavenly voice in Mark 1:11 speaks by way of an allusion to Isa-
iah 42:1 (as well as to Psalm 2:7).10 Also, M a r k 1:2-3 quotes Malachi
3:1 and Isaiah 40:3 in reference to J o h n the Baptist, although Mark
names only Isaiah as the source of the quotation (verse 2). T h e latter
quotation with its attribution to Isaiah is to be noted especially,
because it is the only editorial quotation of the Old Testament (in con-
trast to quotations a m o n g the words o f j e s u s and others) in the gospel.
Further, the position of Mark 1:2-3, occurring immediately after
the introductory verse, shows the importance of the quotation. After
mention is made o f ' t h e beginning of the gospel', Mark is concerned to
show how the gospel is rooted in Old Testament prophecy, especially
in the later chapters of Isaiah." As we have seen, in Isaiah chapter 40,
a few verses after verse 3 (which is quoted in Mark 1:3), Zion is named
as 'herald of good tidings' (verse 9). This is the first of five occurrences
of the verb ‫'( בטר‬bring good tidings') in Isaiah, another being in Isaiah
52:7, the verse we are considering, whose 'kingdom' phraseology we
have noted is duplicated in T a r g u m Isaiah 40:9. 12
It is hard to avoid the conclusion that there is a deliberate connec-
tion between this context of the quotation in Mark 1:3, referring to
'good tidings' (Isaiah 40:9), and the use of τό εΰαγγέλιον ('gospel') in
Mark 1:1, since the verbal form ευαγγελίζομαι is regularly used in the
L X X to translate 13.‫ בטר‬T h e word 'gospel' is next used in Mark twice

these, Is. 29:13 is quoted in Mk. 7:6, 7, after Jesus' words, "Well did Isaiah prophesy
of you hypocrites, as it is written ...."; and Is. 6:9, 10, is quoted in Mk. 4:12. For recent
treatments of the importance of Isaiah for Mark, see J . Marcus, The Way of the Lord.
Christological Exegesis of the Old Testament in the Gospel of Mark (1993), pp. 12-47: R.
Schneck, Isaiah in the Gospel of Mark, I-VIII( 1994); R.E. Watts, Isaiah's New Exodus and
Mark( 1997).
10 See pp. 237-238.
11 Cf. R.A. Guelich, " T h e Beginning of the Gospel": Mark 1:1-15', BR 27 (1982),
pp. 5-15. A. Suhl, Die Funktion der alttestamentlichen Zitate und Anspielungen im Markusevan-
gelium (1965), argues that Mark did not use scripture to show that prophecy was being
fulfilled, but only for the purpose of illustration. This argument is countered convinc-
ingly by A.T. Hanson, The living Utterances of God (1983), pp. 64-65; cf. M.D. Hooker,
'Mark', in It is Written: Scripture Citing Scripture, Essays in Honour of Barnabas Lindars, edd.
D.A. Carson & H.G.M. Williamson (1988), pp. 220-230, at p. 220 and note 1 ;J. Mar-
eus, op. cit., pp. 2-3.
12 T h e other occurrences are Is. 41:27; 60:6; 61:1; see p. 67. In each of these verses
(with the exception of 41:27), the LXX translates by using the verb ευαγγελίζομαι.
Psalms of Solomon 11:1,2, also has a reference to a messenger of good news: see p. 108.
13 W. Marxsen, Mark the Evangelist (ET, 1969), pp. 117-150, argues that τό εΰαγγέλιον
is a particularly significant word for Mark, who considers Jesus both the bringer and
118 C H A P T E R THREE

in 1:14-15, and it is reasonable to suppose that here also, it refers to

the passages about 'good tidings' in Isaiah, and in this case particular-
ly Isaiah 52:7 (and possibly Tg. Isaiah 40:9), because of the reference
to God's kingdom.
B.D. Chilton concluded from a redactional study of Mark 1:14-15
that the announcement o f j e s u s in verse 15 is traditional, indeed
dominical, and that the Isaiah T a r g u m is the most important extant
witness to the basic conceptions that it contains. 14 This conclusion is
supported by the earlier work of P. Stuhlmacher, writing on the tradi-
tion history of the word τό εύαγγέλιον. H e saw a thematic connection
between M a r k 1:15 and Tg. Isaiah 52:7, emphasizing the significance
of the fact that in the Isaiah T a r g u m the 'kingdom of G o d ' is to be
preached.15

the content of the gospel. Cf. R.P. Martin, Mark: Evangelist and. Theologian (1972), pp.
24-28. Besides 1:1, the occurrences of τό εύαγγέλιον in Mark are as follows: 1:14, 15;
8:35; 10:29; 13:10; 14:9; as well as once in the longer ending to the gospel, 16:15.
J . K . Elliott, 'Mark 1.1-3 - A Later Addition to the Gospel?', .NTS 46 (2000), pp.
584-588, finds unique or non-Markan features in Mk. 1:1-3 and concludes that these
verses are not from Mark. However, there is a substantial coherence of themes
between these verses and the rest of the gospel, and there is no manuscript evidence
for Elliott's proposal. Cf. N.C. Croy, 'Where the Gospel Text Begins: A Non-Theo-
logical Interpretation of Mark 1:1', NovT A3 (2001), pp. 105-127, who proposes that
what originally preceded Mk. 1:2 has been lost, and Mk. 1:1 is a later addition. See
note 142 below, for text criticism of Mk. 1:1.
14 B.D. Chilton, God in Strength: Jesus' Announcement of the Kingdom (1979), pp. 27-95;
R.E. Watts, op. cit., pp. 96-120. My view, that Mark 1:14, 15 contains an allusion to
Isaiah 52:7, was initially formulated before I examined Chilton's work and the Targu-
mic evidence. My argument does not therefore depend on these, but they provide sig-
nificant supplementary support. On the reference to Isaiah 52:7, cf. Ε. Schweizer, The
Good JVews According to Mark (orig. publ. in German, 1967; ET, 1971), p. 45. On the
authenticity of Mark 1:15 in relation to Jesus' proclamation, see R. Pesch, Das Marku-
sevangelium ( 1976-77), I, pp. 100-104. Contra, VV. Kelber, The Kingdom in Mark ( 1974), p.
4, who sees the passage as indicative primarily of Mark's own theology.
15 P. Stuhlmacher, Das paulinische Evangelium (1968), pp. 143-151, 237. Further, at
pp. 131-133, he points to instances in Targum Jonathan, where the Hebrew ‫סמועה‬
(MT) is rendered by ‫בסורה‬, the Aramaic equivalent of εύαγγέλιον, especially Tg. Isaiah
53:1 ; cf. Ο. Betz, 'Jesu Evangelium vom Gottesreich', in Das Evangelium und die Evan-
gelten, ed. P. Stuhlmacher (1983), pp. 55-77, at pp. 70-71 (ET, 'Jesus' Gospel of the
Kingdom', in The Gospel and the Gospels, ed. P. Stuhlmacher (ET, 1991), pp. 53-74); M.
Hengel, Studies in the Gospel of Mark ( 1985), pp. 54-55. B.D. Chilton, op. cit., pp. 92-95,
sees the appearance of a belief phrase with ‫ בסורה‬at Tg. Isaiah 53:1, ('Who has
believed this our report?'; see B. D. Chilton, The Isaiah Targum (1987), p. 103), as a
'staggeringly close parallel' to πιστεύετε έν τώ εύαγγελίω, the final phrase of Mark
1:15.
In addition to the quotation of Isaiah 52:7 by Paul, in the context of the preaching
of the gospel in Rom. 10:15 (and probable allusions to the same verse in Eph. 2:17;
6:15), there is also an important allusion to Isaiah 52:7 in Peter's summary of the min-
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 119

H o w does it help us that Mark 1:14-15 contains an allusion to Isa-

iah 52:7 (and possibly Tg. Isaiah 40:9, with reminiscences of other
parts of the Isaiah Targum)? 1 6 Giving due weight to the fact that Mark
contains a n u m b e r of references to the later chapters of Isaiah, it raises
the presumption that Mark's understanding of the kingdom of G o d in
the preaching of Jesus has, as its starting-point, a similar meaning to
God's reign as proclaimed in Isaiah 52:7. 17 We considered Isaiah 52:7
in our second chapter, and have argued that chapters 40-55 were
dependent either directly on the enthronement psalms, which cele-
brate Yahweh's kingship, or at least on the ideas and liturgy of the
enthronement festival. 18
T h e announcement of God's reign is good tidings, because it brings
peace, salvation, comfort and redemption, affecting first Jerusalem
(Isaiah 52:7-9) and then the whole earth (verse 10). W e have seen that
it is probably a false dichotomy to question whether the kingship of
Yahweh here related primarily to the immediate historical future (the
return of the exiles from Babylon), or to the far-distant eschatological
future. This is because the background of these chapters, like the
enthronement psalms, is to be found in the cultic celebration of Yah-
weh's kingship, which is universal and eternal, affecting past, present
and future. T h u s there was no need to make a sharp distinction
between a manifestation on earth of Yahweh's kingship in contempo-
rary history, and the final eschatological manifestation. Indeed the

istry of Jesus in Acts 10:36, which G.N.Stanton, Jesus of Nazareth in New Testament
Preaching( 1974), pp. 67-85, argues was based on tradition. R.A. Guelich, 'The Gospel
Genre', in Das Evangelium und die Evangelien, ed. P. Stuhlmacher ( 1983), pp. 183-219, at
p. 212, notes the correspondence between Mark's terminology, 'the gospel of Jesus
Messiah' and 'the gospel of God', in 1:1, 14-15, and the usage in Acts 10:36 and the
content of Acts 10:36-43, suggesting a common 'gospel' tradition in the church.
16 B.D. Chilton, God in Strength (1979), p. 95, gives the following list of passages in
the Isaiah Targum, which contain turns of phrase and wording that may be associat-
ed with an Aramaic based logion lying behind Mark 1:14, 15: Tg. Is. 31:4, 6; 40:9;
52:7; 53:1 ; 56:1 ; 57:18; 59:20•"60:1, 20, 22. R.A. Guelich entitles the first section (1:1-
15) of his commentary on Mark 1-8:26 (1989), pp. 4-46, 'The Beginning of the Gospel
according to Isaiah'; see esp. pp. 43, 45-46.
17 It is interesting to note that, according to R. Jose the Galilean (c. A.D. 110), the
messenger of good tidings in Is. 52:7 is the Messiah; see Str.‫־‬B., Ill, p. 9c. In fact, the
earliest evidence that this proclamation of good news was interpreted as a messianic
task, comes from I 1 QMelchizedek, where the herald of Isaiah 52:7 is called 'the
Anointed one of the Spirit', and identified with the figures in Isaiah 61:1-3, and (prob-
ably) Daniel 9:25. See pp. 183-184; cf. D.E. Aune, 'A Note on Jesus' Messianic Con-
sciousness and 11 QMelchizedek', £z)Q_45 (1973), pp. 161-165.
18 See pp. 25-26, 66-70.
120 C H A P T E R THREE

former points the way to the latter, since both are or will be powerful
manifestations of the same eternal kingship of Yahweh, although dif-
ferent in timing and degree. 19
This is very relevant to the proclamation of Jesus in Mark 1:15.
First, we see that the kingdom of G o d is a dynamic and active con-
cept, G o d himself taking up the reins of government on earth. 2 0 Sec-
ondly, we find help in the interpretation of ήγγικεν which is now, on
the basis of linguistic arguments, generally translated, 'has come near',
or 'is at hand', rather than (as C . H . Dodd proposed), 'has come' or 'is
upon you'. 2 1 In fact έγγίζω (standing for M T ‫ )קרב‬occurs frequently in
the L X X in the second part of Isaiah, often referring to God's right-
eousness and salvation coming near (Isaiah 46:13; 51:5; 56:1). 22 T h e

19 B.D. Chilton, Pure Kingdom (1996), pp. 16-22, argues in the context of recent
scholarly discussions that "progress in understanding the kingdom [in Jesus' preach-
ing] is possible, not by denying eschatology as a reference of the kingdom, but by
accepting that the kingdom may have dimensions alongside eschatology" (p. 21). He
goes on to describe five different but closely-related dimensions or coordinates of the
kingdom of God in the book of Psalms: eschatology, transcendence, judgment, purity
and radiance. While the language of the kingdom was obviously varied in early
Judaism, he believes that the book of Psalms is the richest in its presentation of the
divine kingship (pp. 23-44). Cf. G.R. Beasley-Murray, 'The Kingdom of God and
Christology in the Gospels', in Jesus ofNazareth: Lord and Christ, edd. J.B. Green & M.
Turner (1994), pp. 22-36, at pp. 27-28.
20 Cf. J . Jeremias, New Testament Theology, I, p. 102, who writes that the meaning of
Jesus' announcement, ήγγικεν ή βασιλεία τοΰ θεοΰ is virtually, 'God is near'. Similarly
C.H. Dodd, The Founder of Christianity (1971), p. 67, paraphrases Mk. 1:15, 'Here is
God in all his power and majesty, confronting you where you live! What are you
going to do about it?' R. Pesch, op. cit., I, p. 102, speaks ofJesus' concept of the king-
dom of God, here portrayed, as 'einem machtrollen, dynamischen Geschehen, in
dem Gott seine Heilsherrschaft universal aufrichtet.' Cf. also, J . Schlosser, Le Règne de
Dieu dans les dits de Jésus ( 1980), I, pp. 91 -109.
21 Cf. D.E. Nineham, The Gospel of Mark (1963), p. 69; R.F. Berkey, ΈΓΓΙΖΕΙΝ,
<I>0ANEIN,and Realized Eschatology', JBL82 (1963), pp. 177-187;J. Marcus, Mark 1-8
(2000), pp. 171-173. C.H. Dodd's interpretation of this passage was first put forward
in his book, The Parables of the Kingdom (first publ. 1935; rev. ed., 1961), pp. 36-37. M.
Black, An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts (first publ. 1946; 3rd. ed., 1967), pp.
208-211, supports Dodd's rendering but argues that the root lying behind έγγίζω is
the Hebrew/Aramaic verb ‫ קרב‬rather than the Aramaic verb ‫( מטא‬or Hebrew ‫)נגע‬, as
suggested by Dodd; cf. J . Schlosser, op. cit., I, p. 107; C.C. Caragounis, 'Kingdom of
God, Son of Man and Jesus' Self-understanding' (Part I), TynB 40 (1989), pp. 3-23, at
p. 13, note 60. As Nineham, ibid., points out, the difference between the two interpre-
tations is not very great, and this ambiguity between the present and the future is elu-
cidated by the cultic background to Isaiah 52:7 and the psalms of Yahweh's kingship.
R.H. Gundry, Mark. A Commentary on His Apology for the Cross (1993), pp. 64-66, argues
that the combination of fulfilment and nearness in the announcement of Mk. 1:15
indicates "the nearness of an arrival that has taken place".
22 ‫'( ־טועה‬salvation') also occurs in Is. 52:7, 10, alongside the proclamation of God's
reign. B.D. Chilton, God in Strength (1979), pp. 86-88, notes that as in Mk. 1:15, the
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 121

word also refers to G o d himself being near, so that m e n should call

u p o n him (55:6) a n d the wicked should repent (verse 7), a n d his being
n e a r to vindicate his servant (50:8). 23
ήγγικεν ή βασιλεία του θεοΰ is the second limb of a parallel
a n n o u n c e m e n t , of which the first limb is πεπλήρωται 6 καιρός ('the
time is fulfilled'). This suggests that the most natural interpretation of
ήγγικεν is G o d ' s kingdom ' c o m i n g n e a r ' in a temporal sense. 24 T h e
a n n o u n c e m e n t appears similar to the a n n o u n c e m e n t of some of the
prophets, that 'the day of the Lord is n e a r ' (Isaiah 13:6; Ezekiel 30:3;
J o e l 1:15; 2:1; 3:14; O b a d i a h 1 5 ; Z e p h a n i a h 1:7, 14). While these pas-
sages mainly w a r n of G o d ' s j u d g m e n t , 2 5 Jesus emphasizes the positive
aspects of G o d ' s reign in describing the message as 'good news'. 2 6
It m a y be significant that immediately prior to Isaiah 52:7 we read
the following words of Y a h w e h (verse 6):

Therefore my people shall know my name; therefore in that day they

shall know that it is I who speak; here am I.

perfect ήγγικε is used in the LXX of Is. 56:1, emphasizing the urgency of the
announcement (cf. Ezek. 7:7; 9:1). He also points out that in Is. 56:1, ‫ קרב‬and ‫נלה‬
('reveal'; Tg. ‫ )נלא‬occur in the same phrase, while the same word ‫ נלא‬also occurs in Tg.
Is. 40:9; 52:7, 'the kingdom of your God is revealed'.
23 H. Preisker, TDNTll, pp. 330-332, notes that where the LXX uses εγγίζω in a
temporal sense in Deutero-Isaiah, the approach of the time of salvation is always
denoted, except in 41:21. He further considers that the N T usage of εγγίζω is based
on Deutero-Isaiah.
24 According to C.C. Caragounis, art. cit., p. 15, εγγίζω occurs 25 times in the N T in
a spatial sense, and 17 times (including Mk. 1:15) in a temporal sense. B.D. Chilton,
op. cit., pp. 78-86, finds the closest parallels to πεπλήρωται 6 καιρός in Tg. Is. 60:20, 22.
Contrast J . Marcus, ' " T h e time has been fulfilled!" (Mark 1.15)', in Apocalyptic and the
New Testament: Essays in Honor of J. Louis Alartyn, edd. J . Marcus and M.L. Soards
(1989), pp. 49-68, who takes καιρός to mean a span of time rather than a 'decisive
moment'in Mk. 1:15.
25 The main connotation of the day of the Lord was probably the overthrow of the
Lord's enemies in a day of battle, and may have had its origin in the tradition of Yah-
weh's holy wars, especially connected with the conquest of Canaan. However the ear-
liest occurrence of the phrase is in Amos 5:18-20, where it is implied that God's peo-
pie, as well as other nations, are to be included in his judgment. The note ofjudgment
is predominant in the pre-exilic prophets, but after the exile the promise of salvation
begins to be emphasized. See further, G. von Rad, 7 7 W T I I , pp. 943-947; and Old
Testament Theology, II (orig. publ. in German, 1960; ET, 1965), pp. 119-125; G.R.
Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God( 1986), pp. 11-16; cf. M. Síeb0, TI)0TVì,
pp. 28-31.
26 T h e negative aspects however are not omitted, as is shown by the command to
repent (Mk. 1:15; cf. verse 4). The gospel is only 'good news' to those who believe in it
(verse 15). For this requirement of faith or trust in God as the proper response to his
message, we may compare Is. 30:15; 40:27-31.
122 C H A P T E R THREE

T h e phrase 'in that day'(‫ )ביוש ההוא‬occurs frequently in the first part of
Isaiah, sometimes clearly referring to 'the day of Yahweh' (Isaiah
2:11, 12, 17; 22:5, 8).27 As such, it is a day of Yahweh's decisive action,
but also, as the verse makes clear, it is a day of Yahweh's revelation of
his presence. It implies the coming of Yahweh, 2 8 and is thus linked
with the following verses (7-10), which speak of the good tidings of
God's personal reign (or, according to the T a r g u m , the revelation of
God's kingdom, verse 7). G o d returns to Zion (verse 8), comforts his
people and redeems Jerusalem (verse 9), and bares 'his holy arm
before the eyes of all the nations' (verse 10).
T h e prophetic passages concerning the nearness of the day of the
Lord (mentioned above) are clearly eschatological, and Jesus'
announcement follows in that prophetic tradition. However, the back-
ground to M a r k 1:15, in Isaiah 52:7 and the enthronement psalms,
shows that God's kingship may be manifested at various times before
the final manifestation. 2 9 T h u s while Jesus may be taken as announc-
ing, in a similar way to the prophets, the eschatological coming of
God's kingdom in M a r k 1:15, 'the time is fulfilled' may relate to a
manifestation of God's kingship, prior to the end. As with other
prophetic announcements, it was only possible to know later whether
the end had come, or what other results had followed the message.
T h u s we can see Jesus' announcement of his message in M a r k 1:15
as following a similar theme to prophetic preaching in the Old Testa-
ment. W h a t made Jesus distinctive from the Old Testament prophets
was the way his message was fulfilled, that is, the m a n n e r in which the
kingdom of G o d came. By following other references to the kingdom
of G o d in Mark, we will see how closely the coming of God's kingdom

27 Cf. S.J. DeVries, Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow( 1975), pp. 284-323, 340-342.
28 G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., p. 15, emphasizes the link (seen in Malachi 3:1-5;
cf. 3:17; 4:1, 3, 5) between the concepts of the day of the Lord and the coming of the
Lord (or theophany), and indeed goes on to connect both these traditions with the
kingdom of God. Cf. G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology, II (ET, 1965), p. 119: "There
is, in fact, something peculiar about the expectation of the Day of Yahweh, for wher-
ever it occurs in prophecy, the statements culminate in an allusion to Yahweh's com-
ing in person."
29 According to S.J. DeVries, op. cit., p. 341, the day of Yahweh, at any rate in the
early passages, 'is not to be understood as the termination of history'. Some passages
speak of a past day in terms similar to 'the day of the Lord': Lam. 1:12; 2:22; Ezek.
34:12. Israel's eschatology was rooted in its history; cf. note 24 above. Cf. also, R.T.
France, Divine Government: God's Kingship in the Gospel of Mark (1990), p. 24, who com-
ments in relation to Mk. 1:15 that 'the kingship of God' is not the sort of phrase about
which it is easy to ask, 'When is it?'
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 123

is associated with the person of Jesus himself. It is for this reason that
C.E.B. Cranfield interprets ήγγικεν in a spatial sense, that the kingdom
of G o d has 'come near' to men in the person of Jesus. 3 0

2. The Kingdom of God in relation to Jesus

a. The Parables of the Kingdom

Directly after Jesus' proclamation in Mark 1:15, there follows an
account of his call to four fishermen to follow him (verses 16-20). T h e y
leave their nets in response to Jesus' invitation to become 'fishers of
men'. T h u s in conjunction with Jesus' proclamation of God's coming
kingdom, there is a call to specific persons to become attached to his
person, as disciples to a master. T h e y will share in his work. 31
It is to the twelve disciples, that Jesus says 'the secret' (τόμυστήριον)
of the kingdom of God is given, while 'for those outside' (έκείνοις...τοις
εξω), everything is in parables (Mark 4:11). ' T h e kingdom of G o d '
appears twice more in chapter 4, introducing parables of growth (vers-
es 26, 30), while the use of the phrase in verse 11 between the parable
of the Sower (verses 3-9) and its explanation (verses 13-20), shows that
Mark intends it to apply to that parable also. These parables show the
different responses to God's word, as it is proclaimed, the power of
that word, and the contrast between its insignificant appearance at
first, and its great fruitfulness in the end. 3 2
C . H . Dodd pointed out the importance of interpreting the parables
by seeking to understand their Sitz im Leben in the life ofjesus. 3 3 How-

30 C.E.B. Cranfield, The Gospel According to Saint Mark (1959; 3rd. impression, 1966),
pp. 67-68. While I have argued that ήγγικεν is naturally interpreted in a temporal
sense, we cannot rule out the possibility that Mark deliberately used the word,
because it also carried overtones of a spatial sense; cf. W.L. Lane, Commentary on the
Gospel ofMark ( 1974), p. 65; B. Witherington, The Gospel ofMark. A Socio-Rhetorical Com-
mentary (2001), p. 78.
31 For a study of the theme of discipleship in Mark, see E. Best, Following Jesus
(1981), where pp. 166-174 relate to the passage in question. On the part played by the
disciples in Mark's gospel, cf. Κ.-G. Reploh, Markus - Lehrer der Gemdnde (1969); E.
Best, 'The Role of the Disciples in Mark', NTS 23 (1976-77), pp. 377-401; R.C. Tan-
nehill, 'The Disciples in Mark: The Function of a Narrative Role', JR 57 (1977), pp.
386-405. On the call to discipleship made by the historical Jesus, see M. Hengel, The
Charismatic Leader and His Followers (orig. publ. in German, 1968; ET, 1981).
32 M.D. Hooker, The Message of Mark (1983), p. 26, points out that although Mark
has several references to the fact that Jesus taught, when he turns to the content of
Jesus' teaching in chapter 4, the first thing he gives us is not the teaching itself but
teaching about teaching.
33 C . H . D o d d , The Parables of the Kingdom (first publ., 1935; rev. ed., 1961),p. 23.
124 C H A P T E R THREE

ever it is also necessary to consider how M a r k intended them to be

understood by the hearers of his gospel, as has been undertaken for
example by J . Marcus in a study of M a r k 4:1-34. 34 N. Perrin has
argued that the metaphoric language of the parables is akin to what he
defines as the symbolic language of the kingdom sayings, since both
are bearers of the reality to which they refer. 35
All three parables, in taking the theme of sowing, growth and har-
vesting, are relating the kingdom of G o d to the processes at work in
God's natural creation. It is G o d who gives the growth, as Paul argues
in 1 Corinthians 3:6-7. This is especially evident in the parable of the
Seed Growing Secretly, which is unique to Mark (4:26-29). T h e word
αυτόματη (verse 28), the earth producing of itself emphasizes that the
farmer has nothing to do with the process of growth, although it is he
who both sows and reaps. 36 T h e words, 'he knows not how' (verse 27)
show that he does not understand the process of growth, even though
his life and work revolve around it. It is due solely to God's created
order that the planted seed grows. We have seen, especially in the
psalms of Yahweh's kingship and the second part of Isaiah, how fre-
quently the themes of God's creation and his continuing control over
the natural world are linked to the celebration of his kingship. T h e
same pattern is seen here, as God's ordering of the natural world
becomes a symbol of his powerful actions, evidencing his kingship, in
a wider sphere.
T h e conclusion of this parable contains an allusion to Joel 3:13 (4:13
in Hebrew), 'Put in the sickle, for the harvest is ripe.' This is in the con-
text of God's eschatological judgment over the nations. We have
already noted the words in the following verse (verse 14), 'the day of the
Lord is near', and commented on its similarity in form and partially in
theme to Jesus' proclamation, 'the kingdom of God is at hand', in Mark
1:15.37 T h e previous verse [Joel 3(4): 12) clearly implies God's kingship,
as it envisages God sitting enthroned to judge the nations, and there is

34 J . Marcus, The Mystery of the Kingdom of God ( 1986).

35 N. Perrin, Jesus and the Language of the Kingdom (1976), pp. 89-193, here quoting
with approval the view of A.N. Wilder, Early Christian Rhetoric: The Language of the Gospel
(1964; 2nd. ed., 1971), p. 84. For Perrin's view of the kingdom of God as a symbol, cf.
note 59 (ch. 3). J.R. Donahue treats the whole of Mark's gospel as a narrative parable,
on the basis of L.E. Keek's reference to Jesus as the parable of God, in Jesus as the
Parable of God in the Gospel of Mark', in Interpreting the Gospels, ed. J.L. Mays (1981),
pp. 148-167.
36 Cf. J . Marcus, op. cit., pp. 172-173.
37 See pp. 121f.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 125

frequent mention, in the book of Joel, of Zion as the place of God's

abode, and his centre of operations (cf. Isaiah 52:7). So the allusion to
Joel 3(4): 13 in Mark 4:29 shows that Jesus' view of the kingdom of God,
as presented by Mark, includes God's eschatological judgment, but that
does not exhaust its meaning. God's kingship also applies to the period
of growth which inevitably leads to the harvest, and clearly the com-
mencement of God's sovereign activity in this respect may be identified
with the ministry ofjesus, when the seed was being sown. 38
T h e conclusion of the parable of the Mustard Seed, when the
smallest of seeds has grown into 'the greatest of all shrubs, and puts
forth large branches, so that the birds of the air can make nests in its shade'
(Mark 4:32) also contains an allusion to various Old Testament pas-
sages that picture a tree as symbolic of a king or kingdom, with birds
nesting or sheltering in its shade. Ezekiel 17:23 is set in a parable of
God's restoration of the Davidic kingdom, Ezekiel 31:6 in a parable of
j u d g m e n t on the king of Egypt, while Daniel 4:12, 21 (verses 9, 18 in
Aramaic) relate to Nebuchadnezzar's dream and its interpretation. 3 9
T h e latter two passages specifically relate the presence of the birds
(and animals) beneath the tree to the nations that come under the rule
of the respective king, so Mark 4:32 may be a reference to the Gentiles
being included in God's kingdom, which is a significant theme in
M a r k (cf. 7:24-8:10; 11:17; 12:9; 13:10).40 T h e context o f N e b u c h a d -

38 Mark's inclusion of the interpretation of the parable of the Sower (4:14-20) shortly
before two other parables that speak of seeds (4:26-32), implies that here too the seed
should be interpreted as 'the word', which Jesus speaks (cf. 2:2; 4:33). For the interpre-
tation of this parable generally, cf. N.A. Dahl, 'The Parables of Growth', ST5 (1951),
pp. 132-166; rep. (omitting pp. 159-166) in Jesus in the Memory of the Early Church ( 1976),
pp. 141-166, at p. 157; A.M. Ambrozic, The Hidden Kingdom (1972), pp. 106-122.
39 R. Pesch, op. cit, I, p. 262, note 12, sets out the LXX parallels, including
Theodotion's version of Dan. 4:21 (18), which includes the word κατεσκήνουν, which
Mark uses (in the present infinitive, κατασκηνοΰν) in 4:32. Pesch does not however
consider that any one of these verses is being specifically cited; so also, W.L. Lane, op.
cit., p. 171, note 78; J . Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus (1978), I, p. 187.
40 So, J . Marcus, op. cit., pp. 214-217, following T.W. Manson, The Teaching of Jesus
(1931; 2nd. ed., 1935), p. 133, note 1. 1 Enoch 90:30; Midr. Ps. 104:13 relate 'birds'
to Gentiles. The presence of the phrase about 'the birds of the air' in the Q version,
found in Lk. 13:18-19 (cf. Mt. 13:31-32), shows that the reference was not added by
Mark. This does not of course, mean that the phrase is necessarily dominical,
although H. Anderson, The Gospel of Mark (1976), p. 139, appears to be too sweeping
in concluding that it is most probably an addition to the original, 'since it is not char-
acteristic o f j e s u s to refer to Scripture in his parables'. T h e phrase contains allusions
to a symbolic O T picture rather than an O T citation, and we have noted the presence
of another O T allusion in Mark 4:29 (to Joel 3(4): 13), which cannot so easily be
detached from the end of the parable of the Seed Growing Secretly.
126 C H A P T E R THREE

nezzar's dream with its interpretation and aftermath speaks of G o d

('the Most High') ruling the kingdom of men (Daniel 4:17(14), 25(22),
32(29)), while God's kingdom is specifically referred to in 4:34(31).
However, as we have noted, the parable in Ezekiel 17:22-24 speaks of
G o d raising up a future Davidic king, who is identified with the Messi-
ah in the Targum. 4 1
T h e parable of the Sower emphasizes the division caused by the
preaching of the gospel, between those who persevere in a favourable
response, and those who do not. J . D . Crossan has pointed out that
there is in fact a contrast between three situations of failure and three
of success - the thirtyfold, sixtyfold and a hundredfold yields. 42 This
corresponds to the division between the disciples, to w h o m the secret
of the kingdom of G o d is given (verse 11), and 'those outside' who do
not understand. 4 3 Looking back to the passage immediately before the
parables (Mark 3:13-35), we see the same division clearly expounded.
A passage concerning the spiritual battle against evil powers (3:20-30;
cf. 1:12-13), in which Satan's power is likened to 'a kingdom' (verse
24), lies between passages describing Jesus' appointment of the twelve
(3:13-19), and his statement that his disciples are his family (3:31-35).
This statement was m a d e at a time when his physical family were 'out-
side', asking for him.
M a r k uses the word εξω twice (verses 31, 32), when referring to the
family of Jesus (albeit to their literal position outside the house where

41 S.H. Levey, The Messiah: An Aramaic Interpretation ( 1974), p. 102, comments that in
Ezekiel the Targum approaches the subject of messianism with great reluctance.
42 J.D. Crossan, In Parables: The Challenge of the Historical Jesus (1973), p. 41; cf. J . P.
Heil, 'Reader-Response and the Narrative Context of the Parables about Growing
Seed in Mark 4:1-34', C£Q,54 (1992), pp. 271-286, who concludes that the growth
parables "point to inevitable future success despite failure for both Jesus and his disci-
pies". N.A. Dahl, art. cit., pp. 160-162, shows how this parable uses the traditional
concept that richness of crops results from God's blessings, whether on Isaac (Gen.
26:12, where a hundredfold yield is mentioned), during the reign of the ideal king (Ps.
72:16), or in a more clearly eschatalogical context, where it may be related either to
the restored kingdom of David (e.g., Amos 9:11-15) or more directly to God's king-
dorn (Joel 3(4): 18). R.K. Mclver, 'One Hundred-Fold Yield Miraculous or Mun-
dane? Matthew 13.8,23; Mark 4.8,20; Luke 8.8', NTS 40 (1994), pp. 606-608, has
recently confirmed that even a yield of thirty-fold was not only exceptional but was
miraculous in first-century Palestine.
43 For the relationship of these verses (Mk. 4:10-12) to the purpose ofJesus' para-
bles, see J . Jeremias, The Parables ofJesus (ET, 1954; 3rd. rev. ed., 1972), pp. 13-18;
R.H. Stein, The Method and Message of Jesus' Teachings ( 1978), pp. 39-42. A.M. Ambroz-
ic, op. at., pp. 47-53, has set out the non-Markan elements in verses 11, 12, showing
that the saying comes from a previously existing tradition, although he is uncertain
whether or not it is from Jesus. T h e various commentators are split on the latter issue.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 127

he was), in contrast to those who do God's will (verse 35). It is unlikely

to be a coincidence that, just a few sentences later, his disciples are
contrasted with έκείνοις...τοΐς εξω (4:1 l). 44 T h e preaching of the king-
dorn of God calls for a response of doing God's will (3:35). Those who
do God's will are those who learn from Jesus - his disciples, who are
counted by Jesus as his family.
'For those outside everything is in parables' (4:11), and παραβολή
must here mean something akin to 'a riddle', as in Psalm 78:2. 45 T h e
result (and indeed in Mark, the purpose) of this is expressed in verse
12 in terms of a quotation from Isaiah 6:9-10, 46 concerning the nega-
tive response to Isaiah's mission to Israel. This saying in its Markan
context, should be seen against the background of the spiritual battle,
which we have noted in M a r k 3. Opposition to Jesus, even plans to
destroy him (3:6), fit in with God's sovereign plans, rather than mili-
tating against them. Mark's hearers may apply this to any opposition
they are encountering as followers of Jesus.
It is interesting here to observe the Old Testament context of Isaiah
6:9-10 and compare that with the way these verses are used in Mark.
Whereas Mark 4:12 follows on from a reference to the kingdom of
God in verse 11, so the kingship of Yahweh is emphasized in Isaiah
6:5, where the prophet exclaims, "... my eyes have seen the King, the
Lord of hosts!" In verse 1, Isaiah describes his vision as seeing 'the
Lord sitting upon a throne' in the temple, and it may well be that the
original setting of his vision was the festival of Yahweh's enthrone-

44 Cf. VV.E. Moore, " O u t s i d e " and "Inside": A Markan Motif, ExpT 98 (1986-
87), pp. 39-43, at p. 40; M.D. Hooker, The Gospel According to St. Mark (1991), p. 126.
It is probable that Mark wishes us to see Jesus' mother and brothers (3:31, 32) as
having sympathy with those παρ'αϋτοΰ (meaning 'relatives' or 'friends', 3:21), who
wanted to seize him. They thus showed their lack of understanding (at that point of
time) of the mission and person of Jesus. M.D. Goulder, 'Those Outside (Mark
4:10-12)', NovT 33 (1991), pp. 289-302, takes these verses as evidence that Mark is
out of sympathy with Jesus' family, as leaders of 'the anti-Pauline Jerusalem
church'.
45 Cf. J . Jeremias, op. cit., p. 16. While Jeremias may well be right that this phrase
refers tojesus' preaching in general, W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 157, points out that this
should not be taken to exclude one particular form ofjesus' preaching - his parables,
and C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 155, would broaden the reference to include Jesus'
ministry as a whole.
46 The form of this quotation closely resembles the Targum; see T.W. Manson, op.
cit., pp. 76ff. (On the relationship of the parable of the Sower to Isaiah, see J.W.
Bowker, 'Mystery and Parable: Mark iv. 1-20', JTS 25 (1974), pp. 300-317; C.A.
Evans, 'On the Isaianic Background of the Sower Parable', Ci?Q.47 (1985), pp. 464-
468.)
128 C H A P T E R THREE

ment. 4 7 Y a h w e h ' s kingship here is a present reality a n d the outcome is

Y a h w e h ' s sending the p r o p h e t with a message to Israel. T h e sending of
the p r o p h e t (verse 8) fits in with J e s u s ' consciousness of being sent by
G o d in M a r k 9:37 a n d especially in the p a r a b l e of the Wicked Hus-
b a n d m e n in M a r k 12:Iff. T h e r e the verb αποστέλλω occurs, with the
vineyard o w n e r as the subject, four times (verses 2, 4-6). M a r k also
refers to G o d s e n d i n g j o h n the Baptist (1:2), a n d J e s u s sending out the
twelve to p r e a c h (3:14).
W e have argued that Jesus' initial proclamation of the kingdom of
G o d in M a r k 1:14-15 is d e p e n d e n t on Isaiah 52:7 a n d the T a r g u m to
Isaiah 40:9, which speak of a messenger w h o brings the good news of
G o d ' s kingdom. Given that in J e s u s ' day, Isaiah was treated as a single
work, it should not surprise us to find that J e s u s ' next reference to the
kingdom of G o d in M a r k 4:11-12 is d e p e n d e n t in part on Isaiah 6 (not
merely verses 9-10), where acclamation of G o d ' s kingship leads to a
messenger being commissioned with w h a t turns out to be a message of
j u d g m e n t . 4 8 It m a y also be relevant that Isaiah's call is in close prox-
imity to the messianic prophecies of chapters 9 a n d 11. 49
M a r k 4:11 speaks of 'the secret (τό μυστήριον) of the kingdom of
G o d ' , which has been given to Jesus' disciples, μυστήριον occurs a b o u t
twenty times in the Pauline literature, where it generally refers to a
secret that has been revealed by God. 5 0 In Colossians 2:2, Paul speaks

47 Cf. Ο. Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12 (ET, 1972), p. 76; J. Mauchline, Isaiah 1-39 (1962), p.
89. Verses 3, 5 and 9 of the 'enthronement' Psalm 99 comprise a threefold proclama-
tion of Yahweh's holiness, which is also proclaimed three times by the seraphim in
Isaiah 6:3. On the enthronement festival generally, see pp. 26-31.
48 We have seen that in both cases the references in Mark are closely related to the
Targumic form of the Isaiah passages.
49 Cf. also the Immanuel prophecy in Isaiah 7:14, which is quoted in Matthew
1:23. In Isaiah 6, the kingship of Yahweh (verse 5) is contrasted with that of the
Davidic king Uzziah, the vision being dated in the year of his death (verse 1). From
certain of the Psalms (e.g., 18:49; 22:22; 101:1), it appears that it was the king's role to
bear testimony to Yahweh and his justice, while David claims a prophetic role in 2
Samuel 23:2. So, if we are correct in suggesting that the original setting of Isaiah's
vision was probably the cultic celebration of Yahweh's enthronement, where the
Davidic king played an important role (cf. Psalm 110:1), it is possible that Isaiah saw
his own role as 'kingly' in the sense of preaching justice and righteousness, which the
contemporary occupant of David's throne might reject, but which the future Messiah
would bring in (Isaiah 9:7; 11:2-4).
50 C.E.B. Cranfield, The Epistle to the Romans, II (1979), p. 573, comments that the
word "denotes characteristically in the N T not something which must not be dis-
closed to the uninitiated (which is its connotation in extra-biblical Greek, when used
in connexion with the mystery cults), but something which could not be known by
men except by divine revelation, but which, though once hidden, is now revealed in
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 129

of Christ as 'God's mystery', and we must allow for the possibility that
this may have influenced the understanding both of Mark and his
hearers. Most scholars however agree that an Aramaic saying lies
behind the Greek of Mark 4:11. 51 In the L X X , μυστήριονί5 used nine
times in Daniel chapters 2 and 4 to translate the Aramaic word 52,‫ח‬
which also occurs frequently in the Q p m r a n documents. 5 3 It is there-
fore likely that this is the Aramaic word which lies behind μυστήριον
here. 5 4
In Daniel chapter 2, Nebuchadnezzar's dream is referred to as a
mystery (‫ )רז‬which G o d reveals (‫ )גלא‬to Daniel. 5 5 T h e dream was of a
great image, which was struck by a stone 'cut out by no h u m a n hand',
which after the image was broken in pieces 'became a great mountain
and filled the whole earth' (verses 34-35). Daniel's interpretation was
that the image represented four successive kingdoms, which will be
broken in pieces by an everlasting kingdom set up by God (verses 44-
45). T h u s the content of the mystery which is revealed in Daniel chap-
ter 2 relates to the setting u p of a kingdom in the future by God, which
is represented as a political kingdom on earth. However that does not
exhaust the meaning of God's kingship in Daniel.
In chapter 2, Daniel speaks of God having given Nebuchadnezzar
his present kingdom (verse 37), while Nebuchadnezzar in his reply

Christ and is to be proclaimed so that all who have ears to hear may hear it." Cf.
C.F.D. Moule, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Colossians and to Philemon (1968), pp.
80-83. G. Bornkamm, TDNTYV, p. 824, sums up his treatment of the word μυστήρι-
ov in the N T by stating that it betrays no relation to the mystery cults. Contra, A.EJ.
Rawlinson, St. Mark( 1925; 5th ed., 1942), pp. 51-52, who speaks of Christianity being
understood as a 'Mystery' Religion; his comments are quoted with approval by D.E.
Nineham, op. cit., p. 138.
51 This is so even though, as with H. Anderson, op. cit., pp. 130-131, they may hold
that the saying is a Church formulation. Cf. note 43 above.
52 Daniel 2:18, 19, 27, 28, 29, 30, 47 (twice); 4:9 (verse 6 in Aramaic). The word
does not occur elsewhere in the LXX of the O T , but is used in the Apocrypha (e.g.,
Tobit 12:7, 11; Sirach 22:22; 27:16f., 21; Wisdom 2:2), while the idea of mysteries
and their revelation becomes increasingly important in apocalyptic works, such as 1
Enoch.
53 In 1QpHabakkuk especially, we see how the word is used for 'divine secrets',
which need to be 'interpreted'(‫)פטר‬. ‫ פטר‬is also used in Daniel in the sense of interpret-
ing dreams or visions (in chapters 2; 4; 5; and 7). Cf. R.N. Longenecker, Biblical Exege-
sis in the Apostolic Period (1975), pp. 38-45; A.T. Hanson, The Living Utterances of God
(1983), pp. 14-18.
54 Cf. J . Jeremias, New Testament Theology, I (ET, 1971), p. 265, note 1.‫ רז‬is a Persian
loan-word, according to BDB, p. 1112.
55 T h e verb ‫ נלא‬occurs six times with ‫ ח‬in Daniel chapter 2, at verses 19, 28, 29, 30
and 47 (twice), as well as once in verse 22 without ‫רז‬.
 130 C H A P T E R THREE

refers to G o d as 'Lord of kings' (verse 47). T h e n in chapter 4, where

again the word 'mystery' is used (verse 9 (6 in Aramaic)) in the context
of another dream of Nebuchadnezzar, we have noted that G o d is said
to 'rule the kingdom of men', and Nebuchadnezzar eventually affirms
that God's 'dominion is an everlasting dominion, and his kingdom
endures from generation to generation' (verse 34 (31)).56 T h u s God's
kingship in Daniel is everlasting, with a present as well as a future ref-
erence, and is shown to be supernatural as well as being effective on
earth. 5 7
So we see that the word π in Daniel refers to a mystery which is
revealed by G o d relating to his purposes. T h e means of revelation
were a dream (given to Nebuchadnezzar) and its interpretation given
to another person (Daniel). While that clearly forms an important part
of the background to the use of τό μυστήριον in Mark 4:11, we should
also be alert to similar concepts and words with a similar meaning in
other parts of the Old Testament. T h e Hebrew word ‫סוד‬, meaning
'counsel' or 'secret counsel', is sometimes translated as μυστήριον in
the Greek versions of Theodotion and Symmachus, although not in
the LXX. 5 8 It sometimes denotes intimacy with God (Job 15:8; Psalm
25:14; Proverbs 3:32), and on four occasions denotes secrets or secret
counsel, which m a y b e revealed (‫ ;גלה‬Amos 3:7; Proverbs 11:13; 20:19;

56 Cf. pp. 125f. and note 39 above. See also pp. 92-93.
57 At pp. 92-93, we noted similarities between the kingdom set up by God in Daniel
2:44 and that given to 'one like a son of man' in 7:13-14. We also need to bear in
mind that God's kingdom in 2:44 is represented by a 'stone' (‫( )אבן‬verses 34-35, 45).
T h e word for 'stone' is the same in Hebrew and Aramaic, and a Hebrew pun on the
similarity between the words for 'stone' and 'son'(‫ )בן‬appears to lie behind the parable
of the Wicked Husbandmen (Mark 12:6, 10); see pp. 265ff.
If the use of that pun was authentic to Jesus, he may have related not only the
rejected stone of Ps. 118:22, but also the stone of Dan. 2, to his baptismal acclamation
as God's beloved Son (Mk. 1:11). Cf. S. Kim, 'Jesus - T h e Son of God, the Stone, the
Son of Man, and the Servant: T h e Role of Zechariah in the Self-Identification of
Jesus', in Tradition and Interpretation in the New Testament: Essays in Honor of E. Earle Ellis,
edd. G.F. Hawthorne with O. Betz (1987), pp. 134-148, at'p. 142. The stone in Dan.
2 was interpreted messianically injudaism: s e e j . Jeremias, TDNTW, pp. 272f.; Str.-
Β., I, p. 877; especially noting Josephus, Ant. x. 210. Cf. Lk. 20:18, which probably
alludes to the stone of Dan. 2, as well as to that of Isaiah 8:14-15.
58 There are 3 instances in Theodotion (Ps. 25:14; Prov. 20:19; J o b 15:8) and one
in Symmachus (Prov. 11:13); see G. Bornkamm, 77W7TV, p. 814, note 113. C.E.B.
Cranfield, The Gospel According to St. Mark( 1959; 3rd. impression, 1966), pp. 152f., sug-
gests that the translators of the LXX purposely avoided μυστήριον because of its
pagan religious associations, but the word later passed into common usage in a neu-
tral sense. He points out that Rev. 10:7 uses μυστήριον while alluding to Amos 3:7,
where ‫ סוד‬occurs.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 131

25:9). 59 While the latter three references in Proverbs refer to secular

secrets, A m o s 3:7 is particularly relevant as it refers to the revelation of
G o d ' s secret:

Surely the Lord God does nothing,

without revealing his secret
to his servants the prophets.

This m a y be seen as a general prophetic principle, which was one of

the bases of the ministry of the O l d T e s t a m e n t prophets. T h e d r e a m s
with their interpretations in Daniel chapters 2 a n d 4 m a y be seen as
particular instances of this principle.
W e have seen that in M a r k 4:11-12, 'the secret of the kingdom of
G o d ' is linked to a quotation from Isaiah chapter 6, which in turn tells
of the prophet's vision of G o d as K i n g a n d his sending of Isaiah to
preach. W o u l d we be justified in suggesting a more general parallel
between the M a r k a n μυστήριον of G o d ' s kingdom and Isaiah's 'call-
vision' of Y a h w e h enthroned? W h e r e a s in Daniel chapters 2 a n d 4,
revelation c a m e through dreams, in Isaiah chapter 6 revelation c a m e
through a vision, a n d provides a n o t h e r example of G o d 'revealing his
secret (‫ )סוד‬to his servants the prophets' (Amos 3:7).
According to Mark, the disciples h a d not at this stage (chapter 4)
seen a vision, but Jesus had. Immediately after his baptism by J o h n ,
'he saw the heavens o p e n e d ' (1:10). M a r k ' s use of the word σχι-
ζομένους with τους ουρανούς suggests an allusion here to Isaiah 63:19;
64:1 ( M T 63:19): 60

We have become like those over whom thou hast never ruled,
like those who are not called by thy name.
Ο that thou wouldst rend the heavens and come down,
that the mountains might quake at thy presence -

T h e plea to G o d to 'rend the heavens' is in the context of G o d ' s 'rule'

or kingship, 61 while the opening of the heavens in Ezekiel 1:1 (LXX:

59 We have noted that ‫נלא‬, the Aramaic equivalent of ‫נלה‬, is used in Daniel 2 in con-
junction with n ; see note 55 above.
60 Cf. C. Maurer, 7ZíATVII, pp. 959-964, at p. 962. The LXX of Is. 64:1 has
ανοίγω ('open'), as do Mt. 3:16 and Lk. 3:21. However the specific meaning of the
Hebrew ‫ קרע‬is 'tear', which Mark renders as σχίζω. The LXX uses σχίζω for ‫ קרע‬in Is.
36:22; 37:1, referring to the 'rending' of garments.
61 I. Buse, 'The Markan Account of the Baptism o f j e s u s and Isaiah LXIII', JTS 7
(1956), pp. 74f., argues also that Is. 63:10-14 has relevance to the Spirit's descent,
after Jesus comes up out of the water; cf. J . Marcus, The YVay of the Lord( 1993), pp. 49-
132 C H A P T E R THREE

ήνοίχθησαν 01 ουρανοί) led to 'visions of G o d ' (verse 1), who is seen on

his throne (verse 26).62 T h e context of Psalm 2:7, which is alluded to by
the heavenly voice in Mark 1:11, depicts Yahweh sitting (enthroned) in
the heavens (verse 4).63 In Mark 14:62, Jesus predicts that the high
priest will 'see the Son of m a n seated at the right hand of Power'. In
alluding there to Psalm 110:1, he is speaking not only of his own posi-
tion, but also the position of G o d as enthroned (cf. Acts 7:55-56). 64
While we would be going beyond the evidence of Mark 1:10-11, if we
suggested that Jesus had a vision of G o d enthroned when he saw 'the
heavens opened', yet God's kingship is implied as a significant element
in Jesus' baptismal vision. 65 W h a t is more, Mark shortly afterwards
represents Jesus as preaching about 'the kingdom of G o d ' (1:15).

50, 56-58. In his later article, Jesus' Baptismal Vision', NTS 41 (1995), pp. 512-521,
Marcus considers it "probable that Jesus' baptism was a formative experience in his
life, and this may suggest that it had a visionary element" (p. 513). Marcus goes on to
argue that Luke 10:18 is a description of that vision (cf. G. Theissen & Α. Merz, The
Historical Jesus (ET, 1998), pp. 211 f.), but I cannot see that it is necessary to replace the
content of the baptismal vision given by Mark. E.E. Ellis, The Gospel of Luke ( 1966; rev.
ed., 1974), p. 157, suggests that in Lk. 10:18, Jesus may be recounting a vision (cf.
Rev. 12:7-12). I.H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke (1978), pp. 428-429, favours the alter-
native view that Jesus is using language symbolically. If the reference is to a vision, it is
interesting that the context in Luke is reminiscent of Ps. 91:13 (Lk. 10:19), whereas
the preceding verses of Psalm 91 (verses 11, 12) are quoted by the devil in the Q.nar-
rative o f j e s u s ' temptations (Lk. 4:10-11; Mt. 4:6). If such a vision is not to be located
during the course ofJesus' active ministry, it may be appropriate to look to the tradi-
tion ofjesus' withdrawal into the wilderness following his baptism (cf. Mk. 1:12, 13).
62 As in Isaiah's call-vision, Ezekiel too is 'sent' to the people of Israel (2:3). T h e
Spirit enters into Ezekiel (verse 2; cf. Mk. 1:10). While Jesus, at his baptism, is desig-
nated 'my beloved Son', Ezekiel is called 'Son of man' (2:1, 3), and we should not dis-
count the possibility that Jesus, while meditating on his own 'call-vision' in the light of
O T parallels (Isaiah and Ezekiel), chose to use as a self-designation the term which
God used to address Ezekiel after he had seen a vision of God's glory. This is not to
deny the significance of the allusion to Dan. 7:13 in Mk. 14:62 (cf. 13:26).
63 See p. 242. The Psalms frequently depict God as enthroned (see 9:4; 11:4; 29:10;
47:8; 89:14; 93:2; 97:2; 99:1; 103:19; 110:1). Micaiah's vision (1 Kings 22:19), like
those of Isaiah and Ezekiel, was of God 'sitting on his throne'.
64 See pp. 284ff.
65 Reserve in mentioning God's name (cf. the use of 'the Blessed' and 'Power' as
periphrases for the divine name in Mk. 14:61-62) may account for its absence in Mk.
1:10-11. Yet God is clearly intended as the initiator of the opening of the heavens, the
descent of the Spirit, and the voice from heaven. T h e use of έκ των ουρανών to show
the origin of the voice, may imply God as enthroned (Is. 63:15-64:1 (MT 63:19); 66:1;
cf. Mt. 5:34). In addition to significant passages in Ezekiel (37:14) and Joel (2:28-29),
there is a prophecy of a general outpouring of God's Spirit on Israel, in Isaiah 44:3, in
the context of God's kingship (verse 6; cf. 32:15). The book also speaks of the Messiah
being endowed with God's Spirit (11:2), as well as God's servant (42:1) and his anoint-
ed messenger (61:1).
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 133

So the baptismal vision of Jesus may be seen as part of the back-

ground to 'the secret of the kingdom of G o d ' in Mark 4:11, confirming
the parallel with Isaiah's 'call-vision'. In Mark, the secret has been
revealed to Jesus's disciples, and here again we may see a parallel with
Isaiah. Like Jesus at his baptism, Isaiah was the sole recipient of the
vision in chapter 6, but he then passed on teaching to his disciples
(8:16). Mark 4:11 implies that Jesus knew the secret of the kingdom of
God, perhaps pardy through his baptismal vision, and that it had also
been given to his disciples. Just as Jesus' baptismal vision marked him
out as one anointed by the Spirit and designated as God's 'beloved
Son', so the revelation of the secret of the kingdom of God to his disci-
pies must relate to their recognition (partial though it was) that God's
kingdom was being manifested through the person and works of
Jesus. 66
In the parables of chapter 4, no emphasis is put upon the sower of
the seed, who represents Jesus himself as the preacher of the gospel. 67
However, M a r k means us to consider these parables alongside some
of the works o f j e s u s (4:35 5:43 ‫ ) ־‬. This is shown by his statement, th
the lake crossing took place on the same day as Jesus' telling of the
parables (4:35; cf. verse 1). These stories show Jesus' power over the
forces of nature, a legion of evil spirits, long-term sickness and death.
T h e stilling of the storm causes the disciples, awe-struck, to discuss
who Jesus really is (4:41), while the demoniac addresses him as 'Son of
the Most High G o d ' (5:7; cf. 1:24, 34; 3:11).

b. The Future Kingdom and the Transfiguration

Following a passage (8:27-38), which contains Peter's confession that
Jesus is the Christ, then Jesus' first prediction of his sufferings, and his
teaching that discipleship will involve suffering, is Mark's next refer-
ence to the kingdom of God (9:1):

66 Cf. G. Bornkamm, TD.NTW, pp. 817-819, who concludes that the μυστήριον is
Jesus himself as Messiah G. Minette de Tillesse, Le secret messianique dans l'évangile de
Marc( 1968), p. 216; R. Pesch, op. cit., I, pp. 238-239; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., p.
104, who speaks of a rare unanimity among scholars on this point.
67 N.A. Dahl, art. dt., p. 166, concludes that at least in the case of the parables of
growth, the original meaning of the words ofjesus was more, and not less, 'christolog-
ical' than the interpretation given to them in the synoptic gospels. He sees this 'chris-
tology' however as implicit and indirect, containing the answer to the question, "Are
you he who is to come?", without making a direct claim to messiahship.
134 C H A P T E R THREE

And he Jesus) said to them, "Truly, I say to you, there are some stand-
ing here who will not taste death before they see the kingdom of God
come with power."

While m a n y interpretations of this verse have been advanced, 6 8 the

context shows that M a r k saw an i m m e d i a t e fulfilment of the prophecy
in the transfiguration, which he describes as occurring six days later
(9:2-8). T h e 'tasting of d e a t h ' refers back to Jesus' teaching, that his
disciples must be p r e p a r e d to suffer a violent death (8:34, 35). T h e
mention in the preceding verse (8:38) of j u d g m e n t at the parousia, has
led m a n y to think that 9:1 also refers to the parousia. However, while
the parousia will be the final a n d complete manifestation of 'the king-
d o m of G o d c o m e with power', M a r k shows that the kingdom of G o d
was also manifested in the person o f j e s u s a n d the powerful, miracu-
lous events that a c c o m p a n i e d his ministry.
T h u s 9:1 m a y be taken as a message of e n c o u r a g e m e n t (in contrast
to the w a r n i n g of j u d g m e n t in 8:38), that death is not necessarily the
next significant item on the a g e n d a for the disciples. N o r is it a neces-
sary prelude to seeing any powerful manifestation of G o d ' s kingdom.
In this b r o a d sense, 'some' (9:1) m a y refer to the disciples, in contrast
to 'the multitude' (8:34). In the n a r r o w e r sense, M a r k clearly takes
'some' (9:1) to refer to Peter, J a m e s a n d J o h n , w h o six days later wit-
nessed the transfiguration (verse 2).
W e must here take account of the fact that the majority of scholars
put a different interpretation on M a r k 9:1 f r o m that outlined above,
even though there is no substantial a g r e e m e n t between t h e m on the
tradition-history a n d m e a n i n g of the verse. O n e of the reasons for this
divergence is that, because 9:1 starts with the introductory phrase, Kai
ελεγεν αύτοίς, most scholars consider the r e m a i n d e r of the verse to be
a 'detached saying' which M a r k or his predecessors in handling the
tradition h a d linked to the g r o u p of sayings in 8:34-38. W . G . K ü m m e l
concisely states the consequence of this, that the saying must "be
explained without regard to the context." 6 9
T h e most widely accepted view is that M a r k 9:1 refers to the p a r o u -
sia, 70 mainly because the 'kingdom of G o d ' is thought primarily to

68 For a list of these, see C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 285-288.
69 Promise and Fulfilment (3rd ed. in German, 1956; ET, 1957), p. 25. Cf. V. Taylor,
The Gospel According to St. Mark (1952; 2nd. ed., 1966), pp. 384-386; R. Bultmann, The
History of the Synoptic Tradition (5th ed. in German, 1961; ET, 1963; 2nd ed., 1968), p.
121; W. Grundmann, Das Evangelium nach Markus ( 1959; 3rd ed., 1968), pp. 177-178;
W.H. Kelber, The Kingdom in Mark (1974), p. 73; R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 66; E. Best,
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 135

have an eschatological reference in early J u d a i s m . However o u r sur-

vey of the relevant materials shows that this is not necessarily the case.
Eschatology is one of a n u m b e r of possible reference points, when
G o d is referred to as ' K i n g ' or described in terms of kingship. 71
If M a r k 9:1 does refer to the parousia, a n d was an authentic saying
o f j e s u s , then Jesus was predicting that the parousia would c o m e in
the lifetime of some of his hearers. If it was a detached saying, the
implication is that some of his hearers would have died before the
parousia, and therefore some considerable period of time would
elapse before the parousia, although it would occur before all his hear-
ers had died. Because of this, R . Bultmann held the saying to be inau-
thentic, as it appears to contradict his view that Jesus assumed the
kingdom was imminent, 7 2 while A. Vögtle has argued that M a r k 9:1
represents a modification by the early church of M a r k 13:30, which
speaks o f ' a l l these things' h a p p e n i n g in the lifetime of the c o n t e m p o -
rary generation, without necessarily implying a delay. 7 3
D u e weight must however be given to M a r k 13:32:

But ofthat day or that hour no one knows, not even the angels in heav-
en, nor the Son, but only the Father.

As Vincent Taylor c o m m e n t e d , there can be no reasonable doubt as

to the genuineness of this saying, because of the improbability that the
church would have introduced a saying which spoke of Jesus' igno-
ranee of the time of the parousia. 7 4 Acts 1:7 m a y be taken as similar

'The Markan Redaction of the Transfiguration' (first publ. 1982), rep. in Disciples and
Discipleship {1986), pp. 206-225, at p. 223; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., p. 187.
70 T.W. Manson, op. cit., pp. 278-284; YV.G. Kümmel, op. cit., pp. 25-29; J . Jere-
mias, JVew Testament Theology, I (ET, 1971), pp. 136-137.
71 See chapter 3.
72 Op. cit., p. 121 ; cf. H. Conzelmann, The Theology of St. hike (first publ. in German,
1954; 5th. ed., 1964; ET, 1960), p. 104; H. Anderson, The Gospel of Mark (1976), p.
222.
73 'Exegetische Erwägungen über das Wissen und Selbstbewusstsein Jesu', in Gott in
Welt: Festgabe für K. Rahner, ed. J . Metz (1964), I, pp. 608-667; rep. in Α. Vögtle, Das
Evangelium und die Evangelien: Beiträge zur Evangelienforschung (1971), pp. 296-344, at pp.
324-328; cf. N. Perrin, Rediscovering the Teaching ofjesus (1967), pp. '200-201; G.R.
Beasley-Murray, op. cit., pp. 19Iff. R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 308, on the contrary, holds
that Mark 13:30 is dependent on Mark 9:1.
74 V. Taylor, op. cit., pp. 522-523; cf. Β. Withering‫!־!)״‬, The Christology ofjesus ( 1990),
pp. 228ff. D.E. Nineham, op. cit., pp. 360-361, and H. Anderson, op. cit., p. 301, are
representatives of the contrary view that the saying may have been a church creation,
but it seems that they are overemphasizing the effect on the early church of the 'delay'
of the parousia. As W.G. Kiimmel says, op. cit., p. 42, "there was no need to create an
136 C H A P T E R THREE

evidence that Jesus did not set, or encourage his disciples to speculate
on, the precise times of eschatological events. 75 So, if Mark 9:1 is a
direct reference to the parousia, it does not cohere with other parts of
Jesus' teaching.
B.D. Chilton concluded, from a redactional study of M a r k 9:1, that
the main part of the verse comprised a Semitic, substantively domini-
cal tradition. 7 6 Bultmann's view that Mark 9:1 comes from an early
Christian prophet cannot be substantiated, 7 7 while Vogtle's argument
that it is dependent on M a r k 13:30, falls down on the fact that the
wording of the substantial parts of the two sayings does not coincide in

even greater difficulty by ascribing to Jesus ignorance of the final date in order to
remove the difficulty of the delay of the parousia." Kümmel, ibid., is among those who
acknowledge the basic authenticity of the verse, while considering that the phrase,
'the Son', by itself, may be secondary.
75 Mark 13:30 is open to a number of possible interpretations. However, those who
are clear that it refers to or includes the parousia, mostly cite Mark 9:1 in support
(whereas we are disputing that Mark 9:1 refers to the parousia); e.g., T.W. Manson,
The Sayings ofjesus (first publ. 1937; reissued, 1949), pp. 333-334. The proximity of
Mark 13:30 to verse 32 should make us question whether the parousia is intended in
verse 30 (as it clearly is in verse 32), and the structure of chapter 13 suggests that vers-
es 28-31 refer to the discourse in verses 5-23, being the signs of the end, including the
destruction of the temple, but not the eschatalogical events themselves, including the
parousia, referred to in verses 24-27; see YV.L. Lane, op. cit., pp. 477-480; D. Wen-
ham, '"This Generation will not Pass ...", A Study o f j e s u s ' Future Expectation in
Mark 13', in Christ the Lord, ed. H.H. Rowdon (1982), pp. 127-150; so also, C.E.B.
Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 408-409.
V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 521, thought that probably verse 30 originally referred to the
destruction of the temple and the fall ofjerusalem, but for Mark, it also referred to the
parousia. G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., pp. 333-334, suggests the saying may be
dependent on Matthew 23:36/Luke 11:51, speaking of the doom that is to fall on
Israel; contra, E. Grässer, Das Problem der Parusieverzögerung in den synoptischen Evangelien
und in der Apostelgeschichte ( 1957), pp. 128-131. Further, just as Mark relates the cursing
of the fig-tree to Jesus' cleansing of the temple, so implying its future destruction
(11:12-21), so the lesson of the fig-tree in Mark 13:28 may similarly remind his readers
of the impending judgment on the temple (cf. verse 2).
76 God in Strength ( 1979), pp. 251 -274.
77 T h e views of Bultmann and E. Käsemann, the latter especially in 'Sentences of
Holy Law in the New Testament', in New Testament Questions of Today (ET, 1969), pp.
66-81, relating to the creative role of Christian prophets, are criticised by D. Hill, New
Testament Prophecy (1979), pp. 160-185; cf. J.D.G. Dunn, 'Prophetic "Γ'-Sayings and
the Jesus Tradition: The Importance of Testing Prophetic Utterances within Early
Christianity', NTS 24 (1977-78), pp. 175-198. Hill, op. cit., p. 84, states that to be open
to the possibilty of having an origin in inspired Christian prophetic speech in the
name of the risen Lord, a Jesus-saying must inter alia fail to pass all the linguistic, envi-
ronmental and other criteria for genuineness. M.E. Boring, Sayings of the Risen Jesus
(1982), p. 57, while arguing for the widespread influence of Christian prophets, also
has as one of his criteria for recognizing their teaching in the gospels, that the authen-
ticity of a particular saying should already be suspect on other grounds.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 137

any way. While we reject the solutions proposed by Bultmann and

Vögtle, they underline the problem that M a r k 9:1 cannot be a sub-
stantially authentic detached saying o f j e s u s , with the parousia as its sole
point of reference, because (i) it implies a lengthy period of time, dur-
ing which the majority of his hearers will have died, with just some
remaining alive to see it, and (ii) it does not cohere with Jesus' teaching
that the date of the parousia cannot be known.
If, as the evidence suggests, we take the saying to be substantially
authentic, we need to consider alternative points of reference to that
of the parousia. 7 8 C . H . Dodd took it to refer to the change in the disci-
pies' perception following the resurrection, 7 9 while V. Taylor related it
to 'a visible manifestation of the Rule of G o d displayed in the life of an
Elect Community'. 8 0 F.F. Bruce sees a fulfilment of the saying in the
spectacular growth of the church, following the death and resurrec-
tion of Jesus and the coming of the Spirit at Pentecost, although he
warns against being dogmatic as to whether this interpretation coin-
cides with what Jesus intended at Mark 9:1. 81
Dodd drew attention to the phrase έν δυνάμει (Mark 9:1) also being
used in the Christological formula in R o m a n s 1:4, in relation to the
resurrection of Jesus. 82 However, the same phrase is used in 1
Corinthians 15:43 of resurrection in general, and in 1 Thessalonians
1:5 of the preaching of the gospel (cf. Romans 1:16). In 1 Corinthians
4:20, Paul speaks of the kingdom of G o d in its present aspect as consisting
'in power' (έν δυνάμει), while he also refers to the present aspect of the

78 C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., in his supplementary notes, pp. 484-485, makes the
helpful point that if, as is highly probable, Mark understood 13:10 to relate to the
Church's mission, he may have reflected that much missionary work still remained to
be done, which would tend to go against the assumption of many scholars that Mark
took 9:1 to mean that the parousia would occur within the lifetime of some ofjesus's
contemporaries. Contra, G.H. Boobyer, St. Mark and the Transfiguration Story (1942), pp.
58-61, who concluded, in view of the proximity of 8:38 and in the light of 13:26, 30,
that whatever Jesus himself may originally have meant, Mark took 9:1 to refer to the
parousia (cf. Matthew 16:28). It may of course be that Mark was open to the possibili-
ty of the parousia being the ultimate fulfilment of the saying in 9:1, even though he
saw an initial fulfilment in the transfiguration and perhaps a more general fulfilment
in the work of the Holy Spirit in and through the early church.
79 The Parables of the Kingdom (first publ. 1935; rev. ed., 1961), pp. 43-44. The second
edition of the Revised Standard Version of the N T (1971), at Mark 9:1, follows
Dodd's interpretation, '... before they see that the kingdom of God has come with
power.' The translation in the text above follows the first edition (1946).
80 Op. cit., p. 386.
81 The Hard Sayings ofjesus ( 1983), pp. 153-156.
82 Op. cit., pp. 44, note 24.
138 C H A P T E R THREE

kingdom in R o m a n s 14:17, in relation to the Holy Spirit. Paul fre-

quently associates 'power' (δύνάμις) with the Holy Spirit (Romans
15:13, 19; 1 Cor. 2:4; 1 Thess. 1:5), as does Luke (4:14; 24:49; Acts
1:8; 10:38). So comparative evidence in the New Testament shows
that έν δυνάμει need not necessarily refer to the resurrection (or the
parousia), but is used to describe a wide range of God's actions in the
past, presence and future, including the work of the Holy Spirit.
It is instructive to see how δύναμις is used in Mark's gospel: at
12:24, Jesus refers to 'the power of G o d ' in raising the dead; at 13:26,
he speaks of the parousia in terms o f ' t h e Son of m a n coming in great
power and glory'; 83 and at 14:62, he refers to G o d himself by the
name, 'Power'. However, δύναμις is also used in M a r k in connection
with Jesus' miracles: at 5:30, we read that Jesus perceived that 'power
that gone forth from him', after the w o m a n with the haemorrhage was
healed by touching his garment; at 6:2, the plural is used of Jesus'
'mighty works', as the people of Nazareth discussed his ministry, while
the same word is used (in the singular) in 6:5, that he could do 'no
mighty work' there, except healing a few sick folk; at 6:14, Herod
speaks of'these powers' (meaning miraculous powers) being at work in
Jesus; and at 9:39, Jesus speaks of someone doing 'a mighty work' in
his name. 8 4
T h u s the evidence suggests that particularly if the saying in M a r k
9:1 was 'detached' in the tradition, its meaning should not be restrict-
ed to any single point of reference, such as the parousia or the resur-
rection, but should be taken to include any situation where G o d is
powerfully at work, and is seen to be so at least by the followers of
Jesus. Such a situation may be a vision, exorcism, healing or other
miracle, a spectacular conversion to become a disciple or the growth
of the church generally, or perhaps a specific act of j u d g m e n t on those
opposed to God, as well as the resurrection and the parousia. It is
clear however that the saying is not merely referring to such events
themselves, but their being seen as powerful acts of God, which
involves both revelation (cf. M a r k 4:11) and faith (cf. Mark 5:34; 6:6;

83 In the previous verse (25), αί δυνάμεις refers to 'the powers in the heavens', quot-
ing Isaiah 34:4.
84 While δύναμαι is frequently used in a weak sense, 1:40; 9:22, 23 speak of jesus'
ability to work miracles, 9:28, 29 of the disciples' inability, 2:7 of the power to forgive
sins, and 3:23 of Satan's inability to cast out Satan (cf. verses 24-27). The adjective
δυνατός is used at 9:23, all things being 'possible' to him who believes, and at 10:27;
14:36, all things being 'possible' with God.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 139

9:19; 1 l:22ff.). T h e 'seeing 5 in Mark 9:1 may refer to physical sight

but it also clearly refers to spiritual perception. 8 5
Just as we have seen that the initial announcement of the kingdom
of G o d by Jesus in Mark 1:14, 15 contains an allusion to Isaiah 52:7
(and possibly Tg. Isaiah 40:9), it is probable that behind the phrase
εως άν ϊδωσιν την βασιλείαν του θεοΰ έληλυθυίαν έν δυνάμει (Mark 9:1)
we may detect a further allusion to Isaiah 40:9-10. After the
announcement of good tidings, 'Behold your God!' (verse 9 M T ,
which the T a r g u m renders 'the kingdom of G o d is revealed'), verse 10
continues, 'Behold, the Lord G o d comes with might, and his arm
rules for him.' O n c e we realize that G o d and his kingdom may here
be almost synonymous (especially in the Targum), we see a reference
to G o d (or his kingdom) (a) 'coming', 8 6 (b) 'with' (or 'in') 'might', 8 7 with
(c) an invitation to 'behold' (or 'see') this happening. 8 8 These same
three elements occur with 'the kingdom of G o d ' in Mark 9:1.
It may be argued against seeing an allusion here, that έν δυνάμει
(Mark 9:1) does not correspond with ‫( בחזק‬Isaiah 40:10 MT), as that is

85 As J.D. Kingsbury has emphasized in The Chnstology of Mark's Gospel (1983), p.

153, it is not until after the crucifixion in Mark's gospel that a human being is able to
recognize the true identity o f j e s u s as the 'Son of God' (15:39). It may also be that
Mark considered that the disciples were not able to receive a full revelation and
understanding of God's kingdom coming in power, insofar as that related to Jesus,
until after his crucifixion and resurrection (9:9). If that is so, we may see a parallel
between Mark 9:1 and John 14:12, where Jesus promises that his disciples will do
'greater works' after he has left them, and the Holy Spirit has been sent to them (cf.
J o h n 7:39). John's gospel has only two references to the kingdom of God, in 3:3, 5,
where he seems almost to equate 'seeing God's kingdom' (verse 3) with 'entering
God's kingdom' (verse 5). In each case the precondition is 'new birth', which is inter-
preted in verse 5, as coming from the Spirit. Cf. generally, K.E. Brower, 'Mark 9:1:
Seeing the Kingdom in Power', JSMT 6 (1980), pp. 17-41, who sees a partial fulfil-
ment of the saying in the judgment that accompanies the crucifixion.
86 Cf. Is. 59:20; 63:1; 66:15, for other references to the 'coming of God'. Is. 52:8
(following the announcement of God's kingdom in verse 7), speaks similarly of 'the
return of the Lord to Zion', while 40:3 speaks of the preparation of a road or highway
for God.
87 God's 'arm' (Is. 40:10) may also be seen as a symbol of his strength and power.
Is. 52:10; 53:1 speak of God's arm being revealed. In 51:9, the arm of the Lord is
exhorted to 'awake, put on strength'. T h e Hebrew ‫'( עז‬strength') is translated in the
LXX here by ισχύς, but the same word is elsewhere in the LXX often translated by
δύναμις; see W. Grundmann, 7ZW7TI, p. 286.
88 The importance of 'seeing' God's glory or his dynamic, saving activity is also
emphasized in Is. 40:5; 52:8, 10. If the Targumic rendering of Is. 40:9; 52:7, 'the king-
dom of your God is revealed' was recognized as having a relationship to Jesus'
announcement of the kingdom (both at Mk. 1:15 and 9:1), we can more easily under-
stand why Mk. 9:1 was interpreted in terms of the transfiguration, which was a revela-
tory experience.
 140 C H A P T E R THREE

translated in the L X X by μετά ισχύος. However έν δυνάμει could

properly be considered as an alternative translation, as the L X X
translates the cognate noun ‫ חזק‬in Haggai 2:22 by δύναμις. 89 T h e sig-
nificance of recognising this allusion in M a r k 9:1 to Isaiah 40:9-10, is
that we can see that the last part of the saying in Mark 9:1 is closely
related to the proclamation o f j e s u s in 1:15, 'the kingdom of G o d is at
hand', both sayings pointing to God's dynamic saving activity for his
people, which may be observed in the present and the nearer future,
as well as the eschatological future.
T h e relevance of this allusion holds good, whether or not Mark 9:1
was a 'detached' saying in the tradition. However we may dispute that
M a r k found the substance of this saying in the tradition, without any
indication of context. T h e same introductory formula, Kai ελεγεν
αύτοίς, occurs at 2:27 and 7:9, where the previous verses have a com-
mon theme with those following the formula. This formula therefore
need not always be considered to be editorial, but may have been pre-
sent (though not necessarily in the precise M a r k a n form) in the tradi-
tion, serving to emphasize the following saying (cf. 8:21). It may equal-
ly indicate a recognition by the tradition that there is not necessarily a
close connection with what immediately precedes it, although the say-
ing fits the general context of the preceding passage. 90
Here there seems to be no immediate necessary connection
between the glorious coming of the Son of m a n in 8:38 and the pow-
erful coming of God's kingdom in 9:1, 91 albeit that some connection

89 The Targum has ‫ בתקופ‬at Is. 40:10 for ‫( ?חזק‬MT). B.D. Chilton, op. cit., pp. 273‫־‬
274, suggests that the frequency of this Aramaic root ‫ תקפ‬in the Targums, especially in
the context of revelation, may account for the suprisingly common occurrence of
δύναμις in the NT. He notes that ‫ תקפ‬occurs in the Palestinian Targum Neofiti I at
Exodus 9:16 (for Heb. ‫)בוז‬, which is cited by Paul at Romans 9:17, using δύναμις
instead of the LXX, ισχύς. C.E.B. Cranfield, The Epistle to the Romans, II (1979), p. 486,
note 5, comments in relation to the form of the quotation, that the words δύναμις and
ισχύς are more or less synonymous. (If an allusion to Is. 40:9-10 in Mk. 9:1 is estab-
lished, and Mark interprets Jesus' saying as referring to the transfiguration, it may be
that οροςύψηλόν (9:2) is a conscious reference to the 'high mountain', which the her-
aid of good tidings is summoned to ascend, in Is. 40:9. T h e same words occur in the
L X X here, as in Mk. 9:2.)
90 W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 312, considered that the introductory formula in Mark 9:1
indicates "the conclusion to a larger discourse of which only the most salient point has
been preserved."
91 Contra N. Perrin, op. cit., p. 199, who sees the last part of Mark 9:1 as a Markan
construction, parallel to 8:38. In his earlier work, The Kingdom of God in the Teaching of
Jesus (1963), pp. 138, 188, he held it to be an authentic saying ofjesus. For a criticism
of Perrin's later view, see A.M. Ambrozic, The Hidden Kingdom( 1972), pp. 204-205.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 141

was later seen between the two sayings, as is apparent from Matthew
16:28. T h e much more obvious connection between Mark 9:1 and the
preceding passage is the contrast between ού μή γεύσωνται θανάτου
(9:1) and Jesus' emphasis in 8:34 that the potential disciple must 'take
up his cross' to follow Jesus, taken together with Jesus' promise in 8:35
that 'whoever loses his life for my sake and the gospel's will save it'. 92
In its present position, the teaching in 8:34, 35 refers back to Jesus'
first prediction of his own violent death (8:31). 93 T h e use of γεύομαι
with θανάτου emphasizes the bitter experience of death, and may
imply martyrdom. 9 4 T h u s the phrase links 9:1 with its wider context in
8:34, 35, and suggests that it was not a 'detached' saying. If it was
detached in the tradition, there is no reason for the retention of this
strong phrase rather than a more neutral expression for 'death'.
This background to ού μή γεύσωνται θανάτου also throws light on
the meaning of the saying in relation to the transfiguration. A n u m b e r
of scholars, while agreeing that Mark saw at least a partial fulfilment
of 9:1 in the transfiguration, deny that this could have been the origi-
nal point of reference for the saying, because the implication is that
while some (the majority) will die before the predicted event, a few will
live to see it. If that is the implication, it cannot be said to be fulfilled
by an event that took place only six days later. 95 However, we can only

92 Cf. R.T. France, Divine Government: God's Kingship in the Gospel of Mark (1990), pp.
67, 71-73. In addition to the parallels to Mk. 8:35 in Mt. 16:25; Lk. 9:24, the saying
occurs in Q.(Mt. 10:39; Lk. 17:33) and in J o h n 12:25.
93 H. Anderson, op. cit., p. 217, while commenting that Mark 8:34-9:1 consists of a
number of separate sayings of jesus connected together in the tradition on a topical
basis, allows for the possibility that they were associated before Mark with the 'Son of
man' saying in 8:31.
94 So, on the Lukan parallel, I.H. Marshall,77a‫ ׳‬Gospel of Ijike (1978), p. 378; cf. J .
Behm, TDNTl, p. 677, who speaks of the phrase as "a graphic expression of the hard
and painful reality of dying which is experienced by man and which was suffered also
by Jesus." Cf. John 8:52; Hebrews 2:9; 2 Esdras 6:26; Str.-B., I, p. 751. B.D. Chilton,
Pure Kingdom (1996), pp. 62-65, argues that those "who will not taste death" refers in
early Judaism to people who never die, including Enoch, Elijah and probably Moses.
Moses and Elijah appear in the transfiguration story, which Chilton sees as a vision-
ary representation of Jesus' promise in Mk. 9:1 "that the immortals never die, and
that the coming of the kingdom is as certain as their immorality." Cf. Β. Withering-
ton, The Gospel of Mark (2001), p. 261, who suggests a link between the angels of Mk.
8:38 and Moses and Elijah.
95 So, D.E. Nineham, op. cit., p. 236; H. Anderson, op. cit., p. 221; G.R. Beasley-
Murray, op. cit. p. 188. For the contrary argument, against finding such implication in
9:1, see C.E.B. Cranfield, The Gospel According to St. Mark ( 1959; 3rd. impression, 1966),
p. 288; A.L. Moore, The Parousia in the New Testament ( 1966), pp. 125-131 ; W.L. Lane,
op. cit., pp. 312-314. Cf. B.M.F. van Iersel, Mark. A Reader-Response Commentary ( 1998),
p. 293, who agrees with the implication mentioned above if 9:1 is read as a sequel to
142 C H A P T E R THREE

agree that this is the natural implication, if 9:1 is a detached saying,

and we have argued that that is not the case. T h e link with Mark 8:34,
35 shows that the emphasis in 9:1 is on some people not suffering mar-
tyrdom, before they see some powerful manifestation of God's king-
dom. W e have already suggested that the saying in 9:1 should not be
restricted to any single point of reference, but that does not preclude
the transfiguration being seen as a partial fulfilment at a very early
stage in the tradition. 96
E. Best has argued that M a r k inserted 9:1 as the conclusion to 8:34-
38, not as an introduction to the transfiguration, and therefore the lat-
ter is not to be explained through 9:1. 97 In Best's view, M a r k under-
stands 9:1 as relating to the parousia, but the evangelist does nothing
to bring out the parousia significance of the transfiguration. While
M a r k may well have seen some connection between 9:1 and the
parousia in 8:38, since the verses are in juxtaposition, we have seen
that it is unlikely that that was the original point of reference of the
saying, and there is no evidence that M a r k interpreted it solely in
terms of the parousia. It seems arbitrary to find a strong link between
9:1 and 8:38, but no significant connection of thought between 9:1
and 9:2, especially when the two verses are linked by reference to the
passing of a very specific period of time, 'after six days' (9:2).98
W e take it that M a r k sees the initial fulfilment of 9:1 in the transfig-
uration for the following reasons. Apart from the phrase, 'after six
days', which as it stands in the text, appears to connect the event with

8:38, but states that "when the reader comes to 9.2-8, he or she will have to conclude
that the meaning assigned to 9.1 on account of its link with the preceding sayings is
not so plausible after all."
96 Cf. R.H. Gundry, Mark( 1993), pp. 457ff.
97 Art. cit., pp. 220-224; Following Jesus (1981), pp. 44f., 55ff. Best considers that in
the tradition, 9:2ff. followed 8:27-30; in the view of R. Pesch, op. cit., II. p. 69, it fol-
lowed 8:33.
98 It has been suggested that the reference to six days may be an allusion to Ex.
24:16; J . Jeremias, TDNTW, p. 869, note 228; J . Marcus, The Way of the Lord ( 1993),
pp. 82f. Whether or not there is an allusion present, this does not take away from the
time reference in Mark's narrative. In company with many other commentators, Best
relates the beginning of the 'six days' to Peter's confession (8:27ff.). However, if, as
Best argues, Mark inserted at least 8:34-9:1, it is strange that Mark retained the refer-
ence to 'six days', if he saw no connection between 9:1 and 9:2ff. C. Clifton Black II,
'The Quest of Mark the Redactor: Why has it been pursued, and what has it taught
us?', J & V T 3 3 (1988), pp. 19-39, at p. 30, observes that in any redaction-critical study
of Mark, the investigator "is compelled to engage in often highly speculative conjec-
tures about the history of traditions behind the Evangelist". Black criticises various
redaction-critical interpretations of Mark, including those of Best, in The Disciples
According to Mark( 1989).
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 143

the previous saying, Peter J a m e s and J o h n (9:2) seem neatly to fit the
role οί~τινεςώδετών έστηκότων (9:1). Further, the story of the transfig-
uration emphasizes what they 'see' (verses 3, 4, 8 and 9), linking with
the promise in verse 1 that they will see the kingdom of God come with
power. T h e transfiguration was certainly a 'powerful' event, and while
G o d does not appear, he is present as the source of the voice. He
shows his authority or kingship not only by acclaiming Jesus as his
beloved S o n , " but also by c o m m a n d i n g the disciples, 'listen to him'.
As we shall observe below, in the Old Testament, the 'coming' of God
in theophanies (which are closely related to the proclamation of God's
kingship) is often represented as taking place on a mountain, and with
the accompaniment of clouds. 100
T h u s Mark's interpretation is that the three disciples saw God's
kingdom come with power (9:1) at the transfiguration o f j e s u s . T h e
transfiguration story bears similarities to the Old Testament theopha-
nies, occurring on M o u n t Sinai (e.g., Exodus 24:12-18) and elsewhere,
and especially celebrated in some of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship
(e.g., Psalm 97:2-5). 101 T h e similarities include the setting on a moun-
tain, the cloud, God's voice and God's glory, often represented as a

99 For the reference here to Ps. 2, which implies God's kingship as well as that of his
Messiah, see pp. 259ff.
100 We have argued that 9:1 was not a detached saying in the tradition, but related
back to 8:34, 35. The fact that (a) these verses themselves seem naturally to relate
back to verse 31, (b) the transfiguration account is generally thought to have been
connected at an early stage with Peter's confession (verses 27ff.), and (c) 9:1 occurs
nowhere in the gospel tradition except immediately prior to the transfiguration
account to which it seems to refer, suggests that the basis of this material was grouped
together at a very early stage (possibly also with 9:14ff., which looks at another sense
in which the kingdom may come in power - through faith and prayer), although con-
siderable redaction has also no doubt taken place.
T h e basic structure may well have originated from the reminiscences of Peter
that it was after his confession o f j e s u s as the Christ, that Jesus first began seriously
to predict his death, that at about the same time he began to teach that discipleship
may lead to martyrdom, but that Jesus also made the encouraging prediction that
we have in Mark 9:1, and Peter considered this had been at least partially fulfilled
in the transfiguration which occurred shortly afterwards; cf. M. Hengel, Studies in
the Gospel of Mark (ET, 1985), pp. 50-53. O n the possibility of a substantial, con-
nected pre-synoptic tradition (or pre-synoptic gospel), see D. W e n h a m , The Redis-
covery of Jesus' Eschatological Discourse (1984), pp. 364ff. On the ultimate origin of
some of the traditions before Jesus' death, see H. Schürmann, 'Die vorösterlichen
Anfänge der Logientradition'. in Der historische Jesus und der Kerygmatische Christus,
edd. H. Ristow and K. Matthiae (1962), pp. 342-370; cf. G.N. Stanton, 'Form
Criticism Revisited', in What about the New Testament?, edd. M. Hooker and C. Hick-
ling (1975), pp. 13-27.
101 Seep. 23.
144 C H A P T E R THREE

bright light, 102 which here rests on Jesus. T h e heavenly voice does not
speak about Moses and Elijah, but identifies Jesus as 'my beloved Son'
(verse 7); thus the disciples hear the same heavenly witness that Jesus
heard at his baptism (1:11).
A little later on, when considering Jesus' Messiahship, we shall put
forward the view that the transfiguration may be seen as something
akin to a 'messianic enthronement' o f j e s u s , in confirmation of Peter's
confession, 'You are the Christ' (8:29). 103 As such it is a prophetic
anticipatory event, looking forward both to his resurrection (of which
Jesus speaks on their way down the mountain, verse 9), 104 and to the
parousia, when the Son of m a n 'comes in the glory of his Father'

102 See, e.g., Ex. 34:29-35; Deut. 33:2; Ps. 80:1-3. Cf. G. ν ϋ η Rad, 7ZW7TI, pp.
238-242. O n the concept of theophany in general, see G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit.,
pp. 3-10 (OT), 26-35 (Dan. 7), 39-42 (apocalyptic literature). He distinguishes
between the fact of God's coming, and the accompaniments of his coming (i.e., the
turbulent reactions of nature), and considers that the purpose of his coming is for the
punishment of the wicked and the deliverance of his people. Ps. 18:6-19 describes a
theophany to deliver David, while the theophany in Hab. 3:3-15 is for the salvation of
God's people, and of his anointed (verse 13). VVe have noted that Is. 40:9-11 speaks of
God's coming in a kingly power, as a shepherd, while verse 5 speaks of God's glory
being revealed. Is. 51:9-11 contains a plea for a theophany, drawing on the themes of
creation and the Exodus, which will bring salvation for God's people (cf. Is. 35:10;
52:7-10). Ezekiel 1 and Daniel 7 also describe theophanies, where God is enthroned,
and in Assumption of Moses 10:1 -10 a theophany is described in terms of God's king-
ship; see p. 95.
103 See p. 260. H.M. Teeple, The Mosaic Eschatological Prophet (1957), p. 85, argues
that the transfiguration was originally an account of the enthronement o f j e s u s as the
Christ, but places it a week after his resurrection. R. Bultmann, The History ofthe Synop-
tic Tradition (ET, 1963; 2nd. ed., 1968), p. 259, maintained that the transfiguration
was originally a resurrection appearance, and W. Schmithals, 'Der Markusschluss,
die Verklärungsgeschichte und die Aussendung der Zwölf,' £ 7 M " 6 0 (1972), pp. 379-
411, has argued that Mark himself was responsible for the relocation. C.H. Dodd,
'The Appearances of the Risen Christ: an Essay in Form-Criticism of the Gospels', in
Studies in the Gospel: Essays in Memory of R.H. Ughtfoot, ed. D.E. Nineham (1955), pp. 9-
35, has shown that the transfiguration lacks the characteristic 'form' of the accounts of
the resurrection appearances. E. Best, 'The Markan Redaction of the Transfigura-
tion', rep. in Disciples and Discipleship (1986), pp. 206-225, at pp. 211-214, argues
against Schmithals' view.
P. Vielhauer, 'Erwägungen zur Christologie des Markusevangeliums', in £eit und
Geschichte: Dankesgabe an Rudolf Bultmann, ed. E. Dinkier (1964), pp. 155-169, sets the
three crucial occurences of υίόςθεοΰ in Mark against the background of an ancient
Egyptian enthronement ritual, where the king is adopted as divine son (1:11), present-
ed and acknowledged before the gods (9:7), and enthroned (15:39); cf. R.P. Martin,
Mark‫ ־‬Evangelist and Theologian (1972), pp. 99-100.
104 When Mark speaks ofJoseph of Arimathea 'looking for the kingdom of God',
when he asked for the body ofjesus in 15:43, he may have had in mind Jesus' promise
in 9:1, which achieved further fulfilment in the resurrection. On the other hand, the
reference may be more general (cf. Lk. 2:25, 38).
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 145

(8:38). 2 Peter 1:17-18 contains what appears to be an independent

account of the transfiguration, which is also linked to the parousia
(verse 16).105
T h e point that must be emphasized here, is that the transfiguration,
with all that it implies for the authority and messiahship o f j e s u s , is
taken by Mark to fulfil Jesus' promise that some of his hearers, before
tasting death, would 'see the kingdom of G o d come with power'. T h u s
the powerful coming of God's kingdom is applied to an event, which
centres on the glorification of Jesus and his authority as God's
'beloved Son', to whom the disciples must listen (verse 7).

c. Teaching on Discipleship and Entry into the Kingdom

Moving on through chapter 9, to the section that follows Jesus' second
general prediction of his suffering, death and resurrection (9:30
10:31),106 we come to a cluster of six references to the kingdom of God:
'entering' (9:47; 10:15, 23, 24 and 25) or 'receiving' (10:15) the king-
dom, or the kingdom of G o d 'belonging to' them (10:14). This is in
contrast to the previous uses we have seen of 'the kingdom of God' in
Mark, which lay stress on its coming and its powerful effect. However,
in Mark 1:15, after the summary of the proclamation, there is the call
to 'repent, and believe in the gospel'. This section (9:30 - 10:31) shows
some of the characteristics that should be present in a positive response
to that call, as well as the effect of different responses.
W e should first notice that entering the kingdom of G o d (9:47) is
presented as equivalent to entering 'life' (verses 43, 45); while in the
following chapter, the phrases 'inherit' or 'receive eternal life' (10:17
and 30), and 'be saved' (10:26; cf. 8:35), appear from the context to
have the same meaning as 'enter the kingdom of G o d ' (10:23-25). It

105 Cf. G.H. Boobyer, op. cit., pp. 57-87, who sees Mark's main purpose in using
the transfiguration account to confirm Peter's confession, but also sees the transfigu-
ration as a prediction of the parousia. Christ's enthronement, 'seated at the right
hand of Power' is predicted by Jesus at his trial (Mk. 14:62, quoting Ps. 110:1), and is
linked with his parousia (Dan. 7:13). T h e 'enthronement' follows the resurrection
(and ascension), but is closely linked to the parousia, presumably because the parousia
reveals to all the fact that Jesus is enthroned. It is therefore difficult to draw a sharp
division between the transfiguration speaking of the parousia, and ofjesus' 'enthrone-
ment' following his resurrection. M.D. Hooker, The Gospel According to St. Mark (1991),
p. 215, considers that for Mark, both the resurrection and the parousia were aspects
of the vindication ofjesus, and the transfiguration is a symbol o f t h a t vindication.
106 E. Schweizer provides a useful summary of the structure of the gospel in 'The
Portrayal of the Life of Faith in the Gospel of Mark', in Interpreting the Gospels, ed. J.L.
Mays (1981), pp. 168-182, at pp. 169-170.
 146 C H A P T E R THREE

will be helpful to consider the background of some of these words and

phrases.
ζωή αιώνιος occurs once in the L X X at Daniel 12:2, speaking of a
future physical resurrection:

And many of those who sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some
to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt. 107

It is interesting that there is the same contrast here between alterna-

tive future states of life and shame, as in M a r k 9:43-48, where Jesus
contrasts 'life' (or 'the kingdom of God') with Gehenna. 1 0 8 T h e
Hebrew word for 'contempt' or 'abhorrence' in Daniel 12:2,‫ דיראון‬only
occurs elsewhere in the Old Testament at Isaiah 66:24:

And they shall go forth and look on the dead bodies of the men that
have rebelled against me; for their worm shall not die, their fire shall
not be quenched, and they shall be an abhorrence to all flesh.

Mark 9:48 alludes to this verse, as a description of G e h e n n a , 'where

their worm does not die, and the fire is not quenched.' 1 0 9
T h e use of Isaiah 66:24 is significant, in that it follows the contrast

107 ζωή αιώνιος also occurs, meaning life after death, in Ps. Sol. 3:12; Test. Asher
5:2; 4 Macc. 15:3; with the corresponding Ethiopie phrase, used in the same sense, in
1 Enoch 37:4; 40:9. The last verse links the concepts of inheritance and (eternal) life,
as does Ps. Sol. 14:10. As has been noted (at p. 90), 2 Macc. 7:9 speaks of God's king-
ship in the context of his power to raise the dead είςαίώνιον άναβίωσιν ζωής; cf. verses
14, 36. C.H. Dodd, The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel( 1953), pp. 144ff, while holding
that 'life' is a major theme of the Fourth Gospel, acknowledges that the terms ζωή and
ζωή αιώνιος belong to the common vocabulary of early Christianity, and both have
Jewish precedent; cf. R.E. Brown, The Gospel According to John (1966), I, pp. 505-508.
108 On Gehenna, see J . Jeremias TDjVTI, pp. 657-658. T h e valley of the son(s) of
Hinnom, outside Jerusalem, was the scene of sacrifice of children to Molech (2 Kings
23:10; cf. 16:3; 21:6; 2 Chron. 28:3), which gave rise to the oracle ofjudgment on the
valley i n j e r e m i a h 7:31-32; 19:5-6 (cf. 32:35). T h e name of the valley became a sym-
bol for the place of future punishment (1 Enoch 27:1-3; 54:1-5; 56:3-4; 90:26-27; 2
Esdras 7: [36]). Isaiah 66:24 probably came to be related to the judgment on Gehenna
(both Is. 66:24 a n d j e r . 7:33 speak of dead bodies), and is alluded to in Judith 16:17;
Sirach 7:17 (cf. 21:9f.).
109 While it is possible that the final words of Mk. 9:43, είςτόπΰρτόασβεστον, may
have been added by Mark, as an explanation to Gentile readers on the basis of Isaiah
66:24, as suggested by V. Taylor, op. at., p. 412, (followed by C.E.B. Cranfield, op. at., p.
314; W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 348,) there seems to be no good reason to go along with Tay-
lor's other suggestion that the main allusion to Is. 64:24 in verse 48 may also have been
added by Mark. Unless the reader already knew the significance of Gehenna or the con-
text of Is. 64:24, the allusion would not help to explain the meaning of Gehenna.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 147

between entering the kingdom of God and being thrown into Gehen-
na (Mark 9:47). Isaiah 66:24 would be familiar to Jews as the final
verse of the book of Isaiah, contrasting with the preceding verses 22-
23. T h e r e God promises that as the new heavens and the new earth,
which he will make (cf. Isaiah 65:17), will remain before him, so
Israel's descendants and name will remain, and all people will come to
worship before him. T h e same chapter 66 of Isaiah speaks of G o d com-
ing in j u d g m e n t (verses 15-17) and to gather all nations and tongues to
Jerusalem, to see his glory (verses 18-21). It also speaks of comfort for
Jerusalem (verse 13),"° and, especially significant for our purpose, of
God's throne and therefore by implication his kingship (verse l). 111
In the chapter immediately before Isaiah 66:1, is the first prediction
of the creation of new heavens and a new earth (65:17), followed by a
description of the messianic age (with 65:25 referring back to Isaiah
11:6-9). O n e of the features of this age will be long life (verse 20), while
the L X X of verse 22 refers to the days of God's people being like the
days o f ' t h e tree of life' (τόξύλον της ζωής). As we have been consider-

110 The comfort of God's people and ofjerusalem is an important theme of Isaiah
40-55, beginning with the opening words (40:1), and used also in the context of the
proclamation of God's reign (52:7, 9); see further, 49:13; 51:3, 12, 19; 54:11. The
theme also appears in the message of the Anointed One in 61:2. Cf. Is. 12:1; 22:4.
111 Cf. p. 69, where we suggested that Isaiah 66:1 If. showed the importance of an
ethical response to Yahweh's kingship by individuals. As such, the passage is of partie-
ular relevance to Mark 9:42-48, which is linked together by the 'catchword',
σκανδαλίζω (verses 42, 43, 45, 47). G. Stählin, 7DjVTVII, pp. 339-358, at p. 345,
puts forward the view that generally in the N T (excepting Romans 11:9, where the
citation of Ps. 69:22 refers rather to a 'trap'), the metaphor in σκάνδαλον (if dis-
cernible at all) is more that of a 'stone', as in Isaiah 8:14. The Hebrew for 'stumbling-
block' (‫ )ם?טו'ל‬in Is. 8:14 (which is translated σκάνδαλον in Aquila, Symmachus and
Theodotion, but not in the LXX) also occurs at Is. 57:14, while the related verb ‫כטל‬
('stumble') occurs frequently in Isaiah at 3:8; 5:27; 8:15; 28:13; 31:3; 35:3; 40:30';
59:10, 14; 63:13.
Inter alia, the same verb occurs six times in Daniel ch. 11 (verses 14, 19, 33, 34, 35
and 41), and it is probable that there is an allusion to the last-mentioned verse in Mt.
24:10. T h e Hebrew verb is translated σκανδαλίζομαι in the LXX of Daniel 11:41
varia lectio, (σκανδαλίζω occurs elsewhere in Mark at 4:17; 6:3; 14:27, 29.) Part of the
background of thought for the bodily mutilations of Mark 9:43, 45, 47, may be similar
mutilations in the context of torture and martyrdom, as in 2 Maccabees ch. 7 (cf. note
107 above); cf. B.M.F. van Iersel, op. cit., p. 314. It is interesting that this chapter in 2
Maccabees not only speaks of God as King and Creator, and of the resurrection and
eternal (renewal of) life, with other conceptual links with Daniel, but also, in common
with Mark 9:30-10:31, refers to the last chapters of Isaiah (65:4; 6 6 1 7 ‫ ׳‬in 2 Macc. 7:1).
As another possible background, amputation of a hand or foot and the loss of an eye
may have been alternatives to the death penalty in the time o f j e s u s , according to
J.D.M. Derrett, Studies in the New Testament, I (1977), pp. 4-31; M.D. Hooker, op. cit., p.
232; R.H. Gundry, op. cit., p. 514.
148 C H A P T E R THREE

ing 'life' and 'eternal life', as used almost synonymously with 'the king-
dorn of G o d ' in M a r k chapters 9 and 10, we should also look at Isaiah
57:15. T h e thought of this verse is similar to 66:1, 2, concerning both
the dwelling of God, and his link with the humble and contrite. T h e
L X X translation of 57:15 mentions both ό αιών (the eternity which
G o d inhabits) and ζωή (the life which he gives). 112
T o support our view that the allusion to Isaiah 66:24 in M a r k 9:48
implies a reference also to Isaiah 66:1, we may cite a further allusion
to Isaiah 66:1, which is attributed to Jesus in Matthew 5:34-35, where
it is joined to an allusion to one of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship,
Psalm 48:2: 113

But I say to you, Do not swear at all, either by heaven, for it is the
throne of God, or by the earth, for it is his footstool, or by Jerusalem,
for it is the city of the great King.

T h e r e is no good reason to doubt the authenticity of this saying, 114 espe-

daily as the Old Testament allusions are almost incidental. T h e main

112 We have seen above (note 111), that the previous verse, 57:14, contains the
Hebrew word for 'stumbling-block' (‫)מלסיל‬. Cf. Is. 40:28-31, which speaks of God's
renewing power, needed even by young men, who will otherwise 'be tottering' or 'fee-
ble' (Inf. abs. + Niph. ofbrô; BDB, p. 505; verse 30). This is linked to Yahweh's power
as Creator, and also as the eternal (LXX: αιώνιος) God. God's creation is another
important theme of Isaiah 40-55 (see J . Bergman, et al., TDOT II, pp. 242-249),
extending beyond the first creation to refer also to God's choice and redemption of
Israel. G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology, II (ET, 1965), pp. 238ff., speaks of a 'soteri-
ological' conception of creation in Deutero-Isaiah. There is a clear conceptual link
here with the N T concepts of'life' and 'eternal life'.
God's creation and kingship are linked in Isaiah 40-55 (see p. 66), as well as in chap-
ters 65 and 66, and the same is true for the psalms of Yahweh's kingship (see pp. 23-
24). In the LXX of Is. 40-66, αιώνιος also occurs relating to salvation (45:17), joy
(51:11 ; 60:15; 61:7), God's love (54:8), his covenant (55:3; 61:8), a sign (55:13), a name
given by God (56:5), and God as light (60:19, 20). In the LXX of Daniel, in addition
to 12:2, αιώνιος is used of God's kingdom (4:3 (3:33); 4:34 (31)), the kingdom o f ' o n e
like a son of man' (7:14) and of the 'saints of the Most High' (7:27) and 'righteousness'
(9:24). As a reference to resurrection, Is. 26:19 may be seen as a precursor of Daniel
12:2, while αίών/αϊώνιος and ζωή occur frequently in the LXX of the Psalms.
113 The teaching against taking oaths in Mt. 5:33-37 (cf. James 5:12) occurs shortly
after a parallel to Mk. 9:43-47 in Mt. 5:29-30, here in the context of teaching against
adultery. (Matthew's primary parallel to Mk. 9:43-47 is at 18:8-9.)
114 J.Jeremias, New Testament Theology, I (1971), p. 85, claims that the antithetic pat-
tern of Mt. 5:21-48 "belongs to the bedrock of tradition", while at pp. 251-253, he
argues against the view of R. Bultmann, op. cit., p. 134, who regarded only the first,
second and fourth antitheses as original. In any case, our passage is contained in the
fourth antithesis. Contra, E.P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (1985), pp. 260-263, who is
concerned about the general depiction o f j e s u s calling his disciples to be more right-
eous than the Pharisees (5:20), and without being dogmatic, is inclined to reject the
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 149

point of the antithesis in Matthew 5:33-37 is the importance of truthful-

ness, rather than being a theological statement about God's throne and
kingship. However this incidental reference is an important witness to
the fact that Jesus saw a connection between the kingship of God as pro-
claimed both in the psalms of Yahweh's kingship and in the later chap-
ters of Isaiah. T h e view of God's kingship is here very personal, imply-
ing God's control over all things, which has ethical consequences. T h e
broader context of these verses in Matthew sets this view (i) in a signifi-
cant relationship to the kingdom of God (or kingdom of heaven), which
is referred to in Matthew 5:3, 10, 19 and 20 (the latter verse referring to
'entering' the kingdom) and (ii) in conjunction with an equally personal
view of God as 'heavenly Father', in 6:9-10, 32-33, and 7:21. 115
Both Isaiah 66:1 and Psalm 48:2 relate God's kingship implicitly to
the temple, the former comparing heaven as God's throne with the
house men build for him, and the latter referring to Mount Zion,
which is a 'holy mountain' (verse 1), because of God's temple there
(verse 9). While Isaiah 66:1 may be taken as meaning that G o d is not
confined to his temple (cf. 1 Kings 8:27), the quotation of the same
passage (Isaiah 66:1-2) in Acts 7:49-50 was taken by Stephen's oppo-
nents as anti-temple propaganda (cf. 6:13-14), and led to his d e a t h . " 6

whole section, Matthew 5:17-6:18, except the prayer (6:9-13). However his argument
does not necessitate the inauthenticity of the antitheses (5:21-47). Cf. Ε.P. Sanders,
The Historical Figure ofjesus ( 1993), pp. 201, 210-212; N.T. Wright, J « ! « and the Victoiy
of God (1996), pp. 289-291; G. Theissen & A. Merz, The Historical,Jesus (ET, 1998), pp.
363-364. See specifically, A. Ito, 'The Question of the Authenticity of the Ban on
Swearing (Matthew 5.33-37)', jWVT43 (1991), pp. 5-13.
115 For the view that the kingship and fatherhood of God were related concepts in
contemporary Judaism, see G. Vermes ,Jesus and the World of Judaism (1983), pp. 32, 391Γ.
The saying ofjesus in a similar context in Mt. 23:22 makes God's kingship even more
personal, by referring not only to heaven as God's throne, but also to 'him who sits upon
it'. The previous verse (23:21) speaks of the temple and of'him who dwells in it'.
116 J.D.G. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New Testament (1977), pp. 97-98, sees
Stephen's attack on the temple as inspired by Jesus' saying about its destruction, and
as an example of radical reinterpretation of the Old Testament, leading to abandon-
ment of its clear teaching. It is interesting that Dunn sees Jesus himself as the pioneer
of this approach in Matthew 5:2 Iff., where for example in 5:33-37, he in effect abol-
ishes the regulations about swearing. Dunn is correct in pointing out the similarity
between the approaches o f j e s u s and Stephen, but probably Stephen's attitude, that
true worship went beyond temple worship (cf. J o h n 4:23-24), may be compared to
Jesus' attitude to the Law, which intensified its demand by reinterpreting it in a higher
and ethical key; see W.D. Davies, The Setting of the Sermon on the Mount (1964), pp. 93-
108. Thus, it may well be an exaggeration to speak of Stephen's 'attack' on the temple
(although his opponents took his speech in that light) and of an 'abandonment' of O T
teaching by Jesus and Stephen. (Cf. Barnabas 16:2, which also quotes Is. 66:1, while
arguing against the 'folly' of rebuilding the temple.)
150 C H A P T E R THREE

If, as we are arguing, there is an allusion not only to Isaiah 66:24 in

Mark 9:48, but also by implication to Isaiah 66:1 in Mark 9:47, then it
is of significance that the other two uses of Isaiah 66:1-2 in the New
Testament relate to the temple. In its original context, the passage
shows the importance of true worship and obedience in relation to
God's universal kingship, in contrast to mere temple observances.
T h e connection of thought between God's kingship (or kingdom)
and the temple is very relevant when we consider the meaning of
'entering' the kingdom of G o d (Mark 9:47; 10:15, 23-25). T h e most
significant use of εισέρχομαι in the L X X is cultic and sacral, 117
although H. Windisch also emphasized the importance, for the origin
of sayings about entry into the kingdom of God, of the exhortations
regarding entry into the promised land in Deuteronomy. 1 1 8 An inter-
esting combination of these usages occurs in Psalm 95:11:

Therefore I swore in my anger

that they should not enter my rest.

117 SeeJ. Schneider, TDNTll, pp. 676-678. Of the Hebrew word ‫בוא‬, H.D. Preuss,
TOOTII, pp. 20-49, at p. 22, writes that it was "a commonly used verb for the com-
ing of man to the sanctuary and for his entering into its sacral sphere and the commu-
nity gathered there, [as] is proved by the abundance of occurrences." He considers
that this use of ‫ בוא‬originated, for the most part, in the Deuteronomic/Deuterono-
mistic and post-Deuteronomistic period (p. 23).
The following occurrences of εισέρχομαι in the I X X to the Psalms (for Hebrew ‫)בוא‬
appear significant: Pss. 5:7; 42:4 (43:4, MT); 65:13 (66:13); 72:17 (73:17); 99:2, 4
(100:2, 4); 117:19, 20 (118:19, 20); 131:7 (132:7), all speaking of entry in the temple
for worship. Ps. 5 speaks of God's kingship, while Psalms 117(118, MT) and 131 (132,
MT) speak of the Davidic king. In addition, Ps. 17:6, L X X (18:7, MT) speaks of
David's cry entering God's ears in the temple, while Ps. 23:7, 9 (24:7, 9) speaks of
God, as the King of glory, entering the temple (cf. Ezek. 43:4). Like Ps. 24 (MT), Ps.
15 speaks of the need for righteousness, before entering the temple (cf. Ps. 118:20; Is.
26:2). Ps. 94:11, LXX (95:11, MT) speaks of entering God's 'rest' (see below).
In Mark, εισέρχομαι is commonly used of persons entering a house or a town, in an
ordinary sense. It may be noted that this usage includes Jesus entering the synagogue
( 1:21 ; 3:1 ), and the temple (11:11, 15), and David entering the house of God (2:26).
118 'Die Sprüche vom Eingehen in das Reich Gottes', ^ W 2 7 (1928), pp. 163-
192, at pp. 177f. Cf. J . Marcus, 'Entering into the Kingly Power of God', JBL 107
(1988), pp. 663-675, at p. 666, who comments that these two Sitze im Leben probably
overlap more than Windisch realized. Marcus defends the view that even in the
'entry' sayings, God's 'kingdom' means his 'kingly rule' or 'kingly power', rather than
a 'realm' governed by God; contra, S. Aalen, '"Reign" and "House" in the Kingdom
of God in the Gospels', NTS 8 (1961-62), pp. 215-240: J . C . O'Neill, 'The Kingdom of
God', NoaT35 (1993), pp. 130-141.
In Deut. 4:1; 6:18; 16:20, the LXX has κληρονομέω combined with εισέρχομαι
(contrast Mk. 10:17, 23-25, 30). Like the kingdom of God and eternal life, the
promised land was a gift from God, to be received (cf. Mk. 10:15). Cf. H.D. Preuss,
TDOTll, pp. 27-30. '
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 151

In the M T , the last clause reads,‫אמ־־באון אל־מנוחחי‬, while the L X X has

(94:11), εί είσελεύσονται εις την κατάπαυσιν μου. T h u s the clause con-
nects ‫( בוא‬εισέρχομαι) with ‫( מנוחה‬κατάπαυσις). T h e latter word, mean-
ing 'rest' or 'resting-place', clearly refers here to the promised land (cf.
Deuteronomy 12:9). However the context of Psalm 95 is the worship
of G o d at his temple (verses 2, 6), so it is likely that ‫ ?זנוחה‬here also con-
notes God's 'resting-place' or 'dwelling-place' at the temple, as in
Psalm 132:8, 14.119 T h e same word is used in conjunction with the
temple in Isaiah 66:1, which as we have seen, Jesus refers to in
Matthew 5:34-35, and we are arguing, is also alluded to in Mark 9:47,
in the phrase, 'to enter the kingdom of God'.
Why is there a connection in Matthew 5:34-35 between Psalm 48:2
and Isaiah 66:1? W e have noticed a c o m m o n theme of God's king-
ship, in relation to the temple, but can we be more specific? Psalm
48:2 refers to G o d as a 'great King', as do the closely associated Psalm
47 (verse 2), and also Psalm 95 (verse 3).120 W e have seen that Psalm
95:11 shares the significant word ‫( מנוחה‬LXX, κατάπαυσις) with Isaiah
66:1. Why do we suggest that this word is of particular significance?
Apart from the fact that the occurrence of the word is relatively infre-
quent, the word refers to the place where God is, where he exercises
his kingship. It is thus peculiarly relevant to an enquiry into the mean-
ing of 'entering' the kingdom of God, which must refer to a place (lit-
eral or figurative) where G o d exercises his kingship.
It was almost certainly recognised in the time o f j e s u s that Psalms
95-100 (with Psalm 93 as a precursor) formed a particular collection
within the Psalter, expressing praise and worship to God as king, and
of course it could be seen that Psalms 47 and 48 were also closely
related to this group. T h u s the linkage we are suggesting between Isa-
iah 66:1 and Psalm 95 may call to mind the whole group of Psalms

119 Cf. J . H . Eaton, Psalms (1967), p. 233. The only clear reference to Ps. 95 in the
New Testament is in Hebrews 3:7 - 4:13, which is an exposition of Ps. 95:7-11, with
God's 'rest' in verse 11 being linked to the sabbath (Heb. 4:3-4, 9-10). FT. Bruce, The
Epistle to the Hebrews (1964), p. 63, considers, on the basis of later Jewish and Christian
liturgical use, that Ps. 95 would have been sung as part of the temple service for the
sabbath day. While Ps. 95:11 is not directly related to the temple in Hebrews, one of
the themes of the book is Jesus as the great High Priest, serving a heavenly sanctuary,
which has made the earthly sanctuary obsolete.
120 In the I X X , all these verses have (like Mt. 5:35), βασιλεύς μέγας (with or with-
out the article, and with variations as to case and order); cf. Malachi 1:14. However,
in the M T , Pss. 47:3 (verse 2, RSV); 95:3, Mai. 1:14, have ‫מלך גדול‬, while Ps. 48:3
(verse 2, RSV) has ‫מלך רב‬. The latter may be seen as a variation, as Yahweh is
described as ‫ נדיל‬in 48:2 (verse 1, RSV).
152 C H A P T E R THREE

(not just 95 or 48). 121 In any case these Psalms represent G o d as king
in the context of worship at the temple, 122 and we have noted that the
most significant use of εισέρχομαι in the L X X is cultic and sacral,
often speaking of entry into the temple for worship, especially in the
Psalms, εισέρχομαι occurs in this context both at the beginning (Psalm
95 (LXX 94): 11) and end (Psalm 100 (99):2, 4) of the main group of
Psalms which celebrate God's kingship. 123
We may see this usage in the psalms of Yahweh's kingship as the
main factor acccounting for the origin of the phrase είσελθείν εις την
βασιλείαν του θεοΰ in M a r k 9:47; 10:15, 23-25, bearing in mind (i) the
allusion in Jesus' initial proclamation of the kingdom in M a r k 1:14,
15 to Isaiah 52:7, 124 which is closely paralleled in Psalms 93:1; 96:10;
97:1; and 99:1, and (ii) the specific linkage of Isaiah 66:1 (which
forms part of the wider context of 66:24, quoted in M a r k 9:48) with
Psalm 48:2 (in M a t t h e w 5:34-35), and (iii) the verbal connection
between Isaiah 66:1 and Psalm 95:11, as they share the key-word
‫( ?זנוחה‬LXX, κατάπαυσις), referring to God's 'rest' or 'resting-place',
which in Psalm 95:11 is the indirect object of the verb ‫( בוא‬LXX,
εισέρχομαι). 125
Isaiah 66:1 is of particular relevance, as God's kingship is in the
present tense ('Heaven is my throne'), but its broader context in chap-
ters 65 and 66 relates to the eschatological future of the new heavens
and the new earth, which G o d will create, and which is described in
messianic language (65:25). It also refers, by way of contrast, to the
earthly temple, which (in the language particularly of the Psalms) men
'enter' to seek and worship God. So Isaiah 66:1 (in the context of

121 The 'footstool' of Is. 66:1 may be related to that of Ps. 99:5, which probably
refers to the ark (cf. Ps. 132:7; 1 Chron. 28:2), or perhaps more generally to the tern-
pie (cf. Lam. 2:1). Is 66:1, however, contrasts with these verses, as it refers to the earth
as God's footstool, in line with the emphasis that God's rule cannot be restricted to
the temple.
122 See pp. 26ff.
123 ‫ בוא‬also occurs at Ps. 96:8, referring to entry into God's courts, but the LXX
(95:8) here translates by είσπορεύομαι.
124 See pp. 115ff.
125 J o h n 10:1, 2, 9 speaks of entry into a sheepfold, which especially in verse 9,
appears to have a similar meaning to entry into the kingdom of God, in the synoptic
gospels (cf. 'being saved' in Mk. 10:26;Jn. 10:9). While the idea of Yahweh as a shep-
herd occurs frequently in the Old Testament, it may be significant that it occurs in the
context of God's kingship and 'entering' God's temple (or 'rest') in Psalms 95:7; 100:3
(cf. Is. 40:11). This suggests that in entering God's kingdom, the disciple enters a com-
munity which acknowledges, enjoys and celebrates God's kingly, but caring, rule.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 153

66:24) provides a conceptual link between 'entry' and God's future

kingdom, of which Jesus speaks in Mark 9:47-48.
T h e main reference of these apparently synonymous words or
phrases in Mark 9:42-10:31 that we have been considering ('enter
life', 'enter the kingdom of God', 'inherit' or 'receive eternal life', and
'be saved' 126 ) is to the future. This is shown by the contrast with
G e h e n n a (9:43, 45, 47), the use of the future tense είσελεύσονται in
10:23, and the specific mention o f ' t h e age to come' in 10:30. 127 How-
ever, present attitudes and actions have a bearing on future entry into
God's kingdom: 128 for example, the m a n n e r in which the disciples and
others treat those who are weak, is important (9:42).
Protection of the weak is an important concern of the kingship both
of Yahweh and of the Davidic Messiah in the Old Testament. 1 2 9
Those who are to enter God's kingdom must adopt the standards of
the King. T h e y must welcome a child (in contrast to those who are

126 σωθήναι (Mk. 10:26) has, as H. Anderson, op. cit. p. 251, remarks, "a distinctly
Pauline ring", while E. Best, 'The Camel and the Needle's Eye (Mk. 10:45)' (first publ.
1970-71), rep. in Disciples and Discipleship (1986), pp. 17-30, at p. 19, says its use here is
from the vocabulary of the early church. Yet, although this was clearly an important
word for Paul, and also for Luke, σώζω also occurs in Mark, in the passive at 13:13, 20
(as well as in the longer ending, at 16:16), and in the active at 3:4; 8:35 (twice); 15:30,
31. The word is also used specifically in the context of healing, at 5:23, 28; 6:56 (all
passive), and at 5:34; 10:52 (both active). Cf. W. Foerster, 7DjVTVII, p. 990.
In the same article, G. Fohrer, TDNT VII, pp. 970-980, notes that about three-
fifths of the occurrences of the word σώζω in the LXX render the Hebrew verb ‫\סע‬
This Hebrew stem was often used in relation to the tasks expected of a human king (2
Sam. 14:4; 2 Kings 6:26; Ps. 72:4, 13; Hosea 13:10). It was also connected with the
concept of Yahweh as King (Pss. 44:3f; 74:12; 80: If.; Is. 33:22) and occurs in two of
the main psalms of Yahweh's kingship, Pss. 96:2; 98:2. Fohrer observes, on the basis
of usage in the Psalms (p. 976, and note 39) that, "as the petitioner comes to his king,
so the intercessor comes to God with the cry: ‫הויס־עה‬, 'save', 'help'." The deliverance
sought from God may, on a personal level, be from the perils of sickness, imprison-
ment or hostility. The stem ‫ ;סע‬is frequently used of Yahweh's deliverance of Israel in
Isaiah 40-66.
127 So, H. YVindisch, art. cit., and most commentators including YV.G. Kümmel, op.
cit., pp. 52-53; R. Schnackenburg, God's Rule and Kingdom (ET, 1963), pp. 161, 227; G.
Lundström, The Kingdom of God in the Teaching ofjesus (ET, 1963), p. 236; N. Perrin, The
Kingdom of God in the Teaching ofjesus (1963), pp. 183-184, 192; E. Best, The Temptation
and the Passion( 1965), pp. 64-68; A.M. Ambrozic, op. cit., pp. 139-140;J.C. O'Neill, art.
cit., p. 134; YV.R. Telford, The Theology of the Gospel of Mark ( 1999), pp. 80-81. Contra,
T.YV. Manson, The Teaching of Jesus( 1931; 2nd. ed., 1935), pp. 205-206; V. Taylor, op.
cit., pp. 423-424; G.E. Ladd, Jesus and the Kingdom ( 1966), p. 193.
128 It is also clear from 10:26, 27, that men cannot earn salvation, since Jesus says it
is impossible for men to be saved, apart from God's intervention (verse 27). Thus it is
necessary to rely on God, in order to enter his kingdom.
129 See p. 54.
154 C H A P T E R THREE

powerful and rich), because it is to children (symbolising those who

are weak and poor, and cannot rely on themselves), that Jesus has giv-
en his name (9:37). In welcoming them, Jesus himself is welcomed,
since the weak are Jesus' representatives, just as Jesus was sent as
God's representative. 130
Jesus' disciples are to see themselves as 'children' (cf. 10:24), insofar
as they need to rely on Jesus, in order to bear his n a m e ('the name of
Christ', 9:41 131 ), as his followers and representatives. T h e n , those who
do good to them (giving them water to drink), and welcome them, will
be rewarded, because by so doing they are welcoming Jesus. In the
same way, the disciples must not reject or cause offence to others who,
like children, are given the n a m e o f j e s u s as his representatives (9:38‫־‬
40), and who believe in him (9:42). 132
T h e section we are considering (9:30 - 10:31), is mainly concerned
with actions and attitudes that a disciple should adopt, in relation to
other people. It can be seen as an exposition of the second great com-
m a n d m e n t , 'You shall love your neighbour as yourself (12:31). After
a section on the marriage relationship and divorce (10:2-12), Mark
has a small section on the importance of children and family life
(10:13-16). This picks up the theme in the previous chapter (9:36-37),
and almost incidentally, teaching is given about the kingdom of God.

130 W.L. Lane, op. cit., pp. 340-341, sees Mk. 6:7-13 as the background to 9:37: the
disciples were sent as Jesus' representatives on a mission, and instructions were given,
in accordance with whether or not they were 'received' or welcomed. Cf. S. Légasse,
Jésus et l'Enfant ( 1969), pp. 101 -104, who sees the children as representing the mission-
aries of the early church. The majority opinion among scholars is that most of Mark
9:33-50 formed a unit in the tradition before it came to Mark; see E. Best, Following
Jesus (1981), p. 75 and note 1 on p. 90. In contrast to the view of K.-G. Reploh,
Markus - Lehrer der Gemeinde (1969), pp. 143-146, that Mk. 9:36 (and indeed all of the
section, 9:33-37) derives from Mark, Best, op. cit., pp. 78-79, considers that Mark has
probably just inserted και έναγκαλισάμενος αύτό into verse 36, from 10:16, as
εναγκαλίζομαι is a very rare word, occurring only in the N T in these two places.
131 It seems likely that the use of Χριστού here without an article is editorial, if
indeed it was present in the original text. T.VV. Manson's suggestion that, instead of
δτι Χριστού έστε, we should read οτι έμοί έστε, has received considerable support: see
V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 408; C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 312-313; W.L. Lane, op. cit., p.
342, note 66.
132 The importance of faith in Jesus is emphasized earlier in chapter 9, after he had
come down from the mount of transfiguration, and the demoniac boy was brought to
him (verses 23, 24). T. W. Manson, op. cit., p. 205, note 1, suggests that it may not have
been uncommon for Jesus to address his disciples as 'children'. M. Black, 'The Markan
Parable of the Child in the Midst', ExpT59 (1947-48), pp. 14-16; An Aramaic Approach to
the Gospels and Acts (3rd ed., 1967), pp. 220-221, points out that the same Aramaic word
means 'child' and 'servant', which may help to explain the connection between Jesus'
saying in Mk. 9:35 and the following verses; contra, A.M. Ambrozic, op. cit., pp. 152, 156.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 155

T h e kingdom of God belongs to the children who 'come to Jesus',

and others like them, so the disciples must not hinder them (10:14).
M . D . Hooker writes that the kingdom belongs to the children
"because they have nothing on which to base a claim, but are content
to receive the Kingdom as a gift". 133 Here the kingdom of God is a
present possession, not just a future hope. T h e following verse makes
it clear that 'receiving' the kingdom of G o d 'like a child' (presumably
in this life), is a precondition o f ' e n t e r i n g ' the kingdom in the future. 1 3 4
W h a t does it mean to 'receive the kingdom of God like a child'
(10:15)? O n the only other occasions when δέχομαι occurs in Mark
(once in 6:11, and four times in 9:37), it is used of'receiving' or 'wel-
coming' people, which suggests that 'receive the kingdom' may have
the same meaning as 'welcome Jesus'. 1 3 5 Moreover, since verse 15 is
placed in apposition to verse 14, children 'coming to Jesus' unhin-
dered (verse 14), must have been intended to be at least an example of

133 Op. cit., p. 239. T h e first beatitude in Mt. 5:3 similarly says the kingdom of
heaven belongs to 'the poor in spirit', whose characteristic is that, like children, they
are not self-dependent.
134 Similarly, Jesus promises that those who have followed him in costly disciple-
ship, will receive rewards now 'with persecutions', and in the age to come, eternal life
(10:29-30; cf. Mt. 5:10). G. Dalman, The Words of Jesus (ET 1902),p. 148,wrote that if
Jesus spoke of'this age' and 'the future age' at all, they were not of importance in his
vocabulary. Following this, VV.G. Kümmel, op. cit., p. 49, note 98; V. Taylor, op. cit.,
pp. 434-435; W. Grundmann, op. cit., pp. 213-214; and H. Anderson, op. cit., pp. 251-
252, question or deny the authenticity of at least the final phrase of Mark 10:30,
which however is affirmed by C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 333; R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p.
145 and note 43; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., note 102 on p. 377. Cf. H. Sasse,
TDNTl, pp. 204-207.
135 It is particularly likely that the uses of δέχομαι in 9:37 would have been in
Mark's mind, because of its near proximity in the text, and the reference to children,
παραδέχομαι occurs once in Mk. 4:20, referring to acceptance of 'the word'. A.M.
Ambrozic, op. cit., pp. 136-158, mentions as a parallel the disciples being given 'the
secret of the kingdom of God' in Mk. 4:11, and suggests that 10:15 may have original-
ly related to children receiving instruction. Cf. Ε. Lohmeyer, Das Evangelium des Markus
(1963), p. 203, who makes a comparison between Jesus' words in Mk. 10:14, and the
speech of Wisdom in Proverbs 8:4-36.
But, contra W. G. Kümmel, op. cit., p. 126, note 77, who interprets the phrase in Mk.
10:15 as receiving the word of the kingdom of God, the object of δέχομαι in its context
appears to be more personal, relating to receiving God as King (and Jesus as his rep-
resentative; cf. 9:37), with all that that entails in terms of blessing and salvation for the
individual, as well as the individual's obedience to God's rule and faith in him. God's
kingship is thus given and received through a personal relationship between an indi-
vidual and God, mediated through Jesus. There may be a parallel here with the Rab-
binic phrase, 'taking on the yoke of the kingdom of God' (see pp. 110-111, 114),
although, contra T.W. Manson, The Teaching ofJesus (1931; 2nd ed., 1935), p. 135, note
1, there is no exact verbal parallel; see A.M. Ambrozic, op. cit., pp. 143-144.
156 C H A P T E R THREE

what it means to 'receive the kingdom of G o d as a child' (verse 15).136

A further example is found in 9:42, in 'these little ones who believe' in
Jesus. 137 T o receive 'like a child' means to receive a gift with a trusting
and dependent attitude, rather than trying to earn a reward by one's
status or achievements. 1 3 8
T h e r e follows a section on the hindrance of riches in entering the
kingdom of G o d (10:17-31). In answering the rich man's question,
" G o o d Teacher, what must I do to inherit eternal life?" (verse 17),
Jesus specifies the c o m m a n d m e n t s that deal with actions and attitudes
towards other people (verse 19). Although the m a n claims to have
observed all those from his youth (verse 20), his riches were preventing
him from receiving God's kingdom like a child. 139 This is shown by
Jesus' c o m m a n d to him to give up his riches and become a disciple
(verse 21). T h u s to inherit eternal life (which we have seen is equiva-
lent to 'entering the kingdom of God', verses 23-25), the m a n must
'follow'Jesus. 1 4 0 Jesus gives a more general promise, that his disciples
will 'receive eternal life', in verses 29-30.
W h y should Jesus' disciples be entitled (if they are childlike), to enter

136 Most commentators consider that verse 15 was originally a separate saying,
which appears in a different context in Mt. 18:3. Indeed, E. Best, 'Mark 10:13-16:
T h e Child as Model Recipient' (first publ., 1976), rep. in Disciples and Discipleship
(1986), pp. 80-97, at p. 91, considers it possible that Mark himself added both verse 15
and verse 14c. However, as V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 424, states, there can be no question
of the genuineness of the saying, and further there is a harmony of meaning with verse
14; cf. C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 324; W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 360, note 26; contra, J .
Schlosser, Le Règne de Dieu dans les dits de Jésus ( 1980), II, pp. 494-495.
137 T h e words εις έμέ following πιστευόντων are omitted in some texts (including ‫)א‬,
but the attestation is sufficiently strong for most commentators to support them.
138 Cf. C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p.324; D.E. Nineham, op. cit., p. 268; E. Best, art.
cit., p. 96; L.W. Hurtado, Mark( 1989), pp. 162-163, who points to Jesus' cultural situ-
ation, where children were totally dependent upon the will of others and had no legal
or social weight to make claims for particular treatment. A.M. Ambrozic, op. cit., pp.
148-150, lists a number of other shades of interpretation. D.O. Via, Jr., The Ethics of
Mark's Gospel - in the Middle of Time (1985), pp. 128-133, follows J u n g in giving an
'archetypal interpretation' of the child, as representing potential for the future, mov-
ing through the abandonment of a secure origin, through risk and danger towards
adulthood. Thus, he suggests that the meaning of Mk. 10:15 is that the adult must
take risks and abandon security in order to move back to childhood. B.D. Chilton,
Pure Kingdom (1996), pp. 83-85, proposes that in Jesus' perspective, children take what
they want: "Making the kingdom one's sole object of interest, the way a child fixes on
a toy or on a forbidden object, makes one pure enough to enter the kingdom" (p. 84).
139 As illustrated by the thorns, choking the seed in the parable of the Sower (4:7, 18-
19).
140 For 'treasure in heaven' (verse 21), cf. Mt. 6:19-21. This means 'treasure with
God', and is another synonym for life in the kingdom of God; so, G. Dalman, op. at.,
p. 206; V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 429; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., p. 176.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 157

God's kingdom? T h e r e may be a clue in verse 18, where Jesus' reply is,
"Why do you call me good? N o one is good but G o d alone." 141 Clearly
Mark does not understand this passage as questioningjesus' goodness.
At the beginning of the gospel, he calls Jesus 'the Son of G o d ' (1:1).142
Rather the primary relationship with God is being emphasized, repre-
senting the first c o m m a n d m e n t , "You shall love the Lord your God
with all your heart" (cf. 12:30). T h e question is then left begging, What
is the relationship o f j e s u s to God? 143 W e have seen that the answer to
that question is the 'secret' of the kingdom of G o d (4:11), that God's
kingdom was being manifested through the person and works o f j e s u s .
Jesus is God's representative (9:37), and so the kingdom is received by
those who follow Jesus with childlike trust.
We have seen that this section (9:30-10:31), which speaks of the rela-
tionship of individuals to the community of the kingdom of God, partie-
ularly of their 'entry' into the kingdom of God, also presents Jesus as
drawing attention to himself and his mission. He is conscious of being
sent by God (9:37). Others bear his name and are to be received as his
representatives (9:37, 38, 39, 41).144 It is of significance, whether or not
men speak evil of him (9:39). H e speaks of "these little ones who believe
in m e " (9:42), and is indignant, when his disciples try to stop children
from coming to him so he can bless them (10:13, 14, 16). In fact, the
children coming to Jesus is presented as a paradigm of people receiving

141 Matthew (19:17) alters the wording o f j e s u s ' reply to, 'Why do you ask me
about what is good? One there is who is good.' This avoids the possible inference
from Mark's wording, that Jesus may have been denying that he was 'good'. As R.T.
France, The Gospel According to Matthew (1985), p. 285, helpfully comments, we might
have avoided this possible false inference by adding a footnote.
142 The words υίοΰθεοΰ are omitted by ‫ *א‬Θ 28 and a few other witnesses, includ-
ing Origen. There is uncertainty whether the words are original, but the attestation is
very strong, and on balance it seems most likely that the witness represented by the
above texts, resulted from an unintentional omission in manuscript transmission. Cf.
C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 38; R. Pesch, op. cit., I, p. 74, note a; R.A. Guelich, Mark
1-8:26 (1989), p. 6, note c; R.H. Gundry, op. cit., p. 33; contra, P.M. Head, Ά Text-
Critical Study of Mark 1.1 "The Beginning Ūf the Gospel o f j e s u s Christ'", NTS 37
(1991), pp. 621-629. M.D. Hooker, op. cit., p. 34, does not come to a decision on the
text-critical point but states that the phrase 'Son of God' "is certainly in keeping with
Mark's own beliefs, and forms an appropriate heading to this book".
143 V. Taylor, op. cit., pp. 426-427, lists the various interpretations ofjesus' reply. D.
Guthrie, New Testament Theology (1981), p. 230, suggests that Jesus was challenging the
young man about the basis of his assessment of goodness in order to set his appreciation
ofjesus himself in its right perspective. B.M.F. van Iersel, op. cit., p. 324, concludes that
"the pronouncement confronts readers with questions about Jesus' identity, which con-
tinue to engage their interest precisely because they cannot answer them".
144 Jesus also speaks o f ' m y name', in Mk. 13:6, 13.
158 C H A P T E R THREE

God's kingdom 'like a child' (welcoming Jesus as God's representative),

and so becoming entitled to enter God's kingdom in the future.
Jesus also draws attention to himself, by replying to the rich man,
"Why do you call me good?" (10:18), and concludes the interview by
summoning him to discipleship, "... come, follow m e " (10:21). He speaks
of the disciples leaving possessions or families "for my sake and for the
gospel", so linking a personal allegiance to himself with the preaching of
'the gospel of God' (10:29; cf. 1:14; 8:35).145 Finally, it is to his disciples
who make such sacrifices that he promises eternal life (10:29-30).

3. Summary

In this chapter, we have considered Mark's presentation of the king-

dom of God, as preached by Jesus. In our section on 'the Initial
Proclamation of the Kingdom of God', we recognized an allusion to
Isaiah 52:7 (and possibly Tg. Isaiah 40:9) in Mark 1:14-15, and on this
basis, we have argued that the kingdom is understood in a similar way
to God's personal reign, as celebrated in the second part of Isaiah and
the psalms of Yahweh's kingship. T h e coming of God's kingdom may
relate either to powerful interventions in history, or to the final inter-
vention at the end-time. This understanding has been further support-
ed by various Old Testament references in our subsequent three-part
section on 'the Kingdom of G o d in relation to Jesus'.
In our first sub-section on 'the Parables of the Kingdom', we noted
that God's creation and ordering of the natural world, which are linked
to Yahweh's kingship in the psalms of Yahweh's kingship and the sec-
ond part of Isaiah, become symbols of God's kingdom in the parables of
growth. T h e r e are also references to kingship in the Old Testament at
the end of two of these parables: Mark 4:29, quoting Joel 3:13, relating
to God's judgment, and Mark 4:32, alluding to kingship imagery, which
occurs at Ezekiel 17:23; 31:6; Daniel 4:12, 21. T h e quotation of Isaiah
6:9-10 in Mark 4:12 led us to suggest that Isaiah's vision of God as King
in chapter 6 is relevant, along with passages in Daniel and elsewhere, in
interpreting 'the secret (τό μυστήριον) of the kingdom of God' in Mark
4:11. We also suggested that there may be a reference there to Jesus'
baptismal vision, which itself has overtones of God's kingship.

145 See note 13 above for occurrences of τό εΰαγγέλιον in Mark. The references to
'the gospel' in 8:35 and 10:29 may have been added by Mark; cf. V. Taylor, op. cit., p.
382; C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 283, 333; W.L. Lane, op. cit., pp. 308-309.
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 159

In our second sub-section on 'the Future Kingdom and the Trans-

figuration', we noted an allusion to Isaiah 40:9-10 in M a r k 9:1, and
argued that the initial reference of the latter verse in Mark is to the
transfiguration o f j e s u s . T h e disciples are represented as the recipients
of this vision, which is similar, at least in the designation o f j e s u s by
G o d as 'my beloved Son', to Jesus' own vision at his baptism. T h e
transfiguration also suggests God's kingship, inter alia by the similarity
of the story to Old Testament theophanies, as depicted in Psalm 97:2-
5 and elsewhere. 146

146 J. Dechow, Gottessohn und Herrschaft Gottes. Dei Theozentrismus des Markusevangeliums
(2000) considers Mk. 8:27-9:7 to be at the centre of Mark' gospel, interlacing the first
and second parts. The starting-point of his work is the relationship between Jesus as
the messenger and the message ofjesus in Mark. He concludes that the proclamation
of God's kingship is the central theme of the gospel, rather than the identity ofjesus as
the Christ and the Son of God. Concentrating more on the first part of the gospel, he
argues that in the miracle stories, faith brings the offer of healing into existence, and
that this is a process independent of the person ofjesus. T h e high status ofjesus as the
Messiah and the Son of God (shown in Mk. 8:27-9:7) in itself has no potential for sal-
vation/healing. God's voice at the transfiguration shows that it is important to listen
to Jesus' gospel (9:7). The question about Jesus' identity is answered in a way that still
prioritizes the message before the messenger. Jesus is the authorised messenger of the
gospel for Mark, and a teacher of faith, but the content of Jesus' message and its
potential for healing are a reality independent of the messenger.
I have set out the above summary of Dechow's work because the question he is
addressing is similar to that being addressed in this book, the relationship between
God's kingship and the person o f j e s u s in Mark's gospel. I am not sure that his solu-
tion would have been the same, had he considered in greater detail the depiction of
Jesus in relation to God in the second half of the gospel (see in particular sub-section
2c of this chapter and sections 4-6 of chapter 6 below). Also, in the context of Mk.
8:27-9:7, the divine injunction, "Listen to him" (9:7), relates not only to Jesus' preach-
ing the gospel of God's kingdom, repentance and faith (1:14, 15), but also to his teach-
ing about the necessity of suffering both for himself and for his disciples (8:3 Iff). The
focus of 9:7 is on Jesus as well as his message, as shown by Mark's reference to the dis-
ciples seeing Jesus only' in 9:8.
M.E. Boring, 'Markan Christology: God-Language for Jesus?', NTS 45 (1999), pp.
451-471, considers that the question of jesus' identity does not detract from Mark's
theocentricity, but is an expression of it. Mark uses no specific God-Language for
Jesus. However, after examining nineteen texts which may possibly speak of the
human Jesus in the role of God (or as 'the functional equivalent of God'), Boring con-
eludes that while none of the texts is compelling in itself, "in the aggregate they incline
one toward the view that Mark affirmed what is now called the 'deity of Christ',
though this was not his way of formulating the issue". He believes that to dispute
whether the Markan narrative is theocentric or Christocentric is a misplaced ques-
tion, because "for Mark, to tell the story ofJesus is to talk about God, the one God\
In a similar vein, P. Danove, 'The Narrative Function of Mark's Characterization
of God', NovT 43 (2001), pp. 12-30, analyses all the references to God in Mark's
gospel, and finds that the seventeen references to God in Mk. 1:1-15 "simultaneously
assert information about Jesus and stress Jesus' positive and intimate relationship with
God that approaches identification with God at certain points". Reference to God
160 C H A P T E R THREE

In our third sub-section on ' T e a c h i n g on Discipleship and Entry

into the K i n g d o m ' , we noted allusions in M a r k 9:43-48 (and related
passages in the larger section, M a r k 9:30 - 10:31) to Daniel 12:2 and
the final chapters of Isaiah, especially Isaiah 66:1, along with the ref-
erence to G e h e n n a at 66:24. W e saw that 'entering' the K i n g d o m of
G o d related back primarily to entering the temple in the Old Testa-
ment, especially witnessed in the Psalms, and we posited a link, not
only between Isaiah 66:1 a n d Psalm 48:2, as shown in M a t t h e w
5:34-35, but also between Isaiah 66:1 and Psalm 95:11, representing
the whole group of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship.
As the title of our second major section indicates, we have also been
concerned to show how Mark relates the kingdom of G o d to Jesus,
and indeed it is here that Mark's use of the kingdom of G o d becomes
distinctively different from references to God's kingship in early
Judaism, as outlined in our last chapter. Jesus called disciples to follow
him, and implied that those who do the will of G o d (3:35) are those
who learn from Jesus. T h e secret of God's kingdom, which is revealed
to Jesus' disciples, is that the kingdom was being manifested through
the person and works o f j e s u s . Jesus is the sower in the parables of the
kingdom (4:1-34), and the following section (4:35 - 5:43) describes his
powerful ministry, raising the question of his real identity.
T h e future coming of God's kingdom in power, as anticipated in
the transfiguration, centres on the glorification and authority o f j e s u s
as God's Son. 147 People believe in Jesus (9:42), children come to him

diminishes in 1:16-8:26, with the density of references doubling in 8:27-10:52 and

reaching a crescendo in 11:1-13:37, before decreasing in 14:1-15:41 and reaching a
nadir in 15:42-16:8. T h e narrative rhetoric following 1:1-15 encourages a profound
identification o f j e s u s with God, which in turn "invites a response to and relationship
with the character, Jesus, that parallels and even coincides with the reader's response
to and relationship with the character, God".
The findings of Boring and Danove raise large questions for Dechow's thesis.
There is no need to posit a dichotomy between God's kingship and the Messi-
ahship/Sonship o f j e s u s in Mark. The present study, based on the background of
these concepts in the Old Testament and Early Judaism, will show that they are
inherently closely related, as well as being closely related in Mark.
147 In Mk. 14:25, after the institution of the Eucharist, Jesus says, "I shall not drink
again of the fruit of the vine until that day when I drink it new in the kingdom of
God." The first part of this statement has as its background, the Nazirite vow (Num.
6:1 fT.). The second part looks forward in hope to that powerful coming of God's king-
dom, of which Jesus spoke in 9:1, in particular to the messianic feast at the parousia
(cf. Is. 25:6). It also relates to the future kingdom of the 'entry' sayings, emphasizing
the importance there of community, as the disciples partake of a communal meal with
the one who symbolically gives them his body and his "blood of the covenant, which
 THF. K I N G D O M O F G O D IN MARK 161

and so receive the kingdom of G o d (10:14-15), and Jesus promises

eternal life to his disciples, who have left possessions and family "for
my sake and for the gospel" (10:29-30). Participation in the future
kingdom thus depends on attitudes and actions in the present time,
such as caring for the weak (9:37, 42) and loving one's neighbour. In
particular, it depends on a childlike trust in God's goodness and gen-
erosity, which is to be expressed in trusting and following Jesus, as
God's representative. 148

is poured out for many" (14:22-24). For the suggestion that Jesus abstained from the
fourth Passover cup, and the significance of that, see D. Daube, The New Testament and
Rabbinic Judaism (1956), pp. 330f.
148 Similarly, when a scribe agrees with Jesus' answer that the greatest command-
ments are loving God wholeheartedly and one's neighbour as oneself, and adds that
they are of much greater significance than sacrificial offerings (12:28-33), Jesus
encourages him by saying, "You are not far from the kingdom of God" (12:34). He
recognizes the central ethical demands of God's kingdom. However the statement
implies that something is lacking (contra V.P. Furnish, The Love Command in the New Tes-
tament (1973), p. 28, note 12). This can only be the childlike acceptance of the king-
dom (10:15), which is evidenced by following Jesus. Cf. A.M. Ambrozic, op. cit., p.
181.
 PART T H R E E

MESSIAH(S) A N D M E S S I A N I C K I N G S H I P IN EARLY
JUDAISM AND MARK'S GOSPEL
 C H A P T E R FIVE

M E S S I A N I C F I G U R E S IN EARLY J U D A I S M

'Αρχή του ευαγγελίου Ίησοΰ Χρίστου υίοΰ θεοΰ

T h e first words of Mark's gospel (1:1) show that the author acknowl-
edges that the appellation, 'Christ', is correctly applied to Jesus. 1 ό
χριστός, 'the anointed one', is used generally in the Septuagint to
translate the Hebrew ‫מסיח‬, which in most passages (as for example
Psalm 2:2) refers to an 'anointed' king. 2
In our chapter on the Psalms, we saw that the kingship of Yahweh
was closely related to Davidic (or messianic) kingship. In our last chap-

1 Cf. Ε. Best, The Temptation and the Passion (1965), pp. 165f. In the light of the
Pauline usage, some scholars take Ίησοΰ Χριστοΰ as a personal name; e.g., V. Taylor,
The Gospel According to Mark (1952; 2nd. ed., 1966),p. 152; R. Pesch, Das Markusevangeli-
urn (1976-77), I, p. 76;J. Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus( 1978-79), I, p. 43. Contra,
e.g., C.E.B. Cranfield, The Gospel According to Saint Mark (1959), pp. 37-38, and W.L.
Lane, Commentary on the Gospel of Mark (1974), p. 44, note 22, take Χριστοΰ as a titular
designation. The latter view is based on the fact that ό χριστός is used in a titular sense
in Mark 8:29; 12:35; 13:21; 14:61 and 15:32. (The only other use of χριστός in Mark
occurs at 9:41, where it appears to function as a proper name. However there are
some doubts as to whether the word was present in the original text; see note 131 (ch.
4).) As R.A. Guelich, Mark 1-8:26( 1989) comments (at pp. 9-10), if in Mark 1:1, Χρισ-
τοΰ is taken to be part of a proper name, it has not lost its messianic significance.
2 For a full list of occurrences in the Psalms, see p. 50. The plural o f x d ç occurs at
Ps. 105:15 (— 1 Chron. 16:22), referring to the patriarchs, who are described in the
same verse as , prophets' (cf. 1 Kings 19:16; Is. 61:1, for prophetic anointing). ‫ מס־ה‬is
used four times of the high priest in Lev. 4:3, 5, 16; 6:22 (MT, v. 15), though in each
case the term is used attributively, rather than as a noun or title. Similarly, the LXX
has όίερεΰς 6 χριστός at Lev. 4:5, 16; 6:22 (15), and ό άρχιερεΰς ό κεχρισμένος at Lev.
4:3. The point or points of reference of the word ‫ מסיה‬in Dan. 9:25, 26, are uncertain
(but see R.D. Rowe, 'Is Daniel's "son of man" messianic?', in Christ the Lord, ed. H.H.
Rowdon (1982), pp. 71-96, at p. 93). The LXX does not have the relevant words in
Dan. 9:25 (though Theodotion has εως χριστοΰ ηγουμένου for MT, ‫)עד־קוסיה ;ניד‬, while
in Dan. 9:26, both I.XX and Theodotion have χρίσμα for ‫מס־ה‬. The absolute use of
‫ ססיה‬is only found in Dan. 9:25, 26, the most common expressions being ‫( מט־ה ·הוה‬e.g.,
1 Sam. 24:6, etc.), together with the many instances of ‫ סטיה‬with a suffix referring to
Yahweh (e.g., 1 Sam'. 2:10, etc.); see F. Hesse, m V T I X , ' p p . 496-509, esp. p. 502.
This is reflected in the use of (ό) χριστός in the LXX, where, in the view of A.S. van
der Woude, 7 I W 7 T X , p. 510, the absolute use (i.e., without κυρίου or θεοΰ or a pos-
sessive suffix) is not very securely attested. Cf. C.F.D. Moule, The Origin of Christology
(1977), pp. 31-32, who notes that when the LXX uses χριστός not for ointment (as in
secular Greek), but for an anointed person or thing, this is a new usage; cf. W. Grund-
mann, 77)jVTIX, p. 495.
166 C H A P T E R THREE

ter, we saw (1) that Mark's presentation of the kingdom of God, as

preached by Jesus, is dependent on the second part of Isaiah (includ-
ing in particular Isaiah 52:7), which has clear verbal and thematic
connections with the psalms of Yahweh's kingship; and (2) that Mark
depicts God's kingdom as being manifested through the person and
works o f j e s u s .
Given that Mark's gospel depicts God's kingdom as being manifest-
ed through Jesus, can we find evidence of a connection between that
and Mark's presentation o f j e s u s as the Messiah? W e shall need to
consider to what extent Mark presents Jesus, in terms of the royal
psalms or other Old Testament messianic prophecies (many of which,
we submit, are linked to a concept of God's kingship). However,
before we turn to that (in our next chapter), we must consider as
essential background the messianic expectations of contemporary
Judaism. 3
W e shall divide our survey into three sections. First, we shall con-
sider messianic figures at Q u m r a n , then messianic figures elsewhere in
Early Judaism, and finally we shall look at the political context and the
Zealot movement.

1. Messianic Figures at Qumran

T h e beliefs of the Essene sect at Q u m r a n are very important as evi-

dence for part of the varied content ofJewish faith in the time imme-
diately prior to (and contemporary with) that of jesus. This is because
we have now a large n u m b e r of documents and fragments, from
which a picture of the community beside the Dead Sea, can be
formed. T h u s a particular part of a document in which we are inter-
ested, can be viewed generally in the context of the beliefs and prac-
tices of the community, so that we get a clearer idea of its meaning.
Furthermore, archaeological findings show that the Q u m r a n settle-
ment was built during the second half of the second century B.C. and
was finally abandoned during the First Jewish W a r around A.D. 68. 4

3 The period under review is the same as that applying to our consideration o f ' t h e
Kingdom of God in Early Judaism'; see note 3 (ch. 3). While we speak of 'contempo-
rary Judaism' in the singular, we are not unaware of the diversity of groups and belief-
systems among Jews at the time, as reflected in the title of the book, Judaisms and Thar
Messiahs at the Tum of the Christian Era, edd. J. Neusner, W.S. Green and E.S. Frerichs
(1987).
4 Cf. G. Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English ( 1997), p. 58.
 MESSIANIC FIGURES IN EARLY JUDAISM 167

T h u s the period of time during which the documents came into exis-
tence is comparatively narrow (compared, say, with the rabbinic writ-
ings), and coincides remarkably with the period ofJewish history that
we would naturally want to consider closely as the backdrop to the
time o f j e s u s and the New Testament. 5
T h e most striking feature of messianic expectation at Q u m r a n is
that more than one messianic figure is expected. T h e Community Rule
(1QS), which is probably one of the oldest documents of the sect,
states (1QS 9:10-11) that the members of the community are to be
ruled by primitive precepts 'until there shall come the Prophet and the
Messiahs of Aaron and Israel' -

‫ ער בוא נב־א ומט־ח־ אהרון וישראל‬6

A.R.C. Leaney considers that the translation 'anointed ones' is to be

preferred to 'Messiahs', since it begs no questions. 7 Indeed, the D a m -
ascus Document in two places (CD 2:12; 6:1) speaks of the Old Testa-
ment prophets as 'anointed ones'. 8 However, in 1QS 9:11, the transla-
tion 'Messiahs' is appropriate, as there is clearly a future reference.
4QTestim0nia (=•4Q175) is a short document containing a collection
of five Old Testament quotations. Lines 1-4 quote Deuteronomy
5:28-29, which is immediately followed (lines 5-8) by a quotation of
Deuteronomy 18:18-19 about God's promise to raise up a prophet
like Moses. T h e r e then follows (lines 9-13) a quotation of the oracle of
Balaam in Numbers 24:15-17. Words from verse 17 of Numbers 24,

5 Cf. J . A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins (2000), pp. 4-11.
6 Hebrew text is from the edition of E. Lohse, Die Texte aus Qumran (1964; 2nd ed.,
1971), p. 32. Here and in other quotations from the Qumran documents in English, I
have generally followed the translation (if G. Vermes, op. cit., except where stated.
Vermes, op. at., pp. 86-87, 123 notes that this whole messianic phrase is absent from
all the extant 4 Q manuscripts of the Community Rule.
7 The Rule of Qumran and Its Meaning ( 1966), p. 225.
8 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings from Qumran (ET, 1961), p. 124, note
1. Among fragments of the Damascus Document found at Qumran, see also 4Q270
fr. 2, 2:14; 6Q15 fr. 3, line 4, where the term 'anointed ones' probably refers to the
prophets. In all these instnees there is a link between the 'anointed ones' and 'holiness'
or the 'holy spirit'; cf. 1Q30 fr. 1, line 2, 'the holy [M]essiah', where the context is
missing J.A. Fitzmyer, op. cit., p. 86).
c‫׳‬n‫׳‬nc also occurs in the War Scroll (1QM 11:7-8), where again it may refer to the
O T prophets. However it follows a quotation from Numbers 24:17, which in the
Damascus Document (CD 7:18-21), is interpreted as referring to 'the Interpreter of
the Law' and 'the Prince of the whole congregation'. It may well be therefore that
1QM 1 1:7-8 is instead a reference to the priestly and princely Messiahs.
168 C H A P T E R THREE

"a star shall come forth out of J a c o b , and a sceptre shall rise out of
Israel", are found quoted (with different parts of the surrounding pas-
sage) three times in the extant Q u m r a n literature. Apart from the
quotation here in 4QTestim0nia, they occur in the Damascus Docu-
ment (CD 7:18-21) and in the W a r Scroll ( 1 Q M 11:6-7).
T h e use of the word ‫'( טבט‬rod' or 'sceptre') in Numbers 24:17, implies
a royal figure,9 and there is no reason to deny that this was the starting-
point for the interpretation of this verse at Q u m r a n . T h e quotation in
the W a r Scroll is in the context of a military victory. It follows remem-
brance of God delivering Israel by the hand of their kings, especially eel-
ebrating the victory of 'David T h y servant' over Goliath of Gath,
'because in place of the sword and in place of the spear he put his trust
in T h y great name' ( 1 Q M 11 : Iff.). T h e primary reference in the quota-
tion of Numbers 24:17ff. in the W a r Scroll therefore seems to be the
Davidic Messiah, although immediately following the quotation ‫ מטיחים‬is
found in the plural, which would indicate the Davidic Messiah being
associated with the priesdy Messiah, unless indeed 'Thine anointed'
here again refers to the Old Testament prophets ( 1 Q M 11:7-8).10
T h e Damascus Document interprets N u m b e r s 24:17 by reference
to two figures: 'the "star" is the Interpreter of the Law ...' and 'the
"sceptre" is the Prince of the whole congregation ...' (CD 7:18-21). O n
the basis of this, J . A. Fitzmyer argues that the first three paragraphs of
4QTestimonia cannot be taken as exact allusions to the three expected
figures of 1QS 9:11, which as we have seen, were 'the Prophet and the
Messiahs of Aaron and Israel.'" However, we have noted that the
starting-point for the interpretation of N u m b e r s 24:17 is likely to have
been a reference to a royal figure, and this is supported by the quota-
tion of the verse in 1 Q M 11:6-7. 12

9 The same word is used with ‫'( ברזל‬a rod of iron') as an implement of the Davidic
(or messianic) king, in Ps. 2:9. Cf. G.J. VVenham, Numbers (1981), p. 179.
10 See note 8 above.
I 1 Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (1971), p. 84. For Fitzmyer's lat-
er view that the messianic character of 4QTestim0nia has been overstated, see J . A.
Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins (2000), pp. 98-100.
12 J . A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (1971), p. 26,
notes that in the interpretation and application of Numbers 24:17 in C D 7:18-21,
similar characteristics ofpesher are found as in the Habakkuk commentary (1QpHab.).
F.F.Bruce, 'Biblical Exposition at Qumran', in Gospel Perspectives, III, edd. R.T. France
& D. VVenham (1983), pp. 77-98, at p. 91, sees the author of the Damascus Document
as treating Numbers 24:1 7 more cavalierly than other Q u m r a n writers. It is perhaps
helpful to compare the treatment in the Damascus Document of another verse which
is quoted elsewhere in the Qumran literature, Amos 9:11, "I will raise up the booth
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 16971

T h u s we conclude that the quotation of the oracle of Balaam in

4QTestim0nia 9-13 refers to an expected kingly or princely Messiah,
w h o m we may identify with the "Messiah of Israel" of 1QS 9:11. T h e
following lines (14-20) contain a quotation from Deuteronomy 33:8-
11, comprising Moses' blessing of the tribe of Levi. Following after
texts referring to the eschatological Prophet-like-Moses, and the
princely Messiah, it is probable that this quotation is intended to refer
to the priestly Messiah, who is called the Messiah of Aaron in 1 Q S
9:11. T h u s we see that 4QTestim0nia confirms the expectation by the
Q u m r a n sect of three eschatological figures, which we noted in the
C o m m u n i t y Rule (1QS 9:11). 13 "
W e find no further references to the eschatological Prophet-like-
Moses, 14 unless indeed it is he that is being referred to as the coming
one 'who shall teach righteousness at the end of days' in the Damascus
Document (CD 6:11), 15 and as ‫' דורש התורה‬the Interpreter of the Law',
also in the Damascus D o c u m e n t (CD 7:18) and in 4QF10ri1egium
(=4Q174) 1:11. 16 It is more likely however that the primary references

of David that is fallen". In 4QF10ri1egium (=4Q,174) 1:11-13, this verse is referred to

the princely Messiah, 'the Branch of David who shall arise with the Interpreter of the
Law ...' However, in the Damascus Document (CD 7:15-16), the 'booth of David' in
Amos 9:11 is allegorized as 'the books of the Law', just a line or two prior to the inter-
pretation of Numbers 24:17.
13 The remaining lines of 4QTestimonia (21-30) are a quotation form 4QApoc-
ryphon o f j o s h u a (=4Q379 fr. 2, 2:7-15), containing a reference to Joshua 6:26.
14 Cf. the hope of a prophet to come in 1 Maccabees 4:46; 14:41. G. Vermes, op. cit.,
p. 87, puts forward the theory that, after a certain moment in its history, all mention of
the expected Prophet vanished from the sect's writings, because it had come to believe
that he had already appeared in the person of the Teacher of Righteousness. See how-
ever pp. 184ff. and notes 55, 56, 59 below, regarding 11 QMelchizedek and 4Q521.
15 'The Interpreter of the Law' also appears in CD 6:3-11 (line 7). The people are
to walk according to his instructions 'until he comes who shall teach righteousness at
the end of days'. It seems likely that the first reference here to 'the Interpreter of the
Law' relates to the Teacher of Righteousness, who was influential in the foundation of
the community (and who was also a priest, 1QpHab. 2:6-10; 4QpPs" (=4Q_171) 3:15).
The coming one 'who shall teach righteousness' is to be identified with 'the Inter-
preter of the Law' in C D 7:18, the coming priestly Messiah. Cf. F.F. Bruce, Biblical
Exegesis in the Qumran Texts (1960), pp. 37-38. While it is most likely that the future
'Interpreter of the Law', the priestly Messiah, was looked forward to by the Qpmran
sect as a person who would display similar characteristics to those of the historical
Teacher of Righteousness, there is no evidence for the view of A. Dupont-Sommer,
op. cit., p. 131, note 6, that C D 6:10-11 shows an expectation by the community of the
return of the Teacher of Righteousness from the dead. In C D 19:35-20:1, the
Teacher of Righteousness is clearly distinguished from 'the Messiah of Aaron and
Israel'; cf. C. Rabin, The £adokite Documents (1954), p. 37; A.S van der Woude, TDNT
IX, p. 519.
16 There is also a fragmentary reference to 'the Interpreter of the Law' in 4QJ 77 2:5.
170 C H A P T E R THREE

here are to the priestly Messiah, since 'the Interpreter of the Law 5
appears alongside 'the Prince of the whole congregation' (CD 7:20)
and 'the Branch of David' (4QF10r. 1:11) respectively. T h e two latter
designations clearly speak of the princely Messiah, whom we often
find associated with the priestly Messiah at Q u m r a n .
T h e Damascus Document has four references to 'the Messiah of
Aaron and Israel', with the word ‫ מטיח‬in the singular (CD 12:23-13:1;
14:19 ( = 4 Q 2 6 6 fr. 10, 1:12); 19:10-11; 20:1), in contrast to the plural
form in 1QS 9:11. Various arguments have been advanced that the
singular form in the Damascus Document may represent a scribal
alteration from an original plural form, 1 7 but linguistically it appears
that ‫ מטיח אהרן וישראל‬may be taken as meaning 'the Messiah of Aaron
and (the Messiah) of Israel'. 18 It is likely that the plural meaning was in
fact intended, as we have seen that the Damascus D o c u m e n t else-
where (CD 7:18-21) looks forward to the coming of too eschatalogical
figures, 'the Interpreter of the Law' and 'the Prince of the whole con-
gregation', who may reasonably be identified with the priestly Messi-
ah and the princely Messiah respectively.
All the references to 'the Messiah of Aaron and Israel' in the D a m -
ascus D o c u m e n t imply (as in 1QS 9:11) that his/their coming will
mark a new era. Statutes are to be followed until the coming (CD
12:23-13:1; 14:18-19), and no traitors 'shall be reckoned with the
Council of the people or inscribed in its Book' before that time (CD
19:33-20:1). C D 14:19 promises that 'the Messiah of Aaron and Israel
... will pardon their iniquity'. This is especially interesting, as it is often
claimed that forgiveness of sins was not included a m o n g the messianic
functions in Jewish expectation. 1 9 W e may consider this as a priestly
function, but we must also take account of the fact that at Q u m r a n ,
the community itself, or at least the Council of fifteen (including only

17 E.g., by K.G. Kuhn, 'The Two Messiahs of Aaron and Israel', in The Scrolls and
the New Testament, ed. K. Stendahl (1958), pp. 54-64. By contrast, M. Black, The Scrolls
andChristian Origins( 1961), p. 157,suggests that the plural reading in 1QS 9:11 m a y b e
a scribal error or a general reference to Israel's future leaders, while he takes 'the Mes-
siah of Aaron and Israel' in the Damascus Document as referring to a single figure,
who may be identified with the Davidic (princely) Messiah.
18 Cf. H. Ringgren, The Faith of Qumran (ET, 1963), pp. 168-9; A.S. van der Woude,
TDjVTIX, p. 518 and note 142; S. Talmon, 'Waiting for the Messiah: The Spiritual
Universe of the Qumran Covenanters', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 3
above), pp. 111-137, at p. 122.
19 E.g., W.L. Lane, The Gospel According to Mark (1974), p. 95. Cf. Jesus' claim to for-
give sins, Mark 2:1-12.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 17 1

three priests) h a d an atoning function ( 1 Q S 8:3-4). So it is not supris-

ing that 'the Messiah of A a r o n a n d Israel' will have a role in the future
in p a r d o n i n g iniquity. 20 T h e D a m a s c u s D o c u m e n t makes it clear that
it is primarily G o d w h o forgives sin (CD 3:18; 20:34), but others,
including the future Messiah(s), m a y be seen as sharing in this work.
T h e other reference to 'the Messiah of A a r o n a n d Israel' in the
D a m a s c u s D o c u m e n t (CD 19:10-11, Manuscript B) is also eschatolog-
ical in the context of G o d ' s j u d g m e n t on the wicked, when G o d shall
visit the land to punish those w h o despise the c o m m a n d m e n t s (CD
19:5-6). This will be in fulfilment of the prophecy of Zechariah 13:7
( C D 19:7-11):

'Awake Ο Sword, against my shepherd, against my companion, says

God. Strike the shepherd that the flock may be scattered and I will
stretch my hand over the little ones.' The humble of the flock are those
who watch for Him. They shall be saved at the time of the Visitation
whereas the others shall be delivered up to the sword when the Anoint-
ed of Aaron and Israel shall come ...

This passage suggests that 'the Messiah of A a r o n a n d Israel' will wield

the sword in j u d g m e n t , a n d we m a y consider that the reference here is
mainly to the princely Messiah, by comparison with 'the Prince of the
whole congregation', who, according to C D 7:20-21 (quoting N u m -
bers 24:17), 'shall smite all the children of Seth' when he comes. H o w -
ever, we should r e m e m b e r that this passage (CD 19:5ff.) primarily
speaks of G o d ' s visitation in j u d g m e n t , which is here seen to coincide
with the c o m i n g o f ' t h e Messiah of A a r o n a n d Israel'.
T h e same verse, Zechariah 13:7 is quoted by Jesus in M a r k 14:27,
where he takes 'the sheep' to refer to his disciples, a n d by implication
'the shepherd', w h o is to be struck, is Jesus himself. It seems unlikely in
the context of C D 19:7-11 that the stricken shepherd is to be identi-
fied with 'the Messiah of A a r o n a n d Israel', as the flock, which are
scattered at the same time as the shepherd is struck, are to be identi-
fied with the Q u m r a n community. T h e i r dispersal seems to have been
in the past, at the same time as the striking of their shepherd, while
their salvation is predicted in the future, at the coming o f ' t h e Messiah

20 E.P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism ( 1977), pp. 298-305, notes that the same
verb is used in CD, 1QS and 1QH for 'atone' and 'pardon', and thus no distinction is
made between the priest's atoning and God's forgiving (by contrast with, e.g., Leviti-
eus 19:22).
172 C H A P T E R THREE

of Aaron and Israel'. However, it is significant for Jesus' usage, that

Zechariah 13:7 is here quoted in a messianic context, even though the
stricken shepherd is probably not seen as being fulfilled in the Messi-
ah. 21 T h e most likely reference for the stricken shepherd, would
appear to be the T e a c h e r of Righteousness, as suggested by C.
Rabin. 2 2 T h e passage would then show a similar reference in time to
C D 19:35-20:1, looking back to the Teacher, and forward to the 'Messi-
ah of Aaron and Israel'.
In the War Scroll the only mention o f ' t h e Messiah(s)' is that referred
to above, following the quotation of N u m b e r s 24:17-19, where the
Davidic Messiah appears to be primarily in view ( 1 Q M 11:6-8). It
seems however, quite likely that the ' H e r o ' or the 'Glorious O n e ' to
w h o m a hymn of triumph is addressed in 1 Q M 12:1 Of., is again the
Davidic Messiah. 2 3 T h e hero of this hymn takes an active role in the
final victory, which is very much an earthly batde, and while G o d is
celebrated as the one who gives the victory, it is more likely that he is
thought of here as using h u m a n instrumentality (just as he used David
to defeat Goliath, 1 Q M 11:1 fT.) than that the realistic language of bat-
tie is being directly applied to G o d himself. T h e earthly c o m m a n d e r
of the hosts of the sons of light is 'the Prince of all the congregation'
( 1 Q M 5:1), who may be identified with 'the Messiah of Israel'. How-
ever, his role is almost eclipsed by that o f ' t h e High Priest' ( 1 Q M 2:1;
15:4; 16:13; 18:5; 19:11), who may be identified with 'the Messiah of
Aaron'. While much of what the High Priest does, encouraging the
army and leading in hymns of praise to God, is foreshadowed by the
quotation of Deuteronomy 20:2-5 in 1Q1M 10:2-5, he also draws up
the battle formation ( 1 Q M 15:5f.) and is more prominent than the

21 An awareness of a messianic context for the quotation ofZech. 13:7 in C D 19:7-

9 is supported by the quotation in the parallel passage in Manuscript A (CD 7:10-12)
of Isaiah 7:17, which forms part of the Immanuel oracle.
22 Op. cit., pp. 30-1. Rabin thinks there is a lacuna in 19:7, as there are no other
examples of ‫ ביר‬following ‫'( בחוב‬written ... by the hand'). He further mentions that Ibn
Ezra refers Zech. 13:7 to events after the death of'Messiah ben Joseph', the precur-
sor-Messiah. Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., p. 137, note 4. F.F. Bruce, Biblical Exege-
sis in the Qumran Texts (1960), pp. 38-9, took the stricken shepherd to be one of the
wicked rulers, by analogy with the 'worthless shepherd' o f Z e c h . 11:17. However, in
This is That: The New Testament Development of Some Old Testament Themes (1968), p. 103,
he appears to lean rather more in favour of Rabin's suggested identification with the
Teacher of Righteousness.
23 Cf. M. Black, op. cit., pp. 155-6. Against this view, P.R. Davies, 1QM, the War
Saollfiom Qumran (1977), pp. 95-104, considers that 1QM 10:8-12:15 are all separate
hymns in praise to God.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 17371

Prince of the congregation, especially in the latter part of the W a r

Scroll.
T h e Thanksgiving Hymns (1QH) do not contain any messianic refer-
ences, except that 1 Q H 11:9, 10 speaks of the birth of a 'Marvellous
Mighty Counsellor', alluding to the messianic promise in Isaiah 9:6.
This is mostly taken to refer to the community, rather than an individ-
ual, 24 but as M . Black points out, 25 the passage evidences a similar
theme to God 'begetting' the Messiah, a disputed reading in the Mes-
sianic Rule ( l Q S a 2:11-12).
T h e Messianic Rule (1QSa= 1Q28a) (or 'the Rule of the Congrega-
tion') is a short document, which was included in the same scroll as the
C o m m u n i t y Rule. It is 'the Rule for all the congregation of Israel in
the last days' (1 Q S a 1:1) and is adapted to the requirements of the war
against the nations. G. Vermes considers that in the main, its precepts
and doctrinal concepts foreshadow those of the W a r Scroll, and pro-
poses a date for the Messianic Rule in the mid-first century B.C.,
while placing the W a r Scroll in the last decades of the first century
B.C. or at the beginning of the first century A.D. 2 6
T h e evidence suggests that the most likely reading of l Q S a 2:11-
12, an imperfectly preserved text, is

‫]לי[ר ]אל[ א] תן המטיח אחם‬1· ‫אש‬

which would mean, 'when G o d causes the Messiah to be born a m o n g

them', or 'when God begets the Messiah ...'. 27 If that is correct, then it

24 E.g., J . Becker, Messianic Expectation in the Old Testament (ET, 1980), p. 73; J.A.
Fitzmyer, op. cit., p. 132, summarizing the position of J . Starcky. However, A.
Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., p. 208, note 3, considers the reference is to the Messiah.
25 Op. cit., pp. 149-150.
26 Op. cit., pp. 157, 163. Contra, D. Dimant, 'Qpmran Sectarian Literature', in Jew-
ish Writings in the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone (1984), pp. 483-550, at pp. 515-
517, who puts the composition of the War Scroll in the second half of the second cen-
tury B.C. One of the main reasons for this is the dating by M. Baillet, DJD VII ( 1982),
pp. 12-72, of one of the six manuscripts found in Cave 4 (4Q493 = 4 Q M ) to the first
half of the first century B.C.
27 For this reconstruction, and the first alternative translation, see E. Lohse, TD.NT,
VIII, p. 361. Similarly, A. Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., p. 108, translates 'when [Adonai]
will have begotten the Messiah among them', and notes that 'the Messiah' here in line
12, is doubtless 'the Messiah of Israel' mentioned in lines 14 and 20. J . A. Fitzmyer, op.
cit., p. 153, views the passage along the same lines, noting that the reading ‫ יול־ד‬is
strongly supported, after further investigation of the skin of the text, by F.M. Cross, Jr.
Cf. M. Smith, '"God's Begetting the Messiah" in l Q S a ' , NTS 5 (1958-59), pp. 218-
224. G. Vermes, in earlier editions of his translation (The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (3rd.
174 C H A P T E R THREE

is probable that Psalm 2:7 contributed to the thought behind the use
of the phrase, especially as 4QF10ri1egium ( = 4 Q 1 74) quotes Psalm 2
(but only verses 1-2), shortly after a quotation of Nathan's promise to
David concerning his 'seed' in 2 Samuel 7:11-14, which is applied to
the Davidic Messiah (4QFlor. 1:10-12, 18-19). 28 Also, if the above
interpretation of l Q S a 2:11-12 is correct, with ‫ המטיח‬referring to the
princely Messiah, this is the earliest example in Jewish literature of the
absolute use o f ' t h e Messiah' as a name. 2 9
' T h e Messiah of Israel' is mentioned twice more in l Q S a (2:14, 20),
and is distinguished from 'the Priest', who takes precedence over him,
both in the order of seating and in blessing the bread at the meal. T h e
Priest is not described as 'Messiah', but takes a similar role as the High
Priest in the W a r Scroll, w h o m we suggested might be identified with
'the Messiah of Aaron'. Both the Priest and 'the Messiah of Israel' in
1 Q S a are clearly earthly figures, eating at table with the members of
the community. T h e y may be seen as the priestly and princely leaders
of the community in 'the last days'. 30
Also attached to the scroll containing the C o m m u n i t y Rule (1QS)

ed., 1987), p. 121), followed an alternative restoration of the text and translated,
'when [the Priest-] Messiah shall summon them'; cf. T.H. Gaster, The Scriptures of the
Dead Sea Sect (1957), p. 287. In his most recent edition, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in
English (1997), p. 159 and note 1, Vermes translates, 'When God engenders (the
Priest-) Messiah', commenting that the readingyolid seems to be confirmed by com-
puter image enhancement; cf. W. Horbury, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ
(1998), p. 98. G.J. Brooke, 'Kingship and Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls', in King
and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. J . Day (1998), pp. 434-455, at p. 443
and note 28, translates, 'when the Messiah is revealed with them', based on the read-
ing of E. Puech, 'Préséance sacerdotale et Messie-Roi dans la Règle de la Congréga-
tion ( 1 QSa ii 11-22)', RQ16 ( 1994), pp. 351 -365.
28 4QF10ri1egium continues with fragmentary quotations from Daniel 12:10;
11:32 (4QF10r. 2:3-4a; seeJ.M. Allegro & A.A. Anderson, (Qumran Cave 4,1 (4Q158-
4Q186), DJD V (1968), pp.53-7 at pp. 54-5). Line 3 introduces the quotations with
the words '[... a]s it is written in the book of Daniel the prophet', and Allegro notes
that line 4a (which makes clear the references to Dan. 12:10; 11:32) was inserted by
the same hand above line 4. It is of interest that references to Daniel follow a mes-
sianic passage, as appears to be the case also in 11 QMelchizedek 2:18. T h e book of
Daniel was the subject of considerable study at Q u m r a n : the War Scroll (1QM)
probably drew its inspiration from Daniel 1 1:40-12:3 (cf. G. Vermes, op. cit., p. 162).
Cf. also the Prayer of Nabonidus (4Q242) and Pseudo-Daniel (4Q243-245). See fur-
ther, F.F. Bruce, 'The Book of Daniel and the Q u m r a n Community', in Neotestamen-
tica et Semitica: Studies in Honour of M. Black, edd. E.E. Ellis & M. Wilcox (1969), pp.
221-235.
29 Cf. A.S van der Woude, TDNTIX, p. 518.
30 There is also a fragmentary reference to the Messiah of Israel in 4Q382
(4QParaphrase of Kings) fr. 16, line 2, but the context is missing.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 1 7 571

and the Messianic Rule ( l Q S a ) were fragments from a collection of

Blessings ( 1 Q S b = 1 Q28b), to be recited by the Master or G u a r d i a n ,
and again (like l Q S a ) , probably intended for the messianic age.
After an initial blessing of the c o m m u n i t y as a whole, the Master
blesses the leading Priest (who may perhaps be identified with the
Messiah of Aaron), and then the c o m p a n y of priests. T h e final bless-
ing is for 'the Prince of the Congregation' ( l Q S b 5:20), who, as we
have seen, is also mentioned in the Damascus D o c u m e n t (CD 7:20)
and the W a r Scroll ( 1 Q M 5:1) a n d may be identified with the Messi-
ah of Israel.
In l Q S b 5:211T., the Prince of the Congregation is envisaged as
establishing 'the kingdom of His people for ever', and dispensing jus-
tice. He is seen as ravaging the earth, and the messianic prophecy of
Isaiah 11:2-5 is extensively applied to him. H e is spiritually endowed
by God, and clothed with righteousness. 'For G o d has established you
as the sceptre' (line 27) is probably an allusion to Numbers 24:17,
which we have seen is interpreted as referring to the Prince of the
Congregation in C D 7:18-21 (as well as the Interpreter of the Law), to
the Davidic Messiah in 1 Q M 1 1:6-7, and probably to 'the Messiah of
Israel' in 4QTestim0nia 9-13. ' T h e rulers ... [and all the kings of the]
nations shall serve you' ( l Q S b 5:28) may well be an allusion to the
royal Psalm 2:8-11. So we see that the Blessings (lQSb) clearly por-
tray the future Prince of the Congregation as ruling over the nations,
dispensing justice, destroying the wicked, endowed by God, and ful-
filling messianic prophecies in the Old Testament that relate to a king-
ly figure. 31 However, we must remember that the princely Messiah
does not stand on his own as an individual here, since the leading
Priest also receives a blessing. 32
T h e r e are a n u m b e r of other fragmentary texts found at Q u m r a n ,
which deal with the interpretation of Old Testament passages con-
cerning David, or his successor, the Davidic Messiah. 4QDibHam
(=4Q504-506) ("The Words of the Heavenly Lights") are fragments of
prayers, which were apparently intended for various days of the week.

31 A. Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., p. 112, note 2, notes that the blessing of the Prince
of the Congregation here is in very similar terms to the description of the Messiah in
Psalms of Solomon 17; 18.
32 T h e 'anointed priest' (‫ )הכוהן המס־ח‬is referred to in 4Q375 1:9; 4Q376 fr. 1, 1:1,
while 4Q377 fr. 1 recto, 2:4-5 speaks of a curse on the man who does not keep the
Lord's commandments 'by the mouth of Moses, His anointed'; for references to the
prophets as 'anointed ones', see p. 167 and note 8 above.
176 C H A P T E R THREE

T h e y are believed to be very early, a n d show n o evidence of a n y sec-

tarian bias. 3 3 4 Q D i b H a m * ( = 4 Q 5 0 4 ) frs. 1-2, 4:5-8 reads:

Thou hast chosen the tribe o f j u d a h and hast established Thy covenant
with David that he might be as a princely shepherd over Thy people
and sit before Thee on the throne of Israel for ever.

H e r e the Davidic covenant is presented in traditional form. H e is to

reign over Israel 'for ever', a n d we should note that his kingship is
closely related to that of G o d . H e is to 'sit (on the throne) before
T h e e ' , a n d the passage continues by addressing G o d , 'All nations
have seen T h y glory' (line 8). 34
A n o t h e r f r a g m e n t a r y text that relates G o d ' s kingship to the Davidic
king is 4Q381 ( = 4 Q N o n - C a n o n i c a l Psalms B). W e have noted in
c h a p t e r 3 that there is a reference in f r a g m e n t 19, 1:4-5 to G o d ' s giv-
ing (?) "your (God's) kingdom to your servant". 3 5 4 Q 3 8 1 contains
quotations f r o m a n u m b e r of royal psalms, including (in f r a g m e n t 15)
Psalm 89, where the phrases quoted (from verses 6-17 in lines 4-7)
f o r m p a r t of a h y m n to Y a h w e h similar to the psalms of Y a h w e h ' s
kingship. Following on, we read (fragment 15, lines 7-8):

As for me, Thine anointed one (‫)משיחך‬, I have understood ...

[I will make] thee [know]n, for Thou hast made me know;
I will have insight, for Thou hast given me insight...

' T h i n e anointed o n e ' is likely to refer to the Davidic king, whose

anointing is recounted in Psalm 89:20, a n d w h o is called 'thy anoint-
ed'(‫ )מטיחך‬in verses 38 a n d 51. 3 6

33 See M. Baillet, DJÜ VII (1982), pp. 137-175, who dates the manuscript from the
middle of the second century B.C., on palaeographical grounds. G. Vermes, op. cit., p.
217, calls this an exaggeratedly early date.
34 With reference to David as 'a princely shepherd', we may compare 1Q34 +
1Q34bis fr. 3, 2:8, '[Thou didst raise up] for them a faithful shepherd ...'. A. Dupont-
Sommer, op. cit., p. 336, note 5, thinks the 'faithful shepherd' may be the Teacher of
Righteousness, on analogy with C D 1:11. He notes however that the lacuna could
also be restored, 'And Thou wilt raise up ...', referring to the expectation of the
Davidic Messiah. Cf. C D 19:7-11; see pp. 17If. and note 22 above.
35 See p. 100.
36 Cf. G J . Brooke, art. cit., p. 444 and note 29. While G. Vermes, op. at., p. 314; F.
Garcia Martinez & E.J.C. Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Study Edition (1997-98;
paperback ed., 2000), p. 757, translate ‫ מס־חך‬in fr. 15, line 7 as 'Thine anointed
one'/'your anointed', E. Schuller, Non-Canonical Psalms from Qumran (1986), pp. 101-
102, relates the word to a different root and translates, 'from Your discourse'; she is
followed byJ.A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scroll•, and Christian Origins (2000), p. 97.
37 E.g., compare Ps. 86:8 with Ps. 89:6.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 17771

T h e function of the anointed one in f r a g m e n t 15 is to u n d e r s t a n d

G o d , s p o w e r a n d kingship, a n d to pass on that knowledge, as the
psalmist has d o n e in Psalm 89. In the earlier part of the same frag-
m e n t 15 (lines 2-3), the writer petitions G o d in the words of Psalm
86:16-17. Psalm 86 is headed Ά Prayer of David', which m a y be the
m a i n reason for the linkage with Psalm 89, along with a similarity of
themes. 3 7 T h u s , lines 2-3 a n d 7-8 of this f r a g m e n t a p p e a r to represent
the Davidic king speaking, in the first person singular. However, in
line 9, there is a switch f r o m singular to plural, 'For on T h y n a m e , my
G o d , we shall call, a n d [we shall wait] for T h y salvation.' So the com-
munity ('we') is either sharing or taking over the words of the Davidic
king f r o m the Psalms.
In 4 Q 3 8 1 f r a g m e n t 24, which contains the heading, 'Psalm of the
M a n of G o d ' (line 4), there are quotations from a n o t h e r royal psalm,
Psalm 18, where the Davidic king speaks very personally of G o d as
'my rock, my fortress and [my] refuge' (line 7, quoting Psalm 18:3)
a n d goes on to describe a t h e o p h a n y as G o d hears his cry for help
(lines 9-11, quoting Psalm 18:6-8). A short f r a g m e n t (fragment 17)
contains two quotations f r o m Psalm 21, also a royal psalm: 'you
[place] a [cr]own on my h e a d ' (line 1, quoting Psalm 21:3) and 'my
[G]od, in your anger you will swallow t h e m , a n d [fire] will de[vour
t h e m ...] (line 3, quoting Psalm 21:9, which depicts G o d ' s j u d g m e n t
on the king's enemies).
F r a g m e n t 31 includes the heading, '[Prayer o f . . . K ] i n g o f j u d a h '
(line 4); the king then speaks of his sin a n d weakness, as well as G o d ' s
destruction of his enemies, a n d continues, 'they have plaited a crown
for m y head, for the majesty of... is their glory' (line 7). Similarly, frag-
ments 33 + 35 include the heading, 'Prayer of Manasseh, K i n g of
J u d a h w h e n the K i n g of Assyria gaoled him' (line 8); 38 the king
acknowledges his sins in a prayer of repentance, concluding (lines 10-
11):

He has lifted me up on high above a nation ...

And I did not remember thee [in Thy p1ac]e of h[01iness];
I did not serve [thee] ...

It is difficult to gauge how the 'anointed o n e ' / k i n g of the royal psalms

a n d 4 Q 3 8 1 would have been interpreted in the Persian-Hellenistic

38 In addition to fr. 31, 4 and frs. 33 + 35, 8, there are references to 'Judah' in
4Q381 fr. 17, 2; fr. 24, 5 and fr. 48, 7.
178 C H A P T E R THREE

era, to which 4 Q 3 8 1 is assigned by its editor. 3 9 T h e r e is n o clearly

eschatological context, save for G o d ' s j u d g m e n t (4Q381 fragments
76-77, 12). T h e r e were no Davidic kings in this period, but possibly
the concentration on the royal psalms is a r e m i n d e r of what m a y one
day be again i n j u d a h . T h e r e is evidence also in 4 Q 3 8 1 of the psalms
being 'democratized', of rulership extending beyond that of G o d a n d
the Davidic king. In the context of creation, m a n k i n d is to have
dominion over everything on earth (fragment 1, 7), while in the con-
text of j u d g m e n t , we read (fragments 76-77, 14-16):

He has chosen y[ou instead of powerful [peoples]

and great nations to be his people to rule over all...
... [hea]ven and earth
and as the highest above all the nations of the earth ...

It remains a n open question here, w h e t h e r the people would rule

without their 'king', but that seems unlikely. Clearly the Davidic line
was not forgotten.
4QC0mmentary on Genesis A ( = 4 Q 2 5 2 ) includes an interpretation of
J a c o b ' s blessing of J u d a h in Genesis 49:10, " T h e sceptre shall not
depart f r o m J u d a h , nor the ruler's staff f r o m between his feet, until he
comes to w h o m it belongs; a n d to him shall be the obedience of the
peoples." 4 Q 2 5 2 5:1-6 (formerly known as 4QPatriarcha1 Blessings)
reads:

The sceptre [shall not] depart from the tribe of Judah ... Whenever
Israel rules, there shall [not] fail to be a descendant of David upon the
throne. For the ruler's staff is the Covenant of kingship, [and the clans]
of Israel are the divisions, until the Messiah of Righteousness comes,
the Branch of David. For to him and his seed is granted the Covenant
of kingship over his people for everlasting generations which he is to
keep ... the Law with the men of the Community, for ... it is the assem-
bly of the men of...

This passage shows the clear expectation of the c o m i n g of a King-

Messiah, w h o is called ‫'( צמח דויד‬the Branch of David', lines 3-4), aliud-
ing to J e r e m i a h 23:5, "Behold, the days are coming, says the Lord,
w h e n I will raise u p for David a righteous B r a n c h " (cf. J e r . 33:15). T h e
word 'righteous'(‫ )צדיק‬f r o m J e r e m i a h 23:5 is picked u p in the previous

39 E. Schuller, op. cit., pp. 5fT., considering 4Q381 to be pre-sectarian.

 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 1 7 971

phrase in 4 Q 2 5 2 5:3, ‫מטיח הצדק‬, m e a n i n g 'the Messiah of Righteous-

ness', or 'the true Messiah'. As A.S. van der VVoude notes, this tends in
the direction of the absolute use of Messiah as a name. 4 0 A contrast
m a y have been intended here between 'the true Messiah', w h o is 'the
b r a n c h of David', a n d the non-Davidic H a s m o n e a n kings. T h e Messi-
ah is to keep the T o r a h 'with the m e n of the c o m m u n i t y ' (line 5),
referring to the Q u m r a n community. 4 1
In the m a i n extant section of 4QFl0rìlegium (=4Q174), three O l d
T e s t a m e n t passages are successively quoted a n d interpreted: 2
Samuel 7:10b-14a (this passage being divided into three short sec-
tions); Psalm 1:1; and Psalm 2:1-2. A selective quotation from
N a t h a n ' s prophecy to David in 2 Samuel 7:1 1-14, is interpreted as
relating to the c o m i n g of the Davidic Messiah, here (as in 4 Q 2 5 2 5:3-
4) called ‫צמח דויד‬, w h o is to be a c c o m p a n i e d by 'the Interpreter of the
Law', the priestly Messiah (cf. C D 7:18-20). 4 Q F l o r . 1:10-12 reads:

'The Lord declares to you that He will build you a House. I will raise
up your seed after you. I will establish the throne of his kingdom [for
ever]. [I will be] his father and he shall be my Son.' He is the Branch of
David who shall arise with the Interpreter of the Law [to rule] in Zion
[at the end] of time.

So we see here N a t h a n ' s prophecy applied, as might be expected, to a

Davidic or princely Messiah, but the link with 'the Interpreter of the
Law', shows how strong was the expectation at Q u m r a n of at least
two eschatological figures. It is likely that 'the Branch of David' a n d
'the Interpreter of the Law' were established phrases, which would
have been easily recognized at Q u m r a n , as referring to the princely
a n d priestly Messiahs respectively. 42

40 7I)jVTIX, p. 518. Cf. G.S. Oegama, The Anointed and his People ( 1998), pp. 115-120.
41 4Q522 fr. 9, 2:3-9 refers to David's conquest of Zion and the building of the
temple, and may imply God's covenant with David and his successors.
42 See p. 174 and notes 12,28 above, for comments on the references in 4QF10rige1i-
um to Amos 9:11; Psalm 2:1-2; and Daniel 12:10; 11:32. lQSa 2:11-12 and 4QF10r.
1:10-12, 18-19 have an important bearing on the question of whether the Messiah was
spoken of as 'God's Son'. According to R.H. Fuller, The Foundations of.New Testament
Christology (1965), p. 32, the passage in 4QFlorilegium shows that like son of David, son
of God wasjust coming into use as a Messianic title in pre-Christian Judaism' (italics his); cf.
R.N. Longenecker, 'The Christology of Early Jewish Christianity ( 1970), p. 95; contrast E.
Lohse, 77)jVTVIII, pp. 361-362: G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew (1973), pp. 198-199; J . Mar-
eus, The Way of the Lord ( 1993), pp. 77-79; C.M. Tuckett, Christology and the New Testament.
Jesus and His Earliest Followers (2001 ), pp. 22-24. The application in 4QF10ri1egium of 2
180 C H A P T E R THREE

A m o n g the f r a g m e n t a r y Commentaries on Isaiah f o u n d in C a v e 4, in

4 Q p l s a a ( = 4 Q 1 6 1 ) , 'the Prince of the C o n g r e g a t i o n ' is again m e n -
tioned (4Qplsa a f r a g m e n t s 2-6, line 15), 43 intervening on behalf of the
c o m m u n i t y , as they r e t u r n f r o m their exile. T h i s is the interpretation
given of Isaiah 10:28-32, which originally referred to the Assyrian
invasion. Following on in f r a g m e n t s 8-10, Isaiah 10:34, ' L e b a n o n will
fall by a mighty o n e ' , is then interpreted of 'the K i t t i m ' (that is, the
Romans). T h e y will eventually be 'given into the h a n d of his [God's?]
great o n e ' (line 8), w h o we m a y again take to be the Davidic Messi-
ah. 4 4 T h i s identification is c o n f i r m e d by the interpretation given to
Isaiah 11:1-3, in 4 Q p l s a a f r a g m e n t s 8-10, 18-25. Line 18 m a y be
restored to read, ' [ I n t e r p r e t e d , this concerns the Branch] of David
w h o shall arise at the e n d [of days] ...'. T h e p r o p h e c y of Isaiah is
clearly applied to the expected Davidic Messiah. 4 5
T h e interpretation continues (4Qplsa a fragments 8-10, 19-22):

Samuel 7 to the Messiah is cited by O. Betz, What do we know about Jesus? (ET, 1968), pp.
87-92, as evidence of a connection between the building of the temple and the Messiah
as God's son at Jesus' trial in Mark 14:57-62. Cf. N.T. Wright, Jesus and the Victory of God
(1996), pp. 483-486 and note 20. We must also consider the relevance of two other
Qumran texts, which have been interpreted as possibly referring to the Messiah, but in
each case that interpretation has been disputed: 4Q534 and 4Q246.
In 4Q534 (formerly known as 4QMess ar.), a figure is called 'the Elect of God',
whose birth is then referred to, conjecturally as coming from God (1:10; cf. lQSa
2:11-12 ‫ ־‬see pp. 173ff). ]. Starcky, 'Un texte messianique araméen de la grotte 4 de
Qumrân', Ecole des langues orientales anciennes de l'Institut Catholique de Paris: Mémorial du
cinquantenaire 1914-1964 (1964), pp. 51-66, who first published the text, considered it
to be a 'horoscope' of the Messiah. T h e text has also been considered in detail by J . A.
Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (1971), pp. 127-160, who
points out that the 'Elect of God' need not imply the Messiah, and instead suggests
that it may refer to Noah; so also, A. Caquot, '4QMes Ar 1 I 8-1 Γ, ÄQ,15 (1991), pp.
145-155; F. Garcia Martinez, Qumran and Apocalyptic (1992), pp. 1-44; G. Vermes, The
Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (1997), pp. 357, 521-522, who takes 1:9 to refer to
the person's 'rule over all the living'.
In 4Q246 (formerly known as 4QPseudo-Daniel d ), another figure is clearly called 'the
Son of God' and 'Son of the Most High' (2:1); seej.A. Fitzmyer, 'The Contribution of
Qumran Aramaic to the Study of the New Testament', NTS 20 (1973-74), pp. 382-407,
at pp. 391-394; 'The "Son of God" Document from Qumran', Bib 74 (1993), pp. 153-
174; The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins (2000), pp. 41-72; M. Hengel, The Cross ofthe
Son ofGod [The Son of God orig. publ. in German, 1975; ET, 1976; collection publ., 1986),
pp. 42-43; Studies in Early Christology (ET, 1995), p. 39; G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Saolls:
Qumran in Perspective (1977), pp. 73-74; The Complete Dead Sea Saolls in English (1997), pp.
576-577; D. Flusser, 'The Hubris of the Antichrist in a Fragment from Qumran',
Immanuel 10 (1980), pp. 31-37; G.R. Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God( 1986),
p. 56; F. Garcia Martinez, op. ai., pp. 162-179; J.J. CoUins, The Scepter and the Star (1995),
pp. 154-172; É. Puech, '246. 4QAp0cryphe de Daniel ar', DJDXXU (1996), pp. 165-
184; G J . Brooke, art. cit., pp. 445-449. WhileJ.T. Milik, in a lecture at Harvard in 1972,
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 1 8 171

... God will uphold him with [the spirit of might, and will give him] a
throne of glory and a crown of [holiness] and many-coloured garments
... [He will put a sceptre] in his hand and he shall rule over all the
[nations]. And Magog ... and his sword shall judge [all] the peoples.

T h e passage presents a very high view of the future Messianic king,

similar to that in the blessing of 'the Prince of the C o n g r e g a t i o n ' in
l Q S b 5:20-29. In both cases there are references to Isaiah chapter
11. 46 W e m a y notice, (i) that the messianic king is d e p e n d e n t on G o d ;
(ii) that the glory of the messianic king is enlarged upon: he is to
receive a 'throne of glory', a crown a n d splendid garments; (iii) he is
seen as ruling over all the nations; a n d (iv) he will j u d g e all the peoples
with his sword, from which we m a y infer that he conquers t h e m ini-
tially in battle.
However, as in 1 Q S b a n d 4 Q F l o r . 1:11, the Davidic Messiah does
not a p p e a r alone, but in conjunction with a priestly figure (or figures).

suggested that 'the son of God' might refer to a Seleucid king Alexander Balas, Fitzmyer
considers that he is the son of a Jewish king, possibly an heir to the throne of David. It is
predicted that he 'shall be great upon the earth' and 'all shall serve [him]' (1:7-9) He is
not called 'Messiah', and indeed could represent an anti-Israelite ruler, if 2:2-3 is taken as
referring to his kingdom. However, in view of 1:7-9 and 2:4, it seems more likely that 2:2-
3 refers to a different kingdom from that of the one proclaimed Son of God, in which
case he could be the leader of the people of God referred to in 2:4. Husser interprets the
figure as the Antichrist, Garcia Martinez as a heavenly figure like Melchizedek. Hengel
mentions (in his earlier work) that we should not rule out a collective interpretation in
terms of the Jewish people, like the Son of Man in Dan. 7:13. Collins takes the figure as
the Messiah, and is supported by Hengel (in his later work). Pucch allows that this is a
possible interpretation, as is a reference to one of the Seleucids. The significance of this
text is that in a Palestinian Jewish historico-eschatological work, we find the title 'Son of
God' given to a king, who will apparently rule over all. Fitzmyer notes the parallel termi-
nology to Luke 1:32-35. Cf. also I.H. Marshall, The Origins of New Testament Christology
(1976), p. 113; J.D.G. Dunn, Christology in the Making ( 1980), pp. 15-16. Beasley-Murray,
op. cit., pp. 55-57 (who also adduces Testament of Levi 18:6-7 as evidence for the Messiah
as Son of God), summarizes the situation well: "We are therefore still not in a position to
say with incontrovertible assurance that the Messiah was called 'Son of God' in specified
circles of pre-Christian Judaism, but the evidence is pointing in that direction."
43 He is also referred to in C D 7:20; 1QM 5:1 ; 1 Q S b 5:20 (see above); 4Q285 frs. 6
+ 4, lines 2, 6, 10 and fr. 5, 4 (see below); and in a broken context in 4Q376 fr. 1, 3:1.
44 See F.F. Bruce. 'Biblical Exposition at Qumran', in Gospel Perspectives, III, edd.
R.T. France & D. Wenham (1983), pp. 77-98, at p. 86; cf. J.M. Allegro & A.A. Ander-
son, DJDV (1968), pp. 11-30.
45 As we have seen, 'the Branch of David' is the name given to the Davidic or
princely Messiah in 4Q252 5:3-4; and 4QFlor. 1:11. 4QF10r. 1:11-12 is very similar
to 4QpIsa·1 fr.8-10, 18, in that both passages refer to (1) 'The Branch of David', (2)
'who shall arise' and (3) 'at the end of time'. 4QF10r. 1:1 1-12 has additional references
to 'the Interpreter of the Law' and to 'Zion'. See also 4Q285 fr. 5, 3-4 below.
46 See p. 175.
182 C H A P T E R THREE

4Qplsa a fragments 8-10, 22-25, following after the above passage,

reads:

And as for that which He said, He shall not [judge by what his eyes see]
or pass sentence by what his ears hear: interpreted, this means that ...
[the Priests] ... As they teach him, so will he judge; and as they order,
[so will he pass sentence]. One of the Priests of renown shall go out, and
garments of... shall be in his hands ...

H e r e Isaiah 11:3 is interpreted to show that the Davidic Messiah will

rule in a c c o r d a n c e with the instruction of the priests. T h e y are n o
doubt seen as teaching a n d interpreting the Law on G o d ' s behalf, a n d
indeed we have concluded that it is the priestly Messiah w h o is called
'the Interpreter of the Law' in 4 Q F l o r . l : l l a n d C D 7:18. It also
appears that the Messiah will receive his royal vestments, a n d the oth-
er insignia f r o m 'one of the Priests of renown'. 4 7
A similar text, designated the Rule of War (4QSefer h a - M i l h a m a h =
4Q285), caused m u c h controversy w h e n it was first released at the end
of 1991. It was suggested by R . H . Eisenman a n d M . Wise that line 4
of f r a g m e n t 5 should be translated, ' a n d they will put to death the
L e a d e r of the C o m m u n i t y , the Bran[ch of David]'. 4 8 V e r m e s m o r e
reasonably translates the same line, ' a n d the Prince of the C o n g r e g a -
tion, the Br[anch of David] will kill h i m ' , with the p r o n o u n ' h i m '
referring to the king of the Kittim. T h i s is probably the same figure
that is brought before the Prince of the Congregation in fragments 6 +
4, line 10.
Fragments 6 + 4, lines 5-7 speak of the Prince of the Congregation
pursuing the Kittim, w h o will '[f1e]e f r o m before Israel'. F r a g m e n t 5,
lines 1 a n d 2 contain a quotation f r o m Isaiah 10:34-11:1, the same
passage as is interpreted in 4 Q p I s a a fragments 8-10 as relating to the
Kittim a n d the future Messianic king. T h e presumption must be that
a similar interpretation is intended in 4 Q 2 8 5 . While 4 Q p I s a 3 speaks
in general terms of the sword of the Branch of David j u d g i n g all the
peoples, 4 Q 2 8 5 actually portrays the killing of the leader of the Kittim
by the Davidic Messiah. 4 9 As in 4 Q p I s a a , reference to the Davidic

47 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., p. 275, note 1.

48 The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered (1992), pp. 24-29. Eisenman and Wise refer to the
fragment as Fragment 7, hut we have used the numbering of G. Vermes, op. cit., pp.
187-189.
49 Cf. Judges 8:21 (Gideon's killing of Zebah and Zalmunna); 1 Sam. 15:33
(Samuel's killing of Agag).
 MESSIANIC FIGURES IN EARLY JUDAISM 1 8 37 1

Messiah is immediately followed by reference to a priest, 'And a priest

[of renown(?)] will c o m m a n d [...]' (4Q285 fragment 5, 5).50
So we have seen that a n u m b e r of fragmentary documents, 1 Q S b ,
4 Q D i b H a m , 4Q252, 4Q381, 4QF10r., 4Qp1sa* and 4Q285, speak of
a princely or kingly Messiah in accordance with the Davidic tradition.
In four of these (1QSb, 4QFIor., 4Qplsa a and 4Q285), an important
role is also assigned to a priestly figure (or figures). 11 QMelchizedek
(= 11Q1 3) is another fragmentary text, where Melchizedek is repre-
sented as a heavenly figure, probably to be identified with the
archangel Michael, who exercises judgment at the end of a cycle of
Jubilees. 51 For our present purpose, we are interested in the mention
of ‫'( משיח הרוח‬the Anointed one of the Spirit'), who is identified with (i)
the messenger of the good news of God's reign in Isaiah 52:7, (ii) the
Anointed prince of Daniel 9:25, and (iii) the Anointed prophet who
proclaims liberty to the captives in Isaiah 61:1-3 ( l l Q M e l c h . 2:18-
20). 5 2
T h e evidence does not permit us to be clear that Melchizedek him-
self is to be identified with 'the Anointed one of the Spirit', 53 despite
the fact that in 2:5-6, he may be represented as personally acting out
Isaiah 61:1. If 1 !QMelchizedek is in line with other Q u m r a n docu-

50 On 4Q285 generally, see G. Vermes, 'The Oxford Forum for Qumran

Research: Seminar on the Rule of War (4Q285)', JJ.S43 (1992), pp. 85-90; B. Nitzan,
'Benedictions and Instructions for the Eschatological Community (11QBer; 4Q285)',
ÄQ,16 (1993), pp. 77-90; M. G. Abegg, 'Messianic Hope and 4Q285: A Reassess-
ment', JBL 113 (1994), pp. 81-91. Cf. also, R. Bauckham, 'The Messianic Interpreta-
tion of Isa. 10:34 in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2 Baruch and the Preaching of John the
Baptist', DSD 2 ( 1995), pp. 202-216.
51 The cycle concludes with the tenth jubilee (1 lQMelch. 2:7), on the basis that the
'seventy weeks of years' (= 490 years) in Daniel 9:24 comprise ten jubilee periods of
49 years each; cf. R.T. Beckwith, 'The significance of the Calendar for Interpreting
Essene Chronology and Eschatology', Ä ( H 0 (1980), pp. 167-202.
52 Cf. F. Garcia Martinez, E.J.C. Tigchelaar & A.S. van der Woude, Qumran Cave
11. II: 11Q2-18, UQ20-31 (DJD XXIII, 1998), pp. 221-241. See also F.L. H Ū rt0n,
Jr., The Melchizedek Tradition (1976), p. 18. It is interesting to note that 4Q491c, which
presents an angelic or exalted human being similar to the figure in 11 QMelchizedek,
includes a reference to establishing 'the horn of [his] Mess[iah]' (fr. 1, line 15); cf. note
46 (ch. 3), and reference there to views of M. Hengel,J.J. Collins a n d J . C . O'Neill.
With 1 lQMelch. 2:18, we should also compare the fragmentary line in 4QBlessingsl‫־‬,
which could be read, 'The Holy Spirit [settjled upon His Messiah' (4Q287 fr. 10, 13);
cf. p. 101 and note 44 (ch. 3).
53 G R . Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God (1986), p. 87, makes this identi-
fication, speaking of Melchizedek as a supramundane Messiah. If that is so, the line of
thought is similar to that in the Similitudes of Enoch (1 Enoch 37-71). In any case,
both llQMelch. and the Similitudes are dependent on passages in the book of
Daniel, 1 lQMelch. on Dan. 9:24-27, and the Similitudes on Dan. 7:9-14.
184 C H A P T E R THREE

ments, we should not be suprised to find an angelic being ruling in

heaven (under God), bearing help and salvation for the 'Sons of
Light', and involved in the judgments of G o d against Belial. Michael
is mentioned in this context in the W a r Scroll ( 1 Q M 17:5-8), as is 'the
Prince of Light', both in the W a r Scroll ( 1 Q M 13:10-12) and the
C o m m u n i t y Rule (1QS 3:20), where he is also referred to as God's
'Angel ϋ ί T r u t h ' (1QS 3:24). 54 W e have seen that the W a r Scroll and
the C o m m u n i t y Rule also refer to eschatological leaders on earth, the
priesdy and princely Messiahs and (in 1QS 9:11) 'the Prophet'.
Melchizedek is referred to as ‫ אלוהים‬in the quotation from Psalm 82:1
(1 lQMelch. 2:10), and it is therefore likely that he was also seen as ‫אלוהיך‬
in the quotation of Isaiah 52:7, where the herald proclaims, 'Your God
(or 'Elohim) reigns' (line 16). An interpretation is then given of the herald
of the good news, who as we have seen is called 'the Anointed one of the
Spirit', and identified with the Anointed prince of Daniel 9:25, as well as
the Anointed prophet of Isaiah 61:1-3 (lines 18-20). T h e herald of the
good news therefore seems to be distinguished from Melchizedek, whose
reign (as 'Elohim) forms the content of the message. T h e herald is there-
fore likely to be an earthly figure, and could perhaps be the eschatologi-
cal Prophet of 1 Q S 9:11 and 4QTestim0nia 5-8, since 'the Anointed one
of the Spirit' refers by way of verbal allusion to the prophetic figure who
speaks in Isaiah 61:1: 'The Spirit of the Lord God is upon me, because
the Lord has anointed me to bring good tidings ...\ 55 However, as the
eschatological Prophet appears so infrequendy at Q u m r a n , and as 'the
Anointed one of the Spirit' is further identified with the Anointed prince
of Daniel 9:25 (line 18, restored), the princely Messiah may here be in
view. H e announces and carries out on earth what Melchizedek is pro-
nouncing and undertaking in heaven, that is, salvation for the sons of
light, and judgment on the hosts of Belial.56

54 Cf. also C D 5:18. In the absence of any clear reference in 1 lQMelch. to Gen. 14
or Ps 110, it may be that the use of Melchizedek is not related here specifically to the
Old Testament figure, but rather the name was given as a title to the archangel
Michael, because it means 'king of righteousness'. In the same way, the name
Melchiresha, meaning 'king of wickedness', was given to Belial in 4Q280 fr. 1,2 and
4QVisions of Amram 1 ' ar (=4Q544) fr. 2, 3. Cf. J.D.G. Dunn, Christology in the Making
(1980), p. 153.
55 Cf. Ρ J . Kobelski, Melchizedek and Melchireša'( 1981), pp. 61 -62.
56 Insofar as the princely Messiah was considered to be David's successor, it is pos-
sible that David's reputation for wisdom and the prophetic gift was applied also to the
princely Messiah. In l Q S b 5:20ff. 'the Prince of the Congregation' is blessed in the
words of Isaiah 11:2-5, including the prayer that he may receive '[the spirit ofcoun-
sel] and everlasting might, the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of God'.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 18571

T h e r e is a similar reference to Isaiah 61:1 in 4 QMessianic Apocalypse

(=4Q521). R . H . Eisenman a n d M . Wise describe this text as 'one of
the most beautiful a n d significant in the Q u m r a n corpus'. 5 7 F r a g m e n t
2 is the longest extant f r a g m e n t of this d o c u m e n t , a n d commences, '...
[the hea]vens a n d the earth will listen to His Messiah (or his anointed
one)' (fragment 2, 2:1). Lines 7-8 read:

And He (the Lord) will glorify the pious on the throne

of the eternal Kingdom.
He who liberates the captives, restores sight to the blind,
straightens the b[ent].

Line 8 above is a quotation f r o m Psalm 146:7-8, one of the psalms of

Y a h w e h ' s kingship. 5 8 Line 12 reads, 'For H e will heal the w o u n d e d ,
a n d revive the d e a d a n d bring good news to the poor', quoting in the
last phrase Isaiah 61:1.
H e r e , as in Psalm 146 a n d the second p a r t of Isaiah (35:5; 42:7;
49:9; 61:1), the release of prisoners a n d the restoration of sight signi-
fy G o d ' s kingship, the a n n o u n c e m e n t of which is good news. In frag-
m e n t 2, 2:12, G o d ' s acts also include bringing the d e a d back to life,
which is m e n t i o n e d again in f r a g m e n t s 7 + 5 col. 2, line 6, 'he w h o
gives life to the d e a d of his p e o p l e ' (cf. Daniel 12:2-3). T h e 'Messiah'

In l l Q P s a (=11Q5) 27:2-11, a passage about 'David's Compositions', David is

credited with both prophecy and wisdom in composing his psalms and songs: 'And
David, the son ofJesse, was wise, and a light like the light of the sun ...' (line 2); 'And
the Lord gave him a discerning and enlightened spirit' (lines 3-4). He is said to have
composed a total of 4,050 psalms and songs: 'All these he composed through prophe-
cy which was given him from before the Most High' (line 11). See J . A. Sanders, The
Dead Sea Psalms Scroll{ 1967), pp. 87, 134.
David's example of piety and his deliverance by God is recalled in 4Q398
(=4QMMT‫ )׳׳‬frs. 14-17, 2:1-2: 'Remember David, that he was a man of piety, and
that he was also saved from many troubles and pardoned.' The same document refers
to the Psalms as 'the Book of David': 'you should understand the Book of Moses [and]
the B00k[s of the Pr]0phets and Davi[d ...]' (4Q397 (=4QMMT d ) frs. 14-21, line 10).
In l l Q M e l c h . 2:9-10, the quotation of Psalm 82:1, which is applied to
Melchizedek as 'Elohim, is introduced by the formula, 'As it is written concerning
him in the songs of David, who said ...'. While this looks like a common formula of
introduction, it is possible that the writer intended that the herald of Is. 52:7, who had
a similar message about 'Elohim (lines 15-18), should be seen as David's successor.
57 Op. cit., pp. 19-23. G. Vermes, op. cit., pp. 22-23, 391-392, similarly acknowl-
edges the significance of the text for comparative study of the historical Jesus, as heal-
ing and raising of the dead are here linked to the idea of the Kingdom of God.
58 See p. 21. Cf. 4Q213 (=4QLevl·‫ ׳‬ar) frs. 1 (col. 2) + 2, lines 16-19, which speaks
of an eternal kingdom, probably for the sons of Levi, who are to give instruction in
wisdom; 1Q21 (=lQTLevi ar) fr. 1, line 2, referring to 'the sovereignty (‫ )מלכות‬of the
priesthood'.
186 C H A P T E R THREE

of fragment 2, 2:1 could (as in 11 QMelchizedek) refer to the escha-

tological Prophet, 5 9 and certainly he has a prophetic role. However,
it is the princely (or royal) Messiah who is called 'the Messiah' with-
out any further designation in l Q S a 2:12, a n d the eschatological
Prophet is not clearly described as 'Messiah 5 in any of the extant lit-
erature. Fragment 8 (line 9) of 4 Q 5 2 1 speaks of 'all his anointed
ones' (plural), who 'will spea[k] the word of the Lord' (line 10).
While they might for this reason be thought to have a prophetic
ministry, they are more likely to be priests, since line 8 refers to 'all
his h[o]ly utensils'. 60
T h e 'Messiah' of 4 Q 5 2 1 fragment 2, 2:1, whether prophet, prince
or priest, has a very exalted role in that the heavens as well as the
earth will listen to him. 61 T h e reason for this exaltation, however, is
the content of his message, which G o d is going to bring about. It is
uncertain to what extent the 'Messiah' plays any role in bringing
about the evidences of God's kingship mentioned in lines 8 and 12,
but it is likely that he is thought to have some instrumental role on
God's behalf, as in Isaiah 61:1, the Lord 'anointed' (line 1) the mes-
senger who proclaims 'good news' (line 12).62

59 So, J.J. Collins, op. cit., pp. 117-122; G.J. Brooke, art. cit., pp. 443 (note 27), 449.
Fr. 2, 3:2, 'The fathers will return towards the sons', alludes to Malachi 4:6, which
speaks of the coming of Elijah the prophet. Supporting a reference in fr. 2, 2:1 to a
royal Messiah, see M. Turner, Power from on High (1996), p. 116 and note 27; N.T.
Wright, op. cit., p. 531 and note 188; G. Theissen & A. Merz, The Historical Jesus (ET,
1998), p. 534 and note 17. Cf. É. Puech, 'Une apocalypse messianique (4Q521)' RQ,
15 (1992), pp. 475-522; idem, DJDXXV (1998), pp. 1-38. H. Stegemann, The Library of
Qumran. On the Essenes, Qumran, John the Baptist and Jesus (ET, 1998), pp. 31-32, takes fr.
2, 2:1 to refer to 'His Anointed Ones', meaning the prophets, in parallel with 'the
Holy Ones' (plural; line 2).
60 There is also a fragmentary reference to an 'anointed one' or 'Messiah' in
4Q521 fr. 9, line 3.
61 W. Horbury, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ (1998), p. 144, takes this as
probably implying the obedience of angels and humanity alike. Thus, the 'Messiah' of
4Q521 fr. 2, 2:1 bears a similarity to the figure of Melchizedek in 11 QMelchizedek,
and if we were to interpret 1 lQMelch. in the light of 4Q521 (by reason of their both
referring to Is. 61:1), we would probably conclude that 'the Anointed one of the Spir-
it' (1 lQMelch. 2:18) should be identified with Melchizedek; we cannot however
assume that there was any dependence or that references in the two texts were intend-
ed to be consistent. We may also note (subject to the same caveats) that the association
of the 'Messiah' of 4Q521 fr. 2, 2:1 with 'the holy ones' (line 2) lends support to our
suggestion that 'the war hero' (1QM 12:9ff.), who is associated with 'the Holy Ones'
(1QM 12: Iff.) in the War Scroll, may be the (Davidic) Messiah (seep. 172 and note 23
above).
62 4Q458 fr. 2, 2:6 speaks of a figure who is 'anointed with the oil of the kingship of
...', but the broken fragmentary context prevents any identification of this figure.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 18771

In summary, we should notice the following points about messianic

expectation at Q u m r a n :
a) Generally, two messianic figures are expected, the priestly Messi-
ah ('the Messiah of Aaron') and the princely Messiah ('the Messiah of
Israel'). We have seen that the former is also referred to as the High
Priest of the end-time, 'the Interpreter of the Law', and the one 'who
shall teach righteousness at the end of days' (CD 6:11). T h e latter is
referred to as 'the Prince of the (whole) Congregation', 'the Branch of
David', 'the Messiah of Righteousness' (4Q252 5:3), and probably just
'the Messiah' in l Q S a 2:12. T h e eschatological Prophet is referred to
in 1QS 9:11 and 4QTest. 5-8, but then appears to fade from view. A
precedent for two 'anointed ones' is found in Zechariah 4:14; 6:13,
where shared leadership is envisaged for the Davidic prince Zerubba-
bel, and the high priest Joshua. 6 3

63 G.J. Brooke, art. cit., p. 450, notes a clear reference to Zechariah 4:14 in 4Q254
fr. 4, line 2. Cf. Sirach 45:23-26; 51:12 viii-ix (Hebrew version, see note 4 (ch. 3));
Jubilees 31:12-23, which also speak of a line of priests, in conjunction with a king or
kings. While the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs in their extant form also speak
of two messianic figures from Levi and Judah respectively, with the former taking
precedence (e.g., T. Simeon 7:1-2; T. Judah 21:lff.), no consensus has been reached
among scholars with regard either to the date of the writings (estimates ranging from
about 100 B.C. to A.D. 200) or to the extent to which they are Jewish a n d / o r Christ-
ian.
M. de Jonge, 'Christian Influence in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs',
NovT (1960), pp. 182-235, at p. 218, considered it unlikely that the original Levi-
Judah passages spoke about two Messiahs; instead they glorified two tribes. G.R.
Beasley-Murray, op. cit., pp. 54-55, 352 (notes 6-7), does not agree with de Jonge that
the Testaments are basically a Christian work which incorporates Jewish sources, and
he adduces a number of passages, which speak of the salvation of the Lord arising
from both Levi and Judah, as evidence for the idea of two Messiahs being deeply root-
ed in the Jewish fabric of the work, prior to Christian interpolations. W. Horbury, op.
cit., p. 30, takes the messianism of the Testaments to be probably contemporary with
the Qumran writings. Cf. J . H . Charlesworth, 'Reflections on the SNTS Pseude-
pigrapha Seminar at Duke on the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs', NTS 23
(1977), pp. 296-304; H. Dixon Slingerland, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A
Critical History of Research (1977); G.S. Oegama, The Anointed and his People (1998), pp.
73-81, 119, 208-212.
Only a Hebrew fragment of the Testament of Naphtali (4Q215) and Aramaic frag-
ments of the Testament of Levi have been found at Qumran (1Q21; 4Q213-214; cf.
4Q537-541), while fragments of an Aramaic Testament of Levi had previously been
discovered at the Cairo Geniza. J . C . Greenfield and M.E. Stone, 'Remarks on the
Aramaic Testament of Levi from the Geniza', RB 86 (1979), pp. 214-230, at pp. 219-
220, have pointed out that, while Levi is described in royal terms, in contrast to the
Greek Testament of Levi, there is no mention of Judah. This gives further evidence of
the importance of the ideal priest, as witnessed in Sirach 50:1-21. Cf. H.C. Kee,
'Christology in Mark's Gospel', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 3 above), pp.
187-208, at p. 189.
188 C H A P T E R THREE

b) T h e priestly Messiah has precedence over the princely Messiah,

being n a m e d first except in 4 Q T e s t . 9-20 and 4QFlor. 1:11. T h e
eschatological High Priest plays a more prominent role than the
Prince of the congregation in the W a r Scroll. In the Messianic Rule,
the Priest takes precedence over the 'Messiah of Israel', both in the
order of seating and in blessing the bread ( l Q S a 2:12-21), while in
one of the fragmentary Isaiah commentaries, the Davidic Messiah
rules in accordance with the instruction of the priests (4QpIsa a frag-
ments 8-10, 22-25). T h e reason for this was probably that in the
Q u m r a n community, it was the priests who had the final authority.
c) T h e priestly and princely Messiahs are mosdy presented as earth-
ly figures, unlike the supernatural figure of Melchizedek in
1 l Q M e l c h . 2:10. In the W a r Scroll and the Messianic Rule especially,
they may be seen simply as the priestly and secular leaders of the com-
munity at the end-time. However, if it is the Davidic Messiah who is
addressed as ' H e r o ' in 1 Q M 12:1 Off., he is praised for extraordinary
attributes and deeds, as is the case in l Q S b 5:20-29 and 4QpIsa a frag-
ments 8-10, 18-22. In particular, no extraordinary role is accorded to
the priesdy Messiah, but he exercises all the priestly functions of the
high priest at the end-time. 6 4
d) T h e lay Messiah is referred to as ‫'( נשיא‬prince') rather than as
'king' (CD 7:20: 1 Q M 5:1; l Q S b 5:20; 4QpIsa* fragments 2-6, 15;
4 Q 2 8 5 fragments 6 + 4, lines 2, 6, 10 and fragment 5, 4).65 This may
follow the usage of ‫ נשיא‬in Ezekiel 44-48, where the word occurs in the
singular 18 times in Ezekiel's vision of the temple and the land of Israel
at the time of restoration. J . Becker referred to him as the "vestigial
prince", mentioned "more for the sake of completeness." 66 However,
Ezekiel 34:24 speaks of Yahweh being 'their God', and David being
‫'( נשיא בתוכם‬prince a m o n g them'). This verse, which has a future refer-
ence, thus emphasizes the subordination of the Davidic Messiah to

64 Cf. H. Ringgren, op. cit., pp. 179-180. In similar vein, M. Black, op. cit., pp. 171-
172, suggests that in the strict sense, the title Messiah should be confined to the secu-
lar leader. By way of comparison, there a number of references in the Mishnah, in
non-eschatological legal contexts, to the anointing of the High Priest, who thus might
be referred to as 'Messiah'; for a list of these references, see J . Neusner, Messiah in Con-
text: Israel's History and Destiny in Formative Judaism (1984), p. 25; cf. note 146 below.
65 In the context of the promises to David and their application, there is however
mention of a throne (4QDibHam» frs. 1-2, 4:7; 4QFlor. 1:10; 4QpIsa» frs. 8-10, 20)
and of kingship (4Q252 5:2, 4).
66 Op. cit., pp. 62-63. The Qumran documents share with Ezekiel a priestly per-
spective.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 18971

Yahweh, but does not preclude the former having an important func-
tion. 67 Simon bar Kokhba, whose revolt against R o m e lasted from
A.D. 132 to 135, was also known as ‫'( נטיא יטראל‬Prince of Israel 5).68
e) In some fragments God's covenant with David and the expecta-
tion of the Davidic Messiah are emphasized, while there is no evi-
dence of a comparable emphasis on the coming of the eschatological
High Priest. We may note particularly the way that the princely Mes-
siah is described, drawing on the language of Isaiah 11, in 1 Q S b 5:20-
29, and 4QpIsa a fragments 8-10, 18-22. He is dependent on God, and
he rules over the nations in judgment, as well as bringing aid and relief
to his own people. T h e Davidic covenant is referred to in 4 Q D i b -
H a m , 4 Q 2 5 2 and 4QFlor., and the coming ruler is referred to as 'the
Branch of David' in 4Q252, 4QF10r., 4 Q p I s a a a n d 4Q285. In 4 Q 2 5 2
5:3, he is also called 'the Messiah of Righteousness'. Also in the Mes-
sianic Rule (lQSa), he is twice referred to as 'the Messiah of Israel'
(2:14, 20), as well probably as just 'the Messiah' (2:12). T h e Priest,
although taking precedence, is not designated in this document as 'the
Messiah (of Aaron)'. While therefore the position and precedence of
the eschatological High Priest was important in Q u m r a n expectation
of the end-time, the tradition of the coming kingly or princely Messiah
of the line of David was more deep-rooted and more vividly represent-
ed. As a consequence of this, the word 'Messiah' was more often
attached to the latter than to the former. 6 9

67 ‫א‬-‫ נט‬is Ezekiel's usual term for Zedekiah (12:10, 12; 21:25), as the vassal (17:16) of
the 'king'(‫ )?ולך‬of Babylon. It may therefore be that the application of the word ‫ט־א‬: to
the Messiah emphasizes his 'vassal' status in dependence on Yahweh; cf. W. Eichrodt,
Ezekiel {KT, 1970), pp. 476-477.
68 See E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age ofjesus Christ (175 B.C. -
A.D. 135), I (rev. & ed. G. Vermes & F. Millar, 1973), pp. 544, 606; cf. G. Vermes,
The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran in Perspective (1977), p. 115. A.S. van der Woude, TDJVT
IX, p. 520, note 167, mentions the possibility that the use of ‫ נס־א‬rather than ‫ מלך‬at
Qumran represented an attack on the royal title adopted by the later Hasmoneans.
Aristobulus I, who reigned from 104 to 103 B.C., appears to have been the first mem-
ber of that dynasty to have taken the title 'King', which was used by his successors
down to Pompey's capture ofjerusalem in 63 B.C.; see E. Schürer, op. cit., I, pp. 216-
217. Apart from theological reasons, avoidance of the use of ‫ מלך‬with its more clearly
secular, political connotations, was perhaps good common sense at a time when kings
showed little mercy to potential rivals; cf. Matthew 2:1-18.
69 Of the two Isaiah scrolls found in Cave 1, lQIsa 1 ' reflects faithfully the tradition
that the Massoretes preserved, but in the judgment o f J . T . Milik, Ten Years of Discovery
in the Wilderness ofJudaea (ET, 1959), p. 26, the other scroll (lQIsa a ), which is older,
"shows the characteristics of a more popular edition: its spelling is fuller, so that it
becomes easier to read, and certain changes in the text seem to have been introduced
under the influence of developing Messianic doctrines." In lQIsa" the text at Isaiah
190 C H A P T E R THREE

f) T h e r e are two texts which speak of the Anointed O n e and refer to

Isaiah 61:1. In one of these (4Q521) the 'Messiah' is an exalted figure
to w h o m 'the heavens and the earth will listen', while in the other
(1 lQMelch.) the 'Anointed one of the spirit' appears to be distin-
quished from the exalted figure of Melchizedek.

2. Messianic Figures Elsewhere in Early Judaism

In an article published in 1966, M . d e j o n g e limited himself to a sur-

vey of the use of the word 'Anointed' in the first century B.C. and the
first seventy years of the first century A.D. 7 0 H e emphasized the infre-
quency of the term, from which he deduced its relative unimportance
in the context ofJewish expectations concerning the future, at least in

52:14 reads ‫ משחתי‬which should probably be taken to mean '1 have anointed', rather
than the M T reading ‫מטלות‬, which refers to the 'marring' of the Servant's appearance.
While D. Barthélémy, 'Le grand rouleau d'Isaïe trouvé près de la Mer Morte',
RB 57 (1950), pp. 530-549, at pp. 546ÍF, claimed that the possibility of the originali-
ty of this reading should be seriously considered, W.H. Brownlee, 'The Servant of
the Lord in the Q u m r a n Scrolls', BASOR 132 (Dec. 1953), pp. 8-15; 135 (Oct.
1954), pp. 33-38, saw the reading as reflecting an attempt by some members of the
Q u m r a n community to impose a messianic interpretation on the figure of the Ser-
vant, considering that the anointing of the Servant would indicate his consecration
for the priestly office. Thus F.F. Bruce, 'The background to the Son of man say-
ings', in Christ the Lord, ed. H.H. Rowdon (1982), pp. 50-70, at pp. 61-62, concludes,
following Brownlee rather that Barthélémy, that there may here be a pointer to an
identification of the Servant with the expected priestly Messiah. Cf. the Targum of
J o n a t h a n , where the Servant is expressly identified with the Messiah at Isaiah
52:13.
As an indication of further interest in the life and kingship of David, 11 QPsa
(=11Q5) 28:3-12 (Psalm 151 A; J.A. Sanders, op. cit., p. 89) has David recounting his
work as a shepherd-boy, and his anointing by Samuel. His father made him 'shepherd
of his flock and ruler over his kids' (line 4). Then in lines 10-12, we read: 'But he
[God] sent and took me from behind the flock and anointed me with holy oil, and he
made me leader of his people and ruler over the sons of his covenant.'
70 'The Use of the Word "Anointed" in the Time o f j e s u s ' , NovT 8 (1966), pp
132-148. Among de Jonge's later contributions to the debate, we may note his
introductions to two of the sessions of the S N T S Pseudepigrapha Seminar held at
Durham in August 1979 and entitled 'The Pseudepigrapha and the New Testa-
ment: Methodological Issues - T h e Messiah, "Christos", and the "Anointed O n e " ' ,
as reported in J . H . Charlesworth, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the New Testa-
ment (1985), pp 111-119; and also de Jonge's Presidential Address, delivered in
August 1985 to a meeting of the S N T S at Trondheim, and entitled 'The Earliest
Christian Use of Christos•. Some Suggestions', which was published in NTS 32 ( 1986),
pp. 321-343. See also his recent work, God's Final Envoy. Early Christology and Jesus'
Own View of His Mission (1998), drawing on and referring to some of his earlier publi-
cations.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 1 9 1 71

the extant Jewish sources for this period. 7 1 H e also referred to the vari-
ety of messianic beliefs:

Even if there may have been, in Qumran and elsewhere, a tendency to

connect the word ‫ מטיח‬especially with the expected Son of David, and to
quote certain standard-texts to illustrate this king's reign, there still
remained a wide range of variety in detail. 72

T h i s c o m b i n a t i o n of i n f r e q u e n c y of o c c u r r e n c e a n d variety of usage
in relation to the w o r d ' A n o i n t e d ' runs c o u n t e r to the emphasis of

71 M. de Jonge, 'The Use of the Word "Anointed"' (see note 70 above), pp. 133-
134. R.N. Longenecker, The Christology of Early Jeivish Christology (1970), p. 64, note 8,
considers that de Jonge here failed to take into account the Semitic habit of stressing
functions over persons. J . H . Charlesworth, 'The Concept of the Messiah in the
Pseudepigrapha', ANRWII. 19.1. (1979), pp. 188-218, finds only five documents, out
of approximately fifty in the Pseudepigrapha, which contain Jewish (i.e., non-Christ-
ian) references to a 'Messiah' or 'Anointed One': Psalms of Solomon, 1 Enoch, 4 Ezra,
2 Baruch and 3 Enoch (which is outside our period, being dated in perhaps the latter
half of the third century A.D.). He does however acknowledge (p. 216), that other
Pseudepigrapha contain important messianic passages, without using the word 'Messi-
ah' or its derivatives. Cf. J . H . Charlesworth, 'From Jewish Messianology to Christian
Christology: Some Caveats and Perspectives', in Judaisms and Thar Messiahs at the Tum of
the Christian Era, edd.J. Neusner, W.S. Green & E.S. Frerichs (1987), pp. 225-264; R.A.
Horsley, '"Messianic" Figures and Movements in First-Century Palestine', in The Mes-
siah. Developments in Earliest Judaism and Christianity, ed. J.H. Charlesworth (1992), pp.
276-295; E.P. Sanders, Judaism: Practice and Belief 63BCE- 66CE( 1992), pp. 295-298.
U.B. Müller, Messias und Menschensohn in jüdischen Apokalypsen und in der Offenbarung des
Johannes (1972), pp. 61-63, held that there was no expectation of an earthly Messiah-
king in apocalyptic thought before 4 Ezra and '2 Baruch; cf. S. Zeitlin, 'The Origin of
the Idea of the Messiah', rep. in Studies in the Early History of Judaism, II (1974), pp. 394-
406. G.R. Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God (1986), pp. 52-53, points out
that Müller's position ignores the Qumran literature, which emanated from a strongly
apocalyptic community. Zeitlin held that the Qumran documents did not come from
the period prior to A.D.70; see G. Vermes, Jesus and the World of Judaism (1983), pp.
102-103.
72 M. de Jonge, art. cit., p. 141. He also concludes (p. 147) that there is clearly a ten-
dency to connect the term 'anointed' especially with the expected king and that the
expression is on the way to becoming a standard expression. G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew
(1973), p. 130, criticises de Jonge's approach, and suggests that we should bear in
mind the difference between the general messianic expectation of Palestinian Jewry, and
the peculiar messianic speculations characteristic of certain learned a n d / o r esoterical
minorities. Vermes in turn is strongly criticized by W.S. Green, 'Introduction: Messi-
ah in Judaism: Rethinking the Question', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 71
above), pp. 1-13, at pp. 6-7.
In fact, the mention of variety is not new: O. Cullmann, The Christology of the New
Testament (orig. publ. in German, 1957; ET, 1959; 2nd. ed., 1963), p. I l l , warned
that we must not forget that at this time Judaism had by no means a single fixed con-
cept of the Messiah, although in general it is true that the Jews expected a saviour
with certain nationalistic and Jewish characteristics. Cf. also, M. Smith, 'What is
Implied by the Variety ofMessianic Figures?', JBL 78 (1959), pp. 66-72.
192 C H A P T E R THREE

the older standard surveys, such as those of J . Klausner 7 3 and S.

Mowinckel, 7 4 which assume the i m p o r t a n c e of the idea of the 'Mes-
siah' for J u d a i s m , while failing to consider (certainly in the case of
Klausner) the variety of beliefs that may have existed at any one
time. 7 5
J. Neusner has emphasized the need to consider the various belief-
systems and ways of life of different groups of Jews on their own
terms, without harmonizing them or initially searching for connec-
tions. H e organized the sequence of meetings that has led to the p u b -
lication in 1987 of the book, Judaisms and Their Messiahs at the Turn of
the Christian Era.6'‫ ־‬While this procedure is essential a n d needs to be
continuous, it is important also to go on to make tentative connec-
tions between expressions and ideas in different documents, to see

73 The Messianic Idea in Israel: From its Beginning to the Completion of the Mishnah (ET,
1955).J. Neusner, Messiah in Context( 1984), ρ 227, criticizes both this work and that of
G. Scholem, The Messianic Idea in Judaism (1974), pp. Iff., for speaking of'the messianic
idea', and so providing "portraits of a composite that, in fact, never existed in any one
book, time, or place, or in the imagination of any one social group, except an imag-
ined 'Israel' or a made-up 'Judaism'."
74 He That Cometh (ET, 1956).
75 In fact, Mowinckel, op. cit., p. 267, follows W. Bousset and P. Volz in making a
distinction between (i) conceptions of the future which were political, national and
this-worldly, and (ii) those which had transcendental and universal elements which
belonged to the world beyond; similarly, R. Schnackenburg, God's Rule and Kingdom
(ET, 1963), pp. 63-64. According to L. Landman, in his Introduction to Messianism in
the Talmudic Era, ed. L. Landman (1979), pp. xi-xxxv, at p. xxiv, the idea of the Messi-
ah in Christianity stemmed almost completely from the apocalyptic, supernatural
expression of the Messianic hope. However, this is probably to be seen as a false
dichotomy; see G.E. Ladd, Jesus and the Kingdom (1966), pp. 49ff. While different
aspects of future hope may be recognized, we need not see two distinctly different
kinds of hope. This is especially so, if we agree withJ.D.G. Dunn, Christology in the
Making( 1980), p. 95, that on the basis of the evidence available to us, it is not possible
to speak with any confidence of a pre-Christian Son of Man concept. Mowinckel him-
self recognized, op. cit., p. 271, that the two types of hope always intermingled in a
quite unsystematic combination.
J.J. Collins, 'Messianism in the Maccabean Period' in Judaisms and Their Messiahs
(see note 71 above), pp. 97-109, at pp. 101-103, holds that the notion of a transcen-
dent saviour figure under God is perhaps the most significant development in Jewish
messianism (broadly defined) in the second century B.C., with such figures playing an
important part in the Qumran scrolls. He also notes that the transcendent angelic fig-
ure coexists with the expectation of human messiahs in the scrolls; see pp. 183f. and
note 54 above.
76 Edd., J . Neusner, W.S. Green & E.S. Frerichs. For the pre-history of the pro-
ject, see J . Neusner, The Messiah in Context (1984), p. xxi. For the difficulty of at least
one of the contributors in following Neusner's agenda, see M.E. Stone, 'The Ques-
tion of the Messiah in 4 Ezra', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs, pp. 209-224, at pp.
209f., 216ff.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 19371

what (if any) unity there is in the midst of diversity. 77 If synthesis with-
out analysis is pointless, so analysis without synthesis will in the end
prove to be fruitless.
M. de Jonge was righdy concerned that we should be careful to
define our terms, not using the words 'Messiah' or 'messianic' except
where the sources use the corresponding word in their own language. 78
However, his procedure in commencing with a study of the use of the
term 'Anointed' does not rule out making connections with other words
and images, and considering in particular the selection and interpréta-
tion of passages from Scripture in the sources and their interpretation of
them. He summarizes this in his later article, published in 1986:

We shall do well to concentrate on the actual terms used in our sources

to describe certain figures. In doing so we should realize that a term
does not stand for a fixed concept, but rather brings with it a wealth of
connotations made more or less explicit in a given context (e.g. through
citation of texts from Scripture, combination of certain words and
images traditionally connected with that particular term).79

77 Cf. (in relation to the NT) the title ofJ.D.G. Dunn's book, Unity andDiverdty in the
New Testament (1977). For example, F. Hahn, The Titles ofjesus in Christology (orig. publ.
in German, 1963; ET, 1969), pp. 136-148, at p. 147, observes, as a constant charac-
teristic feature of the 'Messiah' in the immediate pre-Christian era, that he 'is a
human figure, is a successor of David, takes over a political kingdom and completes
his task in the sphere of earthly realities.' Cf. R.H. Fuller, The Foundations ofNew Testa-
ment Christology (1965), pp. 23-31 ;J.A. Fitzmyer, 'The Son of David Tradition and Mt.
22:41-46 and Parallels' (first publ. 1966), rep. in Essays on the Semitic Background of the
New Testament( 1971), pp. 113-126, at pp. 115-121; M. McNamara, Intertestamental Lit-
erature (1983), ρ 296; R.E. Brown, An Introduction to New Testament Christology (1994), pp.
155-161.
78 Art. at., p. 133; see also his contribution to the seminar, reported in J . H .
Charlesworth, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the New Testament ( 1985), p. I l l , and
his article, 'The Earliest Christian Use' (see note 70 above), pp. 329-330. Cf. also the
approach ofJ . H . Charlesworth in his two articles referred to in note 71 above: 'The
Concept of the Messiah', p. 196; 'From Jewish Messianology', p. 228.
79 'The Earliest Christian Use' (see note 70 above), pp. 329-330; cf. his article, 'The
Use of the Word "Anointed"' (see note 70 above), p. 147. The necessity of looking for
connections beyond the use of the word 'Anointed', while starting from that, is recog-
nized by at least some of the contributors to Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see notes 71,
76 above): see H.C. Kee, 'Christology in Mark's Gospel', pp. 187-208, at p. 188; J.J.
Collins, 'Messianism in the Maccabean Period', pp. 97-109, at pp. 97-98.
O n the other hand, J . H . Charlesworth, 'From Jewish Messianology to Christian
Christology: Some Caveats and Perspectives', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs, pp. 225-
264, at p.228, restricts himself to the use of the word 'Anointed', without making
many connections with other words and images or considering the associated use of
O T passages (except in the case of his treatment of the Similitudes of Enoch, at pp.
237-241). While his evidence is important, it is not really sufficient to answer two of
the questions he sets himself, "What did first-century Palestinian Jews mean by the
 194 C H A P T E R THREE

H e goes on to mention that in particular the picture of David, the ide-

alized descriptions of Davidic kings in a n u m b e r of royal psalms (for
instance 2, 89, 110, 132), and prophetic texts about the coming of a
true son of David (above all Isaiah 11: 1-10), where the term 'anoint-
ed' does not occur, have been influential in later Jewish sources. How-
ever, these also contain a few occurrences of the 'priestly' and
'prophetic' use of the term. 8 0
In our survey below, we shall concentrate on passages where the
word 'Messiah' is used, but shall also consider some passages which
speak of or refer to the promises concerning David's line, or a future
king without using messsianic terminology. W e shall bear in mind that
the word 'Messiah' a n d / o r some of the connotations of its use in the
Old Testament may be applied to figures that are not 'kingly', but
may instead be 'priestly' as at Q u m r a n , 'prophetic' perhaps, or figures
of an entirely different order.
T h e use of χρίω and χριστός in Ecclesiasticus (ben Sirach) does not
relate directly to a future Messiah, but it is interesting that the anoint-
ing of kings (46:13, 19; 48:8), priests (Aaron, 45:15) and prophets
(48:8) was considered to be significant. 81 T h e reference to the king
(Saul) as χριστοΰ αύτοΰ in 46:19 alludes to 1 Samuel 12:5, and it is
clear that the writer took his readers to understand that, here at least,
'the Lord's anointed' meant the king. While the focus of the writer's
attention in Sirach 50:1-21 is the high priest Simon, presented as the
ideal priest, he is not described as being 'anointed'. 8 2

title 'the Messiah'?" and "Is it not true that almost all Jews expected in the near future
a Messiah?" (pp. 226, 247-251). In particular he ignores the use of the promises con-
cerning the Davidic line, which are clearly related to a figure called 'Messiah' both at
Qumran (4Q252) and in Ps. Sol. 17. So also, W.S. Green, 'Introduction: Messiah in
Judaism: Rethinking the Question', in Judaisms and Thar Messiahs, pp. 1-13, at pp. 6-7,
seems to imply that it is an incorrect procedure to consider any texts where the word
'Messiah' is not actually used, in trying to come to an understanding of the meaning
and connotations of the term.
80 'The Earliest Christian Use' (see note 70 above), p. 330. This approach is similar
to that of F. Hesse, 77)jVTIX, pp. 496-509, who is criticised by W.S. Green, art. cit.,
pp. 6-8; cf. notes 72, 79 above.
81 Cf. M. de Jonge, TONT IX, pp. 511-512. A. Caquot, 'Ben Sira et le Messian-
isme', Semitica 16 (1966), pp. 43-68, finds no expectation of a Davidic messiah in Sir-
ach.J.J. Collins, art. cit., note 7 (pp. 106-107), notes some contrary opinion.
82 Cf. B.L. Mack, 'Wisdom Makes a Difference: Alternatives to "Messianic" Con-
figurations', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 71 above), pp. 15-48, at p. 23.
83 Cf. M. de Jonge, art. cit., p. 511, note 81 ;J.J. Collins, art. cit., p. 98 and note 6 (p.
106); A. Caquot, art. cit., pp. 58-64; K.E. Pomykala, The Davidic Dynasty Tradition in
Early Judaism. Its History and Significancefor Messianism ( 1995), pp. 132-144. If the writer
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 19571

Sirach refers to the Davidic covenant (45:25; 47:11). T h e precise

meaning of 45:25 is hard to establish, 83 but certainly the writer puts
much greater emphasis on the covenants with Aaron (45:6-22) and
Phinehas (45:23-26). While G o d exalted the 'horn' of David for ever
(47:11), we read that the kings of J u d a h gave their 'horn' to others
(49:4-5). 84 T h e latter explains why there are no Davidic kings at the
time of writing, but it does not seem to suggest the end of the covenant
with David, for, after a description of the division of the kingdom at
the end of Solomon's reign, we read (47:22):

But the Lord will never give up his mercy,

nor cause any of his works to perish;
he will never blot out the descendants of his chosen one,
nor destroy the posterity of him who loved him;
so he gave a remnant to Jacob,
and to David a root of his stock.

While the assurances of this verse may apply partly to J a c o b , they are
also likely to apply in part to David, especially the reference to 'him
who loved him', as earlier in the chapter it is said of David, 'he loved
his Maker' (verse 8). Further the use of the word ρίζα ('root') in this
context probably represents an allusion to the messianic passage, Isa-
iah 11:1, 10.8S If Sirach 47:22 is not to be read itself as explicidy mes-

did not consider that the Davidic covenant had any continuing validity, it is difficult
to see why he mentions it at all in 45:25 (and refers to it again in 47:11, 22). Pomykala
goes beyond the evidence in concluding that ben Sirach locates the fulfilment of the
Davidic covenant in the high priesthood; cf. VV. Horbury, 'Messianism in the Old
Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha', in King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient
Near East, ed.J. Day (1998), pp. 402-433, at pp. 413-417.
84 J.J. Collins, art. cit., p. 98, following A. Caquot, art. cit., p. 55, suggests that this
may qualify the everlasting covenant with David. Contra, E. Schürer, The History of the
Jewish People in the Age ofjesus Christ( 175 B.C - A.D. 135), II (rev. & ed. G. Vermes, F.
Millar & M. Black,' 1979), p. 499. C.E. Wood, The Use of the Second Psalm in Jewish and
Christian Traditions of Exegesis: A Study in Christological Origins (unpublished Ph.D. thesis,
St. Andrew's Univ., 1975), pp. 91f., finds an allusion to Ps. 2:7 (linked with 2 Sam. 7
andPs. 89) in Sirach 47:11.
85 Cf. C. Maurer, TDNTVl, pp. 986-987, who holds that the LXX version of Is.
11:10 shows that 'the root ofjesse' had become an independent messianic title, and in
the light of this, he asks whether there is a messianic undertone in Sirach 47:22. Sir-
ach also implies in 48:15 that the line of David is a blessing for the people, while at
49:1 1-12, he speaks highly both of Zerubbabel, the Davidic prince (quoting Haggai
2:23), and o f j o s h u a , the High Priest, who appears alongside Zerubbabel in Zechari-
ah 3, 4 and 6. It may well be that while ben Sirach emphasizes the High Priesthood,
he recognizes that there should be a Davidic dynasty alongside, but the latter does not
seem very relevant to his contemporary situation.
196 C H A P T E R THREE

sianic (in the sense of looking for a future ideal king, as envisaged in
Isaiah 11:1-10), at least it shows that hope in the Davidic line is not
dead, even though the writer is much more interested in the position
of the High Priest and in general appears not to be very interested in
eschatology.
W e must here mention again the litany of praise, found only in
H e b r e w at the end of Sirach (51:12 i-xvi).86 Prior to the reference to
God's kingship (verse xiv), we read (verses viii-ix):

Praise Him who makes a horn to sprout for the house of David;
for His mercy endures for ever.
Praise Him who has chosen the sons of Zadok for the priesthood;
for His mercy endures for ever.

T h i s expresses a clear h o p e for the restoration of the Davidic

dynasty, 8 7 while the link with the Zadokite priesthood suggests that
the litany m a y have been a p p e n d e d to the original version of Sir-
ach. Simon was of the Zadokite line, a n d we have seen that the
book speaks of the Davidic covenant, as well as the priestly
covenant with Phinehas, to whose family Zadok belonged (1
Chronicles 6:4-8). 88 It is difficult to conceive of a later period of his-

86 See p. 88 and note 4 (ch. 3).

87 Verse viii alludes to Ps 132:17. However, that verse speaks of'David' rather than
'the house of David', which also occurs in Sirach 48:15. Cf. the Benedictus at Luke
1:69, which mentions both the word 'horn' and 'the house of David'; and the Shemoneh
'Esreh, where the 14th. petition in the Palestinian recension refers to 'the house of
David', and the 15th. petition in the Babylonian recension twice uses the word 'horn';
see pp. 207f. T h e use of the word 'horn' twice in the litany at Sirach 51:12 viii and xv,
may be compared to the use of the same word, also in the context of David and king-
ship, at Sirach 47:7, 11; 49:5. Finally the use of the word 'sprout' at Sirach 51:12 viii
(following Ps. 132:17) may indicate use of the common imagery of a tree in connec-
tion with the Davidic dynasty, which also occurs in the reference to the 'root' from
David's stock at Sirach 47:22, although there is no verbal similarity. Cf. !.H. Eaton,
Psalms ( 1967), p. 293.
These connections show that we should not quickly assume that Sirach 51:12 i-xvi
is unrelated to the remainder of the book. It is possible that ben Sirach appended to
his work both this litany and the thanksgiving at 51:1-12, both of which may already
have been in use as prayers or psalms. If that is the case, ben Sirach may have intend-
ed the reference to God having lifted up a 'horn for His people' (51:12 xv) to refer to
Simon, rather than relating back to the 'horn' that was 'to sprout for the house of
David' in verse viii. Alternatively, verses xv-xvi, which are taken from Ps. 148:14, may
be referring generally to God's victory for his people.
88 Cf. F.F. Bruce, Israel and the Nations, (1963), p. 129; A.A. Di Leila, The Hebrew Text
of Sirach (1966), pp. 101-105, who favours the position that ben Sirach composed the
psalm, but if not, considers that it may have originated from Qumran. Contra, A.
Caquot, art. at., p. 50, note 1;J.J. Collins, art. cit., p. 98; K.E. Pomykala, op. at., pp.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 19771

tory when this litany is m o r e likely to have been composed. 8 9 It is an

i m p o r t a n t witness for the continuation of the Davidic hope, here
linked with a high position for the priesthood, a n d also proclaiming
G o d ' s kingship.
As Simon was High Priest when Antiochus III entered Jerusalem in
198 B.C., and Sirach appears to have been written after his death
(50:1), the Hebrew version of Sirach may be dated somewhere
between 190 and 175 B.C. 90 After the successful revolt of the Mac-
cabees (167-164 B.C.) against the rule of Antiochus IV Epiphanes,
and the death in 160 B.C. of J u d a s Maccabaeus, J u d a e a became
established as an independent state under the successive leadership of
his brothers J o n a t h a n and Simon, and then under the rule of Simon's
descendants, the Hasmoneans. As the Hasmoneans were not descen-
dants of David, there seems to have been little interest in the Davidic

148-150; W. Horbury, art. cit., p. 414, note 23, who consider it is a later addition. M.
d e j o n g e , art. cit., p. 511, comments that in content at least, the relevant verses of the
litany correspond to the Greek version of Sirach. However, he is unclear (note 86)
why the grandson of ben Sirach, translating the original Hebrew version into Greek,
did not accept 51:12 i-xvi (if authentic), accepted 45:24 (referring to the covenant
which gave the priesthood to the descendants of Phinehas for ever) but altered 50:24.
In the Hebrew version this verse (at the end of the song in praise of Simon) reads,
'And may he make with him the covenant of Phinehas, which will always endure for
him and his posterity as the days of heaven.' The Greek version of 50:24 has no refer-
ence to the covenant of Phinehas, reading simply, 'May he entrust to us his mercy!
And let him deliver us in our days!'
If the translation took place from about 132 B.C. (see M. Gilbert, 'Wisdom Litera-
ture', in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone (1984), pp. 283-324,
at p. 291), the Hasmonean rulers, who were from a priestly family but not descen-
dants of Zadok, had held the high priesthood for some twenty years (cf. 1 Macc.
14:41). It is natural that if the grandson of ben Sirach was in sympathy with the Has-
moneans, he would want to omit a text (50:24, Heb.), that could imply that the
descendants of the Zadokite High Priest, Simon, would be priests for ever, and also
the litany (51:12 i-xvi) that spoke of the sons of Zadok being priests (as well as a horn
for sprouting for the house of David, when the Hasmonean rulers clearly were not
from David's house). It seems likely that the translator not only altered 50:24, but
replaced 51:12 i-xvi, with a poem about wisdom (15:13-30), which also appears at
Qumran (1 IQPs" 21:11-22:1).
89 It is unlikely to be linked with the Zadokite Onias IV, who set up a Jewish temple
at Leontopolis, as verse vii praises God 'who builds His city and His sanctuary'. The
link with God's 'city' shows that the 'sanctuary' referred to must be at Jerusalem, and
indeed verse xiii praises God 'who has chosen Zion'. The Qumran documents fre-
quently refer to the priests as 'the sons of Zadok' (CD 4:1 ff.; 1 QS 5:2,9; 1 QSa 1:2, 24;
2:3; l Q S b 3:22ff), but the litany does not seem to contain other elements that were
distinctive to Qumran. For a history of the Zadokites generally, see R. Meyer, TDJVT
VII, pp. 36-43. Finally if the litany was composed later, it is difficult to think of any
reason why it should have become attached to the book of Sirach.
90 See M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism (1974), I, p. 131.
198 C H A P T E R THREE

hope during the time of their rule, except of course a m o n g those

opposed to them, like the Q u m r a n community. 9 1
1 Maccabees 2:57, being part of the last words of Mattathias, men-
tions that David inherited the throne of the kingdom εις αιώνας. A
n u m b e r of scholars have argued that here the use of the plural form of
αιών means 'for ages' rather than 'for ever'. 92 In any case, 1 Mac-
cabees is not interested in the Davidic covenant, but rather in 'the
family of those men through w h o m deliverance was given to Israel'
(5:62). Simon's reign is presented in 14:4-15 in a way that could
broadly be described as 'messianic' or certainly as 'idyllic', but the
author avoids direct application to Simon (and his other heroes) of
prophecies relating to the Davidic line. 93 In fact, the people's decision
that Simon 'should be their leader and high priest for ever' (14:41) is
qualified by the clause immediately following, 'until a trustworthy
prophet should arise' (cf. 4:46). T h e author wished to make the point
that his heroes were operating at a time when prophets had ceased to

91 Cf., e.g., G. Vermes, The Complété Dead Sea Scrolls in English ( 1997), pp. 49-66.
92 SeeJ.A. Goldstein, I Maccabees (1976), pp. 236, 240-241; E. Schürer, op. cit., II, p.
500, note 6; K.E. Pomykala, op. cit., pp. 152-159. εις αιώνας is likely to be a better
reading of the text than εις αιώνα αιώνος. J.J. Collins, art. cit., p. 104, is not convinced
that the plural does not mean 'forever', so affirming the traditional Davidic hope. W.
Horbury, art. cit., pp. 417-418, noting that the verse echoes the promise of 2 Sam.
7:13, grants that 'for ever' need not be taken in its fullest sense in Mattathias's speech.
However, he concludes that this reference to David "shows that a tradition with a
clear messianic aspect was current and could be used despite Maccabean loyalties".
Horbury in Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ (1998), pp. 36-63, argues for the
prevalence of messianism in the Second-Temple period, especially emphasizing the
implications of the LXX Pentateuch; similarly, A. Laato, A Star is Rising: The Historical
Development of the Old Testament Royal Ideology and the Rise ofJewish Messianic Expectations
(1997), pp. 240ff, 285-289; contra, J.J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star (1995), pp. 31-41;
K.E. Pomykala, op. cit., pp. 69-170, 270; cf. K.R. Atkinson, 'On the Use of Scripture
in the Development of Militant Davidic Messianism at Qumran: New Light from
Psalm of Solomon 17', in The Interpretation of Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity, ed.
C.A. Evans (2000), pp. 106-123.
93 J.A. Goldstein, 'How the Authors of 1 and 2 Maccabees Treated the "Messian-
ic" Promises', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 71 above), pp. 69-96, at p. 77,
and note 60 (p. 93), finds echoes of various O T passages in 1 Macc. 14:8-12, some of
which are from a broadly messianic context, but is probably correct in suggesting that
in verse 12 the author is most intent on making a comparison between Simon and
Solomon (1 Kings 4:25 (5:5 in Heb.); cf. 2 Kings'18:31 ; Micah 4:4; Zech. 3:10). There
is some similarity of themes between 1 Macc. 14:4-15 and Psalm 72, which may have
been interpreted as describing Solomon's reign (cf. title to Ps. 72 in LXX, Εις
Σαλωμών). Cf. D.S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic ( 1964), p. 311 ;
H.W. Attridge, 'Historiography', in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E.
Stone (1984), pp. 157-184, at pp. 174-176; contra, S. Mowinckel, op. cit., p. 284, who
considered that Simon was regarded as 'the Messiah'.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 1 9 971

appear (9:27), which implies that what he recounts was not directly
prophesied, and the results they achieved may be temporary and pro-
visional rather than permanent and eschatological. 94
T h e fourth section of 1 Enoch, containing the Animal Apocalypse (ch.
85-90), may be seen as coming from the time of the Maccabees, prior
to the death of J u d a s Maccabaeus. 9 5 In proximity to the reference to
God's throne o f j u d g m e n t (90:20), we are probably justified in seeing a
messianic figure symbolized by the 'white bull' who is born after the
j u d g m e n t (90:37). 96 All the beasts of the field and the birds feared and
petitioned him, and then they all became 'white bulls' (verse 38),
which is the symbol used for the patriarchs from Adam to Isaac earlier
in the apocalypse (85-89:12). 97 Like Ezekiel 34 and Daniel 7, the over-

94 The reference to 'a trustworthy prophet' (1 Macc. 14:41) may allude to Simon's
son. John Hyrcanus I, who reigned from 134 to 104 B.C., who according tojosephus,
B.J. i. 68f.; Aril. xiii. 282f., 299f., had the gift of prophecy (cf. Tosefta Sotah 13:5); so, R.
Meyer, 77)JVTVI, pp. 815-816, 825;J.A. Goldstein, art. cit., p. 75. However, the author
of 1 Maccabees, while he ends his work by referring to the reign of John Hyrcanus
(16:23-24), does not refer to his prophetic gift, so the question must be left open; cf. G.
Vermes, Jesus the Jew (\ 973), pp. 92-93; D. Hill, Am; Testament Prophecy (1979),pp. 22-24.
The appointment of Simon as 'high priest for ever' is probably based on Psalm
110:4, denoting an hereditary high priesthood; see F.F. Bruce, 77;« Epistle to the Hebrews
(1964), p. 96, note 35; D.M. Hay, Gloiy at the Right Hand: Psalm 110 in Early Christianity
(1973), pp. 24-26. Bruce mentions that if the Hasmoneans used Psalm 110 to support
their own high-priestly claims, that in itself might account for its non-appearance
among the Qumran testimonia. Similarly, Hay sees the psalm as probably entering the
New Testament age, "trailing associations of the dusty glory of the Hasmoneans".
95 See note 20 (ch. 3).
96 So, e.g., R.H. Charles, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch (1912), pp. 215-216; M. Hen-
gel ,Judaism and Hellenism (ET, 1974), I, p. 188; G.R. Bcasley-Murrav, Jesus and the
Kingdom of God( 1986), p. 57. J.A. Goldstein, art. cit., pp. 72-73, and note 22 (on pp. 90-
91), cogently argues that the reference to the shepherds in 1 Enoch 89:59-90:25 is
derived from Ezekiel 34, with God himself rescuing his sheep by means ofjudgment
in both passages, and establishing as ruler 'my servant David' in Ezek. 34:23-24, and
a 'white bull' in 1 Enoch 90:37-38. Contra, J.J. Collins, art. cit. (see note 75 above), pp.
100-101, who comments that it is difficult to decide whether the 'white bull' is a
Davidic Messiah, as his Davidic affiliation is not demonstrable. Similarly, G.YV.E.
Nickelsburg, 'Salvation without and with a Messiah: Developing Beliefs in Writings
Ascribed to Enoch', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 71 above), pp. 49-68, at
pp. 55-56, concedes that "this great eschatological beast" may be a symbol for such a
Messiah, but he stresses that the only identifiable eschatological human agent of sal-
vation is the ram, Judas Maccabaeus.
97 G.W.E. Nickelsburg, art. cit., p. 56, comments that "the great bull of the eschaton
is important not for what he does, but for what (or who) he is. He is ... a reversion to
the white bulls of primordial times - ... the first fruits of a humanity returned to pri-
mordial purity and vitality." According to Str.-B., 1, pp. 486, 956, there is direct
dependence here on Dan. 7:13-14, where 'one like a son of man' was given dominion,
after 'thrones were placed' for judgment and 'the books were opened' (Dan 7:9-10; cf.
1 Enoch 90:20). Contra, M. Casey, Son of Man: the interpretation and influence of Daniel 7
'200 C H A P T E R FIVE

riding reality is God's rule and kingship, with a messianic figure

appearing not as an instrument of God's j u d g m e n t but in order to rule
after j u d g m e n t has taken place. 98
Moving on to the middle of the first century B.C. at the end of the
H a s m o n e a n period, the Psalms of Solomon witness to the revival of
specifically Davidic messianism a m o n g groups opposed to the Has-
moneans, as we have seen at Q p m r a n . 9 9 T h e r e are historical allusions
in Pss. Sol. 1; 2; 8; and 17. T h e 'sinners' who set up a non-Davidic
monarchy (17:5f.) are the Hasmoneans. T h e y were overthrown
through 'a m a n alien to our race' (17:7), generally identified with
Pompey, who took Jerusalem in 63 B.C. 100 His assassination in Egypt
in 48 B.C. is referred to in 2:26f.
As we saw in chapter 3, Ps. Sol. 17 (which is the principal messianic
psalm) is set in the context of God's kingship (verses 1, 3, 34, 46). 101
God's choice of David to be king and his promise about David's
descendants and his kingdom not failing (based on 2 Samuel 7) are

(1979), pp. 134-135, who acknowledges especially at 1 Enoch 90:20, that there is evi-
dent contact with the thought-world of Daniel 7, but finds insufficient evidence of lit-
erary dependence.
In my article, 'Is Daniel's "son of man" messianic?', in Christ the Lord, ed. H.H.
Rowdon (1982), pp. 71-96, at pp. 76-78, 86-89, I argued that the Davidic kingship,
represented as fulfilling the original role o f ' m a n ' in the creation order (as expounded
in Genesis 1:26-28 and Psalm 8:3-8), forms the background to the vision in Daniel 7.
If that is correct, the conceptual link between 'one like a son of man' in Daniel 7:13-
14 and the 'white bull' of 1 Enoch 90:37-38, who represents "humanity returned to
primordial purity and vitality" (Nickelsburg), becomes stronger. Cf. M.D. Hooker,
The Son ofMan in Mark ( 1967), pp. 67-69.
98 For the references to future rulers in Book 3 of the Sibylline Oracles, and their
relationship to God's kingship, see pp. 103-105 and notes 48-51 (ch. 3). For possible
messianic references in Jubilees and the Testaments of the Twelve Partriarchs, see
note 63 above. J.J. Collins, art. cit., p. 105, calls the passage about Levi and Judah in
Jubilees 31 "at least implicitly messianic". Jubilees is to be dated in the second century
B.C., perhaps prior to the accession ofJonathan to the high priesthood in 152 B.C.;
see the discussion on dating in G.YV.E. Nickelsburg, 'The Bible Rewritten and
Expanded', in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone (1984), pp. 89-
156, at pp. 101-103.
99 Cf. R H. Fuller, op. cit., pp. 30-31;JJ. Collins, art. cit., pp. 104-105; K.R. Atkin-
son, 'On the Herodian Origin of Militant Davidic Messianism at Qumran: New Light
from Psalm of Solomon 17 ,,JBL 118 (1999), pp. 435-460. For views regarding the cir-
cles in which the Psalms of Solomon arose, see p. 106 and note 54 (ch. 3).
100 Contra, K.R. Atkinson, 'On the Use of Scripture' (see note 92 above), pp. 108-
109, who sees the 'man alien to our race' as Herod the Great, and the portrayal of the
Davidic Messiah here (and in some of the Qumran documents) as a righteous coun-
terpart to him. The translation followed here is that of R.B. Wright, in The Old Testa-
ment Pseudepigrapha, ed.J.H. Charlesworth, II (1985), pp. 651-670.
101 S e e / 1 0 7 .
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 20171

mentioned (verse 4), before a description of the uprising of 'sinners',

who set up a non-Davidic monarchy and 'despoiled the throne of
David with arrogant shouting' (verses 5, 6). Their overthrow by Pom-
pey and the effects of his rule on Jerusalem were seen as God's judg-
ments, which were fully deserved (verses 7-20).
Verses 21-25 are a prayer for the coming of the Anointed king (or
'Messiah'), and verses 26-44 continue with a description of his rule.
Here, for the first time in Jewish literature, 'the son of David' is used
as a title (or description) of the future king (verse 21):

See,102 Lord, and raise up for them their king,

the son of David, to rule over your servant Israel
in the time known to you, Ο God.

T h e thought behind this prayer goes back to God's promise to David

about his descendants, mentioned in verse 4.
T h e prayer continues, with heightened political significance, that
the king may be strengthened 'to destroy the unrighteous rulers, to
purge Jerusalem from gentiles' (verse 22). T h u s the description or title
'Son of David' (together with the description or title 'the Lord's Messi-
ah', 1 0 3 verse 32) is here associated at least in part with military or polit-
ical action. This could be taken to mean rebellion from the point of
view of the authorities in a time of R o m a n occupation, such as the
time o f j e s u s . 1 0 4 In verse 42, the future ruler is called, 'the king of
Israel' (cf. Mark 15:32).
T h e description of the king in Ps. Sol. 17 contains a n u m b e r of allu-

102 Other manuscripts read, 'Know this'. For a general consideration of the history
of the texts and a comparison of the various witnesses, see R.R. Hahn, The Manuscript
History of the Psalms of Solomon ( 1982).
103 Most commentators emend χριστός κύριος to χριστός κυρίου; e.g., F. Hahn, op.
cit., p. 144 and note 91 (on p. 200); M. de Jonge, TDNTIX, pp. 513-514 and note
107; M.A. Knibb, 'Messianism in the Pseudepigrapha in the Light of the Scrolls',
DSD 2 (1995), pp. 165-184, at pp. 169-170; K.R. Atkinson, 'On the Use of Scripture'
(see note 92 above), p. 107 and note 5; contra, R.B. Wright, in The Old Testament Pseude-
pigrapha, ed. J . H . Charlesworth, II. (1985), note ζ (on pp. 667-668); R.R. Hahn,
'Christos Kyrios in Ps Sol 17.32: "The Lord's Anointed" Reconsidered', NTS 31
(1985), pp. 620-627.
104 When blind Bartimaeus called out, 'Jesus, Son of David, have mercy on me!",
Mark records that 'many rebuked him, telling him to be silent' (10:47f.). Jericho,
where the encounter with Bartimaeus took place, was just within the boundaries of
Judaea, under the direct rule of the Roman procurator. It may be that the presumed
political agenda of the Son of David could be taken as a very real threat to the Roman
authorities, so caution was necessary. Perhaps people rebuked Bartimaeus, because
he was shouting out what others merely whispered. Cf. Ε. Rivkin, What Crucified Jesus?
202 C H A P T E R THREE

sions to the Old Testament. T h e r e is an allusion to the royal psalm,

Psalm 2:9, 'You shall break them with a rod of iron, and dash them in
pieces like a potter's vessel', in verses 23f.:

to smash the arrogance of sinners like a potter's jar;

to shatter all their substance with an iron rod.105
Ps. Sol. 17 also contains allusions to the messianic prophecy in Isaiah
11:1-10. In verse 24, the above quotation continues, 'to destroy the
unlawful nations with the word of his mouth', which recalls Isaiah
11:4:

and he shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth,
and with the breath of his lips he shall slay the wicked.
T h e r e is a further allusion to the same verse in Ps. Sol. 17:35f., while
Isaiah 11:2 lies behind verse 37:

And he will not weaken in his days, (relying) upon his God,
for God made him
powerful in the holy spirit
and wise in the counsel of understanding,
with strength and righteousness.106

(1984), and section (3) of this chapter,/;/;. 219-228. This political element of the Messi-
ahship of the Son of David in Ps. Sol. I 7 may also have contributed to the reasoning
behind Jesus' question, "How can the scribes say that the Christ is the Son of David?"
(Mark 12:35); see further pp. 278-283 and notes'181, 182, 189(ch.6).
B.L. Mack, art. cit., pp. 39-40, emphasizes the displacement of the king and his
reign into the future in Ps. Sol. 1 7, and finds no indications in the collection of psalms
of interest in a political program, that could generate a popular messianic movement.
However, the political situation was different half a century later with Judaea under
direct Roman rule, so the same ideas may have been used or suspected of being used
in some circles with a direct political purpose.
105 See pp. 107-108 for the allusion to Ps 2:10 in Ps. Sol. 2:32, and the link with
Mark's gospel. If the emendation to χριστός κυρίου in Ps. Sol 17:32 is correct, then tak-
ing account of the reference to the Lord's kingship in verse 34, this may be an allusion to
Ps. 2:2. M. de Jonge, 'The Use of the Word "Anointed" in the Time ofjesus', NovT 8
(1966), pp. 132-148, at p. 135, note 2, considers that Pss. 2 and 72 especially seem to
have influenced the author's description of the future king's reign. C.E. Wood, op. cit., p.
85, also notes allusions to 2 Sam. 7 and Ps. 89 in Ps. Sol. 17; cf. note 84 above, on Sirach
47:11.
106 M. de Jonge, art. cit., p. 135,note 1, draws special attention not only to Is. 11:1-
10, but also to Is. 49; 60, as influencing the description of the Son of David's kingship
in Ps. Sol. 17.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 20371

T h e future king is seen as 'faithfully and righteously shepherding the

Lord's flock' (verse 40). In the Old Testament, 'shepherd' is often used
as a metaphor for a king or leader, and Mark describes Jesus on one
occasion as having compassion on the crowd, 'because they were like
sheep without a shepherd' (6:34). Also, according to Mark 14:27, Jesus
quotes Zechariah 13:7, with reference to himself and his disciples, '1
will strike the shepherd, and the sheep will be scattered.'
While in Ps. Sol. 17, the immediate impact of the king's rule will
be in the political realm, its long-term and p e r m a n e n t effect will be to
establish righteousness. H e will gather a holy people (verse 26) and
will purge Jerusalem (verse 30). He will glorify the Lord (verse 30)
and be a righteous king, 'taught by G o d ' (verse 32). As 'the Lord's
Messiah', he is dependent on God's kingship (verses 32, 34). T h e
Lord's people will be blessed with wisdom and happiness under his
rule (verse 35; cf. verse 44) and the king himself will be free from sin,
in order to rule a great people (verse 36). W e may note here that sim-
ilar characteristics of a concern for righteousness, dependence on
G o d and attendant blessings on the people are seen in Mark's por-
trayal o f j e s u s .
M. dc J o n g e describes the expected king of Ps. Sol. 17 as a 'scribe-
king', 107 while B.L. Mack asks whether he is not cast essentially in the
role of sage and teacher. 1 0 8 This comes from his spiritual endowment
with wisdom and understanding (as well as strength and righteous-
ness, verse 37), following Isaiah 11 :Iff. As we have seen, this passage
was also used to describe the Davidic Messiah at Q u m r a n in l Q S b
5:2Iff.; 4QpIsa a fragments 8-10, 18-25; 4 Q 2 8 5 fragment 5, Iff. 109 T h e
portrayal of the Messiah as a wise man, with the implications that may
have for the role of a teacher, leads us also to compare with Ps. Sol. 17
the passage about 'David's Compositions' in 1 l Q P s a 27:2-11. 110 Here,
in addition to being called 'a scribe, intelligent and perfect in all his

107 Art. cit., p. 136.

108 Art. cit., pp. 40-41. In Mack's view, the attribution of wisdom is absolutely essen-
tial to the construction of the figure of the king, and has qualified every single aspect
of his character and effectiveness. Cf. F. Hahn, op. cit., p. 144 and note 93 (on p. 200);
D. Guthrie, New Testament Theology (1981), p. 237, who, referring to Pss. Sol. 17-18
especially, sees the concept of the Messiah during the intertestamental period as "a
curious mixture of nationalistic and spiritual hopes".
109 See pp. 175, 180-182. Cf. M. Hengel, Jesus als messianischer Lehrer der
Weisheit und die Anfange der Christologie', in Sagesse et Religion (Colloque de Strasbourg,
Oct. 1976), ed. E.Jacob (1979). pp. 147-188, at pp'. 166ff.
110 See note 56 above.
204 C H A P T E R THREE

ways before G o d and m e n ' , 1 " David is credited with the gift of
prophecy, which enabled him to compose 4,050 psalms and songs. 112
T h u s it seems clear that the future Messiah was associated in some
circles not only with political rule, but also with Spirit-endowed
prophecy and the teaching of wisdom, drawn partly from the repre-
sentation of David. Further, a n u m b e r of scholars have recendy
drawn attention to traditions about healing and especially exorcism,
that were associated with David and with Solomon as the 'son of
David'. 1 1 3 T h e passage at Q u m r a n about 'David's Compositions' says
that a m o n g the songs that David uttered were four 'to make music on
behalf of those stricken (by evil spirits)' (1 l Q P s a 27:10). Another scroll
found in Cave 11 (11QPsAp a = 11Q11) contains some apocryphal
psalm fragments which have as their apparent purpose the exorcism
of demons, and which also mention Solomon. 1 1 4
T h e root of David's association with exorcism is 1 Samuel 16:14-
23, which recounts how the evil spirit departed from Saul, when

111 T h e translation here follows G. Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English
(1997), p. 307.
112 In 11QjPs·', 'David's Compositions' follows immediately after the last verse of 2
Sam. 23:1-7, where the 'last words of David', who is described as 'the anointed of the
God o f j a c o b ' (verse 1), commence "The Spirit of the Lord speaks by me ..." (verse 2).
See further,/?. 49 and note 163(ch. 1).J.A. Sanders, The Psalms Scroll of Qumrân Cave 11
(llQPs"), DJDIV (1965), pp. 91-93, comments that several of the attributes of David
listed in 1lQPs* 27:2-4 are found in 2 Sam. 23:1-7 or in 2 Sam. 22 (=Psalm 18),
which (he surmises) was "surely included in the early columns of 1 lQPs•1".
In Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (Pseudo-Philo), chapters 59 and 60, David is led by
the Spirit, and seen "as a type of messianic figure"; so, M. de Jonge, as reported in
J . H . Charlesworth, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the New Testament (1985), pp.
114, 119. For other possible messianic references in Pseudo-Philo (LAB 51:3-6;
62:9), see W. Horbury, art. cit. (see note 83 above), p. 424-425; cf. G.S. Oegama, op.
cit., pp. 184-187. According to D.J. Harrington in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,
ed. J . H . Charlesworth, II (1985), at pp. 297-303, Pseudo-Philo shows no interest in
the future Messiah; cf. H. Jacobson, A Commentary on Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum
Biblicarum (1996), I, p. 250, who summarises, "LAB may have had a notion of a mes-
sianic descendant of David, but if he gave the concept any serious thought it is not
evident".
113 E.g., K. Berger, 'Die königlichen Messiastradionen des Neuen Testaments',
NTS 20 (1973), pp. 1-44; D.C. Duling, 'Solomon, Exorcism and the Son of David',
HTR 68 (1975), pp. 235-252; B.D. Chilton, 'Jesus ben David‫׳‬, reflections on the
Davidssohnfrage'', JSNT 14(1982), pp. 88-112.
114 See J.P.M. van der Ploeg, 'Un petit rouleau de psaumes apocryphes
(11QPsAp1‫')׳‬, in Tradition und Glaub, Festgabe für K.G. Kuhn, edd. G.Jeremias, H.W.
Kuhn, & H. Stegemann (1971), pp. 128-139, who wonders whether these psalms
might not be the very songs 'for the stricken', referred to in 'David's Compositions'.
11 QPsAp·1 also contains a version of Psalm 91, which in rabbinic tradition was associ-
ated with exorcism. Cf. D.C. Duling, art. cit., p. 239.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 20571

David played for him on the lyre. This passage follows the anointing
of David by Samuel, a n d we read that 'the Spirit of the Lord came
mightily upon David from that day forward' (1 Samuel 16:13). Jose-
phus (Antiquities vi. 166-168) links these two events, by saying that 'the
Deity a b a n d o n e d Saul and passed over to David who, when the
divine spirit had removed to him, began to prophesy'. He then goes
on to describe David's exorcisms in relation to S a u l . " 5
T h e tradition of Solomon as exorcist stems from the description of
his wisdom in 1 Kings 4:29-34 (5:9-14 in Hebrew). T h e L X X of 1
Kings 4:32 ascribes to Solomon 5,000 songs (in addition to 3,000
proverbs), compared to 1,005 in the M T (5:12), while in Wisdom of
Solomon 7:20, Solomon's knowledge is said to include:

the natures of animals and the tempers of wild beasts,

the powers of spirits and the reasonings of men,
the varieties of plants and the virtues of roots;

T h e verses prior to this speak of Solomon's knowledge of the structure

of the world, times, solstices and seasons, 'the cycles of the years and
the constellations of the stars' (verses 17-19). T h u s it appears that
astrology, demonology and some forms of magic were now attributed
to him, by an extension of the reference to his speaking about plants
and animals in 1 Kings 4:33 (5:13).' 16
Josephus' treatment of Solomon's wisdom (Antiquities viii. 42-49)
includes the following (viii. 45):

And God granted him knowledge of the art used against demons for
the benefit and healing of men. He also composed incantations by
which illnesses are relieved, and left behind forms of exorcisms with
which those possessed by demons drive them out, never to return.

This is followed by an illustration of Solomon's n a m e and rites being

used in an exorcism by a J e w n a m e d Eleazar, which was witnessed by

115 T h e translation is that of H.St.J. Thackeray in H.StJ. Thackerav,J. Marcus &

L.H. Feldman, Josephus, I-IX (Loeb Classical Library, 1926-65). Cf. J‫״‬.M. Hull, Hel-
lenistic Magic and the Synoptic Tradition ( 1974), p. 63. Similarly, in Liber Antiquitatum Bibli-
carum (Pseudo-Philo), David sings a new psalm after Samuel has anointed him (I A B
59:4) and another new psalm to rebuke the evil spirit that troubles Saul (60:2-3).
116 Cf. J . M . Hull, op. cit., pp. 33-34. O n the broader question of the relationship of
magic to miracles and the gospel traditions, cf. Ε. Yamauchi, 'Magic or Miracle? Dis-
eases, Demons and Exorcisms', in Gospel Perspectives, VI: The Miracles ofjesus, edd. D.
Wenham & C. Blomberg (1986), pp. 89-183. Yamauchi disputes Hull's view that
exorcisms were necessarily related to magic.
206 C H A P T E R THREE

Josephus in the presence of Vespasian. T h e Testament of Solomon,

which is dated between the first and third centuries A.D., 117 and prob-
ably contains some original Jewish as well as Christian elements,
speaks of Solomon's magical powers a n d exorcisms. Further,
Solomon is addressed as 'Son of David' in Test. Sol. 1:7; 20:1 (manu-
script H). 118
While we need to take account of the popular association of
Solomon with healing and exorcism a r o u n d the time o f j e s u s , the evi-
dence remains uncertain as to whether Solomon was called 'Son of
David' in that connection. Further, there is no evidence of any direct
link between this concept and that of the future messianic king, who is
described as 'the son of David' in Ps. Sol. 17:21. However, we have
seen that David's links with exorcism are related to his prophetic gift,
while Solomon's stem from his reputation for wisdom. As the future
king is described in Ps. Sol. 1 7 as Spirit-endowed and wise, it is likely
that in some circles healing a n d exorcism could be considered as com-
patible with that role. Indeed it was probably a short step to apply
some characteristics of the historical son of David, as well as of David
himself, to the messianic 'Son of David'. 1 1 9
Ps. Sol. 18 is entitled, Ψαλμός τω Σαλωμών. ετι του χριστοΰ κυρίου,
where the article before χριστός indicates that 'the Messiah of the
Lord' has become a terminus technicus for the future king. 120 Ps. Sol. 18:5
is a prayer for G o d to 'cleanse Israel for the day of mercy in blessing,
for the appointed day when his Messiah (χριστός αύτοΰ) will reign'.

117 Cf. J.J. Collins, 'Testaments', in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed.
M.E. Stone (1984), pp. 325-355, at p. 327; E. Yamauchi, art. cit., p. 134.
118 See D.C. Duling, art. cit., pp. 242-243. K. Berger, art. cit., pp. 6-8, considers that
'Son of David' functions as a title for Solomon in Proverbs 1:1 ; Ecclesiastes 1:1, which
is confirmed in the Testament of Solomon. He contends that the cry of the old work-
man, "King Solomon, Son of David, have mercy on me" (Test. Sol. 20:1) is probably
independent of the synoptic tradition (cf. Mk. 10:47, 48); so also, B.D. Chilton, art. cit.,
pp. 92-96; contra, D.C. Duling, art. cit., p. 243.
119 Cf. W.C. van Unnik, Jesus the Christ', NTS 8 (1961-62), pp. 101-116, at pp.
112-113; M. de Jonge, 'The Earliest Christian Use of Christos: Some Suggestions', NTS
32 (1986), pp. 321-343, at pp. 334-336, who concludes, "Once we realize the great
variety in the Jewish expectations concerning the future anointed Davidic king, and see
that the inclusion of prophecy and exorcism into the picture of the true descendant of
David must have been easy, there is no need to deny that Jesus' earliest followers could
identify him with the expected Son of David." With regard to Jesus himself, he ques-
tions why he should have avoided the title 'Messiah' if it could mean this and if he
could give his own creative interpretation of it. Cf. the Q-saying, where Jesus' teaching
and ministry is compared to and pronounced greater than Solomon's wisdom (Mt.
12:42; Lk. 11:31). O n Solomon generally, see E. Lohse, TDNTVU, pp. 459-465.
120 Cf. R.N. Ix)ngenecker, The Christology ofEarly Jewish Christianity ( 1970), pp. 64-65.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 20771

Verse 7 speaks o f ' t h e rod of discipline of the Lord's Messiah' (χριστού

κυρίου), 121 and goes on to allude to Isaiah 1 1:211. in similar fashion to
Ps. Sol. 17. In summary, the 'Messiah' of Ps. Sol. 17 and 18 is a
descendent of David, wise and Spirit-endowed, who will destroy
unrighteous rulers and reign over God's people and the nations in
righteousness for the benefit of all, under God's kingship. 122
T h e Psalms of Solomon refer favourably to the synagogues (10:7;
17:16, 43), 123 and we have noted that they reflect a very popular
piety. 124 G. Vermes is surely correct in seeing in the Psalms of
Solomon and in the ancient synagogue prayer, the Shemoneh 'Esreh
(Eighteen Benedictions), two of the most significant sources for the
general messianic expectation of Palestinian Judaism in the time of
Jesus. Both represent "the least academic, and at the same time most
normative, literary form: prayer". 1 2 5
W e have seen that the eleventh petition of the Shemoneh 'Esreh
alludes to God's kingship. 126 T h e fourteenth petition of the Palestinian
recension is as follows:

121 R.B. Wright, in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, cd. J . H . Charlesworth, II

(1985), p. 669, and note f., translates χριστού κυρίου, 'of the Lord Messiah', following
his translation of the unemended text at 1 7:32. See note 103 above.
122 Given Jesus' preaching of the kingdom of God, the close association between
God's kingship and the messianic king as indicated in Ps. Sol. 17, probably had consid-
erable bearing on his own attitude to the role and title of'Messiah'. M. de Jonge, 'The
Use of the Word "Anointed" in the Time ofjesus', M0vT8 (1966), pp. 132-148, at p.
137, is maybe only slightly exaggerating, when in summarizing Ps. Sol. 17, he con-
eludes, "what really mattered was not the person of a particular king but the renewal of
God's kingship through the house of David". He also comments helpfully (note 6, on
pp. 136-137) that the author ofPs. Sol. 17 gives a picture of a kingdom on earth, but it
is not an 'earthly kingdom' - the future will be entirely, essentially different.
123 Cf. B.L. Mack, art. cit., pp. 37, 40.
124 See note 54 (ch. 3).
125 Jesus the Jew (1973), p. 130. Cf. D. Flusser, 'Psalms, Hymns and Prayers', in Jew-
ish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone (1984), pp. 551-577, at p. 573,
where he states that it is difficult to assume that the Psalms of Solomon were written for
liturgical purposes or later became part of any liturgy. However, they are certainly in
the form of prayers, and Flusser acknowledges, at p. 551, that merely 'literary' prayers
or hymns may often serve as witnesses for liturgical forms in Judaism, because they
may imitate current liturgical patterns. Cf. also, chapter 3 above, where we noted the
importance of the context of prayer for references to God as 'King' and the celebration
of his kingship, often leading to petitions for help in the contemporary situation.
126 See pp. 109-110. For the antiquity of the prayer, cf. note 57 (ch. 3). At note 87
above, we noted the similarity of the 'messianic' petitions of the Shemoneh 'Esreh to Sir-
ach 51:12 viii, which we believe was contemporary with the original Hebrew version
of Sirach. Cf. A.S. van der Woude, TDNTIX, p. 521, note 170. Cf. also, D. Flusser,
art. cit., p. 576, and note 105, who says it is not difficult to show that the Thanksgiving
Hymns (1QH) betray knowledge of the Eighteen Benedictions.
208 C H A P T E R THREE

Have mercy, Ο Lord our God, in your great compassion upon your
people Israel; upon Jerusalem your city; upon Zion the dwelling place
of your glory, even upon the Temple, your dwelling; and upon the
dynasty of the house of David your righteous Anointed One.
Blessed art thou, Ο Lord God of David, who buildest Jerusalem. 127

T h e final words of the first part of this petition could be translated,

'the kingdom of the house of David, of the Messiah of thy righteous-
ness\ 1 2 8 While the reference to the 'Messiah 5 may well relate primarily
to David, rather than to a future king, it is clear that the restoration of
the Davidic dynasty is the object of the petition, so by implication
another 'Anointed O n e ' is being requested. J . H . Charlesworth cannot
be correct when he says there is no messianic belief in this old form of
the prayer. 1 2 9 T o pray for God's mercy on the dynasty of the house of
David, when there are no kings reigning of that lineage, must be
implicitly messianic in the light of the Old Testament prophecies
relating to David's line, whether or not the word 'Messiah' refers to a
future king.
In the Babylonian recension there is an additional fifteenth peti-
tion:

May the shoot of David sprout forth quickly, and may his horn be lifted
up by thy help.
Blessed be Thou, Yahweh, who dost cause the horn of hope to shoot
forth.130

T h e reference to the 'shoot' or 'branch' of David makes this petition

more explicitly messianic, and it is often assumed to be from a later
period. 131 However this is not necessarily the case, as there are clear
parallels with the litany of praise at Sirach 51:12 viii, xv, and with the
Benedictus (the prophecy of Zechariah) at Luke 1:69, 78. 132 Also we
have seen that 'the Branch of David' occurs as a title of the princely

127 The translation is that of H.R. Moeller, ed., The Legacy of Zjon: Intertestamental
Texts Related to the New Testament (1977), pp. 159-161, from the Hebrew text in I. Elbo-
gen, Derjüdische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (4th ed., 1962), p. 517.
128 So, Ε. Lohse, 77WTVIII, p. 481. Cf. F. Hahn, op. cit., p. 145.
129 'FromJewish Messianology to Christian Christology: Some Caveats and Perspec-
tives', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 71 above), pp. 225-264, at pp. 249-250.
130 The translation is that of E. Lohse, art. cit., p. 481.
131 See, e.g., A.S. van der Woude, art. cit., p. 521.
132 See note 87 above, ανατολή (Lk 1:78) is used in the LXX to translate ‫צמח‬
('branch, shoot') at Jer. 23:5; Zech. 3:8; 6:12; see I.H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke
(1978), pp. 94-95; H. Schlier, TD.NTÌ, pp. 351-353.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 20971

Messiah at Q u m r a n (4Q252 5:3-4; 4QFlor. 1:11; 4QpIsa" fragments

8-10, 18; 4 Q 2 8 5 fragment 5, 3-4). 133 Vermes is uncertain whether the
Palestinian antedates the Babylonian version, or vice versa, but he
emphasizes that "in what may be described as the most essential
ancient Jewish prayer, the one and only Messianic citation is formu-
lated in terms of royalty." 134
We have now dealt with all the extant sources in our period that are
clearly or probably pre-Christian. We should however look briefly at
the Similitudes of Enoch and then some later evidence that may throw
light on messianic beliefs contemporary with Jesus and the gospel
writers. T h e r e has been considerable debate about the dating of the
Similitudes (1 Enoch 37-71), largely due to the fact that no fragments
of these chapters have been found at Qumran. 1 3 5 T h e most wide-
spread opinion now is that they were written before A.D. 70, but it
remains uncertain whether they predated the time ofjesus. 1 3 6 How-
ever, as they do not reflect Christian theology, they represent impor-
tant evidence of one strand ofJewish thought and Biblical interpreta-
tion that is roughly contemporary with Jesus.
'Anointed one' or 'Messiah' occurs twice in the Similitudes, in both
cases in the form 'his Messiah', meaning 'the Lord's Messiah' (48:10;

133 See pp. 178-183. In 4Q252 5:3, the coming king is also referred to as 'the Messi-
ah of Righteousness', which may be compared with the phrase in the fourteenth peti-
tion of the Shemoneh 'Esreh (Palestinian recension). Cf. generally the Habinenu and
Musaph prayers; see A.S. van der Woude, art. cit., pp. 521-522.
134 Op. cit., p. 132.
135 See J . T . Milik, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4 (1976).
Milik's dating of the work in the 3rd. century A.D. has not been followed by other
scholars. M. Black, 'Aramaic Barnāshā and the "Son of M a n " ' , ExpT95 (1984), pp.
200-206, at p. 201, points out that the fragments at Q u m r a n constitute only about 5
per cent of the whole of 1 Enoch, which makes 'the argument from silence' con-
cerning the Similitudes less impressive. In his later article, 'The Messianism of the
Parables of Enoch: Their Date and Contributions to Christological Origins', in The
Messiah, ed. J . H . Charlesworth (1992), pp. 145-168, at p. 162, Black states that
views about 1 Enoch 37-71 "have been hardening in favour of a basically Jewish
work, composed around the turn of the millenium, c. first century BCE first cen-
tury CE." M.A. Knibb, 'The Date of the Parables of Enoch: A Critical Review',
NTS 25 (1978-79), pp. 345ff., opts for the period following A.D. 70, while C.L.
Mearns, 'Dating the Similitudes υ Γ Enoch', NTS 25 (1978-79), pp. 360ÍF, looks to
the late 40's A.D.
136 See J . H . Charlesworth, art. cit. (see note 129 above), p. 237 and note 29 (on pp.
260-261); J J . Collins, 77«‫ ׳‬Scepter and the Star (1995), p. 177. Cf. M.D. Hooker, The Son
of Man in Mark (1967), pp. 47-48, who concludes that the Similitudes should probably
be dated during the Roman period between 63 B.C. and A.D. 70, but a more precise
dating within these limits is difficult. Cf. also note 22 (ch. 3).
210 C H A P T E R THREE

52:4). In 48:10, there is a clear allusion to Psalm 2:2, as is shown by

the reference to 'the kings of the earth' in 48:8. Chapters 48 and 49
also allude to the messianic prophecy in Isaiah 11 (49:2-4) as well as to
the Servant passages in Isaiah 42 and 49. 137 'Messiah' appears to be a
technical term in the two passages mentioned in the Similitudes, 138
and is used alongside other titles or descriptions of a heavenly figure
who vindicates the righteous, judges the ungodly and rules over all:
'the Righteous O n e ' and much more frequently 'the Elect O n e ' and
'the Son of Man'. 1 3 9
T h e portrayal of the 'Son of M a n ' is clearly dependent on Daniel 7,
as may be seen in 1 Enoch 46: Iff. 140 As G.YV.E. Nickelsburg has point-
ed out, it is very relevant for the study of the gospels that the Simili-
tudes combine in one figure the titles, attributes and functions of the
one like the son of m a n in Daniel 7, the Servant of the Lord in Second

137 See G.YV.E. Nickelsburg, 'Salvation without and with a Messiah: Developing
Beliefs in Writings Ascribed to Enoch', in Judaisms and Thar Messiahs (see note 71
above), pp. 49-68, at pp. 59-61. He also sees the fourth Servant song (Is. 52:13-53:12),
linked to Isaiah 14, as lying behind 1 Enoch 62-63, and notes a similar interpretation
linking these two passages in Wisdom of Solomon 4-5. He further notes (p. 64), that
these chapters in Wisdom of Solomon use language from Psalm '2 to describe the inter-
action between the righteous one and his rich and royal persecutors (Wisdom 4:18;
6:1), while citing Enoch as the example of the righteous one par excellence (Wisdom
4:10-15; cf. 1 Enoch 71:14). For the kingdom of the righteous in Wisdom of Solomon
3:8, see p. 105‫׳‬, cf. B.L. Mack, art. cit., pp. 25-31; for the collective interpretation of Is
52:13 53:12 ‫־‬ in the Wisdom of Solomon, see also J . Jeremias, TDNTV, p. 684.
We have seen that Psalm 2, Isaiah 11 and 49 influenced the description of the Mes-
siah in Ps. Sol. 17 (see p. 202 and notes 105, 106 above); these are the same passages
that are among those alluded to in the description of the messianic 'Son of Man' in
the Similitudes of Enoch; cf. M. de Jonge, art. cit., p. 144.
138 So, R.H. Charles, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch (1912), p. 95. J.J. Collins, 'The
Son of Man in First-Century Judaism', NTS 38 (1992), pp. 448-466, at p. 465, notes,
"The title messiah has only minor importance in the Similitudes, but the fact that it is
still used there shows that it must have been commonly associated with the Danielic
'Son of Man'."
139 For the occurrences of these titles/descriptions, and their interrelationships, see
C.C. Caragounis, The Son of Man: Vision and Interpretation (1986), pp. 94-95; J.C. Van-
derKam, 'Righteous One, Messiah, Chosen One, and Son of Man in 1 Enoch 37-71',
in The Messiah, ed. J . H . Charlesworth (1992), pp. 169-191. Caragounis (at pp. 104-
111) argues that the author of the Similitudes is trying to introduce an unknown and
non-messianic designation, 'Son of Man', in messianic contexts by means of other
more feasible and usable titles. G.W.E. Nickelsburg, art. cit., p. 58 and note 24 (on p.
67), says we must be cautious in designating 'Son of Man' as a title, since the term is
nearly always qualified. ContrastJ.H. Charlesworth, art. cit., note 33 (on p. 261).
140 Cf. M.D. Hooker, op. cit., p. 44; J . Theisohn, Der auserwählte Richter (1975), pp.
14-23; M. Black, art. cit., p. 201; G.R. Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God
(1986), p. 58; C.C. Caragounis, op. cit., pp. 95ff.; G.W.E. Nickelsburg, art. cit., pp. 58f.;
J.J. Collins, art. cit., p. 452.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 21171

Isaiah, and the Davidic Messiah. 141 It may be incorrect however to

call the transcendent figure of the Similitudes a Davidic Messiah,
despite the connections with Psalm 2 and Isaiah 11. N o Davidic
descent is mentioned, and there is no suggestion that the author of the
Similitudes is looking for the restoration of the Davidic line. 142 T h e
use of the term 'Messiah' may merely denote divine appointment, but
it is significant that the term designates a mighty ruler and judge,
albeit of a transcendental kind, who is seated on God's throne. Indeed
there are a n u m b e r of similarities as well as differences between this
figure and the Davidic Messiah of Ps. Sol. 17, who destroys unright-
eous rulers and becomes a universal ruler under God's kingship. 143

141 Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah: A Historical and Literary Introduction
(1981), p. 223; cf. J . H . Charlesworth, art. cit., pp. 240-241, who also compares the hid-
den Son of Man in the Similitudes with the messianic secret in Mark. On the latter
point, see further E. Sjöberg, Da verborgene Menschensohn in den Evangelien( 1955), pp. 48f;
H.E. Tödt, The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition (orig. publ. in German, 1959, 2nd
ed., 1963; Ε'Γ, 1965), pp. 298-302; for criticism of Sjöberg's theories, see citations in
C.M. Tuckett, 'Introduction: The Problem of the Messianic Secret', in The Messianic
Secret, ed. C.M. Tuckett (1983), pp. 1-28, at p. 11 and note 36 (on p. 25).
142 Cf. C.C. Caragounis, op. cit., p. I l l , who suggests that the author, like Daniel,
has lost faith in a traditional human messiah of David's line; cf. also, J.J. Collins, 'Mes-
sianism in the Maccabean Period', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 71 above),
pp. 97-109, at p. 101.
143 Cf. M. de Jonge, art. cit., p. 144. Cf. also, pp. 94f and note 23 (ch. 3); and on the
Psalms of Solomon, note 122 above. VV. Horbury, art. cit. (see note 83 above), pp. 422-
433, argues against VV. Bousset's separation of "two very different mesianic portraits:
that of a human ruler, in the Psalms of Solomon, and that of a superhuman hero, in
the apocalypses ascribed to Enoch, Ezra and Baruch" (p. 423). In Horbury's view,
"the widespread distinction between human and superhuman messianic portraits
seems misplaced", and he suggests that superhuman traits in the Pseudepigrapha
"reflect above all the superhuman traits in biblical oracles on the present or future
king" (p. 433). More generally, and as an important counterbalance to most recent
scholarly work, which reflects the diversity of messianism, Horbury argues for the
coherence of messianism in Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ ( 1998), pp. 64-108.
There is no agreement among scholars regarding the authenticity of the apparent
identification of Enoch with the Son of Man at 1 Enoch 71:14. Authenticity is sup-
ported by, e.g., E. Sjöberg, Der Menschensohn im äthiopischen Henochbuch (1946), pp. 1 71 -
185; M D. Hooker, op. cit., pp. 42f; C. Colpe, TOATVIII, pp. 426f; M. Casev, 'The
Use of the term, "Son o f M a n " in the Similitudes of Enoch', JSJ 8 (1976), pp.' 11-29,
at p. 25; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., pp. 58-60. Against this view, R.H. Charles, op.
cit., pp. 142-144, emends the text, while Ε. Isaac in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,
ed.J.H. Charlesworth, I (1983), p. 50, note s, distinguishes 'son of man', as an address
to Enoch in 71:14, from the 'Son of Man'; so also, J.J. Collins, 'The Son of Man' (see
note 138 above), pp. 453-457. C.C. Caragounis, op. cit., note 21 (on pp. 110-112), also
argues against the identification of Enoch with the Son of Man in the original version,
while M. Black, 'Aramaic Barnāshā' (see note 135), p. 201, takes chapters 70-71 to be
a later addition; similarly, G.VV.E. Nickelsburg, art. cit., p. 64, considers that chapter
71 may well be a later appendix to the book.
212 C H A P T E R THREE

Because of the uncertain date of the Similitudes, we cannot know

whether the identification there of the Messiah with the 'one like a son
of m a n ' in Daniel (as well as the 'servant of the Lord' in Second Isaiah)
influenced the Biblical interpretation of Jesus a n d / o r the early
church. However, as the Similitudes do not themselves show Christ-
ian influence, they are evidence that such an interpretation was possi-
ble in early Judaism. Thus, even ifJesus a n d / o r the early church did
not know the Similitudes, they may have been aware of a developing
strand of Biblical interpretation that was taken u p by the Simili-
tudes. 144 In this way, the scope for interpretation of a messianic role
was probably broadened.
2 Esdras and 2 Baruch were probably written in the period a r o u n d
A.D. 100, following the destruction of the T e m p l e in A.D. 70, and

If Enoch is identified as the Son of Man, this may be seen as parallel to the exalta-
tion o f j e s u s as the Son of man in the gospel traditions. However, the identification
appears to conflict with the idea of the pre-existence of the Son of Man (1 Enoch 48:2-
3, 6; 62:7); see C.C. Caragounis, op. cit., pp. 113-115; contra, T.VV. Manson, 'The Son
of Man in Daniel, Enoch and the Gospels', BJRL 32 (1950), pp. 171-193, who argued
that the Similitudes do not portray the Son of Man as a pre-existent heavenly being.
144 While the Similitudes have not been found at Qumran, other parts of the Enoch
literature were used there, and we know that Daniel was a popular book at Qumran; see
note 28 above. It is therefore quite possible that this line of Biblical interpretation was
known of or even developed at Qumran; cf. 11 QMelchizedek, where the figure of
Melchizedek bears similarities to the 'Son of Man' in the Similitudes (see note 53
above). In a very helpful study, L.W. Hurtado, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion
and Ancient Jewish Monotheism (1988), examines how early Christian views ofjesus were
dependent on Jewish concepts of divine agents, which he divides into three categories:
personified divine attributes, exalted patriarchs (such as Enoch) and principal angels
(such as Michael/Melchizedek). These are all heavenly figures, but it is perhaps also
necessary to recall that one of the earliest models of divine agency in Jewish thought was
Davidic (messianic) kingship, which sometimes became associated with a heavenly fig-
ure (as in the Similitudes). Cf. M. Barker, The Great Angel: A Study of Israel's Second God
(1992); P.G. Davis, 'Divine Agents, Mediators, and New Testament Christology', JTS
45 (1994), pp. 479-503; L.W. Hurtado, 'First-Century Jewish Monotheism', JSNT 71
(1998), pp. 3-26; C.M. Tuckett, Christology and the Mew Testament (2001), pp. 26-32.
We must consider the possibility that Jesus' family were influenced by Biblical
interpretation in apocalyptic circles, such as at Qumran. According to Luke, J o h n the
Baptist was related to Jesus (1:36), and spent a period 'in the wilderness' (1:80). It
would be strange if he did not know of the existence of the nearby Qumran communi-
ty, and something of their beliefs and practices (cf. N.T. Wright, Jesus and the Victory of
God (1996), p. 161; G. Theissen & A. Merz, The Historical Jesus (ET, 1998), p. 198; con-
tra, J.P. Meier, A Marginal Jew. Rethinking the Historical Jesus, II (1994), pp. 25-27). In
Acts 15:15-18, Luke ascribes to James, the brother ofjesus, a quotation from Amos
9:11, 12, while Amos 9:11 is also quoted twice in eschatological contexts at Qumran
(CD 7:15-16; 4QF10r. l:12f; cf. J . A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the Mew
Testament (1971), pp. 25, 50-51). Further Jude, who may also probably be seen as a
brother o f j e s u s and James (Jude 1), includes a quotation from 1 Enoch 1:9 in his let-
ter (verses 14-15).
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 21371

so cannot have h a d any direct influence on Jesus or M a r k . However,

while they contain some apparently new ideas about the Messiah
(for example, that he will die, 2 Esdras 7:29), the main role of the
Messiah in these books is that of ruler a n d j u d g e . T h e r e are some
similarities with the portrayal o f ' t h e Son of M a n ' in the Similitudes
of Enoch, 1 4 5 while 2 Esdras 12:32 speaks o f ' t h e Messiah w h o m the
Most High has kept until the end of days, who will arise f r o m the
posterity of David'.
By way of contrast, the Messiah hardly appears at all in the
Mishnah, the foundation document of rabbinic Judaism, which was
compiled around A.D. 200. O t h e r than using the term to refer to the
anointed High Priest, 146 there are only two references to the Messiah,
both in the context of the eschatological period. Indeed it seems that
the Messiah is only mentioned in order to refer to this period. M. Ber.
1:15 speaks o f ' t h i s world and the days of the Messiah', while M. Sot.
9:15 says, 'With the footprints of the Messiah presumption increases,
and dearth increases'. A little further on, concluding M. Sot. 9:15, we
come to the important summary statement of Pinhas b. Yair,

Heedfulness leads to [hygienic] cleanliness, [hygienic] cleanliness leads

to [cultic] cleanness, [cultic] cleanness leads to abstinence, abstinence
leads to holiness, holiness leads to modesty, modesty leads to the fear of
sin, the fear of sin leads to piety, piety leads to the Holy Spirit, the Holy
Spirit leads to the resurrection of the dead, and the resurrection of the
dead comes through Elijah, blessed be his memory, Amen.147

J . Neusner points out that in this account of the steps towards the end
of time, the Messiah does not mark off a rung. T h e emphasis is on per-
sonal virtues which may be mastered by keeping the law of the Mish-
nah, and so the virtue of each person governs the passage to the resur-

145 See G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., p. 60; cf. also, M. de Jonge, TDM IX, pp.
515-516;J.H. Charlesworth, art. cit., pp. 241-247; M.E. Stone, 'The Question of the
Messiah in 4 Ezra', in Judaisms and Their Messiahs (see note 71 above), pp. 209-224; J.J.
Collins, art. cit., pp. 464-466.
146 M. Hor. 2:2, 3, 7; 3:4, 5. J . Neusner, Messiah in Context: Israel's History and Destiny
in Formative Judaism (1984), p. 25, mentions two anointed officials found in legal con-
texts in the Mishnah: the high priest consecrated with oil, rather than merely by
receiving additional garments (M. Mak. 2:6; M. Meg. 1:9; M. Hor. 3:4), and the
(high) priest anointed for the purpose ofleading the army in war (M. Sot. 7:2; 8:1; M.
Mak. 2:6). T h e above also appears in j . Neusner, 'Mishnah and Messiah 1 , in Judaisms
and their Messiahs (see note 71 above), pp. '265-282, at p. 270.
147 See J . Neusner, op. cit., pp. 28fT.; art. cit., pp. 2731Γ.
'214 C H A P T E R FIVE

rection of the dead. 1 4 8 This fits in with the Mishnah's principal point
of interest - sanctification. T h e document does not deal with the his-
torical life of the Jewish nation or its future destiny, and contains few
references to Scripture. 1 4 9
However the rarity of references to the Messiah in the Mishnah
should not lead us to conclude against the importance of messianic
hopes in the second century A.D. either for the rabbis or for Jewish
people in general. 1 5 0 Indeed, it is likely that the Mishnah, with its
emphasis on sanctification, represents a profound reaction to the type
of messianism associated with political struggle, in particular the Bar
K o k h b a rebellion, which lasted from A.D. 132 to 135, before being
put down by the Romans. 1 5 1 In rabbinic documents following the
Mishnah, messianic ideas reappear, and m a n y of these clearly come
from a time prior to the formation of the Mishnah. 1 5 2 T h e Palestinian
Talmud (c. A.D. 400) contains a statement that the Messiah was born
on the day the T e m p l e was destroyed (Y. Berakot 2:4 A-Q). It also
contains R. Akiba's (Aqiba's) view that Bar K o k h b a was the Messiah,
and reactions to that (Y. T a ' a n i t 4:5):

[X G] R. Simeon b. Yohai taught, "Aqiba, my master, would interpret

the following verse: Ά star (kokhab) shall come forth out of Jacob'
[Num. 24:17] Ά disappointment (Kozeba) shall come forth out of
Jacob.'" [H] R. Aqiba, when he saw Bar Kozeba, said, "This is the
King Messiah." [I] R. Yohanan ben Toreta said to him, "Aqiba! Grass
will grow on your cheeks before the Messiah will come!"153

148 Ibid.
149 J . Neusner, op. cit., p. 19; cf. art. cit., pp. 275-278. Cf. also, C.A. Evans, 'Mishna
and Messiah "in Context": Some Comments on Jacob Neusner's Proposals', JBL 112
(1993), pp. 267-289; J . Neusner, 'The Mishna in Philosophical Context and Out of
Canonical Bounds', JBL 112 (1993), pp. 291-304; G.S. Oegama, op. cit., pp. 259-286;
P.S. Alexander, 'The King Messiah in Rabbinic Judaism', in King and Messiah in Israel and
the Ancient Near East, ed. J. b a y (1998), pp. 456-473, at pp. 468fT. '
150 Cf. F. Hahn, op. cit., ρ! 145.
151 Cf. J . Neusner, 'Mishna and Messiah' (see note 146 above), pp. 267-275. O n
Bar Kokhba (whose true name was probably Simon b e n / b a r Kosibah), see J.A.
Fitzmyer, op. cit., j3p. 305-354 (reprint of an article on 'The Bar Cochba Period', orig.
publ. in 1962); A.S. van der Woude, 7DjVTIX, p. 523.
152 J . Neusner, op. cit., p. 214; art. cit., pp. 280-282, speaks of the two Talmuds
bringing the Mishnah into the grid of history and eschatology so that it should contin-
ue to be a practical use. At the same time, the 'Messiah myth', which the Talmuds
reintroduced, was transformed into an essentially ahistorical force: the most impor-
tant concept remains Israel's sanctification. T h e Babylonian Talmud's largest section
on the Messiah is B. Sanhédrin 96b.-99a.
153 Translation i n j . Neusner, op. cit., pp. 93-95.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 2 1 571

T h e various rabbinic documents contain many different ideas about

the Messiah, 154 but a m o n g those that predominate are the traditional
views that he will be a descendant of David and a ruling figure at the
end-time. 1 5 5 This accords with what we have seen were probably the
most widespread messianic ideas in Palestinian Judaism prior to A.D.
70, evidenced by the Psalms of Solomon and the Shemoneh 'Esreh.[5e
T h e evidence of the Targums is similar. 157 S.H. Levey concluded his
study of messianic passages in the T a r g u m with the finding that the
official T a r g u m i m are quite circumspect about adducing messianic
interpretations from the Hebrew text, while the unofficial T a r g u m i m
are somewhat less cautious, but sparing nevertheless. 158 111 the 'unoffi-
ciaP T a r g u m Pseudo-Jonathan to the Pentateuch, the warrior Messi-
ah is involved in a bloody victory over the enemies of Israel, but
inaugerates an era which will mark the end of war. 159
In the 'official' T a r g u m J o n a t h a n to the Prophets, there are mes-
sianic interpretations inter alia at Isaiah 9:5-6 and 11:1-16, 160 while in
the second part of Isaiah, 'the servant of Yahweh' is interpreted as the
Messiah at 42:1; 43:10 and 52:13. 161 It is generally accepted that the

154 These are conveniently catalogued i n j . Neusner, op. cit., pp. 216-219.
155 Cf. F. Hahn, op. cit., p. 145.
156 According to Trypho in Justin's Dialogue with Trypho, 89.1, the whole Jewish
people was expecting the Messiah. Justin's work, from the 2nd century A.D., is an
important witness to Jewish messianic ideas following the defeat of Bar Kokhba; cf.
A.S. van der Woude.TDjVTIX, pp. 523-524.
157 O n the relevance of the Targums generally, see pp. 111-112 and notes 67-69
(ch. 3). Cf. also P.S. Alexander, Jewish Aramaic Translations of Hebrew Scriptures',
in Mikra, edd. M J . Mulder & H. Sysling ( 1988), pp. 217-253, who writes, at pp. 23811‫־‬.,
of the use of the targum in private devotion and in school, in addition to its primary
setting in the synagogue; S.P. Brock, 'Translating the Old Testament', in It is Written;
Scripture Citing Scripture, edd. D.A. Carson & H.G.M. Williamson (1988), pp. 87-98.
158 The Messiah: An Aramaic Interpretation ( 1974), p. 142. Cf. F. Hahn, op. cit., pp. 145-
146; A.S. van der Woude, art. cit., p. 524.
159 See S.H. Levey, op. cit., pp. 31-32. He considers that generally all the penta-
teuchal Targumim reflect rabbinic thought but sometimes they are completely inde-
pendent and go beyond it.
160 In the first part of Isaiah, S.H. Levey, op. cit.. p. 102, also finds messianic inter-
pretations at 4:1-6; 10:24-27; 14:29-30; 16:1-5; 28:5-6.
161 While the first (42:1-9) and fourth (52:13 - 53:12) Servant Songs are given a
messianic interpretation in the Targum, the second song (49:1-6) is interpreted of
Israel, and the third (50:4-7) of the prophet himself; see F.F. Bruce, This is 77(0/(1968),
p. 93, note 3.
There is also a reference to 'My servant, the Messiah' in Tg. Zech. 3:8, although
here, as in Tg. Zech. 6:12, 'the Messiah' stands for ‫'( צמח‬Branch'). There are two fur-
ther references to 'His Messiah' in the Targum to Zechariah, at 4:7, where it stands
for 'the (top) stone', and 10:4, where it stands for 'tent-peg', after 'corner-stone' in the
same verse (MT) has been rendered in the Targum by 'his king'; see S.H. Levey, op.
216 C H A P T E R THREE

portrayal of the Messiah in Tg. Is. 52:13-53:12, which refers the suf-
ferings of the servant either to those of the Jewish people or to retribu-
tion on their oppressors, is post-Christian possibly coming from the
time of Bar Kokhba. However, the identification of the servant with
the Messiah is probably earlier. 162 Indeed the portrayal in Tg. Is.
52:13 - 53:12 may well represent a reaction to the Christian interpre-
tation, referring to Jesus' sufferings on the cross.
A similar reaction to Christian exegesis may perhaps be seen in the
T a r g u m to 2 Samuel 7:11-16, which is not taken messianically, verse 14
being translated, '1 shall be to him as a father and he will be like a son
before me.' 163 While the T a r g u m to the Psalms, along with the rest of
the Hagiographa, is mosdy assigned to a late date, 164 we may be correct
in observing the same reaction in the lack of any clear messianic inter-

cit., pp. 97-102; cf. S. Kim, Jesus - The Son of God, the Stone, the Son of Man, and
the Servant: T h e Role of Zechariah in the Self-Identification ofjesus', in Tradition and
Interpretation in the New Testament, edd. G.F. Hawthorne with O. Betz (1987), pp. 134-
148, at pp. 138ff.
162 Cf. J . Jeremias, TDNTV, pp. 692-695; F.F. Bruce, op. cit., p. 93; S.H. Levey, op.
at., pp. 59-67; M. Hengel, 'The Atonement' (orig. publ. in German, 1980; ET, with
substantial additions by the author, 1981 ), reprinted in The Cross of the Son of God ( 1986),
pp. 245f. See also pp. 239-240 and note 33 (ch. 6). In Tg. Is. 53:4, the Messiah intercedes
for the people and obtains God's forgiveness for their sins; cf. S. Mowinckel, He That
Cometh (1956), pp. 318f.; S.H. Levey, op. cit., p. 67, who calls this 'a new Messianic note'.
163 S.H. Levey, op. cit., p. 37; cf. J . Bowker, The Targums and Rabbinic Literature
(1969), p. xi. 2 Samuel 22:28-32 (= Ps. 18:27-31) and 2 Samuel 23:1-5 ('the last words
of David') are interpreted messianically in the Targum.
164 See, e.g., on the messianic interpretation ofPs. 80:14-17 (MT, 15-18), G. Ver-
mes, Jesus the Jew (1973), p. 258, note 40; generally, M. McNamara, 'Targums', IDB
Supp (1976), pp. 856-861; M. McNamara, Intertestamental Literature (1983), pp. 272f.,
who considers that the targums of the Hagiographa were, apparently, composed in
Palestine at different times, but in good part in the post-tannaitic period; cf. S.H. Lev-
ey, op. cit., p. 104. The Targums to the Psalms and to J o b have similar characteristics,
and W. Bacher, 'Targum', The Jewish Encyclopedia, XII (1906), pp. 57-63, at p. 62,
argued for an early date of composition, as they contain some variants from the Mas-
soretic Text that are also found in the L X X and the Peshitta.
The publication of fragments of the Qumran Targum of J o b (1 lQtgJob) have
shown that this is for the most part a literal translation of the Hebrew, and bears no
relationship to the 'rabbinic' Targum ofJob. It may therefore be the former text that
is said to have been banned by Gamaliel I (c. A.D. 25-50) and used by his grandson,
Gamaliel II (c. A.D. 90-110) (Tosefta Sab. 13:2; B. Sab. 115a.). However, the appear-
ance of a Targum of J o b at Qumran shows that targums were not confined to pas-
sages regularly used in the synagogues. T h e fact that they were not so used may well
be the reason for the lack of an 'official' Targum to the Hagiographa, like Onkelos
and Jonathan. P.S. Alexander, art. cit., p. 248, suggests that both expansive and non-
expansive targums were known from an early period, the former evidenced by the
Genesis Apocryphon (1QapGen) and the latter by the literal Qumran Targum to Job.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 21771

pretation of Psalms 2 and 110 in the Targum. 1 6 5 T h e T a r g u m does

however contain messianic interpretations of Psalms 18; 21; 45; 61; 72;
80; 89 and 132.166
To summarize this section, we have indeed noted a variety of mes-
sianic beliefs, but the predominant expectation was of an earthly ruler
of the Davidic line. We must agree that in the extant documents of the
Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, the use of the term 'Messiah 5 refer-
ring to a future ruler is very infrequent: in those that we have consid-
ered it only occurs in the Psalms of Solomon, the Similitudes of
Enoch, 2 Esdras and 2 Baruch. T h e reasons for this are likely to be (i)
that messianic beliefs varied in intensity at different times; (ii) 'Messi-
a h ' was probably only beginning to become a terminus technicus around
the time of the Psalms of Solomon; and (iii) beliefs varied in content
a m o n g different groups, and so it is quite possible that some groups
(for example, that in which the Assumption of Moses was composed)
did not expect any Messiah, 167 or perhaps only paid lip-service to the
ideal.
Alongside this evidence of infrequency of use of the term 'Messi-
a h ' in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, we must r e m e m b e r the
evidence of Q u m r a n , where reference to messianic figures is not so
rare. While there are references to priestly and prophetic Messiahs
there, and indeed the priestly Messiah takes precedence over the
princely Messiah, it is the latter figure that is more often referred to,
sometimes in conjunction with the Davidic covenant. W e have seen
that the Davidic covenant is also mentioned in Sirach and 1 M a c -
cabees, although neither of those books are concerned with a
Davidic Messiah. However the H e b r e w litany at the end of Sirach
mentions the restoration of the Davidic line, as well as referring to
G o d ' s kingship. T h e main synagogue prayer, the Shemoneh 'Esreh,

165 The Targum translates Ps. 2:7, '1 will tell the decree of the Lord: He said, "You
are as dear to Me as a son is to a father; you are as meritorious as though I had creat-
ed you this day.'5 ‫ י‬Both here and, as we have seen, at 2 Sam. 7:14, the Targum inter-
prêts the king's relationship to God as being 'like a son', rather than being a son, as in
the Hebrew text. B.D. Chilton, A Galilean Rabbi and His Bible ( 1984), pp. 125-130, con-
siders that the reading 'dear' in Tg. Ps. 2:7 is undoubtedly late. Psalm 110 is referred
specifically to David in the Targum. See S.H. Levey, op. cit., pp. 105, 122.
166 See S.H. Levey, op. cit., pp. 105-124.
167 See Ass. Moses 10:7, referring to 'the Eternal God alone' taking action; cf. p.
95;J.H. Charlesworth, art. cit., pp. 250-251 ; but note VV. Horbury, art. cit., p. 427, who
takes the 'messenger' of Ass. Moses 10:2 to refer to the messianic king. Cf. also the
teaching ofJudas the Galilean, that God alone is leader and master; see pp. 222/. and
note 185 below.
218 C H A P T E R THREE

includes petitions both that G o d will reign over them, and that he
will have mercy on the 'dynasty of the house of David'. T h e frequent
references to the Davidic covenant, from which we may generally
infer a hope of future restoration of the dynasty, show that expecta-
tions of a Davidic Messiah or Messiahs in the broadest sense were
widespread, if sometimes d o r m a n t . However it was mostly of m u c h
greater concern that G o d himself should act in j u d g m e n t on the
wicked a n d rescue his people, and (as we have seen in chapter 3) that
concern and expectation was sometimes expressed in terms of G o d ' s
kingship.
T h e most significant text that we have considered in this section is
the Psalms of Solomon, where again expectation of the Davidic king is
clearly linked to God's supreme kingship. T h e description of the Mes-
siah contains allusions to Psalm 2 and Isaiah 11, and based on the lat-
ter, he is portrayed as endowed with wisdom and understanding, as is
also the case in some texts at Q u m r a n . T h u s the Messiah may be seen
to have a prophetic a n d / o r teaching role, and we have also noted the
possibility of a link with healing and exorcism, in line with the reputa-
tions of the historical David and his son, Solomon.
In 1 Enoch 90, God's j u d g m e n t is of greater importance than the
probable messianic figure of the 'white bull', while in the Similitudes
of Enoch the Son of M a n / M e s s i a h is seated on God's throne. T h e fig-
ure in the Similitudes, while not necessarily Davidic, also broadens the
scope for possible messianic interpretations, as he is a transcendent
heavenly figure, though not totally unlike the Messiah of the Psalms of
Solomon. O f considerable importance is the fact that the Similitudes
bring together the figures of the Messiah, the Servant of the Lord in
Second Isaiah, and the Son of M a n in Daniel.
T h e later writings, 2 Esdras and 2 Baruch, the Rabbinic corpus and
the Targums, tend to confirm that the central idea about the Messiah
was that he would be a ruler from David's line, although 2 Esdras and
2 Baruch in particular also contain elements of a more transcendental
view of the Messiah. It is almost certain however that there were clear
political implications of messianic expectation in many cases, and it is
to that that we shall now turn.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 2 1 971

3. The Political Context and the Zealot Movement

While, as we have seen, there were a n u m b e r of different conceptions

of the Messiah in early Judaism, 1 6 8 it remains likely that the most
widespread idea involved political rule or conquest on God's behalf. It
is therefore important that we bear in mind the contemporary politi-
cal situation, considering how that may have affected the character of
messianic claims, and generally impinged on the career o f j e s u s .
Josephus' two main works, the Jewish W a r ' (B.J.) and the Jewish
Antiquities' (Ant.), are our primary sources for the history of the peri-
od. It is striking that in neither of these, 169 does he clearly refer to mes-
sianic expectation. T h e reason for this was probably that he wished to
conceal Jewish hostility to Rome. Josephus had been commander-in-
chief of the Jewish uprising in Galilee, before the fall of J o t a p a t a in
A.D. 67. He then went over to the Romans, and prophesied that Ves-
pasian would become emperor. 1 7 0 This happened two years later and
Josephus enjoyed the continuing patronage of Vespasian and his son
Titus in Rome. In his writings he tried to present his people, the Jews,
in as good a light as possible for his R o m a n readers. He was very criti-
cal of the Zealots and others who took action against R o m a n rule. H e
probably did not want to suggest that there was any widespread mes-
sianic expectation a m o n g the Jews, which had political implications
and would fuel rebellion against Rome. 1 7 1 However, as D. Hill points
out, Josephus could not exclude references to 'implicit messianism',
which was associated with certain prophet-like figures of the first cen-
tury A.D. 172
E. Rivkin, who emphasizes the value of Josephus as evidence of the
time in which Jesus lived, has m a d e a distinction between revolution-
aries and prophet-like charismatics of the period. 1 7 3 Let us first consid-

168 See sections (1) and (2) of this chapter.

169 Apart from his disputed references to Jesus in Ant. xviii. 63-64; xx. 200; cf. P.
Winter, Josephus on Jesus and James', in E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in
the Age ofjesus Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135), I (rev. & ed. G. Vermes & F. Millar, 1973),
pp. 428-441; J.P. Meier, op. cit., I (1991), pp. 56-69.
170 B.J. iii. 399-408.
171 Cf. Ε. Schürer, op. cit., I, pp. 43-58.
172 D. Hill, Jesus and Josephus' "messianic prophets'", in Text and Interpretation:
Studies in the New Testament presented to Matthew Black,, edd. Ε. Best & R.McL. Wilson
(1979), pp. 143-154, at p. 145.
173 E. Rivkin, What Crucified Jesus? ( 1984), esp. pp. 33-41. Cf. R A . Horsley &J.S.
Hanson, Bandits, Prophets, and Messiahs. Popular Movements in the Time of Jesus ( 1985), who
describe various different groups and movements.
220 C H A P T E R THREE

er the out-and-out revolutionaries. T h e most influential of these was

J u d a s the Galilean.
After Archelaus, Herod's son, was banished by Augustus in A.D. 6,
J u d a e a came under the direct rule of a R o m a n prefect, the first being
Coponius. At the same time, Augustus ordered Quirinius, the new
legate of Syria, to take a census so that J u d a e a could be organized as a
R o m a n province for taxation purposes. 1 7 4 T h e r e was widespread
opposition to the census, but the High Priest J o a z a r managed to per-
suade the majority of the people to submit to it. However, J u d a s
together with a Pharisee n a m e d Zaddok argued that the census would
reduce the people to slavery, and incited the people to revolt on the
basis that G o d alone was their master. 175 Josephus does not mention
the immediate outcome of this movement, which was presumably
suppressed without too much difficulty, nor does he mention the fate
of its leaders although Gamaliel's speech in Acts 5:37 refers to the
death of J u d a s and the scattering of his followers.
Josephus however credits J u d a s and Zaddok with the founding of the
'fourth philosophy', the other three being those of the Pharisees, Sad-
ducees and Essenes. According to the 'Jewish W a r ' (B.J. ii. 118), this
new doctrine was quite unlike the other three. However, according to
the 'Jewish Antiquities' (Ant. xviii. 23), its adherents agreed in all other
respects with the Pharisees except that 'they have a passion for liberty
that is almost unconquerable, since they are convinced that God alone
is their leader and master'. 176 Josephus speaks of the Jewish religious
parties as 'philosophies' by analogy with the Greek philosophical
schools, and in line with this he describes J u d a s as σοφιστής (B.J. ii. 118).
This probably means that he was a religious teacher interpreting the
T o r a h in a new way. Indeed there appears to have been no precedent in
Israelite history for his teaching that paying tribute to a Gentile ruler
constituted a breach of the Torah. 1 7 7 Josephus attributes to this 'fourth

174 Cf. E.M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian (Studies
in Judaism in Late Antiquity, ed.J. Neusner, XX; 1976), p. 151.
175 B.J. ii. Ufr, Ant. xviii. 4-10, 23-25.
176 The translation here follows that of H.St J . Thackeray in H.St J . Thackeray, R.
Marcus & E.H. Feldman, Josephus I-IX (Loeb Classical Library, 1926-65).
177 Cf. F.F. Bruce, 'Render to Caesar', in Jesus and the Polities of His Day, edd. Ε.
Bammel & C.F.D. Moule (1984), pp. 249-263, at pp. 254-257. J . Marcus, The Way of
the Lord (1993), pp. 197f., notes that the four main O T backgrounds to the Markan
passion narrative (Zech. 9-14; Dan. 7; the Psalms of the Righteous Sufferer, and the
Deutero-Isaian Servant Songs) are all linked with the concept of the kingdom of God.
He then mentions the importance of these ideas for the 'Fourth Philosophy' that
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 2 2 17 1

philosophy' the responsibility for all the misery of the years of intermit-
tent strife and the uprising of A.D. 66-70. It provided the politico-reli-
gious creed which inspired what were probably a number of diverse
groups that fought against R o m a n domination in the succeeding years.
Prior to A.D. 66, most of the action against R o m a n occupation was
taken by guerilla fighters, w h o m Josephus often calls λησταί ('brig-
ands'). 178 T h e procurator Felix (A.D. 52-60) captured Eleazar, the
brigand leader, and crucified m a n y others. While this severe policy
cleared the countryside of brigands, they were replaced in Jerusalem
by 'Sicarii', who hid 'sicae' (short daggers) under their cloaks and used
them to stab their opponents, especially a m o n g festival crowds where
they could easily escape detection. T h e first to be assassinated was the
High Priest J o n a t h a n and fear of these attacks spread quickly. 179
Josephus appears to use the words 'Sicarii' and 'Zealots' to refer to
different factions that arose in Jerusalem during the Jewish revolt from
A.D. 66. T h e 'Zealots' were a priestly group, led by Eleazar ben
Simon. This n a m e had an honourable history, beginning with the
example of Phinehas in N u m b e r s 25:6-13, and especially manifested
during the Maccabean revolt as 'zeal for the Law'. It is quite likely
that the name was used more generally of those involved in the revo-
lutionary movement, since as M. Hengel points out, the name 'Sicarii'
could not possibly have been a self-designation. Further, Josephus'
first reference to 'zealots' (B.J. ii. 444) is in fact not to the priestly
'zealot' party which he later describes, but to the armed followers of
M e n a h e m , the son of J u d a s the Galilean, whose group are otherwise
called 'Sicarii'. 180 In any case, a s j o s e p h u s holds the teaching o f j u d a s
responsible for the ruin of the Jewish cause in general, we may pre-
sume that his ideas provided a c o m m o n foundation for all the révolu-
tionary groups.

culminated in the revolt of A.D. 66-72. In view of the date when Judas flourished in
the early first century A.D., it is not necessary to conclude with Marcus that the
important comparisons he finds between Mark's gospel and Jewish revolutionary
groups, mean that Mark must have been written in the context of the Jewish revolt; cf.
J . Marcus, 'The Jewish War and the Sitz im Leben of Mark', JBL 111 (1992), pp. 441-
462. Josephus shows that similar ideas and situations pre-dated the Jewish revolt.
178 ' E.g., B.J. ii. 228, 253, 271; cf. Ε. Schürer, op. cit., II (rev. & ed. G. Vermes, F.
Millar & M. Black, 1979), pp. 598-606.
179 B.J. ii. 253-257; cf. E. Schürer, op. cit., I, p. 463; E.M. Smallwood, op. cit., pp.
274-275. The tribune in Acts 21:38 refers to τώνσικαρίων.
180 M. Hengel, Was Jesus a Revolutionist? (ET, 1971 ), pp. 11 -13, note 39. R.A. Hors-
ley &J.S. Hanson, op. cit., argue strongly that 'the Zealots' as a movement of rebellion
against Roman rule did not come into existence until the winter of A.D. 67-68.
222 C H A P T E R THREE

T h e family of J u d a s the Galilean were prominent throughout the

revolutionary movement, and probably the fact that Jesus came from
Galilee increased the suspicions of the political establishment concern-
ing him. 181 T w o sons of J u d a s , J a m e s and Simon, were crucified under
the procurator Tiberias Alexander (A.D. 46-48). 182 As we have seen,
another son (or perhaps grandson) o f j u d a s , M e n a h e m , was the leader
of the Sicarii at the beginning of the revolt in A.D. 66. H e took Masa-
da, and arming his followers with the weapons from Herod's armoury
there, returned 'like a king' to Jerusalem to take charge of the siege.
After the capture of the western part of the city from the peace party
and the m u r d e r of the High Priest Ananias, M e n a h e m became
'unbearably tyrannical' and was himself attacked as he entered the
T e m p l e in kingly robes and put to death by Eleazar, the son of Ana-
nias. 183 A few of M e n a h e m ' s followers escaped to Masada, including
his kinsman (perhaps a nephew or cousin), Eleazar, son of Jair, who
was also a descendent o f j u d a s the Galilean. H e led the continuing
resistance of Masada right up to the mass suicide pact of the defenders
in A.D. 73.
It therefore seems likely that messianic hopes centring in a charismat-
ic revolutionary leader were not foreign to the Zealot movement. 1 8 4
Indeed the hopes of at least one faction seem to have centred on the
dynasty o f j u d a s the Galilean. Hill considers it very unlikely that J u d a s
advanced messianic claims for himself, since his teaching affirmed that

181 Cf. G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew ( 1973), pp. 46-48; G. Theissen & A. Merz, The His-
torical Jesus( ET, 1998), pp. 173-175.
182 Ant. XX. 102; cf. Ε. Schürer, op. cit., I, p. 457.
183 B.J. ii. 433-449. 'Menahem son of Hezekiah' is one of the names given for the
Messiah in B. Sanh. 98b. (cf. Lam. R. 1:16; Y. Ber. 5a.). T h e origin of this may be the
messianic hopes that surrounded Menahem at the outbreak of the Jewish revolt. If
Menahem's father, Judas the Galilean, is to be identified with the Judas who broke
into the royal arsenal in Sepphoris after Herod's death in 4 B.C. (see note 186 below),
his grandfather would have been Ezekias. M. Hengel, Die £eloten (1961), pp. 299-302,
considers the possibility that from Menahem's death, legends arose about his hidden-
ness and his coming as Messiah.
184 Cf. R.A. Horsley, 'Popular Messianic Movements around the Time o f j e s u s ' ,
CßQ.46 (1984), pp. 471-495. R.A. Horsley &J.S. Hanson, op. cit., p. 190 and note 1
(on p. 241), state that there is no evidence for a royal or messianic posture among the
Fourth Philosophy or the Sicarii prior to the episode involving Menahem in 66. They
criticize Hengel's 'synthetic concept of the "Zealots" ' as a misunderstanding of Jose-
phus' texts. Cf. N.T. Wright, The New Testament and the People of God (1992), pp. 170-
181, who accepts some of Horsley's points but agrees broadly with the outline of Hen-
gel's work; M. de Jonge, God's Final Envoy (1998), pp. 53-57, who prefers the approach
advocated by Horsley & Hanson.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 2 2 371

God alone was leader and master. 185 However, belief in God's supreme
sovereignty does not necessarily exclude the idea of a divinely anointed
human leader, who is to bring about God's will on earth. 186
T h e view that Jesus had pro-revolutionary or Zealot sympathies,
and indeed was active in the Zealot cause, was put forward by S.G.F.
Brandon. 1 8 7 T o support this, he emphasized Jesus' last few days in
Jerusalem, the 'triumphal entry', which was followed by an 'assault on
the temple', and finally Jesus was condemned by Pilate as a rebel. He
argued that the gospels falsified the older Zealot traditions after the
fall o f j e r u s a l e m in A.D. 70, for apologetic purposes. Brandon's theory
has been effectively countered by the work of a n u m b e r of scholars,
particularly M . Hengel, and the various contributors to Jesus and the
Politics of His Day.m Hengel, while acknowledging that Jesus was cru-
cified as 'King of the Jews', argues that the 'cleansing of the T e m p l e '
was a prophetic demonstration of limited extent, or otherwise inter-
vention by R o m a n soldiers would have been inevitable. 189
Clear differences between Jesus and the Zealots are shown by Jesus'
teaching. T h e question addressed to Jesus about paying taxes to Caesar

185 D. Hill, art.cit., p. 147.

186 A number of scholars (e.g.,J.S. Kennard, 'Judas of Galilee and His Clan', jO/? 36
(1945-6), pp. 281-286; M. Hengel, op. cit., pp. 337-338; G. Vermes, op. cit., pp. 46-47)
support the identification of Judas the Galilean with the son of the 'arch-brigand'
Ezekias (who was himself executed about 47 B.C., by Herod in his capacity as governor
of Galilee; E. Schürer, op. cit., I, p. 275). Judas, the son of Ezekias, is one of three aspi-
rants to the throne, whom Josephus mentions by name, as rising up after the death of
Herod (B.J. ii. 56; Ant. xvii. 271-272; cf. Ε. Schürer, op. dt., I, p. 332). E.M. Smallwood,
op. at., p. 153, note 40, argues against this identification, inter alia because of the large
age-gaps between the generations of the family that this would involve. This problem is
eased somewhat, if Menahem is taken to be a grandson, rather than a son, ofjudas.
187 S.G.F. Brandon, Jesus and the Zealots: A Study of the Political Factor in Primitive Chris-
tianity ( 1967).
188 M. Hengel, Was Jesus a Revolutionist?( 1971); E. Bammel & C.F.D. Moule, edd.,
Jesus and the Politics of His Day ( 1984).
189 Op. dt., pp. 15-19; cf. R.H. Gundry, Mark. A Commentary on His Apologyfor the Cross
(1993), pp. 639-647. For differences of interpretation regarding Jesus' action in the
temple, from 'cleansing' to a prophetic demonstration of future destruction, see E.P.
Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (1985), pp. 61-76; C.A. Evans, 'Jesus' Action in the Temple:
Cleansing or Portent of Destruction', CBQ_3\ (1989), pp. 237-270; rev. version in B.
Chilton & C.A. Evans, Jesus in Context. Temple, Purity, and Restoration( 1997), pp. 395-439;
N.T. Wright, Jesus and the Victory of God (1996), pp. 413-428; D.C. Allison, Jesus of
Nazareth. Millenarian Prophet (1998), pp. 97-101. All the above-mentioned scholars
accept the basic historicity of the incident, but for a discussion on historicity, see D.
Seeley, 'Jesus' Temple Act', C5Q.55 (1993), pp. 263-283; P.M. Casey, 'Culture and
Historicity: The Cleansing of the Temple', C5Q.59 (1997), pp. 306-332; D. Seeley,
'Jesus' Temple Act Revisited: A Response to P.M. Casey', CBQß2 (2000), pp. 55-63.
224 C H A P T E R THREE

(Mark 12:13-17 par.) needs to be set against the teaching o f j u d a s the

Galilean, that paying tribute to a pagan ruler was idolatry. While Jesus'
answer emphasized what is due to God, he stated that what is due to
Caesar should also be paid, which was directly contrary to Zealot doc-
trine. 190 O f more fundamental importance is Jesus' teaching on love for
one's neighbour (Mark 12:31 par.) and especially for one's enemy
(Matthew 5:43ff. par.). This ran counter to Zealot acts of violence. 191
IfJesus was then not a Zealot, we need to ask how did the political
movements of his day impinge on his life and ministry. 192 Here we
need to consider not just the out-and-out revolutionaries such as those
referred to above, but also what Rivkin calls 'prophet-like charismat-
ics'. 193 Josephus gives us three examples of these essentially religious
figures, who gathered crowds together and looked to G o d to perform
miracles, which would confirm them as the new Moses or new J o s h u a
bringing salvation to the people. 1 9 4
T h e first of these was a Samaritan who called people to go u p to
M o u n t Gerizim, where he promised to show them the sacred vessels
traditionally buried there by Moses. Pilate's troops dispersed the
crowd which gathered, but the loss of life involved caused the Samari-
tan leaders to complain to Vitellius, the legate of Syria. H e ordered
Pilate in A.D. 36 to go to R o m e to answer the accusation before the
emperor, but before Pilate arrived in A.D. 37, Tiberius had died and
a new procurator was appointed. 1 9 5
Some ten years later, under the procurator Cuspius Fadus (44-46),

190 Cf. F.F. Bruce, art. cit., pp. 249-263. There is little to support BrandorTs view
(op. cit., pp. 345ÍT.), that Jesus was originally prohibiting paying tax to Caesar, since
everything in the land of Israel belonged to God. Jesus' request for a coin, which bore
Caesar's head, implied that Caesar had some rights to that at least.
191 Cf. H. Merkel, 'The opposition between Jesus and Judaism', in Jesus and the Pol-
itics of His Day, edd. Ε. Bammel & C.F.D. Moule (1984), pp. 130-144, at pp. 142-144.
Merkel also points to the parable of the patient husbandman, which occurs only in
Mark (4:26ff.), as evidence that Jesus placed himself in opposition to Zealot activism.
192 It is often pointed out that one ofjesus' disciples was called Simon 'the Zealot'
(Lk. 6:15; Acts 1:13), which is also the meaning of the transliterated Aramaic word
Καναναίος, which appears in Mk. 3:18; Mt. 10:4. It seems likely that this designation
meant that Simon belonged to a nationalist group, even if a 'Zealot' party as such
only arose later; cf. M. Hengel, Die ^e 10ten (1961), pp. 72f. However, one cannot take
this as evidence that Jesus leaned towards the Zealot cause, since included among the
Twelve was also a tax-collector, who as such had collaborated with the Romans (Mt.
10:3).
193 E. Rivkin, op. cit., pp. 35ff.
194 Cf. R. Meyer, 7EbVTVI, pp. 826-827.
195 Ant. xviii. 85ff.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 22571

a self-styled prophet n a m e d T h e u d a s gathered a large crowd which

followed him to the J o r d a n , where he claimed he would divide the riv-
er for them to cross over. This was probably thought of as a re-enact-
ment of the first stage of Joshua's conquest of the promised land.
Fadus took it as a political threat, sent a troop of cavalry against them
and had T h e u d a s beheaded. 1 9 6
T h e third example which Josephus gives of a pseudo-prophet takes
us on approximately a further decade, to A.D. 54 or thereabouts,
when Felix was procurator. An Egyptian, who posed as a prophet, led
a large n u m b e r of people 197 by a wilderness route to the M o u n t of
Olives. H e told his followers that the walls of Jerusalem would fall
down at his c o m m a n d (just as the walls of Jericho had fallen before
Joshua) so that they would be able to enter and capture the city. Felix
came against him with the R o m a n heavy infantry. T h e Egyptian him-
self fled with a few others, but most of his followers were killed or cap-
tured. 1 9 8 Maybe some people expected his return, for perhaps two or
three years later when Paul was arrested in the temple, the R o m a n tri-
bune initially mistook him for the same Egyptian (according to Acts
21:38). Josephus refers to the Egyptian false prophet as one of a num-
ber of deceivers who led people out into the desert, pretending that
G o d would there show them signs that portended freedom. 1 9 9
We may notice three points especially about these examples of Jose-
phus. First, there is generally a withdrawal into the desert. 200 Secondly,
signs are promised which link the self-styled prophet to Moses or
Joshua. Thirdly, each of the movements, though prophetic and reli-
gious in origin, was ruthlessly suppressed by the procurator of the time.

196 Ant. XX. 97ff. If this is the same Theudas who is mentioned in the speech of
Gamaliel in Acts 5:36, it would seem that Luke's chronology is at fault, unless indeed
Josephus has misplaced the story. In fact, in Acts 5:37, Judas the Galilean is said to arise
after Theudas, so the reference there may well be to another Theudas, who may have led
one of the revolts following Herod's death in 4 B.C. Cf. W. Neil, The Acts of the Apostles
(1973), pp. 99-100.
197 Josephus refers to 30,000 followers (B.J. ii. 26Iff), while Luke has 4,000 (Acts
21:38). It seems likely that Josephus' figure is an exaggeration.
198 B.J. ii. 261-263;Ant. xx. 169-170.
199 B.J. ii. 258ff.; Ant. xx. 167f. Cf. G. Theissen & Α. Merz, op. cit., pp. 144-146.
200 See also B.J. vii. 437fT., where Josephus relates that after the fall of Jerusalem,
one of the Sicarii, named Jonathan, came to Cyrene and persuaded some poorer peo-
pie to follow him into the desert, where he promised to show them signs and portents.
This movement too was crushed by the Roman governor Catullus, who then used the
event as a pretext to kill many wealthier Jews and to charge others, includingjosephus
himself, with subversive activities. Vespasian found no justification for these charges.
Cf. G. Kittel, TDMTW, pp. 658-659.
226 C H A P T E R THREE

We may see a parallel at our first point in that J o h n the Baptist

preached in the desert (Mark 1:3-4), and Mark represents Jesus as with-
drawing into the desert at the beginning of his ministry (Mark 1:12-13,
35, 45). T h e desert location is emphasized again in the two accounts of
the feeding of the multitude (Mark 6:31, 32, 35; 8:4, par.). As a parallel
to our second point, the miraculous feeding may have been seen as a
sign that was reminiscent of the m a n n a being given in the time of Moses
J o h n 6:14, 31), and according to J o h n 6:15, Jesus had to extricate him-
self from an attempt by the crowd to make him king by force. 201
Jesus is of course credited in the gospels with many other miraculous
signs, and crowds flocked to him. This brings us to our third point.
T h e r e is sufficient similarity between the movement following Jesus
and those which later focused on the 'prophet-like-charismatics',
described by Josephus, for us to deduce that the ministry o f j e s u s might
have similarly been considered a threat by the political authorities.
Josephus' account ofJ o h n the Baptist is very significant in this con-
nection. 202 Josephus distinguished J o h n from the pseudo-prophets,
recognizing him as 'a good m a n ' , who encouraged righteousness, jus-
tice and piety. 203 According to Josephus, the reason for H e r o d the
Tetrarch putting J o h n to death was because he became alarmed lest
John's eloquence, which aroused the crowds, might lead to sedition. It
looked as though they would follow J o h n in everything, and so Herod
decided 'it would be much better to strike first and be rid of him
before his work led to an uprising'. 204

201 Cf. Ε. Bammel, 'The Feeding of the Multitude', in Jesus and the Politics of His
Day, edd. Ε. Bammel & C.F.D. Moule (1984), pp. 211-240. He sees the feeding as an
important turning-point in the ministry ofjesus, marking his break with popular mes-
sianism, as he refused to take up the crowd's challenge (pp. 231-233).
202 Ant. xviii. 116-119.
203 Reading between the lines of the Testimonium Flavianum (Ant. xviii. 63-64; see
note 169 above), it is probable that Josephus refers to Jesus as 'a wise man'. Also he
strongly condemns the execution of James, the brother o f j e s u s , at the hands of the
high priest Ananus in A.D. 62. (Ant. xx. 197-203). As though in passing, Josephus here
refers to James as 'the brother o f j e s u s who was called the Christ', so implying (i) that
his readers would have known about the Christians by the time the 'Jewish Antiqui-
ties' was completed in about A.D. 93-94, and (ii) that the opposition to Jesus was also
undeserved.
204 This reason for John's imprisonment and death, given by Josephus, does not nec-
essarily militate against the reason given in Mk. 6:17-19 par., that John had denounced
Herod's marriage to Herodias. Indirect support for a connection between John's death
and Herod's marital affairs comes from Josephus (Ant. xviii. 116), who mentions that
some of the Jews considered the destruction of Herod's army by Aretas (in A.D. 36) was
divine vengeance, or just vengeance, for his treatment ofJohn. It was the daughter of
Aretas, the Nabatean king, whom Herod had divorced in order to marry Herodias.
 MESSIANIC F I G U R E S IN EARLY JUDAISM 22771

It is interesting that in Mark 6, Jesus' withdrawal (verses 31-32), pri-

or to the feeding of the 5,000, follows after the account o f j o h n ' s death
and Herod's interest in Jesus (verses 14-16). E. Bammel suggests that
following J o h n ' s death, many o f j o h n ' s disciples initially looked to
Jesus, who probably felt himself to be in some danger and from that
time appeared to avoid the country of Herod. 2 0 5 However, as C . H .
D o d d remarks, "to all appearance it was less the threat of the opposi-
tion than the misguided enthusiasm of would-be followers that recom-
mended a temporary retirement from the scene." 206
Whatever the historical effect o f j o h n ' s death on the life and min-
istry o f j e s u s , 2 0 7 the reason which Josephus gives for J o h n ' s death is
significant evidence for what was perceived to be the attitude of the
political authorities to charismatic figures, who gathered large crowds
around them even though their preaching might be apolitical. Herod
thought it better 'to strike first' and so prevent a possible uprising, just
as the various procurators ruthlessly suppressed the movements that
followed the Samaritan, T h e u d a s and the Egyptian, before they had
time to germinate. A similar motive, to prevent an uprising which
might have a catastrophic effect on the Jewish nation, is credited to
the high priest Caiaphas in J o h n 11:48-50, as the reason for the plot to
kill Jesus.
Rivkin has argued cogently that the main function of the High
Priest (from the R o m a n viewpoint) was to be the eyes and ears of the
procurator, so as to head off demonstrative challenges to R o m a n
rule. 208 T h e fact that Caiaphas held the office of High Priest for a
much longer period than others in the first century (A.D. 18-36),
including the whole period of office of the ruthless procurator Pilate,
showed that he performed this task particularly well and retained the
confidence of the R o m a n authorities. His fall coincided with that of
Pilate.
T h e evidence therefore suggests that the political authorities in the
time of jesus, R o m a n procurators in J u d e a supported by the High
Priest, and Herod in his tetrarchy of Galilee and Peraea, were all con-

205 Art. cit., pp. 225-229. Cf. Lk. 13:31-33.

206 C.H. Dodd, The Founder of Christianity (1971), pp. 143-144. Cf. E.P. Sanders, The
Historical Figure ofjesus ( 1993), p. 205.
207 As C.E.B. Cranfield, The Gospel According to Saint Mark (1959; 3rd impression,
1966), p. 204, points out, there is little justification in the text of Mk. 6:31, for con-
nectingjesus' withdrawal with a flight from Herod.
208 E. Rivkin, op. cit., pp. 13-15. '
228 C H A P T E R THREE

cerned to anticipate any trouble and put down 'would-be rebels'

before an uprising could begin. For this purpose, they did not distin-
guish between 'out-and-out revolutionaries' and 'prophet-like charis-
matics', nor between pseudo-prophets and prophetic teachers like
J o h n the Baptist and Jesus whose teaching attracted crowds. 209 It
seems likely that this political background not only led eventually to
the crucifixion o f j e s u s , but also at an earlier stage may have been at
least partly responsible for Jesus' reserve (according to Mark 8:27-33)
in accepting the tide 'Messiah', with its political overtones. 210

209 Ibid., p. 41.

210 This reserve, taken together with various injunctions to secrecy on the part of
Jesus, has, since the publication by W. Wrede in 1901 of The Messianic Secret (ET,
1971), been recognised as an important theological motif in Mark. While Wrede, op.
cit., p. 145, denies that the secrecy motifs are the work of the single individual, Mark,
he asserts that the references to secrecy are all unhistorical, and goes on to draw the
conclusion (p. 230) that Jesus made no messianic claims. On a historical level, many
of Wrede's arguments have been effectively countered by, e.g., V. Taylor, 'The Mes-
sianic Secret in Mark', ExpT 59 (1948), pp. 146-151; J.D.G. Dunn, 'The Messianic
Secretin Mark', TynB2 \ (1970), pp. 92-117.
O n a redactional level in Mark, it is important to draw distinctions between differ-
ent types of secrecy motifs, particularly distinguishing between the cases where those
healed by Jesus are told to keep quiet about it (1:43-45; 5:43: 7:36; 8:26), which may
be termed 'miracle secrecy', and a messianic secret proper; see, e.g., U. Luz, 'Das
Geheimnismotiv und die markinische Christologie', ^ N W 56 (1965), pp. 9-30; ET,
'The Secrecy Motif and the Markan Christology', in The Messianic Secret, ed. C.M.
Tuckett (1983), pp. 75-96; C.F.D. Moule, ' O n Defining the Messianic Secret in
Mark', in Jesus und Paulus, edd. E.E. Ellis & Ε. Grässer (1975), pp. 239-252. Η. Räisä-
nen, Das "Messiasgeheimnis" im Markusevangelium (1976) (ET of concluding chapter in
The Messianic Secret, ed. C.M. Tuckett (1983), pp. 132-140), restricts the true messianic
secret to Jesus' commands to demons not to identify him (1:24-25, 34; 3:11-12), as
well as the commands to silence directed to his disciples (8:29-30; 9:9). Cf. J.D. Kings-
bury, The Christology of Mark's Gospel (1983), pp. 1-23, who states (p. 21) that the secret
o f j e s u s ' identity in Mark is not, characteristically, a 'messianic' secret but the secret
that Jesus is the Son of God. In a revision of his 1976 work, The 'Messianic Secret' in
Mark's Gospel (ET, 1990), Räisänen responds to Kingsbury's position.
 CHAPTER SIX

T H E M E S S I A N I C K I N G S H I P O F J E S U S IN M A R K

In this chapter we are considering the following question: does M a r k ' s

gospel show evidence of any intrinsic links between his presentation,
on the one h a n d o f j e s u s as Messiah, a n d on the other h a n d of the
kingdom of G o d being manifested through Jesus? W e have seen that
the ideas of the kingdom of G o d a n d Messiahship are both rooted in
the O l d T e s t a m e n t , albeit that they were developed in varying ways in
inter-testamental expectation. W e shall therefore consider M a r k ' s pre-
sentation o f j e s u s in relation to O l d T e s t a m e n t passsages that m a y
have been interpreted messianically, a n d then see how closely those
are linked with the concept of G o d ' s kingship.

1. Preliminary: the Question of Jesus' Identity in Mark

W e should first make the point that the identity ofjesus is the primary
question of Mark's gospel. W e see this question voiced by Jesus' oppo-
nents (2:6-7; 11:27-28), and particularly at Jesus' trial by the high priest
(14:61) a n d by Pilate (15:2). Jesus asks questions about himself (8:27, 29;
10:18). T h e gospel also contains questions about Jesus by his disciples
(4:41), his own countrymen (6:2-3), a n d by Herod, whose opinion that
Jesus is J o h n the Baptist returned to life is set in the context of popular
speculation as to Jesus' identity (6:14-16; cf. 8:27-28). T h e last three
examples fit into a general pattern of astonishment shown by Jesus' dis-
ciples and the crowd in response to Jesus' authoritative teaching and
mighty works. 1 M a r k thus shows throughout his gospel that the words
and deeds o f j e s u s raised the question, " W h o then is this?" (4:41).
A clear answer is given in M a r k ' s prologue (1:1-13) to the question
of Jesus' identity. 2 T h e divine voice calls him, " m y beloved S o n "
(verse 11), while M a r k in his first sentence gives his own testimony to

1 See 1:27; 2:12; 4:41; 5:20, 42; 6:2, 51; 7:37; 9:15; 10:24, 26, 32; 12:17. Cf. T.
Dwyer, 'The Motif of Wonder in the Gospel Ω ί Mark', JSNT5 7 (1995), pp. 49-59.
2 On the importance of the prologue for Mark, cf. R.H. Lightfoot, The Gospel of St.
Mark (1950), pp 15ff.; J.M. Robinson, The Problem of History in Mark( 1957), pp 21-32;
B. Standaert. L'évangile selon Marc: Commentaire (1983), p. 42; F.J. Matera, 'The Pro-
logue as the Interpretative Key to Mark's Gospel', JSNT 34 (1988), pp. 3-20. Many
230 C H A P T E R THREE

the effect that the good news proclaimed is primarily about Jesus ('the
gospel ofjesus'), w h o m he calls 'Christ' and 'the Son of G o d ' (verse 1).
However the prologue makes Jesus' identity known only to his read-
ers, not to the characters in his narrative, and we have noted the
importance of the theme of secrecy about Jesus' identity in Mark. 3 O n
the other hand, as M . D . Hooker emphasizes, Mark contains a theme
of disclosure, which is as important as his theme of secrecy. 4 Following
the prologue, between Jesus' baptism and his trial, disclosure is limited
to Jesus' disciples, who are 'given the secret of the kingdom of God',
while for non-disciples 'everything is in parables' (4:11). 5 T h u s M a r k
wishes to show that following Jesus, in a life of faith and commitment
(involving service and suffering), is the way to realising who he is. N o
immutable proof by way of a sign will be given (8:11-12), since that
would make faith unnecessary. 6
T h e disclosure prior to Jesus' suffering and death is necessarily lim-
ited and partial. T h e disciples are shown to have a history of misun-
derstanding Jesus (4:13; 6:52; 7:18; 8:14-21), which becomes more
acute after Peter's confession and Jesus' three prophecies of his rejec-
tion and suffering (8:32-91; 9:33-50; 10:35-45). T h e y are portrayed to
be like the blind m a n of Bethsaida, who said after the first stage of his
healing, "I see men; but they look like trees walking" (8:24). By con-
trast, two chapters further on, Bartimaeus immediately received his
sight (10:46-52), but this was at the end of the period of preparation,
and Jesus' identity was about to be revealed fully in his suffering and
death. Bartimaeus recognized Jesus as the Messiah, by calling him
"Son of David" (verses 47-48), but he also 'followed Jesus on the way'
(verse 52), which was the way to the cross (10:32-34). 7

recent commentators have followed L.E. Keck, 'The Introduction to Mark's Gospel',
NTS 12 (1965/66), pp. 352-370, in holding that the prologue extends to verse 15.
3 See p. 228 and note 210 (ch. 5).
4 The Message ofMark ( 1983), pp. 51 -63.
5 See pp. 123ff. For Mark, 'the secret of the kingdom of God' is related to the secret
about Jesus' identity following Peter's confession (8:30). The former refers to the disci-
pies' general recognition that God's kingdom was being manifested through the per-
son and works ofjesus; the latter to a specific recognition ofjesus as the Messiah, who
is eventually acknowledged as Son of God (15:39).
6 Cf. Ε. Schweizer, 'The Portrayal of the Life of Faith in the Gospel of Mark', Int 32
(1978), pp. 387-399, rep. in Interpreting the Gospels, ed.J.L. Mays (1981), pp. 168-182.
7 Cf. D.E. Nineham, The Gospel of St. Mark (1963), pp. 218, 282. According to J.D.
Kingsbury, The Christology ofMark (1983), pp. 102-114, the title 'Son of David' (10:47-
48) is in Mark's story (like the title 'Christ' in 8:29) 'correct' but 'insufficient', as indi-
cated by Jesus' question at 12:35-37; cf. S.H. Smith, 'The Function of the Son of
David Tradition in Mark's Gospel', NTS 42 (1996), pp. 523-539.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '231

T h e public disclosure of Jesus' identity comes paradoxically in

M a r k ' s passion story. It is in his rejection, suffering and crucifixion,
that he is revealed as 'the Christ' a n d 'the Son of G o d ' (14:61-62;
15:39). M a r k emphasizes that J e s u s was crucified as a messianic pre-
tender: 'the king of the J e w s ' (15:2, 9, 12, 18, 26; cf. 15:32). 8 W e
have seen in our last c h a p t e r that the political risk of allowing oneself
to be called 'Messiah' m a y have been a reason for Jesus' reserve in
regard to the title, but that is not m a d e clear by Mark. 9 M a r k pre-
sents Jesus as reinterpreting 'the Messiah' in terms of 'the Son of
m a n ' who 'must suffer m a n y things' (8:31). W h e n Peter refuses to
accept this, Jesus strongly rebukes him, "Get behind me, Satan! For
you are not on the side of G o d , but of m e n " (8:32-33). O . C u l l m a n n
underlines the i m p o r t a n c e of the tradition here that "Jesus saw the
h a n d of Satan at work in the c o n t e m p o r a r y Jewish conception of the
Messiah". 1 0
It is for Jesus a matter of spiritual warfare against Satan on the one
hand and of obedience to G o d on the other, that he rejects a political
p r o g r a m m e of Messiahship and deliberately takes a pathway of suf-
fering. W h e n after Peter's confession, "You are the Christ" (8:29),
Jesus charged his disciples to tell no one about him (8:30), the impli-
cation is that Jesus accepted Peter's confession was true but that he
wished to re-interpret the title. This is shown immediately by his
teaching about the suffering a n d ultimate vindication of the Son of

8 Cf. W. G r u n d m a n n , 7 7 W 7 T X , pp. 528-529. For the importance of the royal

motifin Mark's trial narrative, seeJ.R. Donahue, Are You the Christ? The Trial Narra-
live in the Gospel of Mark (1973); D. Juel, Messiah and Temple: The Trial ofjesus in the
Gospel of Mark (1977). Cf. F.J. Matera, The Kingship ofjesus: Composition and Theology
in Mark /5(1982), who emphasizes the royal motifin Mark's passion narrative.
9 An alternative theory was hinted at by D. Flusser, 'Two Notes on the Midrash
on 2 Sam. vii', IEJ 9 (1959), pp. 107-109, by pointing to the fact that the messianic
secret in the gospels is paralleled by a similar hesitancy, on the part both of the
Q u m r a n Teacher of Righteousness and of Simon ben Kosibah (or bar Kokhbar),
with regard to taking the messianic title. This points to a Jewish view that the work
of the Messiah must be accomplished, before the title may be claimed. For an
exposition of this theory, see R.N. Longeneckcr, The Christology of Early Jewish Chris-
tianity (1970), pp. 71-73; cf. J.C. O'Neill, 'The Silence of Jesus', NTS 15 (1969), pp.
153-167.
10 O. Cullmann, The Christology of the New Testament (orig. publ. in German, 1957;
ET, 1959; 2nd. ed., 1963), p. 124. Cf. J.D.G. Dunn, 'Messianic Ideas and Their
Influence on thejesus of History', in The Messiah, ed. J . H . Charlesworth (1992), pp.
365-381, at pp. 373-376, who states that Jesus seems to have reacted against rather
than to have been influenced by the idea of a royal messiah as then conceived. How-
ever, M. Hengel, Studies in Early Christology (ET, 1995), p. 58, points out that Jesus
never rejects the title 'Christ'.
232 C H A P T E R THREE

m a n (8:31)." His Messiahship can only be understood in the light of

the cross a n d resurrection. 1 2
'Son of God', used at 1:1 and 14:61 ('Son of the Blessed') in apposi-
tion to the word 'Christ', is for M a r k the most significant designation of
Jesus in his gospel. 13 This is shown, not only by the two references in the
prologue (1:1, 11), but also by the climactic confession of the centurion
after witnessingjesus' death, "Truly this was the Son of God!"(15:39). 14

11 Cf. C.F.D. Moule, The Origin of Christology (1977), pp. 32-35.

12 For the supreme importance o f j e s u s ' death in Mark's gospel, see L. Morris, The
Cross in the New Testament (1965), pp. 13-14. Mark's emphasis on the cross has been
accounted for in a number of different ways, with regard to his purpose in writing.
E.g., T.J. Weeden, Mark: Traditions in Conflict (1971), considers that Mark was counter-
ing a triumphalist movement in the church, which was based on a hellenistic θείος
άνήρ ('divine man') Christology; cf. Ε. Schweizer, The Good News According to Mark (FT,
1971), pp. 380-386. M.D. Hooker, op. cit., pp. 88-104, concludes that it is difficult to
decide between the suggestion that Mark's readers were forgetting the scandal of the
cross and its implications, and the more traditional view that Mark wished to explain
it in order to offer support to those who were facing persecution.
N. Perrin, What is Redaction Criticism? (1970), pp. 51-56, agrees with Weeden that
Mark is concerned to correct a false Christology, and in 'The Christology of Mark: A
Study in Methodology', JR 51 (1971), pp. 173-187, he puts forward the theory that
Mark uses the title 'Son of man' to express his own Christology, while correcting Chris-
tologies connected with 'Christ' and 'Son of God'. By employing literary criticism (one
of the three avenues of approach to Mark's gospel recommended by Perrin in his arti-
cle mentioned above), this theory has been convincingly countered by J.D. Kingsbury,
op. cit., pp. 25-45, 157ff, who first surveys the various approaches to 'corrective Chris-
tology' in Mark; he then argues that the normative view o f j e s u s in the gospel must be
God's 'evaluative point of view', which is shown when Jesus is addressed as 'my Son'
by the heavenly voice at his baptism; cf. C.R. Kazmierski, Jesus, the Son of God: A Study of
the Markan Tradition and Its Redaction by the Evangelist ( 1979), p. 160.
Cf. also, J . Zmijewski, 'Die Sohn-Gottes-Prädikation im Markusevangelium. Zur
Frage einer eigenständigen markinische Titelchristologie', &VTÍ/ 12 (1987), pp. 5-34;
M. Theobald, 'Gottessohn und Menschensohn. Zur polaren Struktur der Christolo-
gie im Markusevangelium', SNTU 13 (1988), pp. 37-79; C. Breytenbach, 'Grundzüge
markinischer Gottessohn-Christologie', in Anfange der Christologie. Festschriftfür Ferdinand
Hahn zum 65. Geburtstag, edd. C. Breytenbach & H. Paulsen (1991), pp. 169-184; U.B.
Müller, '"Sohn Gottes" - ein messianische Hoheitstitel Jesu', ^ATF87 (1996), pp. 1-
32. For recent surveys of research on the presentation o f j e s u s in Mark's Gospel, see
M.M.Jacobs, 'Mark'sJesus through the Eyes ofTwentieth Century New Testament
Scholars', Neot 28 (1994), pp. 53-85; J . C . Naluparayil, 'Jesus of the Gospel of Mark:
Present State of Research', CR.BS8 (2000), pp. 191-226.
13 Cf. Ε. Schweizer, TDNT VIII, pp. 378-379; R.P. Martin, Mark: Evangelist and
Theologian (1972), pp. 126ff.; J . D . G . Dunn, Christology in the Making( 1980), pp. 46-48;
W.R. Telford, The Theology of the Gospel of Mark (1999), p. 38. For the importance of
Mark's narrative for exploring the meaning of the various titles o f j e s u s in the gospel,
see E.K. Broadhead, 'Jesus the Nazarene: Narrative Strategy and Christological
Imagery in the Gospel of Mark', JSNT 52 (1993), pp. 3-18; idem, Naming Jesus. Titular
Christology in the Gospel of Mark (1999); F J . Matera, New Testament Christology (1999), pp.
5-26, who concludes his section on Mark by affirming, "the Christology is in the story,
and through the story we learn to interpret the titles".
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '233

In between, his divine sonship is recognised by demons (3:11; 5:7; cf.

1:24). T h e divine testimony at Jesus' baptism ("my beloved Son") is
repeated to the three disciples at his transfiguration (9:7). Jesus speaks of
a 'beloved son', who was taken and killed, in the parable of the wicked
husbandmen (12:6). His messianic confession at his trial is made in reply
to the high priest's question, "Are you the Christ, the Son of the
Blessed?" (14:61). Further, Jesus is represented as being conscious of a
' F a t h e r ' / ' S o n ' relationship with G o d (8:38; 13:32; 14:36).
By contrast, M a r k places less emphasis on 'Christ' as an appellation
for Jesus, 1 5 although as we have seen he acknowledges that it is cor-
reedy applied to Jesus, in 1:1. In Mark, Jesus uses the title three times
(9:41; 12:35; 13:21) but never explicitly of himself. At two dramatic
turning-points in the gospel, first when Peter confesses, "You are the
Christ" (8:29), a n d then at his trial when the high priest asks him, "Are
you the Christ, the Son of the Blessed?" (14:61 ),Jesus goes on to speak
of himself as 'the Son of m a n ' (8:31; 14:62). Finally, at his crucifixion,
it is only in mockery that the chief priests and scribes refer to him as
"the Christ, the King of Israel" (15:32). T h a t final reference shows a
correlation between the titles 'Christ' and 'king of the Jews' (15:2, 9,
12, 18, 26), just as M a r k 1:1; 14:61 indicate a correlation between the
titles 'Christ' and 'Son of G o d ' .
According to Mark, Jesus' characteristic way of referring to himself
was ό υιός του άνθρωπου, occurring fourteen times.16 Mark does not

14 Contra E.S.Johnson, 'Is Mark 15:39 the Key to Mark's Christology?', J W 3 1

(1987), pp. 3-22. P.G. Davis, 'Mark's Christological Paradox', JSNT35 (1989), pp. 3-
18, defends the view that Mark 15:39 is the evangelist's decisive statement on Jesus,
relating the title 'Son of God' to a divine-human dichotomy, where Jesus, as the
authoritative 'Son of Man', is represented as the man who does what only God can do
and so transcends humanity. Cf. W.T. Shiner, 'The Ambiguous Pronouncement of
the Centurion and the Shrouding of Meaning in Mark', J&YT78 (2000), pp. 3-22.
15 Contra, D.H. Juel, 'The Origin of Mark's Christology', in The Messiah, ed. J . H .
Charlesworth (1992), pp. 449-460, at pp. 450ff., who suggests that the title 'the Christ'
might well qualify as the pre-eminent title in Mark, occurring with about the same
frequency o f ' t h e Son of God' or related terms. He agrees, however, that the two tides
are closely related in Mark.
16 The Aramaic phrase lying behind this ‫ם‬:‫ בר א‬or ‫סא‬:‫ בר א‬may have been a circumlo-
cution for '1', referring to the speaker in an indirect manner, while some scholars con-
sider it had only a generic or indefinite meaning, 'man', 'a man' or 'someone', which
could include the speaker, in a similar way as 'one' is used in English. See, e.g., G. Ver-
mes, Jesus the Jew (1973), pp. 163-168, 188-191; J. Jeremias, ./V«« Testament Theology, I
(ET, 1971), p. 261, note 1; C. Colpe, TDMT VIII, pp. 403-404; P.M. Casey, Son of
Man: the interpretation and influence of Daniel 7 (1979), pp. 224ff.; Β. Lindars, Jesus Son of
Man (1983); R. Bauckham, 'The Son of Man: "A Man in my Position" or "Some-
one"?', JSNT23 (1985), pp. 23-33; B. Lindars, 'Response to Richard Bauckham: the
234 C H A P T E R THREE

explain the meaning o f ' S o n of man', 1 7 and it appears that Jesus used the
phrase as a vehicle to express his own thoughts about his person and mis-
sion. J . D . Kingsbury contends that this usage does not break the 'secret'
of who Jesus is, in Mark, as the tide, 'Son of m a n ' does not deal with the
question o f j e s u s ' identity. 18 It is used in the three main prophecies of his
suffering and resurrection (8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34), and on six other occa-
sions alluding to that (9:9, 12; 10:45; twice in 14:21; 14:41). T w o earlier
uses show Jesus' authority, first to forgive sins (2:10) and secondly in
respect of the sabbath (2:28). Finally, there are three references to the
future coming of the Son of m a n in glory (8:38; 13:26; 14:62).19

Idiomatic Use of Bar Enasha', JSNT 23 (1985), pp. 35-41; P.M. Casey, 'General,
Generic and Indefinite: the Use of the term "Son of M a n " in the Aramaic Sources
and in the Teaching of Jesus', JSNT 29 (1987), pp. 21-56; D.R.A. Hare, The Son of
Man Tradition (1990), pp. 249-256; P.M. Casey, 'Method in our Madness, and Mad-
ness in their Methods. Some Approaches to the Son of Man Problem in Recent
Scholarship', JSNT42 (1991), pp. 17-43; 'The Use of the Term (‫ בר )א(נס)א‬in the Ara-
maic Translations of the Hebrew Bible', JSNT 54 (1994), pp. 87-118; 'Idiom and
Translation: Some Aspects of the Son of Man Problem', NTS 41 (1995), pp. 164-182.
Contrast M. Black, 'Aramaic Barnāshā and the "Son of M a n ' " , ExpT 95 (1983/84),
pp. 200-206; D. Burkett, 'The Nontitular Son of Man: A History and Critique', NTS
40 (1994), pp. 504-521; P. Owen & D. Shepherd, 'Speaking up for Qumran, Dalman
and the Son of Man: Was Bar Enasha a Common Term for " M a n " in the Time of
Jesus?', JSNT 81 (2001), pp. 81-122. For a recent survey of of linguistic approaches,
see I.H. Marshall, 'The Synoptic "Son of M a n " Sayings in the Light of Linguistic
Study', in To Tell the Mystery: Essays on New Testament Eschatology in Honor of Robert H.
Gundry, edd. T.E. Schmidt & M. Silva (1994), pp. 72-94.
17 However, the saying ofjesus, " T h e sabbath was made for man, not man for the
sabbath; so the Son of man is lord even of the sabbath" (Mk. 2:27-28), suggests that
'the Son of man' was, or could be, in some sense the representative of'mankind'. Cf.
P.G. Davis, art. cit., pp. 9-11, who notes that Mark alone of the Synoptics refers to the
human race as 'the sons of men' (3:28), surmising that it is likely that the singular form
shares with the plural the meaning o f ' h u m a n being'.
18 Op. cit., pp. 157-179.
19 Cf. M.D. Hooker, The Son ofMan in Mark ( 1967), who considers that all three cat-
egories of use are compatible with the background in Daniel 7, where the Son of man
is used symbolically of the true Israel. Cf. also, C.F.D. Moule, 'Neglected features in
the Problem of "the Son of M a n " ' , in Neues Testament und Kirche. Festschrift für Rudolf
Schnackenburg, ed. J. Gnilka (1974), pp. 413-428, who argues that the use of the definite
article, 'the Son of Man', implies a reference throughout to the figure in Daniel 7;
C.F.D. Moule, The Origin of Christology (1977), pp. 1 Iff.; M.D. Hooker, 'Is the Son of
Man problem really insoluble?', in Text and Interpretation, edd. Ε. Best & R. McL. Wil-
son (1979), pp. 155-168; F.F. Bruce, 'The Background to the Son o f M a n Sayings', in
Christ the Lord, ed. H.H. R ß w d o n (1982), pp. 50-70; C.M. Tuckett, 'The Present Son
of Man', JSNT 14 (1982), pp. 58-81, who argues that the two 'Son of man' sayings in
Mark 2 imply authority rejected, or suffering, as they form part of a series of five con-
troversy stories (2:1-3:6), which function in Mark as a pointer to the passion story
right at the start ofJesus' ministry; W. Horbury, 'The Messianic Associations of "the
Son o f M a n ' " , JTS 36 (1985), pp. 34-55; A.Y. Collins, 'The Origin of the Designation
o f j e s u s as "Son o f M a n " ' , HTR 80 (1987), pp. 391-407, who categorizes the sayings
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '235

W e should remember that apart from the Messiah (with its various
interpretations, including its correlation with God's Son), there are a
n u m b e r of other possible answers that were, or could have been, given
to the question, " W h o then is this?". Some of the contemporary
answers are recorded by Mark in 6:14-16 and 8:28: a resurrected J o h n
the Baptist, Elijah, or a prophet like one of the other Old Testament
prophets. We may add other possibilities: Moses, or the prophet like
Moses mentioned in Deuteronomy 18:18f., a teacher of wisdom, an
interpreter of scripture like the Q u m r a n T e a c h e r of Righteousness, a
charismatic 'holy m a n ' like Honi or H a n i n a ben Dosa, 20 or a populist
leader in the Maccabean tradition. T h e r e are elements of similarity
between Jesus and a n u m b e r of these figures. This however increases
the significance of the fact that M a r k ( a n d / o r the traditions that he
inherited) did not primarily describe Jesus in terms of any of them, but
as the Messiah, related to the concept o f ' S o n of God', and seen to be
interpreted in a particular way as the 'Son of man'. 2 1
W e must now turn to see how this disclosure of Jesus' identity in
Mark is related to his use of certain Old Testament passages, which
may be linked with the concept of God's kingship or kingdom. Apart
from the next section, dealing with passages from the later chapters of
Isaiah, all the other significant passages selected are from the Psalms:
Psalm 2; Psalm 118; Psalm 110; and finally Psalm 22 and other
lament psalms.

2. Passages in the later chapters of Isaiah

In chapter 4, we traced Jesus' proclamation of the kingdom of G o d in

M a r k 1:14-15 to Isaiah 52:7, and we have seen that the later chapters
of Isaiah have many themes (in c o m m o n with the enthronement
psalms) celebrating God's kingship. W e shall begin our search there,
for the background to Mark's messianic presentation of jesus. T h e

according to their form and lunction; C.F.D. Moule, ' " T h e Son of Man": Some of
the Facts', NTS 41 (1995), pp. 277-279; M. Hengel, op. cit., p. 60, who states that
"Jesus employs '(Son of) Man', an expression characterized both by Dan. 7:13, and
ordinary, everyday use, precisely because it is a cipher, and not explicitly messianic."
20 See G. Vermes, op. cit., pp. 58-8'2; M J . Borg, Jesus, A New Vision: Spirit, Culture, and
the Life ofDiscipleship ( 1987), pp. 30-31,41.
21 This is not to deny that Jesus was also portrayed by the early church in non-mes-
sianic categories, especially prophetic or Mosaic, but these are not emphasized in
Mark's gospel. Jesus refers to himself as a 'prophet', at Mark 6:4 (cf. 6:15; 8:28).
236 C H A P T E R THREE

m a n y healings and nature miracles performed by Jesus (in Mark) may

be seen in the context of creation and its renewal, which are functions
of the divine King in Isaiah 40-55 (e.g., 42:5-9). 22 T h e miracles may
be seen as parables of the manifestation of the kingdom of G o d
through the agency ofjesus. 2 3
T h e healings of the deaf-mute (Mark 7:31-37) and of the blind m a n
at Bethsaida (8:22-26) form a pair, concluding as they do sections
which begin respectively with the feedings of the 5,000 and the
4,000. 24 T h e y refer to healings that are mentioned in Isaiah 35:5-6, to
which Mark specifically alludes in the reaction of the onlookers in
7:37, "he even makes the deaf hear and the d u m b speak". 25 T h a t Isa-

22 Cf.J. Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of God (1979), p. 321.
23 Cf. C.L. Blomberg, 'The Miracles as Parables', in Gospel Perspectives, VI : The Mir-
acles ofjesus, edd. D. Wenham & C.L. Blomberg (1986), pp. 327-359; C.D. Marshall,
Faith as a theme in Mark's narrative ( 1989), pp. 57-74; contra, D.-A. Koch, Die Bedeutung der
Wundnerzählungen fur die Christologie des Markusevangeliums (1975), pp. 173-176, who, dis-
tinguishing tradition from redaction, considers that the miracles do not function in
Mark as signs of the kingdom. According to K. Kertelge, Die Wunder Jesu im Markuse-
vangelium (1970), pp. 89, 170f, Jesus' miracles make clear his mission, but do not
directly reveal who he is; contra, T.A. Burkill, Mysterious Revelation (1963), p. 41, who
holds that in Mark's estimation Jesus' miracles were proof of his divine origin and
Messiahship. E.K. Broadhead, Teaching with Authority. Miracles and Christology in the
Gospel ofMark (1992), pp. 191, 205, argues that all stages and all emphases of the mira-
cle tradition are still alive in the Gospel of Mark, and that the miracle accounts pri-
marily generate a distinct narrative portrait ofjesus.
24 Neither of these healings are recorded in the other gospels, perhaps because they
both portray Jesus using means other than a word of command (i.e., laying on of
hands and the use of spittle) to effect the healings.
25 Mark 7:37 may have referred to both miracles in the tradition prior to Mark.
The first part of the crowd's comment in 7:37, "He has done all things well", may
reflect Gen. 1:31, referring to God's work in creation, and so underline the theme of
the renewal of creation from the second part oflsaiah relating to Jesus' miracles; cf. J .
Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus (1978-79), I, p. 298; J . Ernst, Das Evangelium nach
Markus (1981), p. 217; contra, D.E. Nineham, op. cit., p. 202. The two miracle stories
(7:31-37 and 8:22-26) are important for Mark's composition, as the second is placed
immediately before Peter's confession. The crowd's acclamation in 7:37 may be taken
to correspond to Peter's confession (8:27-30), while, as we have seen, Peter's subse-
quent misunderstanding of Jesus' role (8:31-33) is symbolized by the blind man's
words after the first stage of his healing, "I see men; but they look like trees, walking"
(8:24); cf. C.E.B. Cranfield, The Gospel According to Saint Mark (1959; 3rd. impression,
1966), pp. 253-255; R.A. Guelich, Mark 1-8:26 (1989), pp. 390fi, 398f. See generally,
R.E. Watts, Isaiah's New Exodus and Mark{ 1997), pp. 169-177.
For the view that the historical Jesus opted to perform miracles predicted in Is. 35:5f.
as characteristic of the new age, see A.E. Harvey, Jesus and the Constraints of History
(1982), pp. 113ÍF E.P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (1985), pp. 160-164, considers it more
likely that Jesus found he could heal, and thus attract crowds to whom he could preach.
He concludes that "the influence of Isaiah need not be excluded from this picture, but
it would be, at least at the outset, more coincidental than determinative" (p. 164).
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '237

iah 35:5-6 is in Mark's mind is confirmed by his use of the rare word
μογιλάλον in 7:32, which is found in the New Testament only here,
and in the L X X only in Isaiah 35:6. 20 Isaiah 35 anticipates some of
the themes of chapters 40-55, relating to the kingship of Yahweh (cf.
35:2), but is not messianic. However, there is a similarity of theme
('opening blind eyes') between 35:5 and 42:7, which forms part of the
first 'Servant Song'. W e have argued for a possible identification of
the Servant of Isaiah 40-55 with the Messiah, and the first 'Servant
Song' especially has marked royal features. 27
T h e r e are recognisable echoes both of the beginning of this first
'Servant Song' (Isaiah 42:1), and of one of the royal psalms (Psalm
2:7), in the statement of the heavenly voice at Jesus' baptism, " T h o u
are my beloved Son; with thee I am well pleased" (Mark 1:11).28 Here
in Mark's prologue, testimony to Jesus is given by J o h n the Baptist

26 While some scholars, such as R. Pesch, Das Markusevangelium (1976-77), I, p. 397,

see in όδεσμόςτηςγλώσσηςαύτοΰ(7:35) an allusion to the demonic, M.D. Hooker, The
Message of Mark (1983), p. 42, suggests that the release of the tongue (7:35) may indi-
cate that Mark also had in mind Is. 61:1, 2, in the context o f j e s u s releasing those
bound in various ways by Satan (cf. Lk. 4:18-19; and esp. Mt. 11:5; Lk. 7:22, where
the references are to Is. 35:5-6 and Is. 61:1 combined). J . Gray, op. cit., p. 324, note 18,
suggests that 'the year of the Lord's favour' (Is. 61:2), which is proclaimed in associa-
tion with healing, should be related to Jesus' authority to forgive sins, again in the
context of healing, in Mk. 2:1-12. Contrary to these views, B. Lindars, New Testament
Apologetic (1961), p. 248, writes that "references to Is. 61 : I f , with the closely associated
35:5f. and 58:6, are confined to Q_and the Lucan literature." We have noted a clear
allusion to Is. 35:5f. in Mk. 7:37, while C.D. Marshall, op. cit., p. 130, considers that
the request of Bartimaeus, ϊνα άναβλέψω ("let me receive my sight", Mk. 10:51) is
probably an allusion to Is. 61:1 f.
27 See pp. 65, 7Iff:, there is also a clear connection of thought between 42:7 (and
49:9) and 61:1, where royal features (Spirit-endowment and anointing) are again
prominent. Cf. the N T link between Is. 35:5f. and 61 :If., referred to in note 26 above.
Cf. also references to releasing captives, healing, rasing the dead and bringing good
news in 4Q521 in the context of God's kingship and a messianic figure; see pp. 98, 185f.
28 Cf. D.E. Nineham, op. cit., pp. 61-63; G.E. Ladd, A Theology of the New Testament
(1974), pp. 163-164; D. Guthrie, New Testament Theology (1981), p. 309;J. Marcus, The
Way of the. Ijord. Christological Exegesis of the Old Testament in the Gospel of Mark( 1993), pp.
48-53; R.E. Watts, op. cit., p. 119, who points out that Israel is also elsewhere
described using similar terms. T h e main evidence for seeing an allusion to Is. 42:1
comes from the form in which that verse is quoted in Mt. 12:18; cf. B.D. Chilton, A
Galilean Rabbi and His Bible (1984), pp. 125ff, who notes that the phrase "I am well
pleased" does not correspond to any of the versions of Is. 42:1, but turns up fairly fre-
quently in the Isaiah Targum (e.g., 41:8-9; 43:10; also, 43:20; 44:1-2), when the verb
'to choose'(‫ בחר‬or εκλέγομαι) is employed in the Hebrew and Greek versions. Chilton
concludes that the baptismal voice does not cite words from a particular scriptural
passage, but uses language associated with a figure called 'the servant', who is identi-
fied with the Messiah in Tg. Is. 43:10. With regard to Ps. 2:7, that is the only occasion
in the O T , where God says to any person, "You are my son".
238 C H A P T E R THREE

(himself fulfilling Isaianic p r o p h e c y as the Lord's forerunner), as well

as by the divine voice. Jesus, w h o according to J o h n ' s testimony is to
baptize people with the Holy Spirit (verse 8), is then e n d u e d with the
Spirit at his baptism (verse 10) at the same time as he receives the
divine testimony (verse 11). T h e descent of the Spirit here m a y also be
related to Isaiah 42:1, which reads:

Behold my servant, whom I uphold,

my chosen, in whom my soul delights;
I have put my Spirit upon him,
he will bring forth justice to the nations.

T h e passage is especially significant as b a c k g r o u n d for the Spirit's

descent in M a r k 1:10, in the light of the allusion to the same passage
in verse 11. W e must also note Isaiah 11:2 a n d 61:1 as f u r t h e r back-
g r o u n d , referring to Y a h w e h ' s Spirit being u p o n the messianic king
a n d the anointed p r o p h e t respectively. 29 After his baptism, Jesus is dri-
ven by the Spirit into the wilderness for an epic struggle with Satan
(verses 12-13). 30 T h u s a spiritual context is set for the various conflicts
which follow in the ministry o f j e s u s a n d culminate in his crucifixion.
W e noted at the beginning of c h a p t e r 4, that M a r k in the first fif-
teen verses of his gospel, refers three times to Isaiah chapters 40-55

M.D. Hooker, Jesus and the Servant( 1959), pp. 70ÍT., argues against any reference to Is.
42:1; contra, R.T. France, 'The Servant of the Lord in the Teaching ofjesus', TynB 19
(1968), pp. 26-52, at p. 40, note 74. J . Jeremias, New Testament Theology, I (1971), pp. 53-
55, argues against any original reference to Ps. 2:7; contra, I.H. Marshall, 'Son of God or
Servant of Yahweh? ‫ ־‬A Reconsideration of Mark 1:11', NTS 15 (1968-9), pp. 326-336.
See also E. Schweizer, 7ZWTVIII, pp. 367-368, who considers that the best parallel to
εύδοκεΐνέν is David's song in 2 Sam. 22:20; J.D.G. Dunn, Jesus and the Spirit (1975), p. 65
and note 122. The Midrash on Psalms (trans. W.G. Braude, 1959), I, Ps. 2, 9 combines Ps.
2:7 with Is. 42:1, as well as Ps. 110:1 and Dan. 7:13. For the suggestion that Isaac typol-
ogy may be present in Mark 1:11, through an allusion to Gen. 22:2, 12, 16, see E. Best,
The Temptation and the Passion ( 1965), pp. 169-173; C.E. Wood, The Use of the Second Psalm
in Jewish and Christian Traditions of Exegesis: A Study in Christological Origins (unpublished
Ph.D. thesis, St. Andrew's Univ., 1975), pp. 237-255, esp. pp. 252-255, who considers
that the case for an allusion to Ps. 2:7 in the baptismal voice is not conclusive.
29 Cf. R.A. Guelich, op. cit., p. 32. We have seen how Is. 1 l:2ff. was used of the
Davidic Messiah at Qumran and in Ps. Sol. 17 (see pp. 175, 180-182, 203f. and notes
56, 112 (ch. 5)). The reference to the Spirit's descent in Mk. 1:10 may also therefore
be related to Is. 11:2, in the light of the allusion in verse 11 to the messianic oracle in
Ps. 2:7. According to C.K. Barrett, The Holy Spirit in the Gospel Tradition (1947), pp. 41-
44, Messiahship is the key to the understanding of the baptism narrative, as it under-
lies the office o f j e s u s as the Servant of the Lord, his status as Son of God and the
descent upon him of the Spirit.
30 There are only three further references to the Holy Spirit in Mark: 3:29; 12:36;
13:11. On the 'Spirit' in the prologue, seeJ.M. Robinson, op. cit. (1957), pp. 28-32.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '239

(40:3 in verse 3; 42:1 in verse 11, which we have just considered; and
52:7 in verses 14-15). T h e first is Mark's only editorial quotation, with
Isaiah specifically n a m e d as its source (verse 2); the second (linked with
Psalm 2:7) marks Jesus out as Yahweh's Servant-Messiah; while the
third summarizes his proclamation of the kingdom of God. T h u s in
these first fifteen verses of the gospel, we see Jesus' proclamation of
God's kingdom linked with his role as Servant-Messiah. This linkage
is shown by Mark's references to the same group of chapters in Isaiah,
where the two concepts of Yahweh's kingship and the Servant (as a
possibly messianic figure) are interlinked. 31
As we consider other references to the second part of Isaiah and the
Servant-figure in Mark, we may note that Mark does not emphasize
any link between the importance of suffering for Jesus and the figure of
the Servant in Isaiah 53. However, it is probable that this passage lies
behind Jesus' teaching on the necessity of the Son of man's suffering in
accordance with the scriptures (Mark 8:31; 9:12; 14:21), as well as the
two specific sayings that his life is to be given 'for many' (αντί πολλών,
10:45; υπέρ πολλών, 14:24; cf. Isaiah 53:12). 32 S.H.T. Page has re-

31 See pp. 8'2ff.

32 J.Jeremias, 7DJVTV, pp. 700-717; C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 277, 298, 342,
427 and his supplementary notes (1963 reprinting) at pp. 484, 486-487; R.T. France,
Jesus and the Old Testament (1971), pp. 110-132; F.F. Bruce, art. cit., pp. 56-61;J. Mar-
eus, op. cit., pp. 186-196; R.E. Watts, op. cit., pp. 258-287; O. Betz, Jesus and Isaiah
53', 111 Jesus and the Suffering Servant. Isaiah 53 and Christian Origins, edd. VV.H. Bellinger,
Jr. & W.R. Farmer (1998), pp. 70-87, emphasizing Is. 53:1 as the sole source of the
term 'gospel' (εύαγγέλιον) in the New Testament (see note 15 (ch. 4); B. Witherington,
The Gospel of Mark. A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary (2001), pp. 288-290. Contra, R. Bull-
mann, Theology of the New Testament (ET, 1952-55), I, p. 31; H E . Tödt, Ήκ Son of Man
in the Synoptic Tradition (ET, 1965), pp. 159-207; C.K. Barratt, 'The Background of
Mark 10:45', in Neu> Testament Essays: Studies in Memory 0fT. W. Manson, ed. AJ.B. Hig-
gins (1959), pp. 1-18; M.D. Hooker, op. cit.. At pp. 77f., Hooker contends that λύτρον
(Mk. 10:45) does not refer to the Servant's role in Isaiah 53, hut is linked rather to the
general theme of redemption in Deutero-Isaiah. Cf. P. Stuhlmacher's article cited in
note 8 (ch. 4); similarly, W. Grimm, Die Verkündigung Jesu und Deuterojesaja (first publ.
1976; 2nd. ed., 1981), pp. 231-277, argues that Mk. '10:45 is primarily based on Is.
43:3f, but acknowledges that πολλών in Mk. 10:45 comes from Is. 53; contra, D.
Vieweger & A. Böckler, '"Ich gebe Ägypten als Lösegeld für dich" Mk 10,45 und die
jüdische Tradition z u j e s 43.3b.4', ,£4 IF 108 (1996), pp. 594-607.
See also W.J. Moulder, 'The Old Testament Background and the Interpretation of
Mark χ. 45', NTS 24 (1977-78), pp. 120-127; S.H.T. Page, 'The Authenticity of the
Ransom Logion (Mark 10:45b)' in Gospel Perspectives, I, edd. R.T. France and D. Wen-
ham (1980), pp. 137-161; C.C. Caragounis, 'Kingdom of God, Son of Man and Jesus'
Self-understanding' (Part II), TynB 40.2 (1989), pp. 223-238, at pp. 235f., who finds
an analogous meaning for the particle δει, relating to the necessity of the Son of man's
sufferings in Mk. 8:31, in Daniel 2:28, 29 (twice), 45, which relate to the setting up of
God's kingdom; M. Wilcox, 'On the Ransom-Saying in Mark 10.45c, Matt 20.28c',
240 C H A P T E R THREE

examined the evidence for ' T h e Suffering Servant between the Testa-
ments', and concluded that evidence from various quarters suggests the
possibility that a messianic interpretation of the servant, and even the
suffering servant, may have been known in some circles. 33 M.D. Hook-
er finds an allusion in Mark 3:27 to Isaiah 49:24f., although this pas-
sage speaks of Yahweh rather than the Servant. 34 Mark 10:34 appears
to allude to the third servant song (Isaiah 50:6), 35 while it is arguable
that the passive use of παραδίδωμι in the passion sayings (Mark 9:31;
10:33; 14:21, 41) has Isaiah 53 as its background. 3 6

in Geschichte ‫ ־‬Tradition - Reflexion. Festschrift jur Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag, Band
III: Frühes Christentum, ed. Η. Lichtenberger (1996), pp. 173-186, who relates the use of
λύτρον to the historical situation o f j e s u s giving himself up to those seeking his arrest,
in order to secure the freedom of his followers.
33 jVTS(1985), pp. 481-497. We have considered some of this evidence in chapters
2 and 5 above. See also now, M. Hengel, 'Zur Wirkungsgeschichte von Jes 53 in
vorchristlicher Zeit', in Der leidende Gottesknecht: Jesaja 53 und seine Wirkungsgeschichte, edd.
B. Janowski & P. Stuhlmacher ( 1996), pp. 49-91 ; N.T. Wright, Jesus and the Victory of
God ( 1996), pp. 588-591.
34 Op. cit., pp. 73-74; cf. note 6 (ch. 4), citing B. Lindars' support for this. It may be
argued that as the Servant does the work of Yahweh, so there is a necessary relationship
between acts attributed to Yahweh himself and those implemented through his Servant.
35 Cf. W.L. Lane, Commentary on the Gospel of Mark (1974), p. 375; H. Anderson, The
Gospel of Mark( 1976), p. 253, both of whom refer also to the influence of Ps. 22:7(6-8)
on Mk. 10:33-34. R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 149, adduces a long list of O T references as
background to the different elements in Mk. 10:33-34 (many of them coming from
the lament psalms), but with regard to 'spitting' (verse 34), he mentions in addition to
Is. 50:6, only J o b 17:6; 30:10.
36 See, e.g., W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 337; D J . Moo, The Old Testament in the Gospel Pas-
sion Narratives (1983), pp. 92-96; contra, M.D. Hooker, op. cit., pp. 94-95. For a tradi-
tion-historical study, N. Perrin, 'The Use of (παρα)διδόναι in connection with the Pas-
sion of Jesus in the New Testament', in Der Ruf Jesu und die Antwort der Gemeinde:
Festschriftfür Joachim Jeremias, edd E. Lohse, C. Burchard & B. Schaller (1970), pp. 204-
212; however, on the difficulty of this kind of approach, see M. Hengel, 'Christology
and New Testament Chronology: A Problem in the History of Earliest Christianity'
(first publ. in German, 1972), in Between Jesus and Paul( ET, 1983), pp. 30-47; cf. F.G.
Downing, The Church and Jesus (1968), pp. 1-56. W.R. Telford, Mark (New Testament
Guides; 1995), p. 107, comments that, while Mark does not cite Isaiah 53, his narrative
is suffused with motifs relating to it (giving examples from the passion narrative).
In chapter 4, we also noted quotations of Is. 66:24 in Mk. 9:48 (pp. 116, 146Jf) and of
Is. 56:7 in Mk. 11:17 ( / 7 / 6.‫)־‬,as well as allusions to Is. 63:19; 64:1 (MT 63:19) in Mk.
1:10 (p. 131 and note 60 (ch. 4)), Is. 40:9-10 in Mk. 9:1 (pp. 139ft), and Is. 57:15; 66:1, 2
in Mk. 9:43-48 (pp. 147ffi). D J . Moo, op. cit., pp. 116-121, argues that Mk. 10:38 pre-
sents Jesus as associating his baptism with his death, which taken in conjunction with
the allusion to Is. 42:1 by the heavenly voice at Jesus' baptism, indicates that Jesus' des-
tiny involves death as the 'ebed Yahweh‫׳‬, cf. J.A.T. Robinson, 'The O n e Baptism as a
Category o f N e w Testament Soteriology', SJT6 (1953), pp. 257-274, at p. 261; C.F.D.
Moule, The Origin of Christology (1977), pp. 29f., who acknowledges the link between
baptism and death, and Jesus' baptism and his Sonship, without referring to the 'ebed
Yahweh‫׳‬, R.A. Campbell, 'John and His Baptism', TynB M (1996), pp. 191-214.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '241

We have argued that M a r k 1:14-15 shows Jesus taking on the role

of the messenger of the good news about God's reign in Isaiah 52:7
(and the T a r g u m to Isaiah 40:9), and seen that this probably reflects
the preaching o f j e s u s himself If that is correct, it is intrinsically likely
that he would also see the relevance of some parts of the Servant songs
to himself and his mission. T h e 'herald of good tidings' is mentioned
in Isaiah 41:27, just prior to the first Servant song (42:Iff.), while Isa-
iah 52:7 itself occurs shortly before the fourth Servant song (52:13ff.).
T h e Spirit-endowed prophet of Isaiah 61 :Iff. combines the role of the
messenger ('the Lord has anointed me to bring good tidings ...') with
part of the Servant's ministry ('to proclaim liberty to the captives, and
the opening of the prison to those who are bound'; cf. 42:7).
G.B. Caird helpfully compared the description of the servant of the
Lord in Isaiah 53 with a Situation Vacant advertisement: 'Wanted, a
servant of the Lord', accompanied by a j o b description. 37 W.J. Hous-
ton has applied this idea to prophetic language generally, particularly
citing the proclamation of the reign of God in Deutero-Isaiah, as well
as the royal psalms and other more strictly 'messianic' texts, such as
Isaiah 9 and 11.38 T h e evidence of M a r k suggests that we should not
overemphasize the importance of Isaiah 53 for Jesus a n d / o r the early
church. W e should rather see the fourth Servant song (along with the
first Servant song) as part of the complex of material drawn from the
Psalms and the second part of Isaiah to describe the mission and min-
istry ofjesus. 3 9

37 The Language and Imagery of the Bible ( 1980), pp. 57Γ; contra, M.D. Hooker, 'Did the
Use oflsaiah 53 to Interpret His Mission Begin with Jesus? 1 in Jesus and the Suffering Ser-
vant, edd. W.H. Bellinger, Jr. & W.R. Farmer (1998), pp. 88-103, at p. 100. '
38 '"Today, in Your Very Hearing": Some Comments on the Christological Use of
the Old Testament', in The Glory of Christ in the Neu! Testament: Studies in Christology in
Memory of George Bradford Caird, edd. L.D. Hurst & N.T. Wright ( 1987), pp. 37-47.
39 Isaiah 53 should also be seen as part of the broader tradition of the 'righteous suffer-
er' found in the lament psalms, and later taken up in Wisdom 2-5, as well as the descrip-
tion of martyrs in 2 Maccabees and 4 Maccabees, cited by C.K. Barrett, art. at., p. 12; cf.
J.D.G. Dunn, 'Messianic Ideas' (see note 10 above), pp. 378-380. D. Lührmann, Das
Markusevangelium (1987), pp. 38, 43-44, emphasizes the importance of the portrayal of the
righteous suffering one in Wisdom 2:12-20, linked with Isaiah 42:1, for Mark's depiction
ofjesus. However, according to M. Hengel, The Atonement (ET, 1981), reprinted in The
Cross ofthe Son ofGod ( 1986), p. 229, Mark does not present Jesus' passion as an example of
righteous suffering in line with Wisdom 2-5, but "is concerned with the utterly unique
event of the passion and crucifixion of the Messiah of Israel which is without any parallel
in the history of religion. For Mark, the few psalms of suffering which illuminate individ-
ual features of the suffering and death of jesus, like Psalms 22 and 69, are exclusively mes-
sianic psalms, such as Psalms 110 and 118" (his italics).
242 C H A P T E R THREE

3. Psalm 2 - God's Son

N o t only does the divine voice at J e s u s ' baptism allude to Isaiah 42:1.
T h e r e is also an allusion to Psalm 2:7, where the Davidic king is
speaking (probably at his enthronement):

I will tell of the decree of the Lord:

He said to me, "You are my son, today I have begotten you."

In this psalm, it is the kingship of Y a h w e h ('He w h o sits in the heav-

ens', verse 4), that is primary. Y a h w e h appoints his king to rule in
Zion (verse 6), a n d this king is called Y a h w e h ' s son (verse 7) a n d his
' a n o i n t e d ' (ό χριστός, verse 2, LXX). Y a h w e h ' s a p p o i n t m e n t of his
king is his strategy to defeat the rebellious nations (verses 1-3). T h e
p u r p o s e of Y a h w e h a n d his anointed is one a n d the same, a n d the
king will achieve that p u r p o s e through his d e p e n d e n c e on Y a h w e h
(verse 8). T h e king is to d e p e n d on Y a h w e h in prayer, a n d Y a h w e h
will then give to the king authority over the whole earth. 4 0 By this allu-
sion to Psalm 2 at the beginning of M a r k ' s gospel, Jesus' Messi-
a h s h i p / S o n s h i p is shown to be b o t h subordinate to G o d ' s kingdom,
a n d the p r i m a r y m e a n s whereby that kingdom is to be manifested on
earth. 4 1 A few verses f u r t h e r on, as we have seen, Jesus a n n o u n c e s the
proximity of G o d ' s kingdom.
J . D . Kingsbury has emphasized the importance in Mark's gospel of
1:11 as "a divine asseveration whereby G o d solemnly affirms that Jesus,
the Anointed O n e (Messiah-King) from the line of David, is his only, or
unique, Son w h o m he has chosen for eschatological ministry". 42 If it is

H.E.W. Turner, Jesus, Master and Ljord (1953), pp. 205-211, saw Jesus as being influ-
enced by the Servant songs, and also by passages which he described as 'Fellow Trav-
ellers' of the Servant songs: passages in Trito-Isaiah (esp. Is. 61 :If.); Zech. 9:9; Pss. 22;
69; cf. A.T. Hanson, The Lking Utterances of God ( 1983), pp. 66f. Hengel, op. at., pp. 247f.,
strongly maintains that Isaiah 53 had an influence on the origin and shaping of the ear-
liest kerygma, while describing, as a scholarly overreaction, people wanting suddenly to
drive the 'ebed Yahweh out of large areas of the New Testament 'with swords and staves'.
He points out that "alongside the earliest 'messianic hymns', the Psalms, Isaiah was by
far the most important prophetic text for lesus and earliest Christianity".
40 See pp. 37-39.
41 In Ps. 2 (as in many of the royal psalms), God's kingship is to be shown in judgment
on the rebellious. The emphasis of Jesus' proclamation of God's kingdom (while not
neglecting judgment, e.g., at Mk. 14:62) is that it is 'good news' for those who 'repent and
believe' (Mk. 1:15), in line rather with the exposition of Yahweh's kingship in Is. 40-55.
42 The Christology ofMark's Gospel ( 1983), pp. 60-68 (quotation from p. 66); cf. note 12
above. For 6 αγαπητός (Mk. 1:11; 9:7; 12:6) meaning 'only' or 'unique', see C.H.
Turner, 'ό υιός μου ό αγαπητός', JTS21 (1926), pp. 113-129; A. Feuillet, 'Le Baptême
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '243

correct that Mark calls Jesus 'the Son of God' in the opening verse of his
gospel, 43 then Mark, as a 'reliable narrator', aligns his understanding of
Jesus with that of God. Kingsbury's approach is an example of the pre-
dominant emphasis in current scholarship on viewing Mark as a narra-
tive in its own right, rather than considering the history of traditions
lying behind Mark or his redaction of these. 44 This approach is essential
and primary, but our study relates to 'the Background to Mark's Christol-
ogy', considering the Markan tradition and not only the final literary
form of the gospel. As Mark presents his story as happening around
Jesus in the recent past, linked of course to a theological interpretation,
we shall be asking historical as well as theological questions of the text. 45

de Jésus d'après l'Evangile selon Saint Marc (1, 9-11)', CBQ21 (1959), pp. 468-490, at
p. 480; C.R. Kazmierski, Jesus, the Son of God( 1979), pp. 54-55. Kazmierski considers
that Mark understands 'Son of God' (1:1 1) in terms of Is. 42:1 and Gen. 22, rather
than Ps. 2:7; contra, H . J . Steichele, Der leidende Sohn Gottes (1980), pp. 123-135, who
sees Ps. 2:7 behind the baptismal voice, and goes on to interpret Mark's use o f ' S o n of
God' especially in terms of Psalms 2 and 22.
43 See note 142 (ch. 4).
44 See also N.R. Petersen, Literary Criticismfor New Testament Critics (1978), pp. 49-80;
'"Point of View" in Mark's Narrative', Semeia 12 (1978), pp. 97-121: R.C. Tannehill,
'The Gospel of Mark as Narrative Christology', Semeia 16 (1979), pp. 57-98; D.
Rhoads & D. Michie, Mark as Story: An Introduction to the Narrative of a Gospel (1982); E.
Best, Mark: 'The Gospel as Story (1983), also employing redaction criticism; V.K. Rob-
bins, Jesus the Teacher: A Socio-Rhetorical Interpretation of Mark ( 1984); G. A. Kennedy, Neu!
Testament Interpretation through Rhetorical Criticism (1984), the last two works setting Mark
(and the NT) in the context of ancient rhetoric; L. Chouinard, 'Gospel Christology: A
Study of Methodology', JSNT30 (1987), pp. 21-37; E. Best, 'Mark's Narrative Tech-
nique', JSNT 37 (1989), pp. 43-58. Examples of this 'narrative approach' since 1990
are too numerous to list, but cf. note 13 above, and the references there to recent
work by Broadhead and Matera.
45 C.D. Marshall, op. cit., pp. 8-30, deals with the limitations of Markan redaction
criticism, before describing the methodology of narrative criticism which he uses. While
he is not concerned to distinguish source and redaction, or to evaluate the authenticity
ofjesus' logia, he recognizes that Mark's gospel is "a historical and theological commu-
nication with a pastoral purpose", and as such "cannot be considered as totally self-
interpretative". He allows that background studies (dealing for example with Mark's
quotations or allusions to Old Testament concepts) and "even research on the historical
Jesus" have a valuable role in gospel literary criticism, helping to illuminate the 'uni-
verse of possible meanings' that were open to the reader/hearer (pp. 28-29).
Similarly, C. Clifton Black II, The Disciples According to Mart Markan Redaction in Cur-
rent Debate (1989), concludes that redaction criticism is no longer a viable approach to
Markan study, and proposes a model for synthetic Markan interpretation, which has
the text and literary criticism at the centre, but includes four other forms of criticism:
historical, traditional, authorial-theological, and reader-response (pp. 241-248, and
figure 3 on p. 245); cf. note 98 (ch. 4).
M. Hengel, The Four Gospels and the One Gospel ofjesus Christ. An Investigation of the Col-
lection and Origin of the Canonical Gospels (ET, 2000), pp. 141 -145, emphasizes the impor-
tance of eye-witnesses and real memory for the historical traditions about Jesus in the
244 C H A P T E R THREE

T h e baptism o f j e s u s by J o h n is generally agreed to be historical,

but some scholars have taken Jesus' vision and hearing of a voice from
heaven (Mark 1:10-11) to be creations of the early church. 4 6 However
the story shows only slight signs of Mark's redaction, 4 7 and there
appears to be little reason to disagree with J . Jeremias that it is histori-
cally probable that at his baptism Jesus had an experience which was
determinative for his career. 4 8 If this call-experience o f j e s u s was not
created by the early church, it must have been recounted in some
form by Jesus to his disciples. O n e possible occasion for this teaching
could have been after Peter, J a m e s and J o h n heard a similar heavenly

gospels. I work as a lawyer in central London, and was speaking on the telephone in
2001 to a client who is in her mid-80's. I was quite surprised when in the course of
conversation, she said to me, "I knew Mr L", because I was aware that Mr L had
founded our firm in 1882 and died in the 1930's. It occurred to me that the period of
time, looking back from 2001 to the 1930's, is almost exactly the same as the period
between the events around the death of Jesus and the completion of the canonical
gospels, put at their latest. In fact, for Mark and probably for Luke, that period may
be considerably reduced; see note 79 below. Cf. the similar point made and the short-
er comparative timespan mentioned in M. Hengel, Studies in Early Christology (ET,
1995), p. 45; cf. also, note 118 below. O n long-term memory being more likely to be
general than precise, though still reliable, see D.C. Allison, Jesus of Nazareth. Millenarian
Prophet (1998), p. 45.
On the importance of a theological (rather than historical) approach to Markan (or
NT) Christology, see M.E. Boring, 'The Christology of Mark: Hermeneutical Issues
for Systematic Theology', Semeia 30 (1984), pp. 125-153; L.E. Keck, 'Toward the
Renewal of New Testament Christology', NTS 32 (1986), pp. 362-377; cf. the 'canon-
ical approach' advocated by B.S. Childs, The New Testament as Canon: An Introduction
(1984), pp. 3-53.
46 E.g., R. Bultmann, The History of the Synoptic Tradition (ET, 1963), p. 249; M.
Dibelius, From Tradition to Gospel (ET, 1971), pp. 271-272; W. Schmithals, Das Evangeli-
um nach Markus( 1979), I, pp. 84-89; cf. note 61 (ch. 4), and the 1995 article referred to
there b y j . Marcus. According to M. Smith, Jesus the Magician (1978), pp. lOOf,Jesus'
baptism is really a story of his deification, similar to stories in the Greek Magical
Papyri. He also considers that the latter may explain the use of the title 'son of god'
(which Smith holds is equivalent to 'god') in stories ofjesus' exorcisms (Mk. 3:11; 5:7).
E.P. Sanders, op. cit., pp 5-10, 162-170, gives a fairly positive assessment of Smith's
work, but concludes that he presses beyond what is helpful in categorizing Jesus as 'a
magician'; contrast the sharply critical assessment of Smith's work in H.C. Kee, Mira-
cle in the Early Christian World: A Study in Sociological Method ( 1983), pp. 21 If.; cf. note 116
(ch. 5), and the article referred to there by E. Yamauchi.
47 Cf. R.A. Guelich, op. cit., p. 30; contra, J . Marcus, The Way of the Lord ( 1993), p. 54.
According to C.E.B. Cranfield, op. at., p. 51, the ideas and the matter-of-factness of
the narrative stamp the section as based on primitive tradition.
48 New Testament Theolog)), I (ET 1971), pp. 55-56. So also, C.H. Dodd, The Founder of
Christianity (1971), pp. 130-131; I.H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke ( 1978), pp. 150-151;
B. Witherington, The Christology ofjesus( 1990), pp. 148-155; N.T. Wright, op. cit., pp.
536-537; contrast J.P. Meier, A Marginal Jew, II (1994), pp. 100-116. We have suggest-
ed, at pp. 13 I f f . , that the baptismal vision of Jesus may be seen as part of the back-
ground to 'the secret' of the kingdom of God in Mk. 4:11.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '245

voice at the transfiguration, since the discussion coming down the

mountain turned to J o h n the Baptist who was identified by Jesus with
Elijah (Mark 9:9-13). 49
However, even if we accept that Jesus had a determinative call-
experience at his baptism and gave some account of that to his disci-
pies, that does not ensure that the words of the heavenly voice
remained unmodified by the early church and those who passed on
the gospel traditions. F. Hahn 5 0 and R.H. Fuller 51 held that the title
'Son of G o d ' was first applied to Jesus by the early Palestinian church
with reference to his parousia. 5 2 M o r e generally accepted a m o n g
scholars is the view that the title was first applied by the early church
with reference to Jesus' resurrection. 5 3 T h e pre-Pauline formula in
R o m a n s 1:3-4 and the quotation of Psalm 2:7 in Acts 13:33 both
appear to relate Jesus' divine sonship to his resurrection. This leads
J . D . G . D u n n to conclude that "primitive Christian preaching seems
to have regarded Jesus' resurrection as the day of his appointment to
divine sonship, as the event by which he became God's son". 54
W e may make the following observations on this conclusion: 1) It is
hanging a lot of weight on the evidence of these two passages, if it is to

49 While the historian finds it difficult to deal with supernatural events, if we allow
that the disciples experienced post-resurrection appearances ofjesus, we should also
allow for the posssiblity that some teaching about Jesus' earthly ministry was received
then, remembering that Luke speaks of the risen Jesus opening the disciples' minds to
understand the scriptures (24:45; cf. verses 25-27, 44-49; Acts 1:3). If that were the case,
the authenticity of such teaching, from the historian's viewpoint, would perhaps be on a
par with the authenticity of teaching emanating from a Spirit-inspired prophet in the
early church. C.L. Mitton, Jesus: The Fact Behind die Faith (1975), p. 127, comments that
what the occasion of the baptism meant to Jesus is the kind ofthing that Jesus would in
fact want to talk to his disciples about at some appropriate later time.
50 The Titles ofjesus in Christology (orig. publ. in German, 1963; ET, 1969), pp. 284ff.
51 The Foundations of.New Testament Christology ( 1965), pp. 164-167.
52 For criticism for this view, see I.H. Marshall, The Origins ofNew Testament Christel-
0gy (1976), pp. 118-119.
53 So, W. Kramer, Christ, Ixrd, Son of God (orig. publ. in German, 1963; ET, 1966),
pp. 108ff., who attributes the title to early Aramaic-speaking Jewish Christianity. F.
Hahn (see ref. in note 50 above) and R.H. Fuller, op. cit., pp. 187f. (cf. note 51 above),
see this application as belonging to later Hellenistic Jewish Christianity. T h e article by
M. Hengel referred to in note 36 above demonstrates the unacceptability of the
chronological classifications of Hahn and Kramer (at pp. 35-38).
54 Christology in the Making (1980), pp. 33-36 (quotation from p. 36). He does not
however exclude the possibility that the first Christians may have thought o f j e s u s as
already God's son during his earthly ministry. Cf. Β. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic
(1961), pp. 139-144, who sees the resurrection as the primary application of Ps. 2:7 in
early apologetic; H. Conzelmann, An Outline of the Theology of the New Testament (ET,
1969), p. 77.
246 C H A P T E R THREE

be taken as a consequence that the reference to Jesus as 'my beloved

Son' at his baptism and the allusion there to Psalm 2:7 must represent
later developments. 2) It remains uncertain whether ορισθέντος means
'appointed' or 'declared to be' in R o m a n s 1:4.55 3) It is possible that
άναστήσας Ίησοΰν ('raising Jesus', Acts 13:33) should be taken to
mean 'raising up' or 'sending'Jesus, in the light of verses 22-23 (rather
than 'raising from the dead'), and therefore the following use of Psalm
2:7 may suggest a messianic appointment that is not specifically linked
to the resurrection. 5 6
In fact a line of scholarship has shown that exegesis of 2 Samuel
7:12-14, linked with Psalm 2:7, lies behind both R o m a n s 1:3-4 and
Acts 13:33. 57 T h e 'seed' (σπέρμα) of David is mentioned in R o m a n s
1:3 and Acts 13:23, while in 2 Samuel 7:12, G o d promises David, '1
will raise up your seed (or offspring) after you' (LXX, αναστήσω τό
σπέρμα σου μετά σέ). YVe have noted that Acts 13:33 (and Acts 2:31)
speaks of God 'raising' or 'raising up' Jesus, using the same Greek
word άνίστημι. 2 Samuel 7:14 speaks of David's 'seed' as God's son
(cf. Pss. 2:7; 89:4, 26f.) as does R o m a n s 1:4, while Acts 13:33 contains
a quotation of Psalm 2:7. W e have seen that 2 Samuel 7 and Psalm 2
are linked together in 4QF10ri1egium at Q u m r a n , where 2 Samuel
7:11-14 is interpreted as relating to the coming of the Davidic Messi-
ah. 5 8 It appears that in both Acts 13:33 and R o m a n s 1:3-4, the 'raising
up' of David's 'seed' (from 2 Samuel 7:12) is interpreted messianically
(as in Jewish exegesis), and is then applied to the raising o f j e s u s (as
Messiah) from the dead. Divine sonship therefore in both passages is

55 For the former, see C.E.B. Cranfield, The Epistle to the Romans, I (1975), pp. 61f.;
for the latter, W.F. Arndt & F.W. Gingrich, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament
and Other Early Christian Literature (ET, Ì 957), p. 584. Cf. L.C. Allen, 'The Old Testa-
ment Background of (προ)όριζειν in the New Testament', NTS 17 (1970-71), pp. 104-
108, who suggests the meaning 'determined' or 'decreed', with the possibility of an
allusion to Ps. 2:7 in Rom. 1:4; contra, C.E. Wood, op. at., pp. 205-209.
56 See, e.g., W. Neil, The Acts of the. Apostles ( 1973), p. 159, who relates the quotation
to Jesus' baptism; C.E. Wood, op. cit., pp. 194-202, who takes άναστήσας to refer to
the appearance (rather than the resurrection) ofjesus. Cf. M. Wilcox, 'The Promise of
the "Seed" in the New Testament and the Targumum', JSNT5 (1979), pp. 2-20, at
pp. 7-9, where he sees the 'raising up' ofjesus in Acts 13:33 (and in Acts 2:31) as hav-
ing 2 Sam. 7:12 as background.
57 J.W. Doeve, Jewish Hermeneutics in the Synoptic Gospels and Acts ( 1954), pp. 172-173; E.
Lövestam, Son and Saviour: A Study of Acts 13, 32-37 (ET, 1961), pp. 6-15; O. Betz, [Vhat do
we know about Jesus? (ET, 1968), pp. 93-103; M. Hengel, The Son of God (ET, 1976), rep. in
The Cross of the Son of God (1986), p. 62; M. Wilcox, art. cit.·, D. Juel, Messianic Exegesis:
Christological Interpretation of the Old Testament in Early Christianity ( 1988), pp. 80ff.
58 See p. 179 and note 42 (ch. 5).
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '247

closely related to Messiahship, just as in 2 Samuel 7, David's 'seed'

(verse 12) was to be God's son (verse 14).
Thus, on the basis of our treatment of R o m a n s 1:3-4 and Acts
13:33, we consider that D u n n ' s conclusion needs to modified. Primi-
tive Christian preaching (evidenced in these two passages) regarded
Jesus' resurrection and subsequent exaltation to God's right hand
(Psalm 110:1) as his messianic enthronement, implying a declaration
of his status as 'God's son' (Psalm 2:7), as well as demonstrating his
new position. 59 T h a t does not however imply that Jesus was not 'Mes-
siah' or 'God's son' prior to his resurrection. T h e first limb of R o m a n s
1:3-4, του γενομένου έκ σπέρματος Δαυίδ κατά σάρκα (verse 3), presents
Jesus as 'Messiah' in his earthly life, prior to his resurrection, and it is
probably a mistake to make a sharp distinction in application between
that and the second limb, του ορισθέντος υίοΰ θεοΰ έν δυνάμει κατά
πνεύμα άγιωσύνης (verse 4).60 This is especially the case as we have
seen how closely the concepts of 'Messiahship' and 'divine sonship'
were related to each other, based on 2 Samuel 7:12-14 and linked pas-
sages, so it is likely that a continuity was perceived in respect of both
limbs of R o m a n s 1:3-4 between the periods before and after Jesus' res-
urrection.
While it seems very likely that 'Son of G o d ' became an important
title applied to Jesus by the early church soon after his resurrection, 61 it
is misleading to suggest that it was first applied to Jesus with reference to
his resurrection. 'Messiah' and 'God's son' were already linked together in
the messianic interpretation of 2 Samuel 7:12-14 and Psalm 2:7, which
lies behind both Romans 1:3-4 and Acts 13:33. A new application
takes place in the latter two passages, by relating God's promise to
David to raise up his seed after him (2 Samuel 7:12), to the resurrection of
Jesus. 62 As M. Hengel emphasizes, the resurrection by itself is inade-

59 Cf. VV. Kramer, op. cit., p. 109; D.Juel, op. cit., pp. 80-81.
60 Cf. Ο. Betz, op. cit., p. 98 and note 18. With Rom. 1:3-4, we may compare
another two-limbed formula used by Paul, again probably traditional, in Rom. 4:25,
speaking ofjesus having been 'put to death for our trespasses and raised for our justifi-
cation'. It is clear that there is no intention here that the functions ofjesus' death and
resurrection should be rigidly separated; cf. C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., I, pp. 25If.
61 So, M. Hengel, op. cit., pp. 55-64.
62 Cf. M. Wilcox, art. cit., p. 16, who states that the resurrection, as seen in the
interpretation of scripture, was the means by which the N T writers were able to make
the final step from 'Messiah' to Jesus. This may be correct in terms of some N T liter-
ary apologetics, but the historical recognition of jesus as 'Messiah' by the early church
surely could not have followed from this interpretation of scripture, but must have
been prior to that.
248 C H A P T E R THREE

quate to explain the origin ofJesus' Messiahship, 63 N.A. Dahl suggest-

ed that the confession o f j e s u s as Messiah originated in the fact that he
was crucified as a messianic pretender. 6 4 However, it is most unlikely
that the early church would have taken that as the basis of its belief,
unless it was thought that Jesus at least implicitly accepted that he was
the Messiah, 65 and had probably given some teaching (albeit in guard-
ed terms) to his disciples concerning his own interpretation of this. 66
Since the interpretation of 2 Samuel 7:12 relating to the resurrec-
tion o f j e s u s cannot be taken as the reason for the early church's con-
fession o f j e s u s as ' M e s s i a h ' / ' S o n of God', it follows that the title 'Son
of G o d ' cannot be shown to depend on Jesus' resurrection. So the pos-
sibility is opened that that or a similar appellation was used o f j e s u s
during his earthly life, most likely related to the concept of Messi-
ahship (cf. M a r k 14:62). Similarly, the fact that the early church may
have related Psalm 2:7 to the resurrection and exaltation o f j e s u s as a
'messianic enthronement' need not imply that that was its original
application. As I.H. Marshall has pointed out, it seems unlikely that
this verse was read as an allusion to the resurrection and then applied
to Jesus, but rather its use presupposes that the early church had
already formed an estimate o f j e s u s as the Messiah or Son of God. 6 7
It is interesting that B. Lindars, in coming to his view that the resur-
rection was the primary application of Psalm 2:7 in early Christian
apologetic, 68 discounts Jesus' baptism as the primary application of
the verse. This is on the basis that Psalm 2:7 did not originally belong
to the text of the baptism (Mark 1:11), but υίός ('son', L X X Ps. 2:7)
replaced an original παις (which can have the meaning 'child' or 'son'
as well as 'servant', L X X Is. 42:1) at a later stage. 69 This theory was

63 Op. cit., p. 60. See also p. 313 and note 10 (Conclusions).

64 'The Crucified Messiah' (first publ., 1960), in The Crucified Messiah and other essays
(1974), pp. 10-36. Dahl's proposal is made the starting point in the work by D. Juel,
referred to note note 57 above.
65 This is allowed by N.A. Dahl, art. cit., pp. 32-33.
66 So, C.F.D. Moule, The Origin of Christology (1977), pp. 33-34; cf. M. de Jonge,
'The Earliest Christian Use of Christos: Some Suggestions', NTS 32 (1986), pp. 321-
343, who comments on Dahl's article (at pp. 323f.) and among his own tentative con-
elusions states that "if the formula 'Christ died for us' was coined very shortly after
Jesus' death and resurrection by people who realised the connotations of the term
χριστός/rrac, the term must already have been important during Jesus' lifetime" (p.
336); cf. the other conclusions to his article referred to in note 119 (ch. 5).
67 The Origins of New Testament Christology ( 1976), p. 120.
68 See note 54 above.
69 Op. cit., pp. 139-140.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '249

first put forward by W. Boussct, 70 and more recently advocated by J .

Jeremias 7 1 and O. Cullmann. 7 2 However, I.H. Marshall in a carefully
argued article has shown the evidence for this to be unconvincing. 7 3
T h e r e are no New Testament examples of υιός replacing παις, and
further the importance and influence of a παΐς-Christology in the ear-
ly church (Acts 3:13, 26; 4:27, 30) may be doubted.
O u r conclusion is that on a historical basis, there is no reason to
doubt the possibility that Jesus believed that the heavenly voice at his
bapdsm addressed him as 'Son' and that he inferred an allusion to
Psalm 2:7 (as well as to Isaiah 42:1 or other 'servant' passages in the
second part of Isaiah). This possibility becomes a probability, when we
link it to the evidence for Jesus' filial self-consciousness in relation to
God, which we shall discuss shortly. 74 It may be correct that the funda-
mental point in Jesus' self-understanding was his filial relationship to
God, rather than consciousness of being the Messiah. 75 Certainly in
Mark 1:11, the emphasis is on the filial relationship, as evidenced by
the inclusion of 6 αγαπητός, rather than 'sonship' being merely an
adjunct of 'Messiahship'. 76 However, it may be a mistake to drive too
much of a wedge between the concepts in the light of the Q p m r a n evi-
dence, that the royal (or princely) Messiah was probably being referred
to at times in terms of'divine sonship': we considered in chapter 5, the
evidence of 1 Q S a 2:11-12, 4QF10ri1egium and 4Q246. 7 7
T h a t Jesus believed that the baptismal voice addressed him in terms

70 Kyrios Christos( 1913; 3rd. ed., 1926), p. 57, note 2.

71 TDNTW, pp. 700-704; New Testament Theology, I (ET, 1971), pp. 53-55.
72 The Christology of the New Testament (orig. publ. in German, 1957; ET, 1959; 2nd
ed., 1963), p. 66,'
73 'Son of God or Servant of Yahweh? A Reconsideration of Mark 1:11 NTS 15
(1968-69), pp. 326-336, at pp. 326-332; cf. M. Hengel, op. cit., p. 64 and note 10; D.J.
Moo, The Old Testament in the Gospel Passion Narratives (1983), pp. 113f.; D. Juel, op. cit.,
pp. 79f.
74 Further, M. Hengel, op. cit., pp. 62f., notes the 'obvious' linguistic analogy
between 'Son of man' and 'Son of God'; similarly, C.F.D. Moule, op. cit., p. 26; S.
Kim, "The 'Son ofMan'" as the Son of God( 1983), both adducing Dan. 7 as evidence for
the connection between the two. Cf. Ε. Lohmeyer, Galiläa und Jerusalem (1936), p. 35,
who considered that the title 'Son of Man' concealed divine sonship.
75 I.H. Marshall, , The Divine Sonship ofjesus', bit 21 (1967), pp. 87-103, at p. 93;
cf. R.N. Longenecker, The Christology of Early Jewish Christianity (1970), p. 96, who
quotes Marshall with approval, with regard to Jesus' self-consciousness, but goes on to
state that the primary factor in the application of the tide Son of God to Jesus by the
church was the conviction regarding his status as the Messiah.
76 Cf.J. Bieneck, Sohn Gottes als Christusbezeichnung der Synoptiker (1951), p. 57.
77 See pp. 173/., 179 and notes 27-29, 42 (ch. 5).'
250 C H A P T E R THREE

of divine sonship/Messiahship becomes more probable if it can be

shown that he may have had some consciousness of these possibilities
before his baptism. Here we need to look in part beyond the evidence in
Mark's gospel. 78 T h e r e is no reason to discount entirely the evidence
of the infancy narratives in Matthew and Luke. These are indepen-
dent accounts and it is not unreasonable to conclude that various
events and experiences around the time of Jesus' birth convinced his
parents that this was a 'special baby', for whom God had a particular
work to do. In the context of the expectations of early Judaism, which
we considered in chapter 5, it is quite possible that that 'specialness'
may have been expressed in terms of Messiahship/divine sonship. 79

78 It should no longer be argued that, because certain stories or teachings o f j e s u s

are not mentioned in Mark, he was unaware of them, and therefore some of these sto-
ries (such as the infancy narratives) are likely to have arisen later. T h e structure of the
gospel suggests that Mark was writing it as a 'story', which he had probably recounted
orally on a number of occasions; cf. Ε. Best, 'Mark's Narrative Technique', J&VT 37
(1989), pp. 43-58, at p. 45; C.D. Marshall, Faith as a theme in Mark's narrative (1989), p.
18, who refers to other scholars in support of this view. The corollary of this is that
Mark is likely to have omitted much that was not relevant to the themes of his particu-
lar re-telling of the 'story', which would have to be kept down to a length such that it
could reasonably be recounted in one session.
If, as is the majority scholarly opinion, Mark intended his gospel to conclude at 16:8,
he omitted any direct reference to Jesus' resurrection appearances, although an appear-
ance in Galilee is alluded to at 14:28; 16:7. He therefore probably knew of traditions of
various resurrection appearances, but chose not to include them; the same may apply to
other traditions that are included in other gospels, such as the infancy narratives. M.
Hengel, The Four Gospels and the One Gospel ofjesus Christ (ET, 2000), p. 142, comments
that the 'many' who 'composed a narrative' (see Luke 1:1) "need not have been authors
of whole collections like Gospels; they can have also brought Luke partial collections,
like the originals of his stories about the birth and childhood ofjesus ..." On the question
of Mark's ending, since the completion of the original version of this book as a doctoral
thesis in 1990,1 have become less convinced that Mark intended to bring his gospel to
an end at 16:8, and am now inclined to follow to follow the arguments of R.H. Gundry,
Mark. A Commentary on His Apology for the Cross (1993), pp. 1009-1021, and B. Withering-
ton, The Gospel of Mark (2001), pp. 42-49, that Mark's original ending was lost; contra,
M.D. Hooker, The Gospel According to St. Mark (1991), pp. 391-394; W.R. Telford, The
Theology of the Gospel of Mark ( 1999), pp. 137-151; cf. M. Casey, Aramaic Sources of Mark's
Gospel ( 1998), p. 135, who suggests that Mark's gospel was never finished.
79 Cf. Mt. 2:2, 4-6; Lk. 1:32-33, 35, 69; 2:Ì 1, 26. Cf. note 42 (ch. 5), referring to
4Q246 2:1, where a ruler is called 'son of God' and 'son of the Most High', and the
article by J.A. Fitzmyer noting the parallel terminology there to Lk. 1:32-35. T h e his-
toricity of at least some elements in Luke's pre-birth and infancy stories is made more
likely if his gospel is dated around A.D. 60. Despite the difficulty this raises for the
predominant view that Mark was written in the late 60's (see, e.g., M. Hengel, Studies
in the Gospel of Mark (ET, 1985), pp. 1-30, at p. 28; R.A. Guelich, Mark 1-8:26[ 1989),
pp. xxi-xxii, referring to previous commentators; B.M.F. van Iersel, Mark. A Reader-
Response Commentary (1998), pp. 42-49) or in the early 70's (e.g., W.G. Kümmel, Intro-
duction to the New Testament (ET, 1966; 2nd. ed., 1975), p. 98 (c. 70); R. Pesch, Dos
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '251

At some stage in his growing-up, this may have been intimated to

Jesus by one or both of his parents.
Another setting that was probably of great importance in relation
to Jesus' self-consciousness is the ministry of J o h n the Baptist. All the
gospel-writers, including M a r k (1:7-8; cf. Matthew 3:11-12; Luke
3:16-17; J o h n 1:26-27; Acts 13:25), represent the Baptist as pointing
to a more important personage to come, who is then identified with
Jesus. T h e terminology of 'the C o m i n g O n e ' is retained in the Bap-
tist's question in Matthew 1 1:3; Luke 7:19-20. It is most likely that this
is a messianic reference, 8 0 and not unlikely that the Baptist, following
Jesus' baptismal experience, indicated to some of his disciples that
Jesus was the C o m i n g O n e , which resulted in their following him. 81 If

Markusevangelium (1976-77), I, pp. 12-15; D. Lührmann, Das Markusevangelium (1987), p.

6; M.D. Hooker, op. cit., p. 8), such an early date for Luke should be accepted, in view
of the strong probability that Acts was completed around A.D. 62. (This implies the
late 50's or the early 60's as the latest possible dates for the composition for Mark.)
In his posthumous work, C.J. Hemer, The Book ofActs in the Setting of Hellenistic History,
ed. C.H. Gempf (1989), arguing for such a date for Acts, produces extensive evidence
for the author's detailed knowledge of the setting of Acts 13-28, which suggests that the
'we'-passages refer to him, and that he was in a position to collect much information
both for his gospel and Acts, while Paul was imprisoned in Caesarea from A.D. 57-59.
Taken together with the fact that Acts does not refer to the deaths ofJames, Peter or
Paul, the Neronian persecution or the fall ofJerusalem, an early dating of Luke-Acts
should be recognized as one of the starting-points for the reconstruction of New Testa-
ment chronology; cf. A. Harnack, The Date of Acts and the Synoptic Gospels (ET, 1911), pp.
90ff.; D. Guthrie, New Testament Introduction (1961-65; 4th" ed., 1990), pp. 130f., 3551f.;
J.A.T. Robinson, Redating the New Testament (1976), pp. 86-117; R.T. France, Matthew:
Evangelist and Teacher (1989), pp. 45-46, 90-91 (for a positive view of Robinson's
approach to the dating and interrelationships of the synoptic gospels); J . Wenham,
Redating Matthew, Mark and Luke. A Fresh Assault on the Synoptic Problem (1991), pp. 225ff.;
D.A. Carson, D J . Moo & L. Morris, An Introduction to theNew Testament (1992), pp. 192-
194; R.H. Gundry, op. cit., p. 1042; E.E. Ellis, The Making of theNew Testament Documents
(1999), pp. 25 If., 319, 3891T., 400ff. Reco^iition of the historical value of Acts (cf. M.
Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity (ET, 1979)) need not imply the absence
of theological themes in Acts, which have been emphasized by E. Haenchen, The Acts of
the Apostles (ET, 1971) and H. Conzt\männ, Acts of the Apostles (ET, 1987), although their
dating of Acts around the turn of the first century cannot be followed.
80 See J.D.G. Dunn, 'Spirit-and-Fire Baptism', NovT 14 (1970), pp. 81-92, at pp.
91-92; R A . Guelich, op. cit., pp. 21-28. E. Haenchen, Der Weg Jesu ( 1966), p. 43, com-
ments on the inappropriateness of the reference to the untying of sandals, if the 'Com-
ing One' is thought of as God himself. Among a number of Old Testament passages
and themes that may be seen as lying behind Mk. 1:7-8, par., there may be an allusion
to the royal Psalm 118:26 (cf. Mk. 11:9); so, B. Lindars, The Gospel ofJohn (1972), p.
107; W.L. Lane, Commentary on the Gospel ofMark ( 1974), p. 51. Cf. note 136 below.
81 This is explicitly set out in John 1:19-51. Cf. J.C. O'Neill, Messiah. Six Lectures on the
Ministry ofjesus( 1980), pp. 2-8; E.P. Sanders, Jesus andJudaism (1985), pp. 91-93. On the
ministry of John the Baptist generally, in relation to Jesus, see J. leremias, New Testament
Theology, I (ET, 1971), pp. 43-49; B.F. Meyer, The Aims of jesus (1979), pp. 115-128; R.L.
252 C H A P T E R THREE

the original text of J o h n 1:34 read ό υιός του θεοΰ 82 rather than όέκλεκ-
τός τοΰ θεοΰ, 83 we have further evidence, which is independent of the
synoptic accounts, that associates the title 'Son of G o d ' with Jesus at
his baptism, again linked to Messiahship J o h n 1:41, 49).
W e now move on to ask whether 'Son of God', which we have not-
ed is Mark's most significant designation for Jesus, is generally used in
the gospel in conjunction with 'the Christ', since we have seen the two

Webb, 'John the Baptist and His Relationship to Jesus', in Studying the Historical Jesus:
Evaluations of the State of Current Research, edd. Β. Chilton & C.A. Evans (1994), pp. 179-
229; and the works cited in relation to John the Baptist in note 144 (ch. 5). It is an
important question how far Jesus' ministry and his interpretations of scripture were
anticipated in a n d / o r influenced by those o f j o h n the Baptist.
With regard to Andrew's reference to Jesus as 'the Messiah' in J o h n 1:41, L. Morris,
The Gospel According to John (1971), pp. 159-160, comments that there is no great mystery
about the disciples' thinking ofjesus as the Messiah, but it was the content put into the
term that mattered. We saw in chapter 5 that while there were primary characteristics
considered to belong to a messianic figure (especially ruling as David's successor), a
messianic role was open to a variety of different secondary interpretations. Recognition
that a person is or might be the or a Messiah should therefore be seen a starting-point in
considering that person's future role (acknowledging his significance or 'specialness'
and implying that his destiny was to be in some manner a ruler on behalf of God)
rather than the end-point of understanding how that role might be fulfilled.
While not denying the possibility of spiritual intuition, on a human level the
acknowledgement of a person as a potential messiah might be compared with the
'spotting' of a future Prime Minister among the ranks of younger Members of Parlia-
ment a number of years before such a person would have any opportunity of taking
office. Of course the analogy is not exact, first because first-century Palestine was cer-
tainly not a democracy, and the acknowledgement of a person as a future ruler was
politically dangerous, as it implied the overthrown of Roman rule. Secondly, the
acknowledgement of a person as a messiah would always have a spiritual as well as a
political dimension, and so there was much scope for interpretation of the role.
82 This is the text accepted by Nestle-Aland, Novum Testamentum Graece (26th ed.,
1979), and is given a 'B' rating in K. Aland et al., edd., The GreekNew Testament (1966;
3rd. ed. (corrected), 1983). As explained at pp. xii-xiii, the Committee of editors
sought to indicate the relative degree of certainty of the adopted reading by use of the
four categories, A, B, C and D. The 'B' rating indicates there is some degree of doubt,
but in view of the weight of scholarly opinion supporting the alternative reading, it is
significant that the Committee did not assign the reading όυ'ιός to category C, which
would have indicated that "there is a considerable degree of doubt whether the text or
the apparatus contains the superior reading". This reading is supported by p66•75 and
most MSS.
I.H. Marshall, 'Son of God or Servant of Yahweh? - A Reconsideration of Mark
1:11', NTS 15(1968-69), pp. 326-336, at p. 328 and note 5, cautiously points out that
it is not certain that εκλεκτός is the original reading, and refers to the argument that
that reading may have arisen through assimilation to Is. 42:1 L X X and possibly Lk.
9:35; cf. D.J. Moo, op. cit., p. 113, note 3. T h e reading υιός is in tune with the empha-
sis i n j o h n ' s gospel o n j e s u s ' divine sonship (see, e.g., 1:14, 18, 49; 20:31), making it
less likely to be secondary; its correctness is assumed, e.g., by C.H. Dodd, The Inter-
pretation of the Fourth Gospel( 1953),p. 228;J.D.G. Dunn, Christology in the Making (1980),
p. 56.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '253

titles are used together in Psalm 2. T h e reference to this Psalm in

M a r k 1:11 at Jesus' baptism, is reiterated at Jesus' transfiguration,
"This is my beloved Son; listen to h i m " (9:7), and is taken up by Jesus,
referring to 'a beloved son' in the parable of the wicked husbandmen
(12:6). 'Son of G o d ' is used in apposition to 'Christ' in the title verse
(1:1), as is 'Son of the Blessed' in apposition to 'the Christ' in the High
Priest's question (14:61).
O f the remaining occasions in Mark, when 'Son of G o d ' (or an
equivalent phrase) is used o f j e s u s , the climactic cry of the centurion,
"Truly this m a n was the Son of G o d " (15:39) 84 should be taken in the
broader context of Jesus' condemnation as 'the King of the Jews'
(15:26), and the chief priests' mockery of him as 'the Christ, the King
of Israel' (15:32). 85 T h e recognition by demons (3:11 and 5:7) fits in

83 This reading is also supported by early witnesses, p5vid ‫( *א‬the original hand of
Sinaitieus, which is corrected to υιός) b e Π2* syr sr Ambrose. The reading is preferred
by most modern commentators on John, e.g., R.E. Brown, The Gospel According to John
(1966), I, p. 57; B. Lindars, op. dt., pp. 111-112; L. Morris, op. cit., p. 154 and note 82.
It was also strongly supported b y j . Jeremias, op. cit., pp. 53-54. J . Marcus, The Way of
the Lord (1993), pp. 54f., argues on the basis of the reading, that Mark has substituted
the title 'beloved son' for 'chosen one of God' in Mk. 1:11. However, even if this read-
ing ofJ o h n 1:34 is correct, it does not necessarily follow that John's account is prima-
ry. Also, the reference there is to the Baptist's testimony rather than to the words of a
heavenly voice.
84 Although there is no article before υιός θεοΰ, it should still be translated 'the Son
of God', since E.C. Colwell, Ά Definite Rule for the Use of the Article in the Greek
New Testament', JBL (1933), pp. 12-21, argues that definite predicate nouns which
precede the verb usually lack the article; cf. C.F.D. Moule, An Idiom-Book ofNew Testa-
ment Greek (\9b?>•, 2nd. ed., 1959), pp. 115-116; T.F. Glasson, 'Mark xv. 39: The Son of
God', ExpT80 (1969), p. 286.
85 O n the significance of the centurion's cry, see J.D. Kingsbury, The Christology of
Mark's Gospel( 1983), pp. 131-133: "it constitutes for the first time in Mark's story the
open confession ofjesus as the Son of God on the part of a human being" (p. 132); cf.
note 14ab0ve. F.J. Matera, llie Kingship ofjesus ( 1982), pp. 135ff., sees the centurion's
confession, which is bracketed by Mark with the tearing of the temple veil (15:37-38),
as a positive response to Jesus' quotation of Ps. 22:1 (in Mk. 15:34), which he consid-
ers was taken by Mark's community as a messianic cry (pp. 133-135). He argues that
the two 'loud cries' of verses 34, 37 were considered by Mark as a single cry, to which
the centurion responds (pp. 125-127); this is countered by Kingsbury, op. cit., p. 131,
note 221, but that does not necessarily affect the cogency of Matera's broader argu-
ment, as the 'loud cry' of verse 37 would certainly recall for Mark's hearers the 'loud
cry' of verse 34.
Whatever judgement we may form concerning any historical tradition that may lie
behind verse 39 (cf. Mt. 27:54; Lk. 23:47), it is clear that Mark is interpreting the cen-
turion's statement in a much fuller sense than he could have intended; cf. C.E.B.
Cranfield, The Gospel According to Saint Mark (1959; 3rd impression, 1966), p. 460; P.
Vielhauer, 'Erwägungen zur Christologie des Markusevangeliums', rep. in Aufsätze
ZumNeuen Testament (1965), pp. 199-214, at p. 209; W.L. Lane, op. cit., pp. 575-576.
254 C H A P T E R THREE

with the description of forces in opposition to Yahweh and his anoint-

ed in Psalm 2. 86
T h e only direct reference o f j e s u s to himself as 'the Son', 8 7 occurs
in his discourse on the last things (13:32). While false Christs are
mentioned earlier in the c h a p t e r (13:21-22), there is no a p p a r e n t
emphasis here on 'Son of G o d ' as a messianic title. However, Jesus'
references to 'the Son' and 'the Father' are in the context of the
future coming of the Son of m a n (13:26). 88 T h i s is similar to 8:38,
where Jesus speaks of the Son of m a n coming 'in the glory of his
Father'. W e shall see that Jesus' reply to the high priest (in 14:62)
associates the coming of the Son of m a n with his messianic
e n t h r o n e m e n t 'at the right h a n d of Power' (by reference to Psalm
110:1). 89 T h u s despite initial appearances, the root of Jesus' refer-
ence to himself as 'the S o n ' in 13:32, may be related to the idea of
his future manifestation as the Son of m a n / M e s s i a h . W e may also
note here a subordination to G o d as Father (both in 13:32 and 8:38),
that is reminiscent of Psalm 2. 90

86 G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew (1973), pp. 206-210, adduces rabbinic evidence that
saints and teachers may be commended publicly by a heavenly voice, and called 'my
son' by God. Since demons may hear this heavenly voice, Vermes considers this evi-
dence especially relevant in the context of Jesus' recognition by demons as 'Son of
God'. Cf. M. Hengel, The Son of God (ET, 1976), rep. in The Cross of the Son of God
(1986), p. 40 and note 85. Both Vermes, op. cit., pp. 195-197, and Hengel, op. cit., pp.
40-41, also refer to instances where the 'wise' or 'righteous man' is called 'God's son'
(esp. Sirach 4:10 in Hebrew; Wisdom 2:13, 16, 18); cf. J.D.G. Dunn, op. cit., p. 15.
These references appear to reflect a democratization of the king's role; cf., e.g., Sirach
4:1-10 with Ps. 72:1-4, 12-14; cf. also, note 137 (ch. 5), and the article referred to by
G.W.E. Nickelsburg, mentioning references to Psalm 2, as well as the fourth Servant
Song, in Wisdom 4-6:1.
87 F. Hahn, The ntes ofjesus in Christology (ET, 1969), pp. 279f., sees 'the Son' and
'the Son of God' as originally two distinct titles. Previously, B.M.F. van Iersel, 'Der
Sohn' in den synoptischen Jesusworten (1961; 2nd ed., 1964), pp. 173-184, had pointed out
that Jesus did not use the title 'Son of God' in the context of his own relationship to
God as his Son. For a criticism of Hahn's view, see LH. Marshall, 'The Divine Son-
ship ofjesus', /«/21 (1967), pp. 87-103, at pp. 87-88.
88 For this reason, some commentators see ό υιός in 13:32 as referring back to όυίός
του ανθρώπου, rather than being a shortened form of (or otherwise related to) όυίός
τούθεοΰ. E.g., W.L. Lane, op. cit., pp. 481-482; cf. Ε. Schweizer, 7Z)JVTVIII, p. 372;
contra,J.D. Kingsbury, op. cit., pp. 138-139.
89 See pp. 284ff.
90 T h e 'glory' (δόξα) of 'his Father' (8:38) suggests God's kingship. O n 13:32, cf. p.
135 and note 74 (ch. 4); see also T.J. Geddert, Watchwords: Mark 13 in Markan Escha-
tology (1989), pp. 107-109, who considers that in 13:32, Mark may well be making
not only a primary reference to the final end, but also a secondary reference to the
passion o f j e s u s , and a ternary reference to those within his own church who were
undergoing persecution. For an argument that the eschatological discourse in Mark
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '255

As we have seen, M a r k in no way limits the m e a n i n g of 'Son of

G o d ' to being merely a messianic title. R a t h e r M a r k ' s emphasis on
the title 'Son of G o d ' suggests that J e s u s ' role as Messiah is seen as the
corollary of his being G o d ' s Son, not vice versa. Not only does the
heavenly voice on two occasions (1:11; 9:7) m a r k Jesus out in a very
personal way as " m y beloved Son", but J e s u s prays to G o d as " A b b a ,
F a t h e r " (14:36). J . J e r e m i a s has a r g u e d that Jesus' use of this intimate
A r a m a i c word ,abba as his characteristic way of addressing G o d , is
u n i q u e so far as o u r knowledge of c o n t e m p o r a r y J u d a i s m goes. It
shows his confidence in the closeness of his relationship to G o d , a n d
also his dependence. 9 1
J e r e m i a s ' a r g u m e n t s have b e e n criticized in an article by J. Barr,
entitled ',Abba isn't " D a d d y " ' . 9 2 T o some extent Barr is criticizing
the popularization of J e r e m i a s ' views, but it is true that J e r e m i a s
states that ,abba was a children's word. 9 3 Barr states that ,abba was
the adult word, but used very heavily by children. H e considers that
the reason for its noticeable c o n n e c t i o n with children was not
because of the derivation of the w o r d , but because children are m o r e
d e p e n d e n t on p a r e n t s a n d m o r e likely to address t h e m frequently.
H e continues,

Thus it may be quite right that 'abba was specially associated with
small children. But this is not because it is the specific form 'abba: on
the contrary, the same would be true of any term with the meaning
'father', especially a term used in a vocative function, and still more if
it also functioned, as ,abba did, for 'my father' and the like in state-
ments. 94

Barr is particularly critical ofJ e r e m i a s ' view that the form 'abba origi-
nates f r o m the babbling sound m a d e by infants. H e m a y be right in

13 is substantially a Christian response to the crisis when Caligula ordered that his
statue be erected in the temple inJerusalem (A.D. 39-41), see N.H. Taylor, 'Palestine
Christianity and the Caligula Crisis. Part II. The Markan Eschatological Discourse',
JSNT 62 (1992), pp. 13-41. However, in Taylor's view, Mark 13:28-37 does not
directly allude to prevailing Chrisitan experience.
91 J. Jeremias, The Prayers ofjesus (ET, 1967), pp. 11-65; cf. G. Kittel, ΤΌΝΤΙ, pp. 5-
6. While small children would use 'abba as one of their first words in learning to speak
(similar to 'dadda' or 'daddy' in English), Jeremias makes it plain that grown-up chil-
dren, sons as well as daughters, also addressed their father as 'abba.
92 JTS 39 (1988), pp. 28-47.
93 New Testament Ueology, I (ET, 1971), p. 67.
94 Art. cit., pp. 36-37.
256 C H A P T E R THREE

that, 9 5 a n d also justified in criticizing J e r e m i a s for considering that the

origins of words could tell us a b o u t their c o n t e m p o r a r y functions. 9 6
However, Barr seems to ignore the other side of the coin, which is
that, whatever its origin, the f o r m ,abba is very suitable for use by chil-
dren trying to articulate their first words, as it consists of only one
vowel-sound a n d one consonant, which are repeated. In this sense it
probably functioned in the same way as o u r children's w o r d ' D a d a '
which is c h a n g e d to ' D a d d y ' , as the little child is taught to use two dif-
ferent vowel-sounds in the same word.
I have never h e a r d a little child being taught to use the w o r d
' F a t h e r ' as one of its earliest words, the p r o b a b l e reason being that
' F a t h e r ' is a m u c h m o r e difficult w o r d to say. Since ,abba could be
used both by a child a n d an adult, it is incorrect to restrict its m e a n i n g
either to ' D a d d y ' or 'Father': it m e a n t both. O n the lips of a child, it
would normally be taken to m e a n ' D a d d y ' , on the lips of an adult,
'Father'. It must also be recognised that, even w h e n spoken by a child,
,
abba would not be considered 'childish', as it was also an adult word;
equally, w h e n used by an adult, it would not be considered necessarily
austere or formal, as it was also one of the first words a little child
would learn to use. ,Abba was b o t h a children's w o r d (Jeremias) a n d an
adult w o r d (Barr). 97
A second line of criticism of J e r e m i a s ' position has questioned
w h e t h e r Jesus' use of ,abba in prayer is likely to have been unique in
his time. 9 8 J . D . G . D u n n considers that J e r e m i a s has overstated his
case, 99 but in fact nobody has yet proved him w r o n g that Jesus' way of
addressing G o d as ‫י‬abba is u n i q u e so far as o u r knowledge of c o n t e m -

95 This is especially likely to be the case with regard to the specific form 'abba,
which may well be the Aramaic emphatic state of the word for 'father' in New Testa-
ment times, rather than a vocative form, as argued by Jeremias; see J . Barr, art. cit.,
pp. 34, 40-41. Barr points out that the 'vocative' explanation means that 'abba need
not necessarily be Aramaic, but could be Hebrew (pp. 30-32). Cf. H. Ringgren,
TDOTl, p. 1, who accepts that the Hebrew ‫אב‬, which is found with slight variations in
all Semitic languages, is an onomatopoeic word imitating the babbling sounds of an
infant.
96 J . Barr, art. cit., p. 35.
97 Barr, art. cit., p. 46, in fact agrees that 'abba in Jesus' time belonged to a familiar
or colloquial register of language, as distinct from more formal ceremonious usage; cf.
J.D.G. Dunn, op. cit., p. 28 and note 101 (on p. 280). Contrast H. Conzelmann, An
Outline of the Theolog)) of the Mew Testament (ET 1969), pp. 103ff.; G. Vermes, Jesus and the
World of Judaism (1983), pp. 41-42.
98 See, e.g., D. Flusser, Jesus (ET, 1969), p. 145, note 159; G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew
(1973), pp. 210-21 \\Jesus and the World of Judaism (1983), p. 42; J . Barr, art. cit., pp. 46-47.
99 Op. cit., pp. 26ff.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '257

porary Judaism goes. 100 O f course that does not prove that Jesus origi-
nated this usage, but at the very least D u n n is surely right that Jesus'
regular use of ,abba in addressing G o d distinquished him in a signifi-
cant degree from his contemporaries. 1 0 1 T h e fact that the Aramaic
word is preserved not only in M a r k 14:36, but also by the early Chris-
tian communities in R o m a n s 8:15 and Galatians 4:6, must mean that
Jesus' usage was remembered as being distinctive. 102
While Jesus' use of the word 'Abba' in prayer indicates the reality of
Jesus' knowledge and experience of G o d in a personal intimate
' F a t h e r ' / ' S o n ' relationship, we should note that the foreshadowing of
that relationship is to be found in that of the Davidic/messianic king
towards Yahweh. A divine oracle says of the king: ' H e shall cry to me,

100 J.Jeremias, op. cit., pp. 65-66, concedes there are some instances of πάτερ as a
form of address to God in the milieu of Hellenistic Judaism, but points out that in
the single passage in Rabbinic literature where 'abba is used with reference to God
(B. T a ' a n . 23b.), Hanin does not address God as !'Abba; his address to God is 'Master
of the world'. Cf. I.H. Marshall, The Origins ofNew Testament Christology (1976), p. 46,
and notes 10, 11 (on p. 59). S. Kim, op. cit., pp. 74-75, speaks of the need to relate
Jesus' 'aMa-address for God with his self-designation as 'the Son of man'. Cf. also,
B. Witherington, The Christology ofjesus ( 1990), pp. 215-221.
Hebrew ·‫'( אב‬my father') is used, addressing God, in 4Q372 fr. 1, line 16; 4Q460
fr. 5, 1:5. The first instance is a prayer ofJoseph in a narrative context, and the sec-
ond may also have a narrative context. D.C. Allison, Jesus of Nazareth. Millenarian
Prophet (1998), p. 5, overstates his case when he claims, on the basis of these Q u m -
ran texts, that Jeremias's conclusions have been discredited. However, Allison's
warning (from W.D. Davies) of the peril of claiming that something is unique to
Jesus, is salutary.
101 Cf. R. Bauckham, 'The Sonship of the Historical Jesus in Christology', SJT?>\
(1978), pp. 245-260, at pp. 246ff.
102 Cf. M. Hengel, op. cit., p. 61 and note 116. Of course, it cannot be proved that
Jesus always used 'abba in addressing God, rather than another form of the word
'Father', but it must have been sufficiently characteristic of his usage to be remem-
bered. It seems unlikely that it was a less usual expression, quoted because of its par-
ticular use at Gethsemane, a s j . Barr, art. cit., pp. 46ff., suggests.
C. M. Tuckett, Christology and the New Testament (2001), pp. 219-221, notes the
implicidy shared nature of the 'abba address, in that it was probably used in the prayer
Jesus taught his disciples to pray (Lk. 11:2), and for Paul, characterised the relationship
which all Christians now have with God. He goes on to say that, because the relation-
ship of'sonship' is common to both Jesus and his followers, Jesus' self-understanding
should not be seen as a 'unique' sonship, although Jesus very probably saw himself as
'a son of God'. Contrast R.E. Brown, An Introduction to New Testament Christology (1994),
p. 87: "Ifjesus presented himself as the first of many to stand in a new special relation-
ship to God as Father, that priority implies that his sonship was in some way superior
to the the sonship of all who would follow him." B.Witherington, The Many Faces of the
Christ. The Christologies of the New Testament and Beyond (1998), p. 62, comments that it
was only by beingjesus' disciple that one also would dare take up this intimate 'abba
address and use it of God.
258 C H A P T E R THREE

" T h o u are my F a t h e r " ' (Psalm 89:26). 103 It may not be without signif-
icance here that this is one of only two places in the T a r g u m s where
‫ אבא‬is used of God. 1 0 4 Similarly, Psalm 2:7-8 not only designates the
king as God's son, but also calls him to petition G o d in prayer:

I will tell of the decree of the Lord:

He said to me, "You are my son, today I have begotten you.
Ask of me, and I will make the nations your heritage,
and the ends of the earth your possession."

T h e Psalms bear consistent witness to the privilege of the Davidic

king in being given this special invitation to a p p r o a c h G o d in
prayer. T h e y also show the necessity of his d e p e n d i n g on G o d in
this way, so that he may experience G o d ' s aid personally a n d be
able to fulfil G o d ' s purpose (e.g., Psalm 118:5, 21). 105 As well as the
vigil in G e t h s e m a n e (14:32-39), M a r k refers to Jesus going away to
pray alone on two occasions (1:35; 6:46). 106 T h i s consistent prayer-
life involved obedience to his Father's will: "not w h a t I will, but
what thou wilt" (14:36). Similarly the Davidic king had been
required to be 'righteous' a n d 'blameless' before G o d (e.g., Psalm
118:19-20). 107
So, Mark's designation o f j e s u s as 'Son of God', and his account of
Jesus' prayer-relationship with G o d as 'Abba, Father', fit well with the
content of Psalm 2 and related messianic psalms. W e turn now to the
specific contexts of the allusions to Psalm 2 in Mark. W e have noted
that the allusion to Psalm 2:7 and Isaiah 42:1 by the heavenly voice at
Jesus' baptism (1:11), is accompanied by the descent of the Spirit upon
Jesus like a dove (verse 10). W e suggested that this may be related to
Yahweh's Spirit being upon the messianic king of Isaiah 11:2 and the
anointed prophet of Isaiah 61:1, as well as Yahweh's Servant in Isaiah

103 Cf. Nathan's prophecy in 2 Sam. 7:14. In all three instances in the O T , where
the Davidic/messianic king is described in terms of a Father/Son relationship with
God (2 Sam. 7:14 par.; Pss. 2:7; 89:26-27), this description is contained in the form of
a divine oracle.
104 The other is at Mai. 2:10; see J . Jeremias, op. cit., p. 65. Cf. M. Hengel, op. cit., p.
43, note 89. (According to G. Schrenk, TDMTV, p. 985, note 248, Tg. J o b 34:36 is a
late variant, and Lev. R. 32 on 24:10 is also late; cf. G. Kittel, TD.NTl, p. 5, notes 5,
6.)
105 See pp. 37ff., and the other psalms referred to in relation to the king's privilege
of free prayer to the divine father, on p. 53.
106 Mark also includes Jesus'teaching on prayer at 9:29; 11:24-25; 12:40; cf. 11:17;
13:18.
107 See also Pss. 18:20ff.; 101; and p. 51.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '259

42:1. 108 It is also reminiscent of the Spirit of the Lord coming upon
David, after he was anointed by Samuel to be king (1 Samuel 16:13).
O n other occasions in the Old Testament, endowment with the Spirit
of Yahweh is associated with anointing. 1 0 9
T h e allusion to Psalm 2:7 is repeated by the heavenly voice at Jesus'
transfiguration, this time in the hearing of Jesus' closest disciples:
"This is my beloved Son; listen to h i m " (9:7).110 T h e transfiguration
follows soon after Peter's confession that Jesus is the Christ (8:29), and
is a dramatic confirmation of the truth of that confession, albeit that
Jesus has expounded his Messiahship in terms of the suffering and ris-
ing Son of m a n (8:3 Iff.).111 T h e glorious appearance o f j e s u s (9:2-3)

108 See pp. 237 and note 28 above. For the phrase, 'he saw the heavens opened'
(Mk. 1:10) in relation to God's kingship, see p. 131 and notes 60-65 (ch. 4).
109 E.g., 1 Sam. 10:1-13; 2 Sam. 23:1-2; as well as Is. 61:1. Cf. F. Hesse, TDNTIX,
p. 503. A number of years elapsed between David's anointing (and Spirit-endow-
ment), and his enthronement as king, often spent in conflict. This may have been seen
by Jesus (and/or the early church) to correspond with the years ofjesus's ministry, fol-
lowing the descent of the Spirit upon him (and his designation as Messiah, "Thou art
my beloved Son") at his baptism, and before his crucifixion and resurrection; cf. Ο.
Betz, What do we know about Jesus? (ET, 1968), p. 98.
If so, that would account for Jesus' reference to David's action, during these years
of opposition, of taking the shewbread for himself and his followers, as a precedent for
his own followers being permitted to pluck ears of grain on the sabbath (Mk. 2:23-26).
Among those who suggest that we should see here a typology between David and
Jesus, are A. Richardson, An Introduction to the Theolog)! of the New Testament ( 1958), p.
126; J . Roloff, Das Keiygma und da irdische Jesus {1970), pp. 56-58; R.T. France, Jesus and
the Old Testament (1971), pp. 46-47; R. Banks, Jesus and the Law in the Synoptic Tradition
(1975), pp. 116-123; R. Pesch, op. cit., I, p. 182; R.A. Guelich, op. cit., pp. 123, 128;
contra, e.g., A.E.J. Rawlinson, St. Mark (1925; 5th. ed., 1942), p. 34; C.E.B. Cranfield,
op. cit., p. 115; C.S. Mann, Mark (1986), p. 238. For the significance of David and the
use of the Psalms in John's gospel, see M. Daly-Denton, David in the Fourth Gospel. The
Johannine Reception of the Psalms (2000).
110 άκούετε αύτοΰ is probably an allusion to Jesus being the prophet like Moses,
referred to in Deut. 18:15, where the EXX concludes with αύτοΰ άκούσεσθε. Cf. J.
Jeremias, TDNTW, p. 869; W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 3 2 1 J . D . G . Dunn, op. cit., p. 139;j.
Marcus, The Way of the Lord{ 1993), pp. 80ff.
111 Cf. T.A. Burkill, Mysterious Revelation (1963), pp. 156ff. J . D . Kingsbury, op. cit.,
pp. 98ff, speaks of an elaboration of Peter's confession by God at the transfiguration:
Peter called Jesus 'Messiah', whereas God calls him 'my Son'. While 'Son of God' is
Mark's supreme appellation for Jesus, it may be that Kingsbury overemphasizes the
distinction between 'Son of God' and 'Messiah'. However, just as Jesus' teaching in
Mark 8:31 ff. showed the kind of Messiah he was to be, so the transfiguration shows his
Messiahship to be based on heavenly authority, rather than the attainment of a
throne by human means, as Peter had probably envisaged (8:32).
C.S. Mann, op. cit., pp. 355-358, speaks of the transfiguration narrative theologiz-
ing the preceding prediction of Jesus' sufferings and resurrection, and notes links in
Mark between the accounts of the transfiguration and the resurrection; Kingsbury (p.
101) also considers that the transfiguration in Mark looks forward to the projected
260 C H A P T E R THREE

should be seen in the context of the future coming of the Son of m a n

'in the glory of his Father' (8:38). 112 It is his Father's glory, and we noted
in our fourth chapter that the transfiguration is represented as the dis-
ciples seeing 'the kingdom of G o d come with power' (9:1).' 13 Also the
event has similarities to Old T e s t a m e n t theophanies, as celebrated in
some of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship. 114
However the glory is u p o n Jesus; a n d he is designated "my beloved
S o n " in the hearing of others, just as the Lord's decree, "You are my
son", is told to others in Psalm 2:7. R a t h e r than seeing Moses and Eli-
j a h as representing the Law and the Prophets which find fulfilment in
Jesus, 1 1 5 it is probably better to see both their roles as prophetic prede-
cessors, who witness to the one who is greater than they are. 116 W e
have seen that Psalm 2 was probably used on the e n t h r o n e m e n t of the
Davidic king, 117 and since the Father's kingly glory is here seen to rest
on the Son, it is not too far-fetched to recognise in the transfiguration
o f j e s u s , a representation of his messianic 'enthronement'. This antici-
pates both its fulfilment following his resurrection and its general
manifestation at his parousia. 1 1 8

meeting between Jesus and his disciples in Galilee after his resurrection (Mk. 14:27-
28; 16:6-7). J . R . Richards, Jesus - Son of God and Son of Man: A Marcan Study ( 1974), pp.
102-106, considers that Jesus, after his crushing rebuke of Peter, when he addressed
him as 'Satan' (8:33), wanted the opportunity to set matters right with Peter by
explaining to him his own baptismal experience and temptations, which Peter's atti-
tude has rekindled. He therefore took Peter and his two closest friends apart up a
mountain, where the transfiguration experience of the disciples had similarities to
Jesus' baptismal experience. Cf. pp. 244f.
112 This is not to deny the link between the transfiguration and the resurrection
(see note 111 above; cf. R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 75); cf. p. 144f. and note 105 (ch. 4).
C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 295, and T.A. Burkill, op. cit., p. 158, see the transfigura-
tion as offering a glimpse of the glory that belonged to Jesus, even before his passion
and resurrection; contra, V. Taylor, The Life and Ministry ofjesus (1955), p. 148; J . D .
Kingsbury, op. cit., p. 99.
113 See pp. 133-145, esp. pp. 143ff. Mark does not actually use the word δόξα in his
account of the transfiguration (Mk. 9:2-3), although Luke does so (9:32).
114 Ci. pp. 143f. and notes 101, 102 (ch. 4); see also the list of O T background pas-
sages given in C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 292, who further mentions the clouds that
will accompany the Son of man in Mk. 13:26; 14:62; cf. H. Anderson, The Gospel of
Mark{ 1976), p. 226.
115 Cf. V. Taylor, The Gospel According to St. Mark ( 1952; 2nd ed., 1966),p.390.
116 So, M.D. Hooker, 'What Doest Thou Here, Elijah?', in The Glory of Christ in the
New Testament, edd. L.D. Hurst & N.T. Wright (1987), pp. 59-70, at pp. 69-70.
117 See p. 37.
118 We are here of course speaking of Mark's theological interpretation and proba-
bly that of the tradition that he was handing on. As to the origin of the narrative, we
noted (note 103 (ch. 4)) objections to the theory that the transfiguration is a misplaced
resurrection appearance. While some scholars consider the account is legendary or
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '261

Jesus is shown to accept the testimony of the heavenly voice at his

baptism and transfiguration, by referring to himself as υίόν άγαπη-
τόν, 119 in the parable of the wicked husbandmen (Mark 12:6). It is likely
that an allusion to Psalm 2:7 is present here also, since the rebellious
attitude of the tenants towards the vineyard-owner and his son, is remi-
niscent of the opposition to Yahweh and his anointed in Psalm 2:1-3:

Why do the nations conspire,

and the peoples plot in vain?
The kings of the earth set themselves,
and the rulers take counsel together,
against the Lord and his anointed, saying,
"Let us burst their bonds asunder,
and cast their cords from us."

T h e main point of difference is that it is the leaders of Israel to w h o m

Jesus is referring in the parable, rather than foreign rulers. T h e setting

symbolic, according to I.H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke (1978), p. 381,"it is impossible
to see how the narrative could have developed without some actual event to trigger off
its formulation." However, he considers that the nature of the event is such as to
almost defy historical investigation. Cf. C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 292-294; H.
Anderson, op. cit., pp. 222-223.
While the transfiguration account centres on the experience of the three disciples,
Mark represents Jesus as aware of what they had seen (9:9), and presumably of the
appearance of Elijah (9:1 Iff). L. Morris, The Gospel According to St. Luke (1974), p. 171,
may therefore be justified in considering the significance of the transfiguration for Jesus,
as setting the seal of divine approval on his teaching of the necessity of his sufferings, and
showing the link between suffering and glory (cf. Lk. 9:31). The basis of Mark's account
is most likely to have come from Peter (cf. Mk. 8:29, 31-33); cf. note 100 (ch. 4).
For the probable dependence of Mark on Peter, see M. Hengel, Studies in the Gospel of
Mark(ET, 1985), pp. 45-53; contra, K. Niederwimmer, Johannes Markus und die Frage
nach dem Verfasser des zweiten Evangeliums', ^ N W 58 (1967), pp. 172-188; W.C.
Kümmel, op. dt., p. 97. It is likely that the apostles exercised some control over the
retelling of the story o f j e s u s (cf. Acts 1:2 If.; 2:42), and Mark may have been a 'proba-
tionary' story-teller, perhaps following earlier links with Peter (cf. Acts 12:12), when he
accompanied Barnabas and Paul on their first mission (Acts 12:25; 13:5, 13; 15:37-39).
Silas may have been another 'authorized' story-teller in Greek (Acts 15:40), who proba-
bly also had literary skills (1 Peter 5:12). Both Mark and Silas (Acts 15:22, 27) came from
Jerusalem. Barnabas may have fulfilled a similar role at an earlier stage (Acts 11:22-26).
Cf. E.E. Ellis, The Making of the Mew Testament Documents ( 1999), pp. 33-39. Ρ J J . Botha,
'The Historical Setting of Mark's Gospel: Problems and Possibilities', JSNT 51 (1993),
pp. 27-55, sees Mark as "an itinerant, radical teacher, travelling around and performing
this particular version of the Jesus story on various occasions"; cf. M. Hengel, The Four
Gospels and the One Gospel ofjesus Christ (ET, 2000), pp. 106-115, who argues that none of
the four Gospels was written only for one particular community.
119 In the context of the parable άγαπητός probably has the meaning 'only'. See
C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 365; W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 415.
262 C H A P T E R THREE

of the parable is deliberately based on the song of the vineyard in Isa-

iah 5:1-7, where verse 7 reads, 'the vineyard of the Lord of hosts is the
house of Israel'.
It is not generally recognised that the 'beloved' or 'only son' of
M a r k 12:6 should be related to Psalm 2:7. H . C . Kee, for example,
suggests allusions here to Genesis 22:2 and Judges 11:34, but not
Psalm 2:7. 120 However it is clear in Mark's story that υίον άγαπητόν
relates back to God's testimony concerning Jesus at his baptism (1:11)
and transfiguration (9:7). T h u s if, as we have argued, it is correct to
see there an allusion inter alia to Psalm 2:7, the same allusion must be
implied in M a r k 12:6. 121 W e shall now consider in our next section,
how this allusion and the implicit Christology of the parable is con-
firmed by the quotation of Psalm 118:22-23.

4. Psalm 118 - the Rejected Stone/ Cornerstone and the One

who Comes in the Lord's Name

T h e likely allusion to Psalm 2:7 in M a r k 12:6 may be confirmed by

Jesus' quotation at the conclusion of the parable of Psalm 118:22-23,
another royal psalm, which by implication he refers to himself (Mark
12:10-11):122

Have you not read this scripture:

'The very stone which the builders rejected
has become the head of the corner;
this was the Lord's doing,
and it is marvellous in our eyes'?

120 'The Function of Scriptural Quotations and Allusions in Mark 11-16', in Jesus
und Paulus, edd. E.E. Ellis & Ε. Grässer (1975), pp. 165-188, at p. 168. T h e words of
the heavenly voice at Jesus' baptism and transfiguration may indeed reflect Gen. 22:2,
as well as other O T passages; cf. note 28 above. T h e same verse may thus be part of
the background of thought behind Mark 12:6, but not exclusively so.
121 Cf. F J . Matera, op. cit., pp. 74-79;J.D. Kingsbury, op. cit., pp. 116-117. T h e use
of ή κληρονομιά in Mk. 12:7 may well be an allusion to Ps. 2:8, which speaks of the
royal son's inheritance (LXX, την κληρονομίαν σου); cf. E. Lövestam, Son and Saviour
(1961), p. 97; F.J. Matera, op. cit., p. 78.
122 It is interesting that an allusion to Ps. 118:22 immediately follows the parable in
the Gospel of Thomas (logia 65, 66). K. Snodgrass, The Parable of the Wicked Tenants
(1983), pp. 52-54, rejects the view that the Gospel of Thomas account may represent
the original form of the parable; contra, J . D . Crossan, 'The Parable of the Wicked
Husbandmen', JBL 90 (1971), pp. 451-465, at pp. 456f.; idem, The Historical Jesus: The
Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant (1991), pp. 351-352;J. Marcus, The Way of the Lord
(1993), pp. 111-114,'
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '263

This psalm shows the king entering the temple to give thanks to God
after a hard-fought victory, in which G o d had rescued him from death
(Psalm 118:15-19). 123 T h e theme is of apparent defeat transformed
into victory by Yahweh's intervention (verses 10-14). In verse 22,
which Jesus quotes, a proverb about a building block is applied to the
king: its asymmetrical shape made it unsuitable for use in the main
part of the building (perhaps of Solomon's temple), but it proved to be
just what was needed to form the keystone of the main arched gate-
way. 124
T h e theme of rejection and vindication which is explicit in Psalm
1 18:22, exactly fits Jesus' interpretation of his Messiahship in Mark
8:29-31. H e must be 'rejected' (άποδοκιμασθήναι) by the Jewish lead-
ers (8:31). T h e n following this parable, which is clearly directed
against the Jewish leaders, he quotes Psalm 118:22 referring to 'the
very stone which the builders rejected (άπεδοκίμασαν)' (12:10). These
are the only two occurrences of αποδοκιμάζω in Mark's gospel.' 25

123 See pp. 46/.

124 Cf.].Jeremias, 7ZW7T, pp. 792-793; IV, pp. 274-275; W.L. U n e , op. cit., p.
420; contra, K. Snodgrass, op. cit., p. 103.
The quotation of Ps. 118:22-23 in Mk. 12:10-11 exactly follows the LXX text.
H.C. Kee, art. cit., pp. 171-174, concluded that in chapters 11-16, Mark regularly
reproduces scriptural quotations or makes his allusions in the textual tradition associ-
ated with the LKX, suggesting that it is highly likely that Mark was a hellenized Jew
before his conversion and that the 'Bible' for him was the LXX or a closely kindred
Greek recension. Contrast the conclusion of R.T. France, op. cit., p. 37, that with
regard to Jesus' quotations from the Old Testament in Mark, in cases where the Old
Testament witnesses are divided, Mark folows the M T a n d / o r the Targums against
the LXX in more than half; similarly, T.W. Manson, 'The Old Testament in the
Teaching ofjesus', BJRL 34 (1951-52), pp. 312-332, at p. 318; K.E. Brower, The Old
Testament in the Markan Passion Narrative (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Manches-
ter, 1978), p. 100. D.J. Moo, op. cit., pp. 365ff, found in considering the passion narra-
tives in the gospels, that narrative allusions tend to be Septuagintal in form, while allu-
sions attributed to Jesus are strongly Semitic-orientated, as are most of the quotations
found on his lips: he cites as one of the main exceptions the LXX quotation of Ps.
118:22 in Mark 12:10 par. Cf. generally, M. Wilcox, 'Text form', in It is Written: Scrip-
ture Citing Scripture, edd. D A. Carson and H.G.M. Williamson (1988), pp. 193-204.
125 C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 278, considers there is probably a reminiscence of
Ps. 118:22 in Mark 8:31; so also, R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 50; D.J. Moo, The Old Testa-
ment in the Gospel Passion Narratives (1983), p. 89. There may be a further reminiscence
of Ps. 118:22 in Mark 9:12, as έξουδ(θ)ενέ(ό)ω occurs there as well as in the quotation
of Ps. 118:22 in Acts 4:11. έξουδενέ(ό)ω stands for ‫'( מאס‬reject') four times in the LXX
to the Psalms (52(53):5; 77(78):59; 88(89):38; 105( 1Ö6):24), while on the four other
occasions that ‫ מאס‬occurs in the Psalms (15:4; 36:4 (MT, 36:5); 78:67; 118:22), it is
translated by a variety of other Greek words in the LXX (in 118:22 by αποδοκιμάζω).
(On the importance of the link between Pss. 89 and 118, based on common use of the
word ‫מאס‬, see pp. 270f)
264 C H A P T E R THREE

According to Mark's presentation, it therefore seems probable that

Psalm 118:22, occurring as it does in a royal psalm, was an important
source for Jesus' interpretation of his messianic role in terms of suffer‫־‬
ing and vindication. 126
T h e basic authenticity of the parable of the wicked h u s b a n d m e n
is accepted by most scholars. 127 J . D . M . Derrett has shown that m a n y
of the features of the parable have parallels in the rabbinic literature,
which counters the criticism that the parable was not in keeping
with 'everyday life' but was instead an artificial creation by the

έξουδενέ(ό)ω and its cognate nouns are also the only Greek words used in the L X X
to the Psalms to translate ‫'( בזה‬despise1) and ‫'( בוז‬contempt'). ‫ בזה‬occurs in Isaiah 49:7;
53:3 (twice) and is translated by έξουδενέ(ό)ω in Symmachus (on all three occasions),
Theodotion (49:7 and once in 53:3) and Aquila (just once in 53:3). We should note
that ‫ בזה‬occurs in two important 'Passion Psalms' of the righteous sufferer (22 and 69),
as well as in two of the Servant Songs (Isa. 49; 53), and it is probable that ‫ מאב‬and ‫ויזה‬
became associated, as they occur together in Ps. 15:4, and were commonly translated
by the same word in the LXX. Cf. C. Maurer, 'Knecht Gottes und Sohn Gottes im
Passionsbericht des Markusevangeliums', ZJhK 50 (1953), pp. 1-38, at p. 28; W.
Michaelis, TDNTM, pp. 913-916, esp. note 79 (on p. 915); C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p.
298; M. Görg, 77)07‫ ־־‬II, pp. 64-65; W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 322, note 29; R. Pesch, op.
cit., II, p. 79; D.J. Moo, op. cit., pp. 89-91; F.F. Bruce, 'The date and character of
Mark', in Jesus and the Politics of His Day, edd. Ε. Bammel & C.F.D. Moule (1984), pp.
69-89, at p. 84.
126 Cf. L. Gaston, No Stone on Another (1970), p. 400; K. Snodgrass, op. cit., pp. 101-
102, 122, who considers that the bridge between Ps. 118:22 and the Son of man (Mk.
8:31) was the stone of Daniel 2, corresponding to the Son of man in the parallel chap-
ter 7; cf. note 57 (ch. 4), and the article there referred to by S. Kim, who agrees with
the connection between Ps. 118:22 and Dan. 2:34-35, 45, but considers that Jesus was
more likely drawn to Ps. 118:22 through passages in Zechariah, which would fit in
with Jesus using Ps. 118:22 to depict himself as the foundation-stone of a new temple
(pp. 136-142). J.R. Donahue, Are You the Christ? (1973), pp.124-127, also interprets
Mk. 12:10 as meaningjesus is the cornerstone of the new temple, but he sees the quo-
tation ofPs. 118:22 coming from the early church, with the usage in Mk. 12:10 stand-
ing midway between the fully developed community use in 1 Peter 2:7, and the simple
apologetic use of Acts 4:11; cf. Β. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic (1961), pp. 169ff. D.
Juel, Messiah and Temple ( 1977), pp. 136-137, notes that the Targum to Isaiah 5 relates
the vineyard to the temple, but as it stands presupposes the destruction of the temple
in A.D. 70. T h e Targum may of course witness to an earlier understanding, which
was reflected in Jesus' use of the vineyard imagery in his parable. Cf. also T J . Ged-
dert, Watchwords (1989), p. 123, who suggests that as well as Ps. 118:22f., Zech. 10:3f.
lies behind Mk. 12:1 Of., but agrees that the rejected son here becomes the cornerstone
for a renewed 'temple'.
127 See the list in K. Snodgrass, op. cit., p. 108, note 154; contra, W.G. Kümmel,
'Das Gleichnis von den bösen Weingärtnern (Mark 12, 1-9)' (first publ. 1950), rep.
in Heilsgeschehen und Geschichte (1965), pp. 207-21 7; Promise and Fulfilment (ET, 1957),
pp. 82-83; J . Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus (1978-79), II, p. 148. J . C . O'Neill,
'The Source of the Parables of the Bridegroom and the Wicked Husbandmen', JTS
39 (1988), pp. 485-489, suggests that the parable may have come from J o h n the
Baptist.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '265

church. 1 2 8 For example, it was reasonable for the owner to send his
son, as he could not c o m m e n c e legal action through servants. It is
therefore unnecessary to see here the church reading back its own
view o f j e s u s as 'the Son of G o d ' . Both C . H . Dodd 1 2 9 a n d J . J e r e -
mias 130 accepted the authenticity of the basic parable, including the
a p p e a r a n c e of the owner's son, but considered the concluding quo-
tation of Psalm 118:22-23 in M a r k 12:10-11 to be secondary.
Attention has more recendy been drawn however to the Semitic
wordplay between ‫'( אבן‬stone') and ‫'( בן‬son') lying behind this parable,
which makes it extremely unlikely that the quotation from Psalm 118 is a
secondary addition. 131 It is possible that this wordplay was present in the
original Hebrew text of Psalm 118:22, if the 'stone' was seen as applying
to the king, who was described as God's 'son' (Ps. 2:7; cf. 2 Sam. 7:14; Ps.
89:26).132 It is certain that the wordplay lies behind the T a r g u m to Ps.
118:22, where ‫ אבן‬is rendered by ‫'( טלתא‬young man, servant or lamb')
referring to David, and perhaps indirectiy to the Messiah. 133
T h e r e is no certain messianic interpretation of Ps. 118:22 in
Judaism prior to the medieval scholar Rashi (d. 1 105).134 However,

128 'Fresh Light on the Parable of the Wicked Vinedressers' (first publ. 1963), rep.
in Law in the New Testament (1970), pp. 286-312. Cf. M. Hengel, 'Das Gleichnis von
den Weingärtnern. Mc 12, 1-12 im Lichte der Zenonpapyri und der rabbinischen
Gleichnisse', <?VTF59 (1968), pp. 1-39; Κ. Snodgrass, op. rit., pp. 31-40; C.A. Evans,
'Are the Wicked Tenant Farmers "Peasants"? Jesus' Parable and Lease Agreements
in Antiquity', in B. Chilton & C.A. Evans, Jesus in Context. Temple, Purity, and Restoration
(1997), pp. 231-250; E.H. Home, 'The Parable of the Tenants as Indictment', JSNT
71 (1998), p. 111-116; contrast J.D. Hester, 'Socio-Rhetorical Criticism and the Para-
ble of the Tenants', JSNT (1992), pp. 27-57.
129 The Parables of the Kingdom (first publ. 1935; rev. ed., 1961), pp. 93-98.
130 The Parables ofjesus (ET, 1954; 3rd. rev. ed., 1972),pp. 70-77.
131 Cf. M. Black, 'The Christological Use of the Old Testament in the New Testa-
ment', NTS 18 (1971-72), pp. 1-14, at p. 12; M. Wilcox, 'Peter and the Rock: a fresh
look at Matthew xvi. 17-19', NTS 22 (1975-76), pp. 73-88, at pp. 85-88; 'On investi-
gating the use of the Old Testament in the New Testament', in Text and Interpretation,
edd. Ε. Best & R.McL. Wilson (1979), pp. 231-243, at pp. 233-234; F J . Matera, op.
cit., pp. 82-83;J.D. Kingsbury, op. cit., p. 115; K. Snodgrass, op. cit., pp. 62-65, 95ff,
113-118; S. Kim, art. cit. (see note 126 above), p. 135; contra, M.D. Hooker, 'Tradi-
tions about the Temple in the Sayings ofjesus', BJR11 70.1 (1988), pp. 7-19, at p. 9.
132 F.J. Matera, op. cit., p. 82. '
133 Cf. M. Wilcox in the two articles referred to in note 131 above; F.J. Matera, op.
cit., pp. 82-83; K. Snodgrass, op. cit., pp. 98-99; D.J. Moo. op. cit., pp. 335-336; S. Kim,
art. at. (see note 126 above), pp. 135-136. B. Gartner,'‫ טל־א‬als Messiasbezeichnung',
SK4 18-19 (1953-54), pp. 98-108, considered that the use o f i r t a in the Targum indi-
cated a messianic interpretation, and also suggested a link with the Servant of Yah-
weh. The Midrash on Psalms (trans. W.G. Braude, 1959), II, Ps. 118, 21 refers 'This is
the Lord's doing' (verse 23) to David, as well as to the Israelites.
134 J.Jeremias, TDNTW, p. 273, note 45.
266 C H A P T E R THREE

the later verses of Ps. 118 (24ff.) were sometimes interpreted messiani-
cally or in relation to eschatological redemption, such that E. Lohse
concludes that the messianic hope was probably echoed in the hosan-
na which the Jewish community raised in the pre-Christian period. 1 3 5
If we concede that the hope was probably more generally eschatologi-
cal than specifically messianic, still the Davidic interpretations that we
have noted in the T a r g u m and the Midrash, and the likelihood that it
would have been recognised as a royal psalm, make it understandable
that Jesus should have applied the psalm to himself. H e may have
associated verse 22 by means of wordplay with the messianic Psalm
2:7 (Mark 12:6, 10), and verse 26 with Zechariah 9:9 and perhaps
Genesis 49:1 Of., which were also interpreted messianically in rabbinic
Judaism (Mark 1 l:2ff., 9-10; cf. Mt. 23:37-39; Lk. 13:34-35). 136
IfJesus was using wordplay between 'son' and 'stone', it is possible
that he considered other Old Testament references to significant
stones, to see whether these threw any light on his Messiahship/Son-
ship. W e have noted that the stone of Daniel 2:34-35, 45 (which corre-
sponds to 'one like a son of m a n ' in chapter 7) was interpreted mes-
sianically at least in the first century A.D. as Josephus shows. 137 T h e
'precious cornerstone' of Isaiah 28:16 was probably interpreted mes-
sianically even earlier in one text of the L X X , while at Q u m r a n the

135 77XVTIX, p. 683. See B. Pesahim 119a.; The Midrash on Psalms (see note 132
above), II, Ps. 118, 22; cf. Str.-B., I, pp. 849-850; J . Jeremias, The Eucharistie Words of
Jesus (ET, 1955; 2nd. ed., 1966), pp. 256-261; S. Mowinckel, He That Cometh (ET,
1956), pp. 467-468. C. Burger, Jesus als Davidssohn (1970), pp. 47-51, denies that ώσαν-
v á h a d a messianic ring in pre-Christian Judaism.
136 O n Zech. 9:9, see Str.-B., I, pp. 842-844, and esp. B. Sanhédrin 98a. (the verse
is not given a messianic interpretation in the Targum). On Gen. 49:10, see 4Q252 5:1-
6 (pp. 178/)‫׳‬, Targums Onkelos, Pseudo-Jonathan and the Fragmentary Targum to
the Pentateuch (S.H. Levey, The Messiah: An Aramaic Interpretation (1974), pp. 31-32);
Gen. R. 98:8 to Gen. 49:11, which is linked with Zech. 9:9. Cf. W.L. Lane, op. cit., pp.
395-396, and notes 15, 16; D.J. Moo. op. cit., p. 182, note 1.
Gen. 49:1 Of. is probably alluded to in Ezekiel 21:27 (MT, v. 32) perhaps with a sim-
ilar cryptic messianic meaning (cf. W. Eichrodt, Ezekiel (ET, 1970), pp. 302-304) and
certainly in Zech. 9:9 itself. T h e allusion in Zech. 9:9 to Gen. 49:1 Of. is shown primar-
ily by the double reference to the ass, but also by the use of ‫ בוא‬in both cases; cf. H.D.
Preuss, TDOTW, pp. 41-44, who relates to the 'Coming Bringer of Salvation', not only
Gen. 49:10; Zech. 9:9 and Ezek. 21:27 (32), but also Dan.7:13, where the Aramaic
nra is similarly used o f ' o n e like a son of man'. ‫ בוא‬also occurs in Ps. 118:26.
It is to these verses that we should look in considering whether 'the Coming One' (0
έρχόμενος, Mt. 11:3; Lk. 7:19; Mt. 23:39; Lk. 13:35; Mk. 11:9 par.; Mk. 1:7 par.; Acts
19:4; J n . 1:15, 27; 6:14; 11:27; cf. Heb. 10:37, quoting Hab. 2:3 LXX, but inserting
the article before έρχόμενος) may have been a pre-Christian messianic designation,
but there appears to be no evidence of this, other than the NT; cf. J . Schneider,
TDMTW, p. 670; R.T. France, op. cit., p. 98, note 50; C.S. Mann, op. cit.. p. 437.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '267

verse was applied to the community (1QS 5:5; 1 Q H 14:25-27), its

council (1QS 8:7f.) and possibly to the T e a c h e r of Righteousness
( 1 Q H 15:8f.)138 T h e r e are close parallels between Psalm 118:22f. and
Isaiah 28:16, which leads to the reasonable possibility that Jesus may
have considered these verses together. In the Old Testament only in
Psalm 118:22 and Isaiah 28:16 (apart from the physical 'cornerstone'
ofJ e r e m i a h 51:26, and the figurative 'cornerstone' of the earth in J o b
38:6) do ‫'( אבן‬stone') and ‫'( פנה‬corner') appear in close conjunction.
Also, both Psalm 118:23 and Isaiah 28:16 show that the final position-
ing of the stone is the act of Yahweh. 1 3 9
T h e parable in M a r k 12:1-11 takes its setting f r o m the song of the
vineyard in Isaiah 5:1-7. So, if a link was recognized between Isaiah
8:14-15 (speaking of Y a h w e h as 'a stone of offence, and a rock of
stumbling') a n d Isaiah 28:16 (interpreted messianically), it is likely
that the latter verse f o r m e d p a r t of the b a c k g r o u n d of thought in
introducing Psalm 118:22f. into the parable. 1 4 0 In chapter 4, we con-
sidered the quotation of Isaiah 6:9-10 in M a r k 4:12, a n d observed

137 See note 57 (ch. 4).

138 T h e Targum also speaks here of God appointing a king in Zion; cf. J. Jeremias,
TD.NT IV, p. 272; R.N. Longenecker, Biblical Exegesis in the Apostolic Period (1975), pp.
202-203; C.E.B. Cranfield, The Epistle to the Romans, II, (1979), p. 511; K. Snodgrass,
op. cit., p. 98 and note 111, who also maintains that Is. 28:16 and 8:14 had already
been connected (cf. Rom. 9:33; 1 Pet. 2:6-8). Snodgrass argues (pp. 65-71) that Mt.
21:44 (which parallels Lk. 20:18 in alluding to Is. 8:14f. and Dan. 2:44f.) is part of the
original text in Matthew. He considers that Matthew preserves the earliest account of
the parable of the wicked tenants at least up to and including the quotation of Ps.
118:22, and thinks it probable that some form of verses 43-44 were connected to the
parable in the tradition that Matthew knew. He is uncertain (pp. 104-105) whether
these verses come from the tradition or are explications o f j e s u s himself.
Contra, J.A.T. Robinson, 'The Parable of the Wicked Husbandman: A Test ofSyn-
optic Relationships 1 , NTS 21 (1975), pp. 443-461, who argued for the priority of the
Markan version of the parable. T.W. Manson, The Sayings ofjesus (first publ. 1937;
reissued, 1949), p. 322, considered Lk. 20:18 to be a detached saying, on the basis that
Mt. 21:44 should be regarded as an interpolation. If Ps. 118:22 and Is. 8:14f. were
connected by Jesus, it is likely that the connection was made through Is. 28:16, in view
of the similarities between that verse and Ps. 118:22 (see below).
139 There are other parallels between Ps. 118 and Isaiah chapters 26 and 28; e.g.,
Is. 26:2 appears to allude to Ps. 118:19,20, while faith in Yahweh is a feature of Is.
26:3, 4; 28:16, as well as Ps. 118:8, 9.
140 While there is no early attestation for a messianic interpretation of Is. 8:14 (as for
Dan. 2:34-35, 45 and Is. 28:16), the verse is interpreted messianically in B. Sanhédrin
38a. Apart from the association with Is. 28:16, the reason for a shift of application of this
verse from God to the Messiah may be seen in the close proximity of the Immanuel
prophecy (8:8, 10; cf. 7:14) perhaps associated with the clearly messianic prophecies of
9:6, 7 and 11:1-10, and in the tendency for divine names and characteristics to be
applied to the Messiah, particularly as he is called 'Mighty God' (9:6; cf. 10:21).
268 C H A P T E R THREE

the context of the quotation in Isaiah 6 in terms of Y a h w e h ' s king-

ship a n d his sending of the p r o p h e t (verse 8). W e noted that the verb
αποστέλλω occurs four times, with the vineyard-owner as the sub-
ject, in this parable (Mark 12:2, 4-6). 141 T h e negative response to
Isaiah's mission (Isaiah 6:9-10) is reflected in the song of the vine-
yard (5:1-7) a n d in the 'stone of offence' a n d 'rock of stumbling'
(8:14-15). T h e parable of the wicked h u s b a n d m e n clearly shows the
negative response to J e s u s ' mission, a n d the resulting j u d g m e n t
(Mark 12:9). 142
H o w e v e r the parable is not just a b o u t j u d g m e n t . It is also about
the reversal of fortunes of the ' s o n ' / ' s t o n e ' , shown by the quotation
of Psalm 118:22f. 143 Against the b a c k g r o u n d o f j u d g m e n t in the ear-
ly chapters of Isaiah, how is that figure to be described? In the light
of the association of 'sonship' with Messiahship, especially f r o m
Psalm 2:7, the obvious candidate would seem to be the messianic
figure of Isaiah 9:6-7; 11:1 fT. In fact the gospel-writers never repre-
sent Jesus as referring to either of these passages, a n d it is surprising
the little use that is m a d e of t h e m in the N e w T e s t a m e n t , given that
they were regularly interpreted messianically in c o n t e m p o r a r y
Judaism. 1 4 4 It seems most likely that the N e w T e s t a m e n t writers
were here following the usage of Jesus, despite the fact that they
affirmed him to be the Messiah. T h e evidence of the gospels is that
Jesus wished to avoid m a k i n g any overt messianic claim, which
would have been a p p a r e n t h a d he m a d e reference to these 'classic'
messianic passages. 1 4 5 Instead it a p p e a r s that these passages (to

141 It also occurs once with the tenants as the subject (verse 3). See pp. 127f.
142 Cf. Β. Lindars, op. dt., pp. 165-166, 175-177, who considers that Is. 28:16; 8:14
were part o f ' t h e apologetic of response', associated with Is. 6:9f., as also was Is. 29:13
(quoted by Jesus, according to Mk. 7:6, 7); cf. R.T. France, op. dt, pp. 68-69.
143 A. Suhl, Die Funktion der alttestamentlichen Zitate und Anspielungen im Markusevangelium
(1965), pp. 140-142, argued that the quotation ofPs. 118:22f. in Mk. 12:1 Of. does not
refer to the 'son', but to the reversal of fortunes in verse 9; this argument is convinc-
ingly countered by K. Snodgrass, op. dt., pp. 97-98.
144 See ch. 5 sections (1) and (2) above, esp. with regard to Is. 1 l:lff. (cf. note 29 to
this chapter), as well as general Davidic references. Both passages are interpreted
messianically in the Targum (see S.H. Levey, op. dt., p. 102). O n the use of these pas-
sages in the New Testament, see C.H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures (1952), pp. 81,
83; B. Lindars, op. dt., 199, 201 fF., who notes that Is. 11:2 is probably alluded to in
J o h n 1:33. For the possibility that the same verse may lie behind Mark's account of
Jesus' baptism, see pp. 238, 258/. and notes 29, 109 above.
' 145 Cf. R.T. France, op. cit., pp. 148-150.
146 Art. cit. (see note 126 above). O n messianic references in Tg. Zechariah, cf. note
161 (ch. 5).
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '269

which Psalm 2 may be closely allied) may have acted as a pointer

through Isaiah 28:16 on to Psalm 118:22f., where the messianic ref-
erence was far less obvious.
S. K i m has argued for a link between Psalm 118:22 and Zechari-
ah. 1 4 6 W e have noted that the T a r g u m not only has messianic inter-
pretations for 'the Branch' in Zechariah 3:8 and 6:12, but also for
the 'top stone' of the temple in 4:7 a n d the 'corner' (which may
imply 'cornerstone', although ‫ אבן‬is not present) in association with
the 'tent peg' at 10:4. If these messianic interpretations of the
'stones' are pre-Christian, these passages may also have served as
background for Jesus' use of Psalm 118:22. W e have also noted the
link between Zechariah 9:9 and Psalm 1 18:26. 147 W e should not
assume that the use of verses 22 and 26 of Psalm 1 18 by Jesus (and
his followers, M a r k 11:9) are unconnected, as the Q-passage where
Jesus quotes the latter verse (Matthew 23:37-39; Luke 13:34-35)
bears similarities to the context of the quotation of verses 22-23 in
the parable of the wicked h u s b a n d m e n . T h e context of the Q - q u o t a -
tion is Jesus' lament over J e r u s a l e m , (i) 'killing the prophets and
stoning those who are sent to you' and (ii) the prospect of j u d g m e n t ,
'your house is forsaken'. T h e same two elements are plainly to be
seen in the parable. 1 4 8
While we have emphasized the importance of the wordplay
between 'son' and 'stone', giving strong evidence as it does of the like-

147 See note 136 above.

148 YV.G. Kümmel, Promise and Fulfilment (ET, 1957), p. 81, considers it extremely
probable that Mt. 23:37-39 (including the quotation of Ps. 118:26) is an independent
saying ofjesus from the oldest tradition: it is prophesied that Jesus "will remain invisi-
ble to the Jews until they can greet him as the Messiah". Cf. I.H. Marshall, The Gospel
0flMke( 1978), p. 577, who states that the quotation ofPs. 118:26 in Lk. 13:35 contains
an implicit identification ofjesus as the Coming One, the Messiah, but it is not made
absolutely explicit. Thus he considers the saying is sufficiently indirect in phrasing to
be genuine. As a further possible link between Ps. 118 and Zechariah, T.YV. Manson,
op. cit., p. 128, mentions that the Psalm was especially connected with the Feast of
Tabernacles, and that the prophetic lesson appropriated to Tabernacles is Zechariah
14. However, it is uncertain whether these readings pre-dated A.D. 70; cf. C. Perrot,
'The Reading of the Bible in the Ancient Synagogue', in Mikra, edd. M.]. Mulder &
H. Sysling (1988), pp. 137-159, at pp. 146-147,'
149 K. Snodgrass, op. cit., pp. 107-109, shows that if the parable is not from Jesus, it
must go back to the most primitive stages of the Palestinian church. However, he con-
eludes that the grounds for denying the parable to Jesus are insufficient. The parable
fits in with Jesus' consciousness of sonship, while the introductory formula άνέγνωτε
(Mk. 12:10) occurs only on the lips ofjesus; cf. Ε.Ε. Ellis, 'Midrash, Targum and New
Testament Quotations', in Neotestamentica et Semitica, edd. Ε.Ε. Ellis & M. Wilcox
(1969), pp. 61-69, at p. 67.
270 C H A P T E R THREE

ly authenticity and integrity of the parable, 1 4 9 it is clear that the quota-

tion was not used primarily because of the wordplay but because of its
content of rejection and vindication. Here we see a thematic connec-
tion with the smitten shepherd-king of Zechariah 9-14, the suffering
servant of Isaiah 42-53, the righteous sufferer in the Psalms of lament,
and possibly the saints of the Most High who are represented by 'one
like a son of m a n ' in Daniel 7. W e have considered the influence of
passages in the second part of Isaiah, have commented briefly on con-
nections with Zechariah and Daniel, and will be looking at some of
the Psalms of lament in the final section of this chapter. Here we wish
to emphasize that all these passages are arguably messianic (particu-
larly Zechariah), although not in the mainstream of contemporary
messianic interpretation.
In chapter 1, we saw that m a n y of the laments are royal in content,
and some may refer to the cultic suffering of the king, especially Psalm
89, which along with 2 Samuel 7:14 and Psalm 2:7 implies the divine
sonship of the Davidic king (verse 26 (27, MT)). 150 IfJesus recognised
an allusion to Psalm 2:7 in the heavenly designation at his baptism, it
would have been natural for him to associate that Psalm with
Nathan's oracle in 2 Samuel 7:10ff. (as in 4QF10ri1egium), and then

O n Jesus' use of puns, cf. R.H. Stein, The Method and Message of Jesus' Teachings
(1978), pp. 13-14. Snodgrass (pp. 116ff.) gives a list of other New Testament examples
of wordplay between ‫ בן‬and ‫אבן‬: Mt. 3:9 par.; 4:3 par.; 7:9 par.; Lk. 19:39-40 com-
pared with Mt. 21:15. He argues in favour of the first occurrence from the teaching of
j o h n the Baptist, but considers that the occurrences in Mt. 4:3 par. and 7:9 par. may
be coincidental. However, if there is a historical basis for the Q-account of Jesus'
temptations, the tempter's words (Mt. 4:3 par.) may reflect Jesus' meditation on the
nature of his divine sonship, as proclaimed by the heavenly voice at his baptism, per-
haps even at this stage conscious of the possible wordplay between ‫ בן‬and ‫אבן‬. Cf. Mt.
4:6 par., where again 'stone' is mentioned in the devil's quotation of Ps. 91:11-12, also
introduced by the phrase, "If you are the Son of God".
T h e quotation of Ps. 91 (cf. Lk. 10:19) suggests that Jesus was meditating on this
section of the Psalms, where Ps. 89 speaks of messianic sonship in a similar way to
Ps. 2, as well as God's kingship, which is particularly celebrated in Pss. 93; 95-99.
T h e third temptation in Mt. 4:8-10 shows Jesus' refusal to set his claims to (mes-
sianic) kingship over against God's supreme authority (or kingship), here expressed
in passages from Deut. 6:13, 16; 8:3 (cf. Mk. 12:29f., where Jesus quotes Deut.
6:4f. as the most important commandment). Jesus thus put God's kingship above
his own messianic sonship, and Mt. 4:17; Mk. 1:14f. represent him as preaching
God's kingship (kingdom) immediately after the end of his temptations. O n the
importance of obedient sonship/Messiahship, see E.E. Lemcio, 'The Intention of
the Evangelist, Mark', NTS 32 (1986), pp. 187-206, at pp.198ff., who states that
Jesus' proclamation about God is parallelled by his obedience to God, emphasiz-
'ingMk. 14:35ff..
150 See pp. 3If., 43f, 56/.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '271

with Psalm 89. 151 Apart from the wordplay between 'son' and 'stone',
one of the main factors which led Jesus to use Psalm 118 (especially in
predicting his sufferings and rejection, Mark 8:31) may have been the
parallel with Psalm 89, where Yahweh has apparently rejected his
'anointed' (verses 38 (39), 51 (52)).152 T h e same word ‫ מאס‬is used for
Yahweh's rejection of his anointed in Psalm 89:38 (39), and for the
builders' rejection of the stone in Psalm 1 18:22. 153 O n e of the main dif-
ferences between Psalms 89 and 1 18 is that in the latter vindication of
the king has occurred, while in the former it is still being pleaded for.
While the vindication of the ' s o n ' / ' s t o n e ' is clearly an important part
of the quotation of Psalm 118:22 in M a r k 12:10, it is the previous
rejection that provides the link with remainder of the parable. This
means that it is incorrect to say that the primary Christian application
of this Psalm was the resurrection, as in Acts 4:11. 154 O n e of the keys
to its use was probably that it referred to both rejection and vindica-
tion.
T h e inclusion of the next phrase from the Psalm, 'this was the Lord's
doing' (Mark 12:11), emphasizes Jesus' dependence as Messiah on the
authority and power of God, which can be seen as expressions of God's
kingship. This theme is continued as the question about paying taxes to

151 D. Juel, Messianic Exegesis ( 1988), pp. 104-110, sets out the evidence to show that
Ps. 89 was interpreted messianically in rabbinic literature and the Targum (to verse
51 (52, MT)), and that its influence was remarkably widespread in the NT. Cf. note
149 above; cf. also, the findings of C.E. Wood regarding linked allusions to Ps. 2; 2
Sam. 7, and Ps. 89 in Sirach and Ps. Sol 17, referred to in notes 84, 105 (ch. 5). These
linkages in pre-Christian Judaism are summarized in C.E. Wood, op. cit., pp. 105-106.
152 ‫' = מס־חך‬Thine anointed'; cf.‫' = מסיהו‬His anointed', Ps. 2:2. 1'his designation is
of course frequently used of the Davidic king in the Psalms, as well as in the historical
books (see p. 50) but may be of significance in leading to a 'messianic inteipretation
proper' in the time of jesus.
153 Also, 'the builders'(‫ )הבונים‬of Ps. 118:22 may be linked with the use of ‫ בנה‬twice
with Yahweh as the subject in Ps. 89, having established his steadfast love for ever (verse
2(3)), and promising David, '1 will ... build your throne for all generations' (verse 4(5);
cf. 2 Sam. 7:11, 13, 27). To the objection that Yahweh is the subject both of the
'building' and the 'rejection' in Ps. 89, but 'the builders' are the subject in Ps. 118:22,
verse 23 shows Yahweh is behind the completion of the building (cf. Ps. 127:1) and
perhaps behind the initial rejection as well.
It is relevant to the context of the quotation of Ps. 118:22 in the parable of the
wicked husbandmen, that 'builders' was a rabbinic designation for religious leaders,
as is implied in Acts 4:11; cf. J.D.M. Derrett, 'The Stone that the Builders Rejected',
SE IV, ed. F.L. Cross (1965), pp. 180-186.
154 Cf. Β. Lindars, op. cit., pp. 169-174, who suggests that the words και άποδοκι-
μασθήναι (alluding to Ps. 118:22) may not have appeared in the earliest version of'Mk.
8:31, on the basis that they are omitted from Ml. 16:21. T h e words are however pre-
sent in Lk. 9:22, and there is no textual evidence for their omission in Mark.
272 C H A P T E R THREE

Caesar is answered by Jesus by way of an analogy between Caesar's

authority (or kingship) and God's greater authority (Mark 12:13-17).
T h e n , Jesus' answers to the two following questions emphasize the pow-
er of God in resurrection (12:18-27) and the totality of God's demands
(12:28-34). T h e series of questions is concluded, by Jesus telling the
scribe, "You are not far from the kingdom of G o d " (12:34).
T h e linkage in this section of Mark's gospel, between God's king-
dom (or authority) and that o f j e s u s as Messiah, is confirmed by Jesus'
reference to the Messiah in the following verses (12:35-37). 155 Indeed
the question that preceded the parable of the wicked husbandmen is
about the source o f j e s u s ' authority (11:27-33). Jesus refused to answer
this directly but answered it indirectly through the parable: 1 5 6 he is
God's 'beloved son' (or Messiah), who although rejected by the rulers
will be given a position of supreme importance by God. T h e parable
turns the tables such that the leaders' j u d g m e n t o f j e s u s gives way to
God's j u d g m e n t of the leaders. This irony is to become stronger still at
Jesus' trial (14:61-62). 157
O u r study in the Old Testament showed righteousness and justice
(or judgment) to be twin themes both of God's kingship and of the ide-
al Davidic (or messianic) kingship. 158 T h e parable of the wicked hus-
b a n d m e n points to the unrighteousness of the Jewish leaders in their
attitude towards God, finally plotting to kill the vineyard-owner's
'beloved son'. God's j u d g m e n t must fall on those leaders (Mark 12:9)
and he will vindicate his Messiah (verse 10).
In die previous chapter, Jesus shows himself to be the instrument of
God's righteous judgment in driving the tradesmen out of the temple
precincts ( 11:15-17).159 This is the event which led the chief priests to plot

155 For the reference here to the royal psalm, Ps. 110:1, see pp. 278ff.
156 Cf. W.R. Telford, The Barren Temple and the Withered Tree ( 1980), p. 256.
157 See pp. 284ff. Again the reference is to Ps. 110:1.
158 See pp. 54',60, and especially cf. Pss. 89:14; 97:2 (God's kingship) with Ps. 72:2;
Is. 9:7 (messianic kingship).
159 In verse 17, Jesus quotes Is. 56:7 (before alluding tojer. 7:11, 'a den of robbers').
The fact that the last phrase of Is. 56:7, 'for all the nations', is included, suggests that the
Gentiles were being deprived of their privilege of prayer in the Court of the Gentiles,
because trading was allowed there. Cf. R.H. Lightfoot, The Gospel Message of St. Mark
(1950), pp. 601Γ., who sees in this concern for the Gentiles, fulfilment of a messianic role.
V. Eppstein, 'The Historicity of the Gospel Account of the Cleansing of the Temple',
IF55 (1964), pp. 42-58, argues that the sale of animals in the temple forecourt was a
recent innovation by Caiaphas, set up in opposition to the traditional markets on the
Mount of Olives. On the historicity of the incident, cf. p. 223 and note 189 (ch. 5).
For the view that Zechariah 14:20f. lies behind the incident, see C. Roth, 'The
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '273

to kill Jesus (verse 18; cf. 3:6) and as a preliminary matter, to question his
authority (verse 28). In Mark, the cleansing of the temple is sandwiched
between the two parts of the story o f j e s u s cursing the fig tree (11:12-14
and 20-25), so that each story may be seen as helping to explain the oth-
er. T h e cursing of the fig tree was a powerful symbolic action by Jesus,
warning of judgment on the Jewish nation and religion. 160 Not only did
the temple need to be physically 'cleansed', but the Jewish leaders are
condemned for hypocrisy in their religious observances (12:38-40; cf.
7:6-8). They fall far short of the whole-hearted devotion to God, which is
exemplified by the poor widow who put everything she had into the trea-
sury (12:41-44; cf. verses 28-34). Jesus then clearly foretells the destruc-
tion of the temple in speaking to his disciples (13:2).
T h e exercise of j u d g m e n t by Jesus by his actions and words may be
seen as messianic, being delegated to him by G o d who is the final
judge (12:9);161 although the cleansing of the temple could be repre-

Cleansing of the Temple and Zechariah xiv. 21', NovTA (1960), pp. 174-181; B. I i n -
dars, op. cit., p. 108, note 3 (referring to J o h n 2:16); C.K. Barrett, 'The House of
Prayer and the Den of Thieves', in Jesus und Paulus, edd. Ε.Ε. Ellis & Ε. Grässer
(1975), pp. 13-20; S. Kim, art. cit. (see note 126 above), p. 139; B.D. Chilton, The Tern-
pU ofjesus: His Sacrificial Program Within a Cultural History of Sacrifice ( 1992), pp. 135-136.
Barrett, art. cit., pp. 18-19, considers that Mark combined the double quotation of
verse 17 with the tradition in verses 15-16 (so also, J . Roloff, Das Keiygma und der irdische
Jesus (1970), p. 93), but that verse 17 may nevertheless go back to Jesus. We may note
here that while H.C. Kee, art. cit., pp. 175ff., points to the phenomemon of various
double scriptural quotations in Mark, the parallel with the use of scriptures at Q,um-
ran, which he adduces, suggests that this phenomenon is more likely to go back to
Jesus or the early Palestinian church than to have originated with Mark.
160 Cf. D.E. Nineham, The Gospel of St. Mark (1963), pp. 298-299; W.R. Telford,
op. cit. O n Mark's intercalations or 'sandwich technique' generally, see F. Neirynk,
Duality in Mark{ 1972), p. 133;J.R. Donahue, op. cit., pp. 42, 58-63; H.C. Kee, Com-
munity of the New Age (1977), p. 54; J . Dewey, Markan Public Debate (1980), pp. 2 If.;
R.M. Fowler, Loaves and Fishes (1981), p. 165; E. Best, 'Mark's Narrative Tech-
nique', JSNT37 (1989), pp. 43-58, at pp. 52f.;J.R. Edwards, 'Markan Sandwiches:
T h e Significance of Interpolations in Markan Narratives', N0vT31 (1989), pp. 193-
216; T. Shepherd, 'The Narrative Function of Markan Intercalation', NTS 41
(1995), pp. 522-540.
161 It is interesting to note that Mark links the evidence of the withered fig-tree
(11:20-21) to teaching by Jesus on faith and prayer (verses 22-25). It seems that Jesus is
here delegating his authority in prayer and faith to his disciples. In the same way that
he (by faith in God and prayer) has caused the fig-tree to wither, so they can cause
'this mountain' (the Mount of Olives) to be cast into 'the sea' (the Dead Sea). The ref-
erence here (verse 23) is probably to the prophecy of the day of the Lord in Zech.
14:4, and thus could be taken as a dynamic equivalent for the petition, 'Thy kingdom
come', in the Lord's prayer (Mt. 6:10; Lk 11:2); cf. W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 410; R.H.
Gundry, Mark( 1993), pp. 648-649, 652-654; contra, W.R. Telford, op. cit., p. 110, who
considers that Mark intends 'this mountain' to allude to the temple mount; M.D.
Hooker, The Gospel According to St. Mark (1991), pp. 269-270.
274 C H A P T E R THREE

sented as a claim to prophetic authority only. 162 Immediately prior to

the cursing of the fig tree and the cleansing of the temple, Mark has a
series of three incidents which deliberately (though guardedly) allude
to Jesus' kingship or Messiahship: i) the request of J a m e s and J o h n
(10:35-45); ii) the healing of blind Bartimaeus (10:46-52); and iii) Jesus'
entry into Jerusalem (11:1-1 1). This series concludes with a quotation
from Psalm 118:25-26 (in M a r k 11:9), the same royal psalm which
Jesus quotes, using different verses (verses 22-23), at the end of the
parable of the wicked husbandmen (in M a r k 12:10-11). 163
i) Following Jesus' third and most detailed major prediction of his
passion and resurrection, and the revelation that this will take place in
Jerusalem (10:32-34), J a m e s and J o h n ask that they may be assured of
seats of honour at the right hand and left h a n d o f j e s u s έν τη δόξη σου
(verse 37). 164 T h e 'glory' o f j e s u s points to his messianic kingship, but

We should note that it is authority in prayer that Jesus is delegating. This is a char-
acteristic of the messianic king, who is invited to pray to bring about God's judgments
(Ps. 2:8-9); see p. 258.
162 Cf. C.E.B. Cranfield, The Gospel According to Saint Mark (1959; 3rd. impression,
1966), p. 359, who sees the inner meaning of the incident as messianic and a fulfil-
ment of the promise of Mai. 3:Iff., but notes that outwardly the action did not go
beyond the exercise of prophetic authority. T h e incident could also be interpreted in
terms of the priestly role of the Messiah, following Ps. 110:4; cf. p. 56.
163 F.J. Matera, op. cit., pp. 68-69, suggests that Mark has deliberately framed chap-
ters 11-12 in three different ways: (i) 'Son of David' question at the end (12:35-37),
and the cry of Bartimaeus at the beginning ( 10:47-48), anticipating the acclamation of
the crowd o n j e s u s ' entry into Jerusalem (11:10); (ii) the double quotation of Ps. 118;
(iii) two references to the Mount of Olives (11:1 & 13:3).
164 Apart from this reference, δόξα only occurs in Mark at 8:38; 13:26, on both
occasions referring to the coming of the Son of man. T h e related verb δοξάζω occurs
at 2:12, referring to the onlookers 'glorifying' God after witnessing the healing of the
paralytic man. Shortly before this, there is reference to the Son of man's authority on
earth to forgive sins. As we have seen (pp. 259/. and note 112 above), the Son of man
comes 'in the glory of his Father' (8:38), and we have related that saying to the interpre-
tation of the transfiguration. Once again in 10:37, the reference to δόξα occurs short-
ly after a reference to the Son of man (verses 33-34), in this case specifically predicting
his sufferings. The fact that this is the only reference in Mark to the glory ofjesus (if we
take 13:26 as relating back to 8:38) may be significant, as Jesus is represented as
speaking of the 'kingship' and 'glory' of God rather than emphasizing any messianic
kingship or glory for himself. This is reflected in his reply in verse 40 (see below).
In Matthew's parallel account (20:20-28), not only is the request made by the
mother of James and John, but also (in verse 21) έν xrj βασιλεία σου replaces the
Markan έν ττ) δόξα σου. Ε. Lohmeyer, Das Evangelium des Markus ( 1963), p. 221, consid-
ered Matthew's use of βασιλεία to be original. Certainly in the context, there appears
to be little difference of meaning between the two, but if Mk. 8:38 is an authentic say-
ing, remembered perhaps in the context of the transfiguration, the reference may
originally have been to δόξα; cf. on Mt. 20:21,1). Hill, The Gospel ofMattheit1972 ) ‫ ) ׳‬, p
288.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '275

the request shows the continuing misunderstanding by the disciples of

the nature of his Messiahship. T h e y were probably anticipating a vie-
torious earthly kingdom to be brought about by Jesus in the near
future, even though this might involve them in some suffering and
struggle (verses 38-39). 165 Jesus emphasizes that the purpose of his mis-
sion is to serve others, and suffering (including the offering of his life as
a 'ransom') is a necessary part o f t h a t (verses 38, 45). H e also implies
that his authority and kingship is subordinate to that of God, in that it
is not in his power to grant positions at his right and left. However it is
noticeable that he does not deny his future glory and enthronement as
king, with others seated beside him (verse 40).
ii) Neither does Jesus rebuke Bartimaeus for publicly hailing him
as 'Son of David' (10:47, 48). In the context of Mark, this must be
understood as a messianic title (cf. 11:10; 12:35-37), 166 and there
seems little reason to conclude, with W . Kelber, 1 6 7 that the title is
devalued by being put on the lips of Bartimaeus while he is still blind.
In our last chapter, we saw how the future messianic king is described
as 'son of David' in Psalms of Solomon 17:21, and went on to note
associations with prophecy and wisdom, and possibly healing and
exorcism. 1 6 8 This means that it is no longer necessary to follow F.
H a h n in holding that the references to 'Son of David' in M a r k

165 So, C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 337-338; cf. J.B. Tyson, T h e Blindness of the
Disciples in Mark', JBL 80 (1961), pp. 261-268, at pp. 264f. T h e request o f j a m e s and
J o h n (verses 35-37) and Jesus' reply in verse 40 are generally held to be authentic, at
least in part; see, e.g., A.E.J. Rawlinson, op. cit., p. 144; H. Anderson, op. cit., p. 254.
Some scholars consider verses 38-39 to be a secondary insertion; see, e.g., D.E. Nine-
ham, op. cit., pp. 279, 284. However, S. Légasse, 'Approche de l'Episode préévan-
gelique des Fils de Zébédée: Marc X:35-40 par', jVT'S 20 (1974), pp. 161-177, argues
that the whole episode is rooted in contemporary apocalyptic eschatology. W.L.
Lane, op. cit., p. 379, note 77, makes the interesting suggestion, on the basis of J n .
13:23-25, that the brothers may have been accustomed to positions at the right and
left o f j e s u s during his meals with the Twelve.
J.B. Muddiman, 'The Glory o f j e s u s , Mark 10:37', in The Glory of Christ in the New
Testament, edd. L.D. Hurst & N.T. Wright (1987), pp. 50-58, sees Mark as taking
Jesus' answer (verse 40) about seats 'on his right and left' to refer to those crucified 'on
his right and left' (15:27), so linking Jesus' glory to the crucifixion; cf. D. Senior, The
Passion ofjesus in the Gospel of Mark ( 1984), p. 1 18 and note 84. (According to R. Pesch,
op. cit., II, pp. 128-130, Mark was using a pre-existing collection of catechetical mate-
rials at 10:2-12, 17-27, 35-45; so also (with variations), H.-W. Kuhn, Ältere Sammlungen
im Markusevangelium (1971), pp. 146-191; Ε. Best, 'Mark's Preservation of the Tradi-
tion' (first publ. 1974), rep. in The Interpretation of Mark, ed. W.R. Telford (1985), pp.
119-133, at p. 126; G.R. Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God ( 1986), p. 278.)
166 Cf. J . D . Kingsbury, op. cit., pp. 102-107.
167 The Kingdom in Mark ( 1974), pp. 94-95.
168 See pp. 200-207, and esp. note 104 (ch. 5).
276 C H A P T E R THREE

10:48f. are secondary. 169 If, as is probably the case, Jesus was crucified
as a messianic pretender, it is likely that some people had on previous
occasions applied some messianic tide or tides to him. Markan redac-
don can be seen at the beginning (verse 46) and probably at the end of
the pericope (verse 52), where Bartimaeus follows Jesus 'on the way',
which is the 'way' to Jerusalem and the cross. 170 Bartimaeus' request -
to receive his sight - is very different from the previous request of J a m e s
and J o h n , and Jesus commends him for his faith (verses 51-52). As C.D.
Marshall has pointed out, that faith included a 'christological' percep-
tion in addressing Jesus as 'Son of David' and seeking his mercy. 171
iii) T h e entry o f j e s u s into Jerusalem on a colt was clearly recog-
nized by M a r k to be a fulfilment of Zechariah 9:9, but he does not
emphasize that. 1 7 2 T h e climax of the story is in the cries of those who
went with Jesus (11:9-10):

169 The Titles ofjesus in Christology (ET, 1969), pp. 253-255; cf. R.H. Fuller, The Foun-
dations of New Testament Christology (1965), pp. 111-112. T h e references to 'Son of
David' are attributed to Mark by C. Burger, op. cit., pp. 42ff., 59ff.; V.K. Robbins,
'The Healing of Blind Bartimaeus (10:46-52) in the Marcan Theology', JBL 92
(1973), pp. 224-243, at pp. 234ff. However, 'Son of David' does not elsewhere appear
as an important title in Mark. V. Taylor, op. cit., pp. 446-447, thought the form of the
narrative shows it is based on an eye-witness account. M.G. Steinhauser, 'The Form
of the Bartimaeus Narrative (Mark 10:46-52)', NTS 32 (1986), pp. 583-595, has
argued for the integrity of the narrative, on the basis that it has the form of a 'call sto-
ry'; cf. Ρ J . Achtemeier, ' "And he followed him": Miracles and Discipleship in Mark
10:46-52', Semeia 11 (1978), pp. 115-145; contra, J . D . Kingsbury, op. cit., pp. 104f., note
159.
T h e title 'Son of David' is important for Matthew, occurring in petitions to Jesus at
9:27; 15:22 (cf. 12:23) as well as the Markan parallel at 20:30f. However that is not
necessarily evidence that 'Son of David' was generally inserted into the tradition at a
later stage, as some of the Matthean uses may well depend on the tradition in Mk.
10:47f.; cf. C. Burger, op. cit., pp. 72ff.
170 See Mk. 1:2-3; 8:27; 9:33, 34; 10:17, 32; cf. 10:46; 11:8. Cf. J . Schreiber, 'Die
Christologie des Markusevangeliums', ZThK58 (1961), pp. 154-183, at p. 160; Theolo-
gie des Vertrauens (1967), p. 239; H.-VV. Kuhn, op. cit., p. 224, note 38; E.S.Johnson, Jr.,
'Mark 10:46-52: Blind Bartimaeus', C 5 Q 4 0 (1978), pp. 191-204, at pp. 197f., 203!
171 Faith as a theme in Mark's narrative ( 1989), pp. 123-132, esp. pp. 126ff..
172 There may also be references here to Gen. 49:10-11; 1 lüngs 1:38-40; 2 Kings
9:13. Cf. pp. 266jf. and note 136 above; see also D. Krause, 'The One who Comes
Unbinding the Blessing of Jacob: Mark 11.1-10 as a Midrash on Genesis 49.11,
Zechariah 9.9, and Psalm 118.25-26', in Early Christian Interpretation of the Scriptures of
Israel. Investigations and Proposals, edd. C.A. Evans & J.A. Sanders (1997), pp. 141-153.
Elsewhere in Mark (at 14:27), Jesus quotes Zech. 13:7, identifying himself with the
'shepherd' who is to be stricken. Cf. pp. 17If. and notes 21, 22 (ch. 5), for the use ofZech.
13:7 at Qumran, and its messianic associations. M. Wilcox, 'The Denial-Sequence in
Mark XIV. 26-31, 66-72', NTS 17 (1970-71), pp. 426-436, at pp. 430-431, considers
Zech. 13:7-14:4 lies behind Mark 14:26-52, or probably 14:26-72; contra, D J . Moo, op.
cit., pp. 215-217, who however sees the 'shepherd' imagery continuing with the word
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '277

Hosanna!
Blessed is lie who comes in the name of the Lord!
Blessed is the kingdom of our father David that is coming!
Hosanna in the highest!

ωσαννά is a transliteration of a form of the H e b r e w ‫הושיעה נא‬, which is

addressed to Y a h w e h with the meaning, 'save, we pray' or 'save now',
in Psalm 1 18:25. 173 T h e blessing in the second line above is an exact
quotation from the L X X of Psalm 118:26, the following verse. W e
have noted before that Psalm 118 is a royal psalm. T h e worshippers'
plea for salvation follows the king's thanksgiving to Yahweh for his sal-
vation (Yahweh rescuing him in battle, a n d giving him victory, verses
14, 21). T h e i r prayer is answered by the entry of the king into the tem-
pie (verse 26; cf. verses 19-20): 174 the king's victory (by the saving help
of Yahweh) belongs also to the people. Acting 'in the n a m e of the
Lord', the king is Y a h w e h ' s representative both in j u d g m e n t on Yah-
well's enemies in battle (verses 10-12) a n d in bringing Y a h w e h ' s salva-
tion to his people (verse 26).
T h e messianic interpretation of Psalm 118:25-26 in M a r k 11:9-10
is m a d e clear by the third line above, "Blessed is the kingdom of our
father David that is coming!". T h i s has similarities to the fourteenth

προάγω in 14:28, which may be related to Zech. 13:8-9; so also, M.D. Hooker, op. cit., p.
345; J . Marcus, The Way of the Lord( 1993), pp. 161-163.
Cf. Mk. 6:34, where we read Jesus 'had compassion' on the crowd, 'because they
were like sheep without a shepherd'. We have noted that in the O T , 'shepherd' is
often used as a metaphor for a king or leader (see p. 61). That is supported by the allu-
sion in 6:34 to Num. 27:17; 1 Kings 22:17; Ezek. 34:5; or possibly Zech. 10:2; in sup-
port of the last of these, see R.T. France, op. cit., p. 209. In the same verse (6:34), the
use of σπλαγχνίζομαι, indicating compassion that leads to active (and powerful) assis-
tance (also used at 1:41; 8:2; 9:22), may have messianic overtones, relating to the
blessings that would attend the messianic king, as in Pss. 72; 144; cf. H. Köster, 7DtAT
VII, pp. 554-555.
173 According to W.F. Arndt & F.W. Gingrich, A Greek-English lexicon (ET, 1957), p.
907; C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 351; W.L. Lane, op. cit., p. 392, note 7, the Greek
ωσαννά comes from an Aramaic form, but E. Lohse, 7DjVTIX, pp. 682-683, notes 6
and 14, sees it coming from a shortened Hebrew form. The retention of the Hebrew
(or Aramaic) suggests that the phrase was familiar (in a liturgical context) to some, at
least, of Mark's readers. Pss. 113-118 were known as the 'Hallel of Egypt', and were
part of the liturgy of the feasts of pilgrimage, especially Passover and Tabernacles.
'Hosanna' came to lose its original meaning, and was used as an expression of praise to
God and perhaps as a form of greeting. See E. Lohse, art. cit., pp. 682-684. The bless-
ing from Ps. 1 18:26 may have been used generally of pilgrims coming to the feast.
174 For the reference in verse 26 being to the king, cf. Α. Weiser, The Psalms (ET,
1962), p. 729; J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed., 1986), pp. 61-63;
L.C. Allen, Psalms 101-150 (1983), p. 125. On messianic interpretations of Ps.
118:25f., see p. 265f. and note 135 above.
278 C H A P T E R THREE

petition of the Palestinian recension of the Shemoneh 'Esreh, which we

recognised in our last chapter to be implicitly messianic. 175 While
Jesus is not directly identified in Mark 1 1:9-10 with the Messiah, and
is not called 'Son of David', the implication is plain that that is who he
is, for those who are prepared to recognise him as such. 176 Further-
more, as the one 'who comes in the name of the Lord', the messianic
kingship o f j e s u s is again shown to be subordinate to that of God.

5. Psalm 110- David's Lord seated at the Lord's Right Hand

Having seen how two royal (or messianic) Psalms (2 and 118), have
been used in relation to Jesus in Mark's gospel, we must now note how
a third is used, Psalm 110. Jesus quotes the first verse of this Psalm to

175 See pp. 207tf.

176 R.P. Martin, Mark: Evangelist and Theologian (1972), p. 98, considers that Mark
has here consciously played down the presentation ofjesus as Davidic king and politi-
cal Messiah. Certainly the elements both of christology and of popular participation
are emphasized more in Matthew 21:1-1 1 ; cf. W.R. Telford, op. cit., pp. 251-263, and
esp. note 17 (on pp. 264-265). J.D. Kingsbury, op. cit., pp. 107-108, note 177, dis-
agrees with those who (like Telford) see Mark as rejecting Davidic messianism, sug-
gesting that he accepts it but casts it in a particular light: Jesus is indeed the Son of
David, but as such he is not a warrior king but one who heals (10:46-52). F.J. Matera,
op. cit., p. 74, believes that Mark does not call Jesus 'the King' or 'the Son of David' in
1 1:9-10, because he is reserv ing the title of'King' for the passion.
These considerations of Mark's lack of emphasis on the implicit messianism of the
entry narrative militates against the argument of D.R. Catchpole, 'The "triumphal"
entry', in Jesus and the Politics of His Day, edd. E. Bammel & C.F.D. Moule (1984), pp.
319-334, that the christology of Mark 11:1-10 must depend on Mark 8:27-30, which
Catchpole considers to be a Markan construction. He also doubts the historicity of the
titulus in Mark 15:26 (contra, E. Bammel, 'The titulus\ in the same volume, at pp. 353-
364), and concludes that the historicity of Mark 11:1-10 cannot be sustained. How-
ever, a form of the story appears in all four gospels and it is quite likely that John
12:12-16 is based on a separate tradition from that of the Synoptics; see R.E. Brown,
'The Gospel According to John (1966), I, pp. 459-463.
J.D.M. Derrett, 'Law in the New Testament: The Palm Sunday Colt', NovT 13
(1971), pp. 241-258, has pointed out the possible relevance to the story of the royal right
of requisitioning suitable animals (see 1 Samuel 8:16-17), which may also have been
used by rabbis, and may help to explain the occurrence of ό κύριος here on the lips of
Jesus referring to himself (Mk. 11:3); cf. R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 180. For more positive
assessments of the historicity of the entrv narrative, cf. V. Taylor, op. dt., pp. 451-453;
I.H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke ( 1978), pp. 709-711; E.P. Sanders, op. dt., pp. 306-308,
who concludes that the entry was probably deliberately managed by Jesus to symbolise
the coming kingdom and his own role in it, although (at note 43, on p. 408) he empha-
sizes the tentative nature of his conclusions in the light of Catchpole's article; B. Wither-
ington, The Christology ofjesus (1990), pp. 104-107; E.P. Sanders, The Historical Figure of
Jesus (1993), p. 254; N.T. Wright, Jesus and the Victory of CM (1996), pp. 490-491, who
concludes that the so-called 'triumphal entry' was clearly messianic.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '279

challenge the scribes' interpretation of Messiahship (12:35-37), a n d

then alludes to the same verse at his trial, in reply to the high priest's
question, w h e t h e r he is the Christ (14:61-62).
Psalm 110 bears the h e a d i n g ‫לדוד מזמור‬, a n d Jesus' a r g u m e n t in
M a r k 12:35-37 depends on Davidic authorship of the Psalm. 177 Like
Psalm 2, it was probably used as a coronation psalm, with verse 1 con-
taining an oracle of Y a h w e h spoken to David's successor as king:

The Lord says to my lord:

"Sit at my right hand,
till I make your enemies your footstool." 178

Jesus is represented as making the assumption that 'my lord', to w h o m

the oracle is addressed, is the Messiah. 1 7 9 H e asks how the Messiah
can be called David's son, w h e n David calls him 'Lord" (Mark 12:37).

177 R.T. France, op. cit., has, at pp. 163169 ‫ ־‬, an excursus on 'The Premises of Mark
12:35-37'; pp. 167-168 deal with Davidic authorship. See also ,pp. 45-46 and notes
143, 144 (ch. 1); cf. D.M. Hay, Glory at the Right Hand: Psalm 110 in Early Christianity
(1973), pp. 109-114.
178 The text of the quotation in Mk. 12:36 follows the LXX, except for the replace-
ment of ύποπόδιον by ΰποκάτω and the omission of the article before κύριος.
179 Since no arguments are put to support a messianic interpretation, either here
or elsewhere in the N T where Ps. 110 is frequently quoted or alluded to, it is probable
that this was a common Jewish interpretation at that time although other interpreta-
tions were possible. A messianic interpretation may lie behind the LXX translation of
verse 3, while D.M. Hay, op. cit., p. 26, suggests that the plural 'thrones' in Daniel 7:9
may indicate dependence on Psalm 1 10:1, as also may R. Akiba's interpretation of
Dan. 7:9 as one throne for God, and one for David (B. Sanhédrin 38b.); cf. R.D.
Rowe, 'Is Daniel's "son of man" messianic?', in Christ the Lord, ed. H.H. Rowdon
(1982), pp. 71-96, at p. 95.
See note 94 (ch. 5), for the application of Ps. 1 10 to the Hasmoneans, which may
account for its non-appearance at Qumran; cf. K.E. Brower, The Old Testament in the
Markan Passion Narrative (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Manchester, 1978), p. 327,
note 132, who suggests that the thought-content of Ps. 110 may lie behind 4QpIsa",
which refers to the messianic king (see pp. IS Off'). Testament ofJob 33:3 alludes to Ps.
110:1 in speaking of Job's throne being at the right hand of God. This is an example of
the psalm being applied to the vindication of the righteous sufferer, and according to
G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., p. 298, "there are grounds for believing that the psalm
was a tributary of the stream of tradition that represented the righteous and martyrs as
exalted to the right hand of God"; cf. D.M. Hay, op. cit., pp. 52-58; M. Hengel, '"Sit at
My Right Hand!" The Enthronement of Christ at the Right Hand of God and Psalm
110: Γ, in Studies in Early Christology (ET, 1995), pp. 119-225, at pp. 204-212.
Str.-B., IV, pp. 452-465, shows that the earliest rabbinic evidence for a messianic
interpretation comes from the latter part of the third century A.D., but Billerbeck sug-
gests that a non-messianic interpretation was deliberately introduced in the early sec-
ond century A.D. as a reaction to Christian claims based on the messianic interpreta-
tion. Cf. R.T. France, op. cit., pp. 164-165; D.M. Hay, op. cit., pp. 21-33; D.Juel, Mes-
sianic Exegesis [\988), pp. 137-139.
280 C H A P T E R THREE

Jesus should not be taken here as denying the Messiah's physical

descent from David, but rather he is using the Jewish hermeneutical
technique of a Haggada-question: affirming and seeking to do justice
to two passages of scripture which may appear contradictory. 1 8 0
Whereas the title 'Son of David' may suggest a national political
leader like David, the fact that the Messiah is David's 'Lord' shows
that his kingship will be greater than David's and implies that it may
be of a different kind. 181 God's invitation to the Messiah (in Psalm
110:1) to 'sit at my right h a n d ' suggests a heavenly kingship and
authority, although it will be effective in j u d g m e n t on earth: his ene-
mies will be put under his feet. 182
V. Taylor has convincingly argued for the authenticity of the peri-
cope on the basis that the doctrinal beliefs of the early Christian com-
munity would not be expressed in such an allusive manner. 1 8 3 O . Cull-
m a n n makes the same point, asking whether the meaning of the say-
ing would not have been expressed less ambiguously if it were the
result of a later interpolation. 1 8 4 B. Lindars sees the pericope as com-
ing from the Christian community, because he believes that Acts

180 See D. Daube, The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism (1956), pp. 158-163; E.
Lövestam, 'Die Davidssohnfrage', SEA 27 (1962), pp. 72-82; E. Lohse, TDNTWW,
pp. 484-485. R.P. Gagg, 'Jesus und die Davidssohnfrage. Zur Exegese von Markus
12,35-37', ThZ 7 (1951), pp. 18-30, argued that Mk. 12:35-37 is the end of a conflict
story where the opening question has been lost in the course of tradition.
181 Cf. C.F.D. Moule, The Birth of theNew Testament (London: A. & C. Black, 1962;
2nd. ed., 1966), pp. 64-65; (3rd. ed., 1981), p. 73.
182 Cf. D.M. Hay, op. cit., p. I l l , who considers that Jesus' words here may carry
on a deliberate rejection of the mundane interpretation of Ps. 110 (in terms of political
or military power, like Ps. Sol. 17:2Iff.) perhaps followed by the Hasmoneans and
other post-exilic Jews; cf. note 104 (ch. 5). According to Hay, this pericope may be the
only one in the entire synoptic tradition which can be regarded as directly expressing
Jesus' understanding of Messiahship. On the importance of this text for considering
the messianic self-understanding ofjesus, see also R. Pesch, op. cit., II, pp. 255-256.
183 Op. cit., pp. 490-493; so also, e.g., J.A. Fitzmyer, 'The Son of David tradition
and Mt. 22:41-46 and parallels' (orig. publ. 1966), rep. in Essays on the Semitic Back-
ground of theNew Testament (1971), pp. 113-126, at pp. 114-115; F.H.Borsch, The Son of
Man in Myth and History (1967), pp. 394f.; I.H. Marshall, op. cit., pp. 743-747, who con-
eludes that probably the saying goes back to Jesus, especially since it has no convinc-
ing Sitz im Leben in the early church; B. Witherington, op. cit., pp. 189-191.
184 The Christology of theNew Testament( ET, 1959), p. 132; cf. R.H. Gundry, op. cit., p.
723, who considers that "Christian fabrication or heavy redaction would improbably
have left Christological ambiguities and a failure of implication that Jesus is the Christ
such as we find here." Contra, R. Bultmann, The History of the Synoptic Tradition (ET,
1963), pp. 136-137; D.E. Nineham, op. cit., pp. 329-331; F. Hahn, op. cit., pp. 247fi; A.
Suhl, 'Der Davidssohn im Matthäus-Evangelium', ^VTF 59 (1968), pp. 57-81; G.
Schneider, 'Die Davidssohnfrage (Mk. 12, 35-37)', Bib 53 (1972), pp. 65-90; H.
Anderson, op. cit., pp. 283-284; M.D. Hooker, op. cit., p. 291.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '281

2:33ff. reveals the primary application of Psalm 110:1 in the early

church, that it is messianic and has been literally fulfilled in the resur-
rection ofjesus. 1 8 5 However, as D . M . H a y has shown, it is the theme
of vindication that is most prominent in Mark 12:35-37; 14:62 and
Acts 2:33ff., 186 and thus if Jesus was aware of his likely suffering and
rejection, he may have turned to this psalm (like Psalm 118:22) for the
assurance of future vindication. T h e psalm does not relate specifically
to the resurrection and its use need not imply that that has taken
place. 187
In the context in Mark's gospel, Jesus' questioning of the scribes'
teaching about the Christ being the son of David (12:35) cannot be
taken merely as a contribution to a debate regarding biblical inter-
pretation. W e have noted that he did not rebuke Bartimaeus for
addressing him as 'Son of David' (10:46-52), and did not stop the
crowd celebrating the coming 'kingdom of our father David', as he
rode into J e r u s a l e m on a colt (11:10). 188 M a r k ' s readers will be also
aware that he has accepted the title 'Christ', although guardedly,
a n d subject to his own interpretation of the messianic role (8:29ff).

185 Op. cit., pp. 45-51. I.H. Marshall, 'An assessment of recent developments 5 , in It
is Written: Scripture Citing Scripture, edd. D.A. Carson and H.G.M. Williamson (1988),
pp. 1-21, at pp. 8-9, while appreciating the value of Lindars' work, criticises his
assumption that the earliest use of the O T in the N T was apologetic rather than any-
thing else, inter alia because "there is a firm tradition that Jesus used the O T to throw
light on his mission, and there is no good reason to reject it". He also criticises Lin-
dars' argument that the very earliest apologetic would probably be concerned with
the resurrection ofjesus.
186 Op. cit., pp. 64-65,72, 111.
187 Contra Ū. Juel, op. cit., p. 149, who states that there is little evidence that the
occurences of Ps. 110:1 in the N T derive from Jesus' own exegesis of the verse. Like
Marshall (see note 185 above), Juel (pp. 138-141) criticises Lindars' conviction that
apologetic was the first use for scriptural exegesis in the early church, saying that the
earliest use of Scripture was internal, with the Bible providing the data for reflection
on the gospel and its implications, as well as the language of prayer and praise. How-
ever, valuable as Juel's work is in focusing on christological exegesis in the early
church, his methodology prevents him from recognizing any significant influence on
the early church ofJesus' use of the O T , as he begins with the confession ofJesus as
the crucified and risen Messiah (pp. 1-3, 171-179). But reflection on who Jesus was
surely begun before his crucifixion and resurrection, and was fuelled by his own use of
the O T . N.T. Wright, op. cit., pp. 507-509, 644f., argues for the authenticity of the use
of Ps. 110 by Jesus in Mk. 12:35-37; 14:61-62, on the basis of a criterion of "double
similarity and dissimilarity". More cautiously, M. Hengel, op. cit., pp. 173, 187, con-
siders that the use of this text is very early, and he does not think it impossible that it
played a role in the teaching o f j e s u s himself. However, his view is that this cannot
easily be proved.
188 C. Burger, op. cit., pp. 42-71, holds that Mark gave restrained approval to the
'son of David' title for Jesus, in line with Rom. 1:3-4.
282 C H A P T E R THREE

It would therefore have been obvious to t h e m that in 12:35-37, Jesus

is referring to himself as the Christ, albeit again in an enigmatic
fashion. 1 8 9
It is sometimes asked whether in distinquishing Jesus' view of
Messiahship from what is m e a n t by the designation 'son of David',
a n o t h e r title is being preferred. T h e suggestions are ' L o r d ' which
actually occurs in the pericope, 1 9 0 'Son of m a n ' which is related to
Psalm 110:1 in M a r k 14:62, 191 a n d 'Son of G o d ' which is M a r k ' s pri-
mary title for Jesus a n d is associated with 'Messiah' at M a r k 1:1 and
14:61. 192 However, the question itself is too 'title-orientated': we
cannot assume that Jesus h a d some other 'title' in mind, while on the
literary level in Mark, the next use of Psalm 110:1 (in 14:61-62) is
related to three titles, 'Messiah', 'Son of G o d (the Blessed)' and 'Son

189 R.N. Longenecker, Biblical Exegesis in the Apostolic Period (1975), pp. 73-74, lists
Jesus' interpretation of Ps. 110:1 here as an example of pesher exegesis, on the basis
that the passage, by implication, finds fulfilment in the person o f j e s u s himself.
However, it is not a clear example, as Jesus does not refer the passage directly to
himself.
B. Chilton, Jesus ben David‫׳‬, reflections on the Davidssohnfiage', JSNT 14 (1982), pp.
88-112, at pp. 100ff., makes the interesting suggestion that Jesus was known as
'David's son', in the context of exorcism and healing linked to Solomonic wisdom (see
pp. 204-206), and is here denying that this is a messianic claim. He intended to deflect
the growing suspicion that he claimed to be the Messiah, who by his role in reforming
the temple cult would be a direct threat to the Sanhédrin. However there is no evi-
dence that 'son of David' was used of anyone other than Solomon in the context of
exorcism and healing, even if the Davidic descent of jesus was common knowledge. It
is more likely that 'son of David' would immediately imply a messianic role, probably
political (in the light of Ps. Sol. 17:2 Iff), although as we have seen features of Spirit-
endowment and wisdom, and perhaps healing and exorcism, could be associated with
that. We may agree with Chilton that Jesus was here trying to distinquish his own role
within various concepts that clustered round the designations 'son of David' and
'Messiah', perhaps with an eye on allaying some of the fears of the Sanhédrin a n d / o r
the Roman authorities, but it seems probable rather that he was trying to dissociate a
future messianic role which he saw for himself, closely related to God's kingship, from
a more immediate political role that may have been associated with the designation
'son of David'.
190 See, e.g., E. Lohse, art. cit., pp. 484-485; W.R.G. Loader, 'Christ at the Right
Hand - Ps. ex. 1 in the New Testament, NTS 24 (1978), pp. 199-217, at p. 215; J .
Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus (1978-79), II, p. 171. Lohse's position is similar to
that of G. Bornkamm, Jesus ofNazareth (orig. publ. in German, 1956; ET, 1960), pp.
228-229; F. Hahn, op. cit., pp. 251-253; R.H. Fuller, op. cit., pp. 188-189, who relate
'son of David' to the earthly life of jesus, in contrast to his exaltation and dominion, in
line with Rom. 1:3-4. Cf. our discussion of Rom. 1:3-4 at pp. 245-247.
191 See, e.g., J . Schniewind, Das Evangelium nach Markus (1936; 10th. ed., 1963), pp.
164-165; F. Neugebauer, 'Die Davidssohnfrage (Mark xii. 35-37 par.) und der Men-
schensohn', NTS 21 (1974), pp. 81-108, at pp.'89-95.
192 See, e.g., D.M. Hay, op. cit., p. 109; J.D. Kingsbury, op. cit., pp. 110-114; cf.
Barnabas 12:10-11.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '283

of man'. 1 9 3 It may be more helpful to consider the natural m e a n i n g

of Psalm 110:1 in the light of the context of its quotation in Mark.
We have seen that Mark 12:35-37 comes at the end of a series of
quesdons put to Jesus (11:27-12:34), the first of which questioned the
source of his authority (11:27-33). T h e parable of the wicked husband-
men (12:1-12), and in particular the quotation of Psalm 118:22-23 by
Jesus (12:10-11), showed that his authority came from God. It also
showed that God would vindicate Jesus, after he had been rejected and
would judge those who had rejected him. We have further seen that the
closely related themes of God's supreme authority (or 'kingdom') and
his judgment on those who reject the proclamation of that kingdom by
Jesus, occur frequently from the incident of the cursing of the fig tree
(11:12-14) onwards. Immediately before 12:35-37, Jesus tells one of the
scribes, "You are not far from the kingdom of G o d " (verse 34).194
Jesus' quotation from Psalm 110:1 (in M a r k 12:36) implies God's
kingship and authority, as well as that of the Messiah. G o d must
already be enthroned, to invite the Messiah to sit (enthroned) at his
right hand. T h e Messiah's authority is therefore given to him by God,
and his kingship is subordinate to that of God. Since, however, they
are to be enthroned together, their dual kingship will result in a uni-
fied purpose and policy. T h e Messiah is God's executive, who is given
the place of highest honour by God, and it is G o d who guarantees to
judge the Messiah's enemies, 'till I put thy enemies under thy feet'.
Jesus' use of Psalm 110:1 therefore in the context of Mark 12:35-37
represents first, a claim that his authority as Messiah comes from G o d
who will raise him to the highest position next to G o d himself, and
secondly, a warning that God's j u d g m e n t will fall on those who make
themselves the enemies ofjesus. 1 9 5

193 Cf. E.K. Broadhead, Naming Jesus ( 1999), p. 115. D.M. Hay, op. cit., p. 114, con-
siders that Mark's dominant motive for including this saying was probably a literary
one, that of creating a tension in the gospel not to be resolved before Jesus' trial. Cf.
J.A. Fitzmyer, art. cit., pp. 122-123.
194 For a comment on the meaning of this saying, see note 148 (ch. 4).
195 The anointing at Bethany (Mk. 14:3-9) may well have been understood by Mark
as an anointing as Messiah (cf. 1 Sam. 10:1; 2 Kings 9:3, 6). Jesus prophesies that the
woman has anointed his body beforehand for burial (verse 8), which fits Mark's
emphasis on the link between Jesus' Messiahship and his death. Cf. C.E.B. Cranfield,
op. cit., p. 415; D.E. Nineham, op. cit., pp. 372-373; R.P. Martin, op. cit., pp. 201-202;
M.D. Hooker, The Message of Mark ( 1983), pp. 97-98. It is interesting to compare Jesus'
commendation of this woman (verses 6-9) with his commendation shortly before of the
poor widow who put everything she had into the treasury (12:41 -44): the poor widow is
giving to God, while the woman who broke the jar of ointment is giving to Jesus.
284 C H A P T E R THREE

W h a t is implied by Jesus' quotation of Psalm 110:1 in M a r k 12:36,

is b r o u g h t out clearly by his allusion to the same verse (and to Daniel
7:13) in answer to the high priest at his trial (14:61-62):

Again the high priest asked him, "Are you the Christ, the Son of the
Blessed?" And Jesus said, "I am; and you will see the Son of man seated
at the right hand of Power, and coming with the clouds of heaven."

Jesus at last clearly acknowledges his Messiahship, when he is in a state of

apparent powerlessness. 196 Some scholars have argued that it may in fact
have been this very contrast that led to the charge of blasphemy and
Jesus' c o n d e m n a d o n . A powerless m a n , proclaiming himself as Messiah,
may have been thought of as mocking G o d and his promises. 197 Alterna-
tively, others believe the blasphemy charge followed on Jesus' claim that
they will see the Son of m a n sitting at God's right hand, which may have
been interpreted as an appropriation of God's powers. 198

196 If the texts (Θ f 13 565. 700; Origen) that attest σΰ είπας οτι before έγώείμι are to
be followed (so, V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 568), the acknowledgment of Messiahship (in line
with Mt. 26:64; Lk. 22:70; Mk. 15:2 par.) is less clear but still implied; cf. D.R. Catch-
pole, 'The Answer ofjesus to Caiaphas (Matt. xxvi. 64)', NTS 17 (1971), pp. 213-226,
at p. 221. While most scholars consider that έγώ είμι was what Mark wrote, it is more
likely that the longer but more ambiguous reply recorded in Matthew and Luke cor-
responds to what Jesus actually said; cf. G.N. Stanton, The Gospels and Jesus (1989), pp.
223, 262. If Mark altered the form of the tradition to make it a clearer affirmation on
Jesus' part, it is possible also that he was responsible for the beginning of the High
Priest's question σΰ εί, which, in contrast to Mt. 26:63 and Lk. 22:67, is in a direct
interrogative form (as in Mk. 15:2 par.) and may be intended to remind the reader/
hearer of earlier confessions o f j e s u s in the gospel where the same words are used
(1:11; 3:11; 8:29); so,J. Donahue, Are You the Christ?( 1973), pp. 88-89.
197 See J . Blinzler, Der Process Jesu (4th ed., 1969), pp. 148ff.; J . C . O'Neill, 'The
Silence ofjesus', NTS 15 (1969), pp. 153-167, at pp. 165-167; W.L. Lane, op. cit., pp.
535-536.
198 E.g., C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 445; O. Linton, 'The Trial o f j e s u s and the
Interpretation of Psalm cx', NTS 7 (1960-61), pp. 258-262; M.D. Hooker, The Son of
Man in Mark (1967), pp. 172-173; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. at., p. 405, note 326; C.A.
Evans, 'In What Sense "Blasphemy"? Jesus before Caiaphas in Mark 14:61-41', in Sod-
ety of Biblical Literature 1991 Seminar Papers, ed. E.H. Lovering (1991), pp. 215-234; D.L.
Bock, 'The Son of Man Seated at God's Right Hand and the Debate over Jesus' "Bias-
phemy" ', in Jesus of Nazareth: Lord and Christ. Essays on the Historical Jesus and New Testament
Christology, edd.J.B. Green & M. Turner (1994), pp. 181-191; E.E. EUis, 'Deity-Christol-
ogy in Mark 14:58', in Jesus ofNazareth: Lord and Christ (as above), pp. 192-203, a t p . 195;
N.T. Wright, op. at., p. 643; contra, D.M. Hay, op. cit., pp. 66-67, note 62.
D.R. Catchpole, The Trial ofjesus (1971), pp. 141-148, argues that it was Jesus'
claim to be the Son of God that was decisive for the charge of blasphemy; cf. R.A.
Cole, The Gospel According to Mark (1961; 2nd. ed., 1989), p. 306. Cranfield also allows
for this possibility. So also, J . Marcus, 'Mark 14:61: "Are You the Messiah-Son-of-
God?'", NovT 31 (1989), pp. 125-141, who argues that , Son of God' qualifies and
restricts the title 'Messiah', by way of contrast with other types of Messiah.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '285

This however raises the whole question of the historicity of the trial
narrative in Mark (14:53-65). There is much uncertainty here, which is
complicated by the fact that the debate has often had to be conducted
against the background of Christian anti-Semidcism. 199 P. Winter has
argued against the historicity of the Sanhédrin trial, on the basis inter alia
that the Sanhédrin had the power of capital punishment, which they
clearly did not use, as crucifixion was the R o m a n form of execudon. 200
It is however doubtful whether the Sanhédrin did have this power
under R o m a n rule. 201 There are also in the Markan account a number
of alleged infringements of the rules for the holding of trials laid down in
M. Sanhédrin, but we cannot be sure how far these rules (collected
together about A.D. 200) applied to the predominandy Sadducean San-
hedrin of Jesus' day. 202 In any case it is probable that the proceedings
before the Sanhédrin were more in the nature of a preliminary hearing,
considering the evidence to put forward a capital charge, rather than
the trial proper which took place before Pilate. 203

On the question of the charge of blasphemy generally, and how Mark uses the term
'blasphemy' elsewhere, see D. Juel, Messiah and Temple (1977), pp. 97-106. Juel points
out that the tearing of the high priest's garments following the utterance of blasphemy
is in line with M. Sanhédrin 7:5. That this action is recorded suggests the historicity of
the blasphemy charge; contra E.P.Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (1985), p. 297, who con-
eludes that probably the charge of blasphemy is not firmly rooted in the tradition. In
The Historical Figure ofjesus (1993), p. 273, Sanders explains: "While I doubt the
Markan combination of'Messiah', 'Son of God' and 'blasphemy', I do not doubt that
Caiaphas and his counsellors knew that Jesus taught about the kingdom and claimed
for himself a significant role in it."
199 As D. Senior, op. at., p. 90, comments, "Even if historical facts were to reveal
that Jesus had been tried by the Sanhédrin, legally or illegally, this would be no cause
for condemnation of the Jewish people and would therefore remain a condemnable
misuse of the Gospel."
200 P. Winter, On the Trial ofjesus (1961; 2nd. ed., rev. & ed. by T.A. Burkill & G.
Vermes, 1974), pp. 90-130.
201 See A.N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament
(1963), pp. 1-47; cf. G.N. Stanton, op. cit., pp. 259-262.
202 Cf. E. Lohse, 7 7 W T V I I , pp. 860-871, esp. pp. 868-870; D. Juel, op. cit., pp. 59-
74. The general historicity of the Sanhédrin trial has been defended by j . Blinzler, op.
cit.; D.R. Catchpole, op. cit.; 'The Problem of the Historicity of the Sanhédrin Trial',
in The Trial of Jesus, ed. E. Bammel (1970), pp. 47-65 (Catchpole considers the account
in Luke to be earlier than that in Mark); K. Schubert, 'Biblical criticism criticised:
with reference to the Markan report o f j e s u s ' examination before the Sanhédrin', in
Jesus and the Politics of His Day, edd. Ε. Bammel & C.F.D. Moule (1984), pp. 385-402;
R.E. Brown, The Death of the Messiah: From Gethsemane to the Grave (2 vols; 1994), pp. 328-
560. Contra, B. Chilton, 'The Trial o f j e s u s Reconsidered', in B. Chilton & C.A.
Evans, J « ! « in Context. Temple, Purity, and Restoration (1997), pp. 481-500.
203 Cf. A.E.J. Rawlinson, op. cit., pp. 217-221, esp. p. 219; M.D. Hooker, The Gospel
According to St. Mark ( 1991 ), p. 356.
286 C H A P T E R THREE

We saw at the end of chapter 5 that the high priest functioned as the
eyes and ears of the R o m a n procurator, to head off possible challenges
to R o m a n rule. In trying to andcipate trouble no distinction was made
generally between revolutionaries, pseudo-prophets and prophetic
teachers like J o h n the Baptist and Jesus, whose teaching attracted
crowds. 204 As E.P. Sanders puts it, "A man who spoke of a kingdom,
spoke against the temple, and had a following was one marked for exe-
cution." 205 In this context the messianic question can be understood,
even if the main reason for Jesus' arrest was concern about the temple
following his action there. If Jesus was to be presented before Pilate as a
political threat, as the title over the cross 'King of the Jews' shows to
have been the case, any claims to Messiahship or kingship on the part of
Jesus would obviously be important matters to be investigated. 206
Both E. Linnemann 2 0 7 and J . R . Donahue 2 0 8 have argued in form-

204 See pp. 226ff., following particularly the arguments of E. Rivkin.

205 Op. cit., p. 295; see also pp. 301-305 on the temple charge; cf., e.g., O. Betz (ref.
in note 42 (ch. 5)); D.Juel, op. cit., pp. 117fif.; Κ. Schubert, art. cit., pp. 396-399; G.N.
Stanton, op. cit., pp. 263-265; N.T. Wright, op. cit., pp. 490ff., 522-523; Β. Chilton, art.
cit. G.W.Ε. Nickeisburg, 'The Genre and Function of the Markan Passion Narrative',
HTR 73 (1980), pp. 153-184, argues (against Juel) that the themes of Messiah and
temple are not integrally related in Mark, and suggests that the latter may derive from
a pre-Markan passion narrative.
206 Cf. E.P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (1985), pp. 307-309, who concludes that
Jesus and his disciples very probably thought o f j e s u s privately as 'king', presumably
in the sense of 'viceroy', and it may have been these private opinions that were
betrayed by Judas. There may have been a number of different reports concerning
what happened at the trial, on what was probably "a confused night" (Sanders, op. cit.,
p. 300), and it is correct that the evangelists could not have known the internal
motives of those involved; cf. D. Lührmann, 'Markus 14.55-64. Christologie und Zer-
S t ö r u n g des Tempels im Markusevangelium', NTS 27 (1981), pp. 457-474, at p. 464f.
Regarding possible witnesses of all or parts of the trial, we should not exclude the pos-
sibility that Peter heard something, even though Mk. 14:66 has him 'below in the court-
yard'. It was presumably Peter's intention in followingjesus to the high priest's house to
find out what was going on. If Luke's detail (22:61) that Jesus 'turned and looked at
Peter' is historical, then Jesus and Peter must have been close enough to each other at
some stage in the night or early morning to see and perhaps hear one another. We
should also not neglect the other disciple, who was known to the high priest J n . 18:15-
16). Perhaps more likely witnesses of the formal parts of the trial are Joseph of Arimath-
ea (Mk. 15:43ff.)and Nicodemus (Jn. 3: Iff; 7:50-52; 19:39), who were both members of
the Sanhédrin. It is also possible that some information was derived from some of the
priests who joined the early church (Acts 6:7); cf. A.EJ. Rawlinson, op. cit., pp. 220-221;
C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 439; K. Schubert, art. dt., p. 391.
207 Studien zur Passionsgeschickte (1970); she summarizes her results at pp. 170-178.
208 Op. dt. Donahue suggests (pp. 99-100) that in the pre-Markan stage, the trial
narrative represented a catena of O T texts, brought together for an apologetic motif.
Following B. Lindars, op. cit., pp. 77-88, he takes Is. 53 to have been the leading text,
but also considers there were allusions in Mk. 14:56-57 to Pss. 27:12; 35:11, speaking
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '287

critical and redaction-critical studies respectively that Mark is respon-

sible for the composition of the account of the Sanhédrin trial by join-
ing together formerly separate temple and christological traditions.
Their conclusions must be viewed in the light of the inherent difficul-
ties of separating tradition from redaction in Mark. 2 0 9 Whatever views
are taken of the historicity and production of Mark's narrative of the
Sanhédrin trial in general, many scholars believe that the high priest's
question and Jesus' answer in M a r k 14:61-62 are products of the
Christian community. 2 1 0 R . H . Fuller, however, agrees that the first
part of the high priest's question, 'Are you the Christ?' is historically
plausible, although he considers 'the Son of the Blessed' to be an early
Christian addition, and assigns the Son of man saying in verse 62 to
the community. 2 1 1
O n e of the main reasons for arguing against the authenticity o f ' t h e
Son of the Blessed', is that the high priest would not have related Mes-
siahship to divine sonship. However, we have argued that it is proba-
ble that Jesus believed that the baptismal voice addressed him in terms
of divine sonship/Messiahship, and saw in our last chapter that this
conjunction of the two concepts is witnessed at Qumran. 2 1 2 J . D .
Kingsbury argues cogently that on the level of the story in Mark, the
high priest in 14:61 is picking up Jesus' parabolic reference to himself
as the owner's 'son' in the parable of the wicked husbandmen
(12:6). 213 ' T h e Blessed' is a reverential periphrasis of the divine name,
like 'Power' in the following verse: it seems much more likely that
these are evidences of verisimilitude than, as D. Juel suggests, that 'the
Son of the Blessed' is a pseudo-Jewish expression created by Mark as

of false witnesses; so also, A. Rose, 'L'influence des psaumes sur les annonces et les
récits de la Passion et de la Résurrection dans les Evangiles', in Le Psautier, ed. R. de
Langhe (1982), pp. 297-356, at pp. 309-310; D. Senior, op. cit. p. 90. K. Brower, op.
cit., p. 98; D. Moo, op. cit., pp. 247-248, are less certain about allusions to Pss. 27 and
35 here. J . R . Donahue, 'Temple, Trial, and Royal Christology (Mark 14:53-65)', in
The Passion in Mark, ed. YV.H. Kelber (1976), pp. 61-79, at p. 62, sums up his position
that the Markan trial narrative mirrors the theological purposes of the Evangelist and
must be bypassed as a primary source for historical reconstruction.
209 These two works are criticised by D. Juel, op. cit., pp. 24-35.
210 E.g., on Mk. 14:62, H.E. Tödt, The Son ofMan in the Synoptic Tradition (ET, 1965),
p. 47; F. Hahn, op. cit., pp. 130-134, 162, 284-296; D.E. Nineham, op. cit., p. 407; A.
Suhl, Die Funktion der alttestamentlichen ^itate und Anspielungen im Markusevangelium (1965),
p. 55.
211 Op.cit., p. 110.
212 See pp. 244ff. and note 77 above (showing the appropriate cross-references to
ch. 5).
213 Op. cit., pp. 118-124. Cf. Mk. 12:12.
288 C H A P T E R THREE

appropriate in the mouth of the high priest. 214 If M a r k were inserting

the title, it seems more likely that he would have used 'Son of G o d ' as
in 1:1 and 15:39. T h e use of the 'the Son of the Blessed' should surely
not be used as an argument against authenticity.
O t h e r significant arguments against the authenticity of M a r k
14:61-62 are as follows: 1) T h e combination of three titles that were
of importance for the early church, 'Christ', 'Son of G o d (the
Blessed)' a n d 'Son of m a n ' , suggests the verses were a church ere-
ation to explain their inter-relationship. 2 1 5 2) O n e purpose of the tri-
al narrative is to show that Jesus m a d e a 'good confession' in the face
of trial, in contrast to Peter's denial, to encourage the Christian
c o m m u n i t y by giving them an example in the trials they are under-
going. 216 3) T h e point of the narrative is to show that Jesus is con-
d e m n e d for confessing to be the Messiah, as the church believed him
to be. 217 4) T h e combination of allusions f r o m Psalm 110:1 a n d

214 Op. cit., pp. 78-79; similarly, J . R . Donahue, op. cit., p. 90, note 1, who considers
that this may represent Mark's adaptation of a Christian liturgical usage; N. Perrin,
'The High Priest's Question and Jesus' Answer (Mark 14:61-62)', in The Passion in
Mark, ed. W.H. Kelber (1976), pp. 80-95, at p. 87. Both F. Hahn, op. cit., p. 285, and
R.H. Fuller, op. cit., p. 110, take the phrase to be Palestinian in origin. The 'Blessed
One' occurs inter alia in M. Ber. 7:3, although Juel points out that the occurrences are
few, and the parallels are not exact (except perhaps in 1 Enoch 77:1); cf. J . Schaberg,
'Mark 14.62: Early Christian Merkabah Imagery?', in Apocalyptic and theNew Testament:
Essays in Honor of J. Louis Martyη, edd. J. Marcus and M.L. Soards (1989), pp. 69-94, at
p. 76, who makes a connection also with Ezek. 3:12b, and suggests that the term is
drawn from Jewish mystical tradition.
Perhaps, Mark's του εύλογητοΰ is an abridged translation of the common rabbinic
phrase, 'the Holy One, Blessed be He'; cf. R. Pesch, op. dt., II, p. 437; H.W. Beyer,
TDNTll, p. 764. M.D. Hooker, The Message of Mark (1983), p. 164, and note 6, con-
siders that όυίός του εύλογητοΰ may reflect Christian belief; so also, H. Anderson, op.
dt., p. 331. However, G.N. Stanton, op. cit., p. 262, considers that the careful avoid-
ance of God's name, by using 'the Blessed' and 'Power', suggests traditional Jewish
usage, and so Mark 14:61-62 should not be too readily dismissed as an intrusion of
later post-Easter Christian convictions about Jesus; cf. Κ. Schubert, art. dt., pp. 399-
400. D. Flusser, '"At the Right Hand o f P o w e r " ' , m Judaism and the Origins of Christiani-
ty (1988), pp. 301-305, at pp. 304-305, says of Mk. 14:62, "All those who know Jesus'
way of speaking cannot deny the authenticity of the saying. It combines the typical
simplicity of the literal meaning with hidden allusions to various biblical verses."
Flusser sees, lying behind the use of the word "Power", a reference to the messianic
figure in Is. 9:6, in accordance with the interpretation preserved in 1QH 11:10 (for-
merly 3:10), which he translates as 'Wonderful Counsellor with His Might'; cf. p. 173
and notes 24, 25 (ch. 5).
215 See J . Schreiber, 'Die Christologie des Markusevangeliums', ^ThK b8 (1961),
pp. 154-183, at p. 164.
216 See J . R . Donahue, op. cit., pp. 222-223; cf. Β. Chilton, art. cit., p. 499.
217 See R. Bultmann, op. cit., pp. 270f.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '289

Daniel 7:13 probably resulted after a period of theological reflection

by the early church. 2 1 8
O u r answers to the above arguments are: 1) W e have noted the his-
torical probability that some form of inquiry about Messiahship took
place at Jesus' trial, and have argued that divine sonship is appropri-
ate to the context, while there is substantial evidence that Jesus used
the phrase 'Son of m a n ' to refer to himself and his mission. 2) T h e
titles and specific content of M a r k 14:61-62 are not necessary to Jesus
being seen to make a 'good confession' under trial. Further, if the nar-
rative is intended partly to be an example, that does imply that it can-
not be historical. 3) O n c e again we point to the historical likelihood of
Messiahship being in issue, if Jesus was crucified as 'the King of the
Jews' (Mark 15:26). 219 4) T h e combination is more likely to come from
Jesus himself, in view of his earlier use of Psalm 110 and other royal
(messianic) psalms and his references to himself as 'the Son of man'. 2 2 0
W e shall now consider further the possible background to this combi-
nation of passages.
C . H . Dodd 2 2 1 and O . F J . Seitz 222 have put forward the view that
part of the background to Mark 14:62, in the combination of the fig-

218 See N. Perrin, 'Mark xiv. 62: The End Product of a Christian Pesher Tradi-
tion?', NTS 12 (1965), pp. 150-155, who argues for an allusion also to Zech. 12:10;
D.M. Hay, op. cit., p. 67, who comments that the period of reflection may not have
been long; T. Callan, 'Psalm 110:1 and the Origin of the Expectation that Jesus Will
Come Again', C ß Q 4 4 (1982), pp. 622-636; D. Juel, Messianic Exegesis (1988), p. 146.
A. Suhl, op. cit., p. 55, considers that Mark is responsible for the combination.
219 Cf. M.D. Hooker, op. cit., p. 164, who points out that the church's interpreta-
tion of the reason for Jesus' condemnation - because of his messianic claims - need
not necessarily be mistaken.
220 Among supporters of the basic authenticity of Mk. 14:62 are V. Taylor, op. dt.,
pp. 568-569; W.G. Kümmel, Promise and Fulfilment (ET, 1957), p. 50; AJ.B. Higgins,
Jesus and the Son ofMan( 1964), pp. 66-75; A.L. Moore, Vie Parousia in the New Testament
(1966), pp. 184-186; F.H. Borsch, op. cit., pp. 391-394; M.D. Hooker, op. cit., pp. 163-
173; C.F.D. Moule, The Origin of Christology (1977), p. 27; R. Pesch, op. cit., II, pp. 437-
439; G.R. Beasley-Murray, op. cit., pp. 296-304; B. Witherington, op. cit., pp. 256-261;
N.T. Wright, op. dt., pp. 526f.
221 According to the Scriptures (1952), pp. 101-102, 116-118; cf. K.E. Brower, op. cit.,
pp. 334-340, who follows Dodd in holding that both Ps. 8 and Ps. 80 could probably
have been instrumental in the whole development of Son of man thinking, with both
likely forming part of the pool of relevant Son of man ideas. Cf. also, J . Marcus, The
Way of the Lord ( 1993), pp. 95f.
222 O . F J . Seitz, 'The Future Coming of the Son of Man: Three Midrashic Formu-
lations in the Gospel of Mark', SE VI = TU 112 (1973), pp. 478-494; cf. the criticism
of C.F.D. Moule, op. dt., p. 25f; R.H. Gundry, op. cit., p. 912. B. Witherington, op. cit.,
p. 261, allows that Ps. 80:17 may possibly contribute to the conglomerate reference in
Mk. 14:62.
290 C H A P T E R THREE

ures of 'the Son of m a n ' a n d the one w h o 'sits at the right h a n d of

G o d ' , is to be f o u n d in Psalm 80:17: 2 2 3

But let thy hand be upon the man of thy right hand,
the son of man whom thou hast made strong (‫ )אמצת‬for thyself!
In an earlier article, I have argued that the figure of 'the m a n of thy
right h a n d ' / ' s o n of m a n ' refers to the king, p a r d y because of the simi-
larity between this verse a n d Psalm 89:21, where the same w o r d ‫ אמץ‬is
also used of Y a h w e h 'strengthening' the Davidic king. 224 Psalm 80:1
refers to Y a h w e h ' s kingship. T h e king is closely associated with the
people of Israel, w h o are described as 'a vine' (verse 14) a n d suffer
tribulation (verses 5f.). In verse 15, which is parallel to verse 17, Israel
is 'the stock which thy right h a n d planted', while in the same verse the
'son' (‫)בן‬, w h o m Y a h w e h has 'strengthened' (‫ אמץ‬as in verse 17), m a y
refer either to Israel or to the king.
According to J . Schreiner, the two expressions 'son' (verse 15) a n d
' m a n of thy right h a n d ' (verse 17) refer respectively to the anointing
oracle of Psalm 2:7 a n d to the e n t h r o n e m e n t decree of Psalm 110:1: it
was in these f u n d a m e n t a l acts that Y a h w e h m a d e the king strong (‫)אמץ‬
to accomplish his task. 22: ' In view of the c o m m o n imagery of Israel as
G o d ' s 'vineyard' or as the 'vine' which he h a d planted, which is to suf-
fer or have suffered a reverse including the breaking d o w n of its walls,
K . Snodgrass asks w h e t h e r Psalm 80 was written as a sequel to Isaiah
5. 226 F.J. M a t e r a considers that 'son of m a n ' enjoyed a limited royal

223 M. Hengel, op. cit., pp. 169f., considers Ps. 80:14f., 17 to be "one of the hidden
'missing links', which prepared the way for the connection between the son of man in
Dan. 7 and the exalted messiah/son of man in the Similitudes of Ethiopie Enoch."
224 See R.D. Rowe, 'Is Daniel's "son of man" messianic?' in Christ the Lord, ed.
H.H. Rowdon (1982), pp. 71-96, at pp. 80-82; cf. A. Gelston, Ά Sidelight on the
"Son of M a n ' " , SJT 22 (1969), pp. 189-196; D. Hill, '"Son of M a n " in Psalm 80 v.
17', NovT 15 (1973), pp. 261-269; J . H . Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms (1976; 2nd. ed.,
1986), p. 61.
225 TDOTl, pp. 324-325. The people's prayer is that Yahweh may give the king
the power to be the mediator of salvation so that Israel may be restored. Schreiner
takes the psalm as probably coming from the time ofjosiah; cf. A.A. Anderson, The
Book of Psalms ( 1972), II, p. 581. Alternatively, it may come from the period preceding
the downfall of the northern kingdom; so, A. Weiser, The Psalms (ET, 1962), p. 547. In
addition to Pss. 89:21; 80:15, 17, ‫ אמץ‬is used with Yahweh as the subject at Is. 41:10;
cf. Pss. 18:17; 142:6 (MT, verse 7). Schreiner concludes his article with the comment
(p. 327) that "on the whole, the theological content of ‫ אמץ‬is viewed as an explicit or
veiled praise of God, who alone is strong."
226 The Parable of the Wicked Tenants (1983), p. 75, note 14. Snodgrass also comments
that Ps. 80:8-19 (MT, w.9-20) may be more relevant for the parable in Mk. 12:1-12
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '291

background through Psalm 80 and may have influenced the back-

ground of Daniel 7:13. 227
We do not need to come to a conclusion regarding the background
and influence of Psalm 80 in its Old Testament context, but the views of
the three scholars mentioned above indicate important verbal and the-
matic links between this psalm and Psalms 2 and 110, Isaiah 5 and
Daniel 7, which are all represented as being used by or o f j e s u s in Mark.
It seems most unlikely that these links are coincidental. T h e T a r g u m to
Psalm 80 takes ‫ בן‬in verse 15 as 'the King Messiah'. 228 While it cannot
be shown that this rendering was pre-Christian, it is evidence at least
that a messianic interpretation was possible in early Judaism. 2 2 9 We sug-
gested above that Jesus may have been led from a consideration of
Psalm 2:7 to Psalm 89 (via 2 Samuel 7:1 Off.), and then from Psalm 89 to
Psalm 1 18.230 We have seen that there is also an important link between
Psalm 89:21 and Psalm 80:15, 17 through the use of ‫ אמץ‬with Yahweh
as the subject. If ‫( בן‬verse 15) was interpreted of the Davidic king or the
Messiah (rather than relating to Israel), there is a more direct parallel to
Psalm 2:7 (as well as 2 Samuel 7:14 and Psalm 89:26, 27).
T h e r e is however a further element that may have drawn Psalms
80; 89; 110 and 118 together in the thought o f j e s u s a n d / o r the early
church. In all these psalms, the 'right hand'(‫ );מין‬of G o d (or, in Psalm
89:25, of the king) is particularly prominent. T h e right hand of God is
a symbol of divine power, which is often found in contexts that speak
of God's kingship, such as Exodus 15:6, 12 (cf. verse 18). This usage
becomes c o m m o n in the Psalms. 231 It is also related to Davidic king-

par. than is apparent on the surface. He especially points to the mention of'the son' in
verse 15(16); cf. Mk. 12:6. On the general question of affinities between the Psalter
and various parts of the O T , cf. A.A. Anderson, 'Psalms', in It is Written: Scripture Citing
Scripture, edd. D.A. Carson and H.G.M. Williamson (1988), pp. 56-66, who concludes
that it is an almost impossible task to establish the precise nature of these interrela-
tionships, and suggests that in many instances the explanation will be found in the
shared common traditions.
227 The Kingship ofjesus ( 1982), pp. 115-116; cf. generally R. D. Rowe, art. cit.
228 See S.H. Levey, The Messiah: An Aramaic Interpretation ( 1974), pp. 119-120. There
are no rabbinic parallels for this interpretation. The LXX has υίόν ανθρώπου here, as
in verse 17. Cf. pp. 216f. and note 164 (ch. 5).
229 Cf. D. Juel, Messianic Exegesis ( 1988), p. 168.
230 See pp. 269-271 and notes 149-153 above.
231 Cf. W. Grundmann, 72W7TI, pp. 37f.; BDB, pp. 411-412. The following ref-
erences to God's right hand in the Psalms are set in the context of God's kingship:
44:3; 48:10; 74:11; 80:15, 17; 89:13; 98:1. Cf. J o b 40:14; Is. 41:10, 13 ('hold your
right hand'); 48:13 (relating to creation); 62:8; 63:12 (Moses' right hand); Hab. 2:16
('the cup in Yahweh's right hand').
292 C H A P T E R THREE

ship, showing the king's support from God, 2 3 2 while on three occa-
sions mention is made of the king's 'right hand', accomplishing God's
deeds. 233 God's right h a n d is also the subject of laments, 234 while in
Psalm 89:42, Yahweh is reproached for exalting the right h a n d of the
king's foes.
Given the importance of God's kingship (or kingdom) and power in
Mark, as well as messianic kingship, the reference in 14:62 to being
seated at God's right h a n d may be a pointer to passages such as
Psalms 80:15, 17; 89:13, 25, 42; and 118:15, 16, where ‫ ;מין‬is men-
tioned, as well as to Psalm 110:1 (cf. verse 5).235 This would help to
explain the connection between Psalm 110:1 and Daniel 7:13 in M a r k
14:62, with Psalm 80:17 also referring to the 'son of man'. W e have
also seen that M a r k includes important references to Psalm 118, and
that Psalm 89 has other verbal links with Psalm 80 on the one h a n d
and Psalm 118 on the other. 2 3 6 Jesus may well have seen particular

232 See Pss. 18:35; 20:6; 110:1, 5 ('the Lord is at your right hand'); 118:15, 16. In
addition to these specifically royal psalms, deliverance by Yahweh's right hand (or
'because he is at my right hand', 16:8) is mentioned in a number of psalms which are
entitled 'of David': 16:8, 11; 17:7; 60:5; 63:8; 108:6; 138:7; 139:10. A further occur-
rence in Ps. 78:54 relates to the exodus and subsequent entry into the promised land
(cf. Ex. 15:6, 12), while verses 70-72 refer to the choice of David.
233 See Pss. 21:8; 45:4; 89:25; cf. Is. 45:1 (of Cyrus).
234 See Ps. 77:10 (reference to Yahweh as a shepherd, v. 20, probably implies his
kingship); Lam. 2:3, 4.
235 The likelihood of this broader background is increased, when we consider that in
14:62, God is referred to as ήδύναμις. Cf. Flusser's view, referred to in note 214 above;
see also pp. 137-140, on the background of έν δυνάμει in Mk. 9:1. The allusion that we
saw there to Is. 40:9, 10 may also be in the background of thought lying behind Mk.
14:62. Like Mk. 9:1 and Is. 40:9, 10, Mk. 14:62 has references to 'coming', 'Power' or
'might' and 'see' or 'behold' (so also, Mk. 13:26). Is. 40:10 speaks of God's 'arm', sym-
bolizing God's strength and power; cf. note 87 (ch. 4). See also p. 81, listing other refer-
ences to God's 'arm' in Is. 40-63, and suggesting that it seems almost as though 'the arm
of Yahweh' in Is. 53:1 is personified as the Servant; note 85 (ch. 2) suggests by way of a
comparison a possible personification of'the right hand of Yahweh' in the Davidic king.
God's 'right hand' and his 'arm' are used in close conjunction in Is. 48:13, 14 and
together in Is. 62:8 (cf. 63:12), also together in Pss. 44:3; 89:13; 98:1. In addition to verse
13, there are two other references to God's 'arm' in Ps. 89 (verses 10, 21), as well as the
references we have noted to the 'right hand' of the Davidic king (verse 25) and his foes
(verse 42). Mk. 14:62 may be seen as revealing the link between the coming of God's
kingdom (Mk. 9:1) and the coming of the Son of man (8:38; 13:26): the link is the posi-
tion of the Son of man 'seated at the right hand of Power'.
236 Cf. also Ps. 89:23, 25 with Ps. 110:1, 5, with regard to God's destruction of the
king's enemies. The king's rule over the sea and rivers (89:25) may be compared with
Yahweh's kingship (89:9f.; 93:3, 4). While ‫ ;מ־ן‬occurs three times each in Pss. 89 (not
counting the usage in verse 12, where it means 'south') and 118, and twice in Pss. 80
and 110, the only other psalms where it is found more than once are Pss. 16; 45; 109
(two occurrences in each case).
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '293

significance in Psalm 80, relating his own position to that of suffering

Israel. If that was so, it is relevant not only to his references to himself
as 'son of m a n ' , linked to Daniel 7, but also to the parable of the
wicked h u s b a n d m e n (Mark 12:1-11). T h e vine of Psalm 80:8, 14 may
have led him to the vineyard of Isaiah 5, while Psalm 80:15 (like M a r k
12:6) refers to a 'son'. 237
W e should not conclude that the link between Psalm 110:1 and
Daniel 7:13 in M a r k 14:62, or between Psalm 110 and the other
psalms that we have suggested, is based just on 'catch-words' such as
'right h a n d ' and 'son of m a n ' . However catch-words would have been
useful as m n e m o n i c aids and markers, where there were also thematic
links between passages. In Psalm 110:1, it is G o d who invites the Mes-
siah to sit at his right h a n d until he defeats the Messiah's enemies,
while in Daniel 7, it is to the Ancient of Days enthroned in j u d g m e n t
(verses 9-10) that the Son of m a n comes, to be given an everlasting
kingdom (verse 13-14). In both cases, G o d himself is represented as
enthroned and will judge kings - the enemies of the Messiah in Psalm
110 and of the saints of the Most High, w h o m the 'one like a son of
m a n ' represents, in Daniel 7. T h e j u d g m e n t of enemies implies vindi-
cation, while certainly in Daniel 7, that follows the suffering of the
saints of the Most High (verses 21, 25). T h e use of both Psalm 110 and
Daniel 7 is very suitable to the courtroom situation in M a r k 14:62. 238
T h u s , in M a r k 14:62, Jesus' claim to Messiahship is clearly put in
the context of God's kingship and supreme authority. His messianic
enthronement (Psalm 110:1) a n d the kingdom he receives (Daniel
7:13-14) are subordinate to the sovereignty of G o d on his throne of
j u d g m e n t . Jesus uses Psalm 110:1 with Daniel 7:13 in reply to the high

237 Cf. N.T. Wright, op. cit., pp. 498 (note 80), 526 (note 169). See pp. 262ff. for the
references to both Ps. 118:22-23 and Is. 5 in the parable of the wicked husbandmen.
238 So, C.F.D. Moule, op. dt., pp. 26-27; R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 439; G.R. Beasley-
Murray, op. dt., pp. 298-299;J. Marcus, The Way of the Lord( 1993), pp. 165-167. D.M.
Hay, op. dt., p. I l l , comments, "perhaps, although we cannot confidendy ascribe Mk.
14:62 to him, that text's reference to the eschatological coming of the enthroned son of
man is substantially faithful tojesus' own expectation." See note 28 above, for the link-
age between Ps. 110:1 and Dan. 7:13 in The Midrash on Psalms (trans. W.G. Braude,
1959), I, Ps. 2,9; cf. I, Ps. 18,29. Cf. also pp. 21 Off., for the combination of the figures of
the Messiah and the Danielic 'Son of Man' in the Similitudes of Enoch. While neither
the Midrash nor the Similitudes can be taken as evidence of pre-Christian thought,
they do show the possibilities for interpretation in early Judaism as they do not appear
to have been subject to any Christian influence. Thus, it is quite possible that neither
Jesus nor the early church were the first to make these links between the Son of man in
Daniel 7 and messianic texts such as Psalm 110, but we cannot be sure.
 294 C H A P T E R THREE

priest, (a) to remind the court of G o d ' s authority and judgment, 2 3 9 (b)
to hint that his interpretation of Messiahship was in terms of the suf-
fering a n d vindicated 'Son of m a n ' of Daniel 7, 240 and (c) to assert his
own authority as Messiah, which is dependent on G o d ' s authority and
will be vindicated by him, despite the absence of 'this-worldly' mes-
sianic proofs. 241
Royal (messianic) christology is all-important for M a r k in 14:61-62,
and this continues through the passion narrative. As D. Juel s u m m a -
rizes, "It is as Messiah-King that Jesus is tried, mocked and execut-
ed." 2 4 2 However, J . D . Kingsbury is probably correct that M a r k is not
at 14:61-62 lifting the secret of Jesus' identity, as the high priest
remains ignorant of the truth of the titles 'the Christ, the Son of the

239 Cf. R.D. Rowe, art. at., pp. 82ff., where I argue that God's kingship is the prin-
cipal theme of the book of Daniel.
240 Cf. p. 233/. and notes 16-19 above. T h e picture of the Son of man 'coming with
the clouds of heaven' (14:62; cf. 13:26) is a clear allusion to Dan. 7:13, where 'with the
clouds of heaven there came one like a son of man'. Cf. R.D. Rowe, art. cit., pp. 93f.,
where I deal with the possible background to the Son of man experiencing suffering,
in the role of the king, as seen in the Psalms. The themes of suffering and vindication
are present in Pss. 80, 89 and 118, while vindication is clearly the theme of Ps. 110.
241 Scholars differ as to whether the 'coming with the clouds of heaven' relates to
the parousia. This is denied by T.F. Glasson, The Second Advent (3rd. ed., 1963), pp. 64-
65; 'The reply to Caiaphas (Mark xiv. 62)', NTS 7 ( 1960), pp. 88-93; J.A.T. Robinson,
Jesus and His Coming( 1957), pp. 43-51; V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 569; N.T. Wright, op. cit.,
pp. 510-519, 524-526. Their main argument is that Dan. 7:13 describes a coming 'to
the Ancient of Days', rather than a coming to earth. However, in the light of Mark
13:26, it seems likely at least that Mark saw a reference here to the parousia, as well as
to the heavenly enthronement ofjesus; cf. W.G. Kümmel, op. cit., pp. 50-5 Ì and note
102; H.K. McArthur, 'Mark xiv. 62', NTS 4 (1958), pp. 156-158; C.E.B. Cranfield,
op. cit., pp. 444-445; P. Vielhauer, 'Erwägungen zur Christologie des Markusevangeli-
ums', in Zàt und Geschichte, ed. E. Dinkier (1964), pp. 155-169, at p. 160-161; D.M.
Hay, op. cit., pp. 65-66; D. Juel, Messiah and Temple (1977), p. 94; G.R. Beasley-Mur-
ray, op. cit., pp. 300-304; B. Witherington, The Jesus Quest. The Third Searchforthe Jew 0/
Nazareth (1995), pp. 230f. M.D. Hooker, op. cit., pp. 166-167, supports Glasson's view,
with regard to the original meaning of the words, if spoken by Jesus. However, she
allows that the alternative view remains tenable, and that it is possible that from the
very beginning the saying was intended as a reference to an immediate exaltation of
Jesus and to a more distant and ultimate vindication. B. Lindars, op. cit., pp. 48-49,
held that the last phrase of Mk. 14:62 necessarily implies the parousia (as it refers to a
coming after the heavenly session), and had been added to the saying before it
reached Mark.
242 Op. cit., p. 107; cf. J . R . Donahue, art. cit. (see note 208 above), pp. 71-78; N. Per-
rin, 'The High Priest's Question and Jesus' Answer (Mark 14:61-62)', in The Pasnon in
Mark, ed. W.H. Kelber (1976), pp. 80-95, at pp. 93-94, commenting that if there is a
single place in Mk. 15 where the Evangelist could have used 'King' in reference to
Jesus and has failed to do so, then he cannot imagine where it might be. Perrin claims
that Mark presents the crucifixion of jesus as itself an enthronement; cf. P. Vielhauer,
art. cit., p. 168.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '295

Blessed', which he puts to Jesus. 2 4 3 It is here that Mark's use of irony

becomes very strong: Jesus is being judged, but God will judge his
accusers. T h e high priest is searching for proof against Jesus, but God
will provide all the necessary proof in his favour. Jesus is condemned
for claiming to be the Messiah, but that is who he really is. Jesus
prophesies that his accusers will recognize him as Messiah in the
future, but for the present they disbelieve his prophecy, and invite him
to prophesy out of mockery (14:65). 244

6. Psalm 22 and other Lament-Psalms - Forsaken by God

We have seen that one of Mark's main emphases is that Jesus' Mcssi-
ahship is necessarily linked to suffering. Jesus is shown reinterpreting
'the Messiah' in terms of 'the Son of man', who 'must suffer many
things' (8:31; 9:12, 31; 10:33-34, 45; 14:21). Further it is only at Jesus'
trial and crucifixion that he is clearly revealed as 'the Christ' (14:61-
62: 15:32), 'the Son of G o d ' (14:61-62; 15:39) and 'the King of the
Jews' (15:2, 9, 12, 18, 26) or 'the King of Israel' (15:32). Although the
titles are often used in mockery (15:16-20, 29-32), Mark clearly
believed them to be apposite (1:1), and indeed Jesus' Messiahship
(divine sonship and kingship) is evidenced by the mockery and ill-
treatment which he himself predicted (10:33-34).
Mark's passion narrative contains a n u m b e r of allusions (and one
important quotation - Jesus' cry of dereliction) to Psalms 22, 41 and
69, all of which are individual laments. In addition to vivid descrip-
tions of suffering, they also contain elements of thankgiving and vindi-
cation (Psalms 22:22-31; 41:1-3, 11-13; 69:30-36). Psalm 22 ends con-
fidently, with God hearing the cry of the righteous sufferer (verse 24),

243 Op. cit., p. 121 ; cf. M.D. Hooker, The Message of Mark (1983), pp. 58-59.
244 The irony continues in chapter 15. A murderer is released (verses 6-11), while
the Son of man who came 'to give his life as a ransom for many' (10:45), is con-
demned to be crucified (verses 12-15). He who is truly the messianic king is mockingly
greeted as "King of the Jews" and given homage (verses 16-20). The chief priests
mock him, saying, "He saved others; he cannot save himself' (verse 31), whereas Jesus
came 'to give his life as a ransom for many', refusing to save himself so that he may
save others. His cry of dereliction, quoting Ps. 22:1, which showed his willingness to
plumb suffering to its depths and embrace the horror of being forsaken by God, was
taken by some of the bystanders as an appeal to Elijah to take him down from the
cross and so save him from further suffering (verses 34-36). Cf. D. Juel, op. cit., pp.47-
48. For the use of irony in Mark's gospel generally, see R.M. Fowler, Let the Reader
Understand. Reader-Response Criticism and the Gospel of Mark (1991); J . Camery-Hoggatt,
Irony in Mark's Gospel. Text and subtext (1992).
296 C H A P T E R THREE

which m a y be related to Jesus' deliverance c o m i n g f r o m G o d in his

resurrection (Mark 16:6) as he himself h a d predicted (Mark 8:31; 9:9,
31; 10:34; 14:28). Psalm 22 was probably a royal psalm, 2 4 5 a n d it also
speaks of the kingship of Y a h w e h (verses 3, 28). All the three psalms
are h e a d e d ‫'( לדוד‬of David').
Let us consider first the quotation of Psalm 22:1 at M a r k 15:34:

And at the ninth hour Jesus cried with a loud voice, "Eloi, Eloi, lama
sabachthani?" which means, "My God, my God, why hast thou forsak-
en m e ? ' *

T h e ninth h o u r marks the e n d of the previous three hours' darkness

(verse 33), a n d a comparison with verse 25 shows that Jesus has been
on the cross for six hours. S o m e of the bystanders interpret Jesus' cry
as calling for Elijah, which leads to f u r t h e r mockery. 2 4 7 T h e confusion
with Elijah is one of the most i m p o r t a n t a r g u m e n t s for the authentici-
ty of the quotation of Psalm 22:1 by Jesus. It would be a very involved
process to suggest that the quotation was put on the lips o f j e s u s , a n d
later a story was a d d e d of misunderstanding a n d mockery, based on
the H e b r e w or A r a m a i c f o r m of the quotation. 2 4 8

245 See pp. 34-37, 56/ and note 206 (ch. 1); cf. also R.D. Rowe, art. cit., pp. 75-76.
J.H. Eaton, op. cü., pp. 34-36, 44-46, 51-53, takes Pss. 22, 41 and 69 to be royal. A.A.
Anderson, The Book 0/Psalms (1972), I, p. 184, tentatively supports Eaton with regard to
Psalm 22. S.J.L. Croft, The Identity of the Individual in the Psalms (1987), pp. 57-58, 65-66,
117-118, 121-123, lists Psalms 22 and 69 (with Psalm 31) as psalms in which the king
represents the community, and suggests that Psalm 22 is a prayer for a time of siege.
However, he does not consider Psalm 41 to be royal. There are similarities of structure
and content between Psalms 22 and 69, although Psalm 69:5 shows a consciousness by
the psalmist of his own sins. Psalm 41 seems to relate to a situation of illness (verses 3, 4).
246 On the question whether the Aramaic transliteration in Mark may represent an
original cry in Hebrew, see the discussion in DJ. Moo, op. dt., pp. 264-268. Contra, R.H.
Gundry, op. cit., p. 967; M. Casey, Aramaic Sources 0/Mark's Gospel ( 1998), pp. 84, 88, not-
ing that Jesus "spoke to God in Aramaic even when he was speaking to God alone, even
when so doing by means of the Hebrew scriptures". According to Casey, it follows that
Aramaic was Jesus' first language. He considers that Jesus did not read the scriptures in
Aramaic, but will have expounded them in Aramaic. Cf. S.Ε. Porter, 'Excursus: A
Response to Maurice Casey on the Languages ofjesus', in The CriteriaforAuthenticity in
Historical-Jesus Research. Previous Discussion and New Proposals (2000), pp. 164-180.
247 Cf. FJ. Matera, op. cit., pp. 29ÍT., 122ff.; K.E. Brower, 'Elijah in the Markan
Passion Narrative', JSNT18 (1983), pp. 85-101, who states that the reason why Elijah
does not come is that, as the reader knows, Elijah's role has already been completed
in the life and death ofJohn the Baptist; so also, L.W. Hurtado, A/«r£(1989), p. 268;
E.K. Broadhead, Prophet, Son, Messiah. Narrative Form and Function in Mark 14-16 (1994),
pp. 208-209.
248 Cf. K.E. Brower, The Old Testament in the Markan Passion Narratwe (unpublished
Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Manchester, 1978), pp. 46-48, note 30.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '297

Further arguments for authenticity are the retention of the Aramaic

words, 249 and the unlikelihood that the saying, with its implication
that Jesus was a b a n d o n e d by G o d or thought or felt himself to be so,
would have been put on Jesus' lips by the early church if it were not
genuine. It is possible that the potential offensiveness of the saying led
to its omission by Luke. 250 A line of scholars have argued to the con-
trary that the quotation of Psalm 22:1 in M a r k 15:34 is the result of
the church supplying suitable content for the wordless cry of verse
37. 251 However, the balance of probabilities seems to fall firmly in
favour of authenticity.
D. Juel is only slighdy exaggerating when he says, "it is almost comical
to argue that Jesus chose the opening line from Psalm 22 as his last cry to

249 Cf. Β. Lindars, op. cit., p. 89, who states that in Mark the quotation of Aramaic
is a sign of specially careful accuracy.
250 Cf. V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 594; C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., p. 458; R.H. Gundry, op.
cit., pp. 965ff. For R.T. France, Jesus and the Old Testament, (1971), pp. 56-57, the amaz-
ingly close correspondence of Psalm 22 with the suffering o f j e s u s in the crucifixion
"can hardly have escaped him, any more than it escaped later Christian thought"; cf.
A.T. Hanson, The Living Utterances of God (1983), p. 30. D.E. Nineham, op. cit., pp. 427-
429, leaves the question of the historicity of the saying open, but seems to veer
towards the position referred to in note 251 below. He makes the point that if the
quotation of Ps. 22:1 is taken to evoke the whole of the psalm, we can no longer use
the argument that the early church would never have ascribed a cry of despair to
Jesus without the strongest historical warrant. However, even if the rest of the Psalm
22 may be in mind, the verse actually quoted suggests a real experience of abandon-
ment, and one is left asking why that verse would have been chosen; cf. D J . Moo, op.
cit., pp. 273-274.
J . H . Reumann, 'Psalm 22 at the Cross: Lament and Thanksgiving for Jesus Christ',
Int 28 (1974), pp. 39-58, at pp. 57-58, concludes that the evidence and arguments for
genuineness in the logion of Mark 15:34 fall short of definite proof that Jesus said it,
but adds that the connection between Psalm 22 and the kingdom of God/apocalyptic
theology (as emphasized by H. Gese, 'Psalm 22 und das Neue Testament: Der älteste
Bericht vom Tode Jesu und die Entstehung des Herrenmahles', .£7M~65 (1968), pp.
1-22) may still leave the door open and even strengthen the possibility for attribution
of some use of it to the historical Jesus.
251 See, e.g., R. Bultmann, op. cit., p. 273; J. Schreiber, Theologie des Vertrauens
(1967), p. 26; Ε. Schweizer, Vie Good Mews According to Mark (ET, 1971), pp. 35 Iff.; W.
Schenk, Der Passionsbericht nach Markus (1974), p. 43; H. Anderson, op. cit., p. 345. Cf.
D.Juel, Messianic Exegesis ( 1988), pp. 114-116, who also takes the quotation of Ps. 22:1
in Mk. 15:34 to be secondary, among other reasons because Luke and John do not
include it, but like Mark (15:24) and Matthew (27:35), they both make use of the allu-
sion to Ps. 22:18 in the casting of lots for Jesus' garments (Lk. 23:34;Jn. 19:24). We
have to recognize however that Luke and J o h n were probably working with other tra-
ditions than Mark, and we have suggested a possible reason for the omission of the
saying by Luke. Juel's argument implies that because Ps. 22:18 is alluded to in all four
gospels, and Ps. 22:1 is quoted only by Mark and Matthew, the former must be prior
to the latter, but that does not necessarily follow, especially as Mark is likely to have
been the earliest gospel to achieve its final form.
298 C H A P T E R THREE

express his confidence in the G o d who vindicates the sufferer at the end
of the psalm." 252 T h e natural meaning of the words is a very real sense of
abandonment by God, implying mental or spiritual suffering as well as
the extreme physical suffering. Whatever is said about the rest of the
psalm cannot take away from that. Mark is certainly not using the verse
merely as a cipher. 253 However in addressing God in prayer, Jesus is
showing faith in the midst of his agony, and in choosing words from
Psalm 22 that reflect his distress, he was probably aware that God
answered the sufferer in that psalm. So hope is not excluded. 254
If the cry o f j e s u s from Psalm 22 is authentic, coming in Mark's por-
trayal near the end of his time on the cross, it is probable that he saw
reflected in parts of the psalm what was happening to him. 255 At verse 16
(17, M T ) the Hebrew may be rendered literally, 'like a lion my hands
and my feet'. T h e T a r g u m has 'biting like a lion my hands and my
feet'. 256 M a n y textual emendations of the Hebrew text have been pro-
posed, 257 but for our purposes it is most significant that the L X X has
'they pierced (ώρυξαν) my hands and feet'. While this verse is not alluded
to in the New Testament, 2 5 8 it must remain a possibility that Jesus either

252 Op. cit., p. 114.

253 Cf. V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 594; C.E.B. Cranfield, op. cit., pp. 458-459; L. Morris,
The Cross in the New Testament (1965), pp. 47-48; R.P. Martin, op. cit., p. 120; W.L.
Lane, op. cit., pp. 572-573; F.J. Matera, op. cit., p. 132; D.J. Moo, op. dt, pp. 274-275;
D. Senior, op. cit., pp. 123-124; M.D. Hooker, The Gospel According to St. Mark (1991),
pp. 375-376. Cranfield helpfully suggests that the meaning of Jesus' cry should be
understood in the light o f M k . 14:36; 2 Cor. 5:21; Gal. 3:13. B.M.F. van Iersel, Mark.
A Reader-Response Commentary (1998), p. 475, refers to the fact that in Mark, God has
twice said to Jesus that he is his dear Son and that he supports him (1:11; 9:7). Van
Iersel continues, "The least the reader expects is that the voice from heaven will make
itself heard to Jesus a third time, if only to tell him that God has not forsaken him.
However, at this most crucial moment, heaven remains silent."
254 Cf. Matera, Moo and Senior at the references cited in note 253 above.
255 Cf. the comment of R.T. France, referred to in note 250 above. D J . Moo, op. dt.,
pp. 228-230, understands the psalm as "the anguished outburst of an individual who is
undergoing persecution and adversity for his advocacy of God's cause, the depths of
which distress lead him to picture himself as being executed by his enemies." Cf. D.
Kidner, Psalms /-72(1973), p. 105. Moo goes on to state that it may be correct to ascribe
the psalm to the Davidic king, in view of the universal significance accorded to the suf-
ferer's deliverance (Ps. 22:25-31); cf. note 245 above. For J . H . Eaton, op. dt., p. 178,
Psalm 22 speaks of the king's own person being degraded in symbolic death, which
becomes a turning-point, opening the prospect of new life and joy for all. The most
common interpretation of the psalm, however, is that it speaks of serious illness; see, e.g.,
P.C. Craigie, Psalms 1-50 (1983), pp. 197-198, who characterizes it as a liturgy which
was probably used for those persons who were severely sick and threatened by death.
256 See A. Cohen, The Psalms ( 1945), p. 64.
257 See, e.g., A.A. Anderson, op. dt., I, p. 190; P.C. Craigie, op. cit., p. 196.
258 Cf. Β. Lindars, op. cit., p. 92.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '299

knew of the reading evidenced by the L X X translation, or otherwise

related the verse to the practice of crucifixion. 259 However, it is not only
this verse that could be applied to a crucifixion, but the whole of its
immediate context in verses 14-18. In fact, verse 18 is alluded to in Mark
15:24, where, after crucifying Jesus, the soldiers 'divided his garments
among them, casdng lots for them, to decide what each should take'. 260
T h e r e is also probably an allusion to verse 7 of Psalm 22 in Mark
15:29, where the passers-by are described as deriding him, 'wagging
their heads' (κινοΰντες τάς κεφαλάς αυτών). T h e L X X ofPsalm 22 (21 in
LXX), verse 7, includes in the context of mockery, έκίνησαν κεφαλήν. 261
Here we have a case of Mark using appropriate biblical language to
describe the mockery ofjesus. 2 6 2 We need to recognize that as Mark 15
probably contains two deliberate allusions to Psalm 22, apart from the
cry of derelicdon in verse 34, that cry is intended to evoke more of
Psalm 22 than just verse 1. This possibly includes the sufferer's vindica-
tion and thanksgiving at the end of the psalm. 263

259 According to Mark's account, Jesus' predictions of his death did not refer to its
being by crucifixion. However, Mk. 10:33 does speak of his being delivered to the Gen-
tiles. V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 381, comments that death by crucifixion under the Romans
was a familiar sight in Palestine. Ifjesus' saying about the need for each disciple to take
up his cross (Mk. 8:34 par.; Mt. 10:38; Lk. 14:27) is authentic, this probably indicates
that the possiblity at least of crucifixion is in the mind ofjesus, both for himself and his
disciples; cf. T.W. Manson, The Sayings ofjesus (first publ. 1937; reissued 1949), p. 131. It
may be that Psalm 22 was not only one source ofjesus' belief that his destiny was to die,
but that it also suggested to him the likely manner of his death.
260 Many scholars consider that some of the details of the narrative accounts of the
crucifixion have been added because they were present in Psalm 22 and other psalms;
see, e.g., F.W. Beare, The Earliest Records ofjesus (1962), p. 220, note 1. The difficulty
however is sometimes acknowledged of distinguishing between such additions and
genuine memories which are described in the language of the psalms; see B. Lindars,
op. cit., pp. 90-91, who considers that the distribution of clothes falls into the latter cat-
egory; cf. M. Dibelius, From Tradition to Gospel (ET, 1934; rep. 1971), pp. 186-187. As
D.J. Moo, op. cit., pp. 287-289, comments, only two incidents which are narrated as
historical (the dividing of clothes and the offer of a drink see Mk. 15:36 and below)
are brought into contact with lament psalms and both were usual accompaniments to
a crucifixion. For a more thoroughgoing argument for Psalm 22 as the basis for a pre-
Markan passion narrative, see, e.g. J . von Oswald, 'Die Beziehungen zwischen Psalm
22 und dem vormarkinischen Passionsbericht', %ThK 101 (1979), pp. 53-66; his views
are criticised by F.J. Matera, op. cit., pp. 128-129.
261 There is also probably an allusion in Mk. 15:29 to Lam. 2:15, and some argue
for the influence of Ps. 109:25; cf. K.E. Brower, op. cit., p. 90; D.J. Moo, op. cit., p. 258.
262 Cf. V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 591. For the possible inlluence of Ps. 22:7 (6-8) on Mk.
10:33-34, see note 35 above.
263 Cf. F.J. Matera, op. cit., pp. 133-134. See also V.K. Robbins, 'The Reversed
Contextualization of Psalm 22 in the Markan Crucifixion: A Socio-rhetorical Analy-
sis', in The Four Gospels 1992. Festschrift Frans Neirynck, edd. F. Van Segbroeck et al.
(1992), II, pp. 1161-1183.
300 C H A P T E R THREE

Psalm 22 is however not the only lament-psalm alluded to in

Mark's passion narrative. T h e r e is an allusion to Psalm 69:21 in the
offer of vinegar to drink, in M a r k 15:36. 264 T h e r e is also probably an
allusion to Psalm 41:9, found on the lips o f j e s u s at the last supper in
M a r k 14:18. T h e last phrase o f j e s u s ' words, predicting that one of his
disciples will betray him, is ό έσθίων μετ' έμοΰ. This recalls ό έσθίων
άρτους μου in the L X X to Psalm 41 (40 in LXX), verse 9, which
speaks of the psalmist's trusted friend, 'who ate of my b r e a d ' and then
'lifted his heel against me'. 2 6 5 It is likely that Psalm 41, applied to
J u d a s ' betrayal o f j e s u s , is one of the scriptures referred to in M a r k
14:21, 'the Son of m a n goes as it is written of him', and indeed the
psalm may lie behind more of the earlier part of chapter 14. 266
W e need to ask when these allusions to the lament psalms (22, 41
and 69) were first applied to the passion narrative. Juel is surely right
in saying that it is difficult to imagine a stage in the passion tradition
that was not influenced by the psalms. T h e y provided the language
and imagery to construct a framework within which to make sense of
Jesus' death. 2 6 7 References to these and similar psalms are widespread

264 B. Lindars, op. cit., p. 100, suggests that while the offer of the sponge of vinegar
is presented in the context of mockery in Mark, it may actually have been intended as
a kindness; cf. J o h n 19:28-30. See also W.L. Lane, op. dt., pp. 573-574. There is an
allusion to Ps. 69:21 in 1QH 12:11.
265 So, D.E. Nineham, op. dt., p. 379; A. Suhl, op. dt., pp. 5 If.; W.L. Lane, op. cit., pp.
502-503; K.E. Brower, op. dt., pp. 131-154; D J . Moo, op. dt., pp. 235ff. Ps. 41:9 is quot-
ed in the same context, of Judas' impending betrayal, in John 13:18. As the words ό
έσθίων μετ ' έμοΰ are omitted by Matthew (Brower, op. dt., p. 54, notes this is the only one
of the formal citations and allusions which he discusses in Mark's passion narrative,
which is not parallelled in Matthew), V. Taylor (op. dt., p. 540), C.E.B. Cranfield (op. dt.,
p. 423) and B. Lindars (op. dt., pp. 98-99), suggest that the words may be a gloss on the
Markan text. However, Lindars considers that even if the words are an added gloss, the
thought of Ps. 41:9 was already present in the context. There is no textual evidence for
omission of the words in Mark, and it seems more likely that Matthew omitted the
words, perhaps not recognizing that they contained an allusion to Ps. 41:9.
266 Cf. F.W. Danker, 'The Literary Unity of Mark 14, 1 - 2 5 ' , J B L 85 (1966), pp.
467-472. Ps.41:9 is alluded to in 1QH 13:23f., which leads E. Schweizer, op. dt., p.
298, to suggest that its words may have become proverbial. However, in 1QH, they
are applied to the specific experiences of the psalmist, who may well be the Teacher of
Righteousness. K.E. Brower, op. cit., pp. 135-136, points out that 1QH 13:22f. uses
the term 'my covenant' (cf. Mk. 14:24), and considers that the whole complex in 1QH
13 shows a meditation on Ps. 41, which is remarkably similar to the usage in Mark 14.
For the interpretation of Ps. 41 in relation to David and Ahithophel, see Str.-B., II, p.
558. R.T. France, op. cit., p. 57, considers it likely that Ps. 41 was in Jesus' mind and
influenced the wording of his prediction of the betrayal; contra, e.g., L. Schenke, Studi-
en zur Passionsgeschichte des Markus (1971), pp. 199-285, who sees the whole of Mk.
14:17-21, other than part of verse 21, as coming from Mark.
267 Op. cit., pp. 90, 95-98.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '301

in each of the four gospels. 268 If it is clear that the first use of these
psalms in relation to the passion narrative was at a very early stage
(albeit that further allusions were no doubt added), we must go on to
ask the reason why they were used in this way.
T h e latter question has a similar force, whether the use by the early
church of these and similar psalms represents a development of Jesus'
interpretation, or whether their use originated in the early church.
W h a t led either Jesus or the early church to turn to these psalms? T h e
answer most often given is that these psalms are part of an extensive
tradition concerning the righteous sufferer in Judaism, and Jesus is
represented as exemplifying the righteous sufferer who is humiliated
and later exalted. 269 However, it has been pointed out, most forcefully
by M . Hengel, that this theme is too general to do justice to the narra-
tive in Mark, who is concerned rather with "the utterly unique event
of the passion and crucifixion of the Messiah of Israel". 270
In Mark, Jesus is tried, condemned, mocked and crucified as the Mes-
siah, and his last recorded words are taken from Psalm 22:1. Yet there is
no evidence in early Judaism of a messianic interpretation of Psalm 22
and the other laments that we have been considering. In the light of this,
some scholars see the use of these psalms as evidencing a typological
application, rather than their being seen as messianic predictions. 271 D J .
M o o is helpful here in focusing on the specific point of typological identi-
fication. He considers this may be narrowed to the Christological identi-

268 See the table in D J . Moo, op. cit., pp. 285-286; cf. J . Marcus, The Way of the Lord
(1993), pp. 172-175, who sees a number of further allusions to what he calls 'The Psalms
of the Righteous Sufferer' in Mark's passion-narrative, to those we have noted.
269 See, e.g., L. Ruppert, Jesus als der leidende Gerechte? (1972); R. Pesch, op. cit., II.
Wisdom of Solomon 2-5 is often cited as an important parallel. Cf. Κ.E. Brower, op.
cit., pp. 559-564, who concludes that if a single theme can be said to predominate in
the Markan passion narrative, it is the righteous sufferer theme, but while this may be
the dominant motif, it is clearly transcended by the skilful intertwining of several oth-
er important themes: Son of Man, Messiah, Suffering Servant and even Prophet. See
also the discussion of the righteous sufferer concept in D.J. Moo, op. cit., pp. 289-297.
Moo lists a number of references to Ps. 22 in 1QH (at note 3, p. 230), but he points
out that neither passages reflecting physical suffering nor those used in the N T are
employed. We have already noted references in 1QH to Pss. 41 and 69, and interest-
ingly, the refrain in Pss. 42:5, 11; 43:5, which is probably reflected in Jesus' words in
Gethsemane in Mk. 14:34 (cf. Ps. 6:3), is als û alluded to in 1QH 16:32. Cf, also J .
Marcus, op. cit., pp. 177-179.
270 The Atonement (ET, 1981), reprinted in The Cross of the Son of God( 1986), pp. 228-
229; see note 39 above for a fuller quotation of this passage, and our comments there
on the 'righteous sufferer' tradition. So also, F.J. Matera, op. cit., pp. 127-135 (cf. note
85 above); D. Juel, op. cit.., pp. 98ff.
271 See, e.g., R.T. France, op. cit., pp. 56-58, 97-98, note 50.
302 C H A P T E R THREE

fication o f j e s u s with his ancestor David, who was universally considered

to be the author of the Psalms at that time. 272 W e have noted that proba-
bly Psalm 22, and possibly also Psalms 41 and 69, were royal psalms, and
all three have as part of their tides, Ά Psalm of David'.
In one place in Mark (2:25f.) Jesus is represented as taking his cue
from the actions of David, while in anodier (12:35-37) he argues on the
basis of David's inspired (prophetic) authorship of Psalm 110. H e also
accepts the title, 'Son of David' (10:47f.; cf. 11:10). T h e r e is therefore no
reason why he should not have looked particularly to the Davidic
psalms for clarification of his mission. If, as we have argued, Jesus recog-
nized in his baptismal designation as God's Son an allusion to the mes-
sianic Psalm 2:7, we have seen that he probably would have linked that
to 2 Samuel 7:12-14 and Psalm 89, where references are also made to
the future king as God's son as well as David's seed. 273 W e have also
noted significant parallels between Psalm 89 and Psalms 118 and 80,
with all three psalms showing evidence of the theme of suffering and
vindication, which is also apparent in Psalms 22, 41 and 69. 274
As we saw in our first chapter, Psalm 89 is remarkable in that (i) it
includes a hymn which is similar to the psalms of Yahweh's kingship,
(ii) it speaks of David addressing G o d as 'my Father', as well as God's
everlasting covenant with David's seed, and (iii) it ends with a plea for
vindication of David's successor, Yahweh's Anointed O n e , who has
been rejected and humiliated. 2 7 5 W e may now consider parallels with
these elements in Psalm 89 that may have led Jesus (or the early
church) to Psalm 22: (i) Psalm 22 is also set in the context of God's
kingship (verses 3, 28); 276 (ii) as Psalm 89:20-28 describes David him-
self in exalted language that would be appropriate to apply to his sue-

272 Op. cit., pp. 297-300.

273 See p. 27Of. and note 151 above.
274 See p. 271 and note 153 above on parallels with Ps. 118, and pp. 289ff. and
notes 224-225, 231-234 above on parallels with Ps. 80.
275 See pp. 18, 43-44.
276 This is especially emphasized by H. Gese, art. cit., who also points to the escha-
tological nature of the end of the psalm (verses 27ÍT.); cf. J . H . Reumann, art. cit., pp.
46ff., 54f. Gese's views are criticised by D. Juel, op. cit., pp. 99-100. While Juel is cor-
rect that form-critical theories about the Psalms do not help in ascertaining how they
were interpreted in the first century A.D., the kingdom of God and it eschatological
manifestation (which Gese finds in Psalm 22) were certainly significant concepts in
early Judaism (see ch. 3 above). Cf. J . Marcus, op. dt., pp. 180-182, who considers that
the centurion's confession in Mk. 15:39 may have turned Mark's attention to the lat-
ter part of Ps. 22, esp. Ps. 22:27, and notes in passing that the narrative from Mk.
15:20b to the end of the Gospel follows the course of the psalm in many significant
details.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '303

cessor, the Messiah, so the words 'of David' in Psalm 22 might also be
taken to apply to the Messiah; (iii) Psalm 22 may be seen as describing
in greater detail the Messiah's sufferings and humiliation, as well as his
vindication. 277 O n c e a connection was m a d e between Psalm 22 and
the sufferings of the Messiah, a similar interpretation could be accord-
ed to other Davidic lament-psalms. 2 7 8
W e must finally consider whether this interpretation of Psalm 22, in
terms of the suffering and vindication of the Messiah in the context of
God's kingdom, finds support in the climactic verses that follow the
cry of dereliction in M a r k 15:34. Following the final mockery in verses
35-36, Jesus dies after uttering a further 'loud cry' (verse 37). T h e r e
are two immediate results of this: (1) the temple curtain is torn in two
(verse 38), and (2) the centurion confesses that Jesus was the Son of
G o d (verse 39).
While the tearing of the curtain no doubt prefigures the destruction of
the temple, it also implies a theophany, a revelation of God, probably of
G o d as King. 279 Mark uses the same word σχίζομαι in 15:38 of the 'tear-
ing' of the curtain, as he uses in 1:10 of the 'opening' of the heavens at
Jesus' baptism, where again a theophany is implied. 280 O n both occa-
sions, Jesus is immediately afterwards designated as God's Son. In 15:39,
the centurion makes this confession as the result of spiritual insight,
which appears in Mark to be available for a h u m a n being only after
Jesus' death. 281 We have argued previously that in the context of Mark

277 Cf. D. Juel, op. cit., pp. 104ff.

278 D.Juel, op. cit., p. 110, refers to specific connections between Ps. 89 and Pss. 31
and 69, in that David is referred to either directly (Ps.89) or implicitly (as the psalmist
in Pss. 31 ; 69) as God's 'servant', and because all three psalms share a specific vocabu-
lary, especially όνειδίζω and related words in the LXX. T h e Hebrew words which are
so translated are the verb ‫ חלף‬and the noun ‫חרפה‬, meaning 'reproach'. This noun is
also found in Ps. 22:6 (MT, v.' 7). Cf. Ε. Kutsch', TDNTV, pp. 209-215.
279 Cf. H.L. Chronis, 'The Torn Veil: Cultus and Christology in Mark 15:37-39',
JBL 101 (1982), pp. 97-1 14, at p. 110. In our introduction [p. 10), we commented on
the fallacy in Chronis' argument (p. 103) that Jesus is revealed as the divine King,
rather than as the royal Messiah.
280 Cf. S. Motyer, 'The Rending of the Veil: A Markan Pentecost?', NTS 33 (1987),
pp. 155-157; C.D. Marshall, Faith as a theme in Mark's narrative( 1989), pp. 206-207; D.
Ulansey, 'The Heavenly Veil Torn: Mark's Cosmic Inclusio', JBL 110 (1991), pp. 123-
125. See also p. 131 and note 60 (ch. 4).
281 H.L. Chronis, art. cit., pp. 109ff., links the centurion's spiritual (or eschatological
insight) with the rending of the temple veil. Contra, H.M.Jackson, 'The Death o f j e s u s
in Mark and the Miracle from the Cross', NTS 33 (1987), pp. 16-37, who argues that
Mark's narrative implies that the centurion actually saw the rending of the
curtain,which took place at the same time asjesus released his last breath. While Jack-
son's argument goes beyond the evidence of Mark's text, it is true that ίδών (verse 39)
304 C H A P T E R THREE

15, 'Son of God' should be seen to carry primarily a messianic mean-

ing. 282 T h e Messiah has suffered and died, and his vindication is antici-
pated in the tearing of the temple curtain and the centurion's confession.

7. Summary

W e c o m m e n c e d this chapter by c o m m e n t i n g that the identity o f j e s u s

is the primary question of Mark's gospel, a n d concluded it by noting
that it is only at Jesus' trial and crucifixion that his identity is clearly
revealed. In our second section, we considered the influence on M a r k
of some passages in the second part of Isaiah. H e r e we pointed out
that if M a r k 1:14-15 includes authentic tradition showing Jesus as tak-
ing on the role of the messenger of the good news in Isaiah 52:7, it is
intrinsically likely that Jesus would also have seen the relevance of
some parts of the Servant songs to himself a n d his mission. W e point-
ed to various allusions in M a r k to support this, a n d in particular noted
links with the proclamation of G o d ' s kingdom.
O f greater significance, we have seen in sections (3)-(6) of this chap-
ter, that Mark's presentation o f j e s u s as Messiah centres a r o u n d four
royal Psalms (2; 118; 110; and 22), which are each quoted or alluded
to at least twice in dramatically significant parts of the gospel. T h e
allusion to Psalm 2:7 at Jesus' baptism (Mark 1:11), is linked to an allu-
sion to the Servant of Isaiah 42:1; while Jesus at his trial (Mark 14:62),
alludes both to Psalm 110:1 a n d to the Son of m a n in Daniel 7:13.
Psalm 118 is related to Jesus' rejection a n d vindication, a n d Psalm 22
especially to his sufferings. Most of Mark's Christological emphases
are related in some way to these four Psalms.
Psalm 2 speaks of G o d ' s 'anointed' (or 'Christ', verse 2), who is des-
ignated G o d ' s 'son' (verse 7) and invited to depend on G o d in prayer
(verses 8-9). Psalm 118 shows the king rejected a n d then vindicated by
G o d (verses 22-23), suffering before being rescued by G o d (verses 5-
18), a n d through his experience of G o d ' s salvation, becoming the

must mean more than spiritual insight, even though it implies that. T h e centurion saw
the manner ofJesus' death (οτι οϋτως έξέπνευσεν), which may have included some of
the occurrences surroundingjesus' death, such as the darkness (verse 33); so, e.g., R.
Bultmann, op. cit., pp. 273f.; D. Dormeyer, Die Passion Jesu als Verhaltensmodell (1974), p.
206; J . D . Kingsbury, op. cit., pp. 129fT.; contra, V. Taylor, op. cit., p. 597, and C.E.B.
Cranfield, op. cit., p. 460, who favour the insertion of κράξας before έξέπνευσεν.
282 See pp. 252/. and note 85 above. Cf. R. Pesch, op. cit., II, p. 437; J . Gnilka, Dos
Evangelium nach Markus (1978-79), II, p. 281.
 T H E MESSIANIC K I N G S H I P O F JESUS IN MARK '305

means for that salvation to be shared with his people (verses 19-21,
25-26). Psalm 110:1 shows the Messiah's heavenly authority next to
God, who has the supreme kingship, and who will in the future effec-
tually judge those who do not accept the Messiah's claims. Psalm 22
(together with the related Psalms of lament, 41 and 69, which are also
alluded to) shows the psalmist (who was probably taken to be David in
his capacity as the king) going through extremes of suffering and
mockery before being vindicated by God.
As M a r k purports to tell a story about Jesus, we have not deemed it
irrelevant to ask questions about the authenticity of quotations and
allusions which are found on the lips o f j e s u s in Mark, or occur in the
words of the heavenly voice at his baptism and transfiguration. W e
have argued that Jesus probably believed that the heavenly voice at
his baptism addressed him as 'Son', and that he inferred an allusion to
Psalm 2:7. This is supported by Jesus' filial self-consciousness, while
the evidence from Q u m r a n , as well as in Mark, shows a close connec-
tion between divine sonship and Messiahship, which appears to have
been based on 2 Samuel 7, Psalm 2 and Psalm 89.
In the case of each of the four psalms that we have been consider-
ing, we have argued that there are good grounds for holding that the
church's use of these psalms arose from Jesus' own usage. In addition,
we have suggested that two other Psalms, 89 and 80, may well have
been significant in the thought of Jesus a n d / o r the early church.
Psalm 89 is a royal psalm, where David is referred to as God's 'anoint-
ed' (verses 20, 38, 51) and is invited to address God as 'my Father'
(verse 26). It is set in the context of Yahweh's kingship (verses 5-18) as
well as the Davidic covenant in line with 2 Samuel 7 (verses 3-4, 28-
37), but also shows the king suffering rejection and humiliation, which
leads to a cry for vindication (verses 38-51). It is the same theme of the
suffering/rejection and (actual or longed-for) vindication of a kingly
figure, often associated with his people, that we find in Psalms 118, 22,
and 80, as well as in Daniel 7.
Psalm 80 also implies God's kingship (verse 1), and later refers to
the Davidic king (verse 17). H e is both 'the man of thy right hand', as
in Psalm 110:1, and 'the son of m a n ' , and so this verse may lie behind
the linkage in Mark 14:62 of Psalm 110:1 and the 'Son of m a n ' of
Daniel 7:13. We have noted that the 'right h a n d ' of God, implying his
kingly power and activity, is especially prominent in Psalms 80, 89
(including the contrast between David's 'right h a n d ' in verse 25, and
the 'right h a n d ' of his foes in verse 42), 110 and 118.
306 C H A P T E R THREE

In his important study on the Christological Exegesis of the Old Tes-

tament in the Gospel of Mark, J . Marcus has concluded that Mark "is
following in the footsteps of some of his Jewish contemporaries when he
makes the modf of the kingdom of God of central importance and binds
it intimately to the notion of the kingship of the Messiah". 283
All our four m a j o r Psalms emphasize the Messiah's dependence on
the authority and power of G o d , which can be seen as expressions of
God's kingship (or 'kingdom'). G o d is actually pictured as being seat-
ed on his heavenly throne both in Psalm 2:4 and in Psalm 110:1, and
in both Psalms God's kingship is primary. By the allusion to Psalm 2
at the beginning of Mark's gospel, Jesus' Messiahship/divine sonship
is shown to be subordinate to God's kingdom. T h e n at Jesus' trial, his
claim to Messiahship/sonship (Mark 14:62) is clearly put in the con-
text of God's kingship, by reference to Psalm 110:1 and Daniel 7:13.
Psalm 22 is also set in the context of God's kingship, and while the
very real suffering evidenced by the cry of dereliction must be allowed
its full force and effect, the other allusions to this Psalm in Mark's pas-
sion narrative show that (for the narrator at least) the cry was intended
to evoke more than just the first verse.
W e have further seen how M a r k (in chapters 11-13) shows the king-
ly attributes of authority and righteous j u d g m e n t as belonging both to
G o d and to Jesus, so linking the themes of the kingdom of G o d and
the messianic kingship o f j e s u s . This section directly follows three inci-
dents that allude to Jesus' Messiahship (10:35 - 11:11). Royal (mes-
sianic) christology then becomes all-important for Mark in 14:61-62
and throughout the passion narrative. T h e Messiah suffers and dies.
His vindication is anticipated by God's kingly act in the tearing of the
temple curtain (15:38), and the associated confession of the centurion,
"Truly, this m a n was the Son of God!"

283 Op. cit., p. 202. Marcus continues, "however, there seems to be no Jewish paral-
lei for Mark's thought that the Messiah's kingship and the kingdom of God are mani-
fest already and in a definitive way in his suffering and death." My views set out in this
chapter and chapter 4, as to the likely authenticity to Jesus a n d / o r the early church of
many (but not all) of the O T quotations and allusions in Mark, points to a difference
from Marcus, as he considers that "Mark is in some ways similar to the author of the
Habakkuk Commentary at Q u m r a n " (op. cit., pp. 202f.) and is "a creative shaper of
inherited traditions" (idem, Mark 1-8 (2000), pp. 59-62); cf. note 177 (ch. 5). However,
we are agreed that the various O T motifs, quotations and allusions in Mark witness to
a close connection between the concepts of the kingdom of God and the messianic
kingship ofjesus. 111 future, therefore, Mark's presentation of messiahship (and related
words and concepts, applied to Jesus) should be considered in closer conjunction with
his portrayal of jesus' proclamation of the kingdom of God.
 CONCLUSIONS

At the end of each of our chapters (or the sub-sections, other than the
short third sub-section, to chapter 5) we have summarized our find-
ings and it is unnecessary here to reiterate them. O u r argument has
developed, with cumulative effect throughout the six chapters, to
demonstrate the fact and significance of the linkage of the two themes
of the kingdom of G o d and of the messianic kingship/divine sonship
o f j e s u s in the gospel of Mark. Without going over all the stages of that
argument, we shall now attempt to summarize what we consider to be
the main results and significance of this study.
1. In chapter 4, we considered Jesus' preaching of the kingdom of
G o d , according to Mark. W e saw that the coming of God's kingdom
was closely related to the person and works o f j e s u s himself, and entry
into the kingdom depended on following Jesus with childlike trust.
G o d ' s kingdom is eternal, but was being manifested uniquely through
Jesus: that was the secret of the kingdom of G o d , m a d e known to
Jesus' disciples. Further, the future coming of God's kingdom in pow-
er would reveal the glory o f j e s u s , given to him by his Father, as antic-
ipatcd in the transfiguration.
In chapter 6, we saw that Mark's presentation of the messianic
kingship/divine sonship o f j e s u s (especially by reference to Psalms 2;
118; 110; and 22) shows it as being subordinate to God's kingship, and
also the primary means by which God's kingdom is revealed on earth.
Thus, the coming of God's kingdom was, and will be, primarily
revealed through Jesus' messianic kingship, which involved rejection,
suffering and death, but is to be vindicated in the future. Jesus' king-
ship/Messiahship/divine sonship was veiled during his earthly life,
but it will be manifested fully at a future time. Indeed for the believer,
Jesus' vindication and his manifestation as King has already begun in
the events of the crucifixion and resurrection. It was only after Jesus
has died, that he was confessed by the centurion as 'Son of G o d '
(Mark 15:39).
So, according to Mark, Jesus (following the Psalms and other Old
Testament passages) linked the concept of Messiahship/divine sonship
with the kingdom of G o d ‫ ־‬powerful, ethical, personal, and compas-
sionate - whose coming was 'good news'. He is further seen as reinter-
preting current notions of Messiahship in two ways. First, the Messiah
308 CONCLUSIONS

comes in humility and must experience suffering, as foreshadowed in

some of the Davidic lament-psalms (especially Psalm 22), the Servant of
Isaiah 40-55, Zechariah 9-14, and the Son of m a n in Daniel 7. Second-
ly, following Daniel 7 again and also Psalm 110, he is more than an
earthly ruler. T h e Messiah/Son of G o d is the coming Son of man, who
will be seated on God's throne ofjudgment, next to G o d himself.
2. T h e kingdom of G o d in M a r k represents God's personal reign,
as celebrated in the second part of Isaiah a n d the psalms of Yahweh's
kingship. T h e cultic background of Yahweh's kingship, evidenced
there, implies that the manifestations of that kingship in contempo-
rary history may be spoken of in similar terms to the final eschatologi-
cal manifestation. Yahweh's kingship was celebrated as eternal, affect-
ing past, present and future. So also, in early J u d a i s m , while there is
generally a future orientation in references to G o d as King, the future
that is contemplated may be G o d acting in history, not only in escha-
tological events. Nowhere is it suggested that the kingdom of G o d will
come into existence at the end-time. God's kingdom has always exist-
ed but will be manifest to all at the end.
In view of this background (indicated by the allusion to Isaiah 52:7
in M a r k 1:14-15), it is probably not true to say that, for Mark, the
kingdom of G o d began to come in the ministry o f j e s u s . G o d ' s eternal
kingdom had always existed, and had been manifested at various
times in history in j u d g m e n t and salvation, especially in relation to
Israel. T h e r e will be a final eschatological manifestation, and it is that
that is brought nearer by the ministry, death and resurrection o f j e s u s .
God's kingdom is manifested through the Messiah, 1 and there will be
a continued manifestation through the Messiah's new covenant peo-
pie, empowered by the Holy Spirit. So the coming o f j e s u s represent-
ed a final phase in 'salvation-history', but not the beginning of the
operation of God's kingdom. 2 However, when Jesus speaks (according
to Mark) of the kingdom being 'at h a n d ' (Mark 1:15), it is probably the

1 Cf. G.R. Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of 6W(1986), pp. 144-146, who, in
an excursus on 'The Relation o f j e s u s to the Kingdom of God in the Present', con-
eludes that the function that Jesus assigns to himself in relation to the kingdom of God
goes well beyond anything said of the Messiah in the Old Testament or in the apoca-
lyptic or rabbinic teaching of his day. He continues, "Since we would do well to have
a term to denote the manifold function o f j e s u s with respect to the kingdom of God,
and since the title Messiah is the acknowledged umbrella term to denote the represen-
tative of the kingdom, it is difficult to avoid appropriating it for Jesus."
2 Cf. the various schemata of the relationship between 'this age' and 'the age to
come', presented in G.E. Ladd, A Theology of the New Testament (1974), pp. 68-69.
 CONCLUSIONS 309

final eschatological manifestation of the kingdom that is in view. As

with the cultic worship in the Psalms, some of the benefits o f t h a t final
manifestation may be appropriated in the present.
3. In our Introduction, we mentioned the view of P. Vielhauer that
the Messiah (interpreted in a broad sense) or Son of M a n were incom-
patible with the kingdom of God in Jewish thought. 3 While we have
not undertaken a thorough study of 'the Son of M a n ' , we have seen
that this figure is related to the Messiah (as well as to the Isaianic Ser-
vant of the Lord) in the Similitudes of Enoch, while we have argued
elsewhere that the 'one like a son of m a n ' fulfils a messianic role in
Daniel 7.4 W e have seen the close relationship between the kingship of
Yahweh and Davidic (or messianic) kingship in the Psalms, and have
argued that this close relationship is seen also in the later chapters of
Isaiah, taking the Servant as a possibly messianic figure."' T h e Hebrew
litany at the end of Sirach, the Shemoneh 'Esreh and the Psalms of
Solomon speak both of God's kingship and cither the Messiah or the
restoration of the Davidic line (which has messianic implications). 6
Psalms of Solomon 17 is particularly significant, as it also implies a
prophetic a n d / o r teaching role for the Messiah, on the basis of allu-
sions to Isaiah 11, a passage which is applied in a similar m a n n e r at
Q u m r a n . W e have considered the possibility that in certain circles
healing and exorcism may also have been seen as contributing to the
role of the expected Messiah. Despite the variety of messianic beliefs
in early Judaism, we have found that the predominant expectation
was that of an earthly ruler of the Davidic line. While the priestly Mes-
siah took precedence at Q u m r a n , the tradition of the coming kingly or
princely Messiah of the Davidic line was more deep-rooted and more
vividly represented. His title ‫'( נטיא‬prince') implies the subordination of
the Davidic Messiah to Yahweh.

3 P. Vielhauer, 'Gottesreich und Menschensohn in der Verkündigung Jesu' (orig.

publ. 1957), rep. in Aufsätze zum Neuen Testament ( 1965), pp. 55-91 ; 'Jesus und der Men-
schensohn', %ThK60 (1963), pp. 133-177, rep. \n Aufsätze zum Neuen Testament ( 1965),
pp. 92-140. In passing, we may note that in two 'Son of man' sayings in Mark (8:38
and 14:62), God's kingship is implied, even though the 'kingdom of God' is not actu-
ally mentioned.
4 R.I). Rowe, 'Is Daniel's "son of man" messianic?', in Christ the hird, ed. H.H.
Rowdon (1982), pp. 71-96.
5 The relationship between Yahweh's kingship and messianic kingship is clearly to
be seen in the early chapters of Isaiah.
6 M. Hengel, Jesus, the Messiah of Israel', in Studies in Early Christology (ET, 1995),
pp. 1-72, at p. 36, adduces Ps. Sol. 1 7 as ev idence refuting Vielhauer's view.
310 CONCLUSIONS

W h a t we characterized in the Psalms as 'two-tier' kingship, with the

Davidic (messianic) king reflecting Yahweh's supreme kingship (or
kingdom) and ruling under Yahweh's authority, can thus be seen in
other parts of the Old Testament and in early Judaism. Far from
being incompatible, the concepts of God's kingdom and the Messiah
are inherently closely related (even though they are used separately in
some strands of literature). W e have also seen that the concepts are
closely related in the gospel of Mark.
In a trajectory over a period of a thousand years or so, we may
observe these concepts closely related to each other in, for example,
Psalms 2 and 110 (possibly tenth century B.C.), Psalms of Solomon 17
(first century B.C.) and M a r k (first century A.D.). Using the criterion
of coherence, ifJesus, whose ministry falls between the last two works
mentioned, spoke much of the kingdom of God, and also held himself
out as having a special role in God's kingdom, it is more likely that he
conceived of his role as messianic than that such a role was assigned to
him at a later stage. T h e proclamation of God's kingdom (with which
the messianic role particularly coheres) was much more characteristic
o f j e s u s than of the early church.
4. W e also referred in our Introduction to the suggestion of C . H .
Dodd that Jesus was responsible for some of the innovative exegesis of
the Old Testament which is found in the New, especially the linking
together of various figures in different sections of the Scriptures. 7 W e
noted that Psalms 2 and 110 (which both link Messiahship/divine son-
ship to God's kingship) were applied to Jesus by the Christian commu-
nity at a very early stage. We have argued in chapter 6 that uses of
Psalms 2; 118; 110 and 22 in Mark were authentic to Jesus, and fur-
ther that Psalms 89 and 80 were also probably of significance in Jesus'
consideration of his own role and mission.
Jesus probably believed that the heavenly voice at his baptism
addressed him as 'Son', and inferred an allusion to Psalm 2:7. This is
supported by the evidence of Jesus' filial self-consciousness towards
God. T h e 'secret' of God's kingdom (Mark 4:11) may relate to Jesus'
baptismal vision, which had overtones of God's kingship. T h e 'secret'
is also related to Isaiah chapter 6, where the prophet had a vision of
God as King, and to Daniel chapters 2 and 4, where again the context
is God's kingship in relation to earthly kingdoms. It may be that Jesus

7 C.H. Dodd, According 10 the Scriptures ( 1952), pp. 109-110.

 CONCLUSIONS 311

believed that he had been called to a similar prophetic role to pro-

claim God's kingship. 8
In considering his calling as God's Son, which in Psalm 2 is clearly
related to Messiahship, Jesus would almost certainly (in view of the
connections already made in early Judaism) have moved to 2 Samuel
7 and Psalm 89, which also refer to the divine sonship of the Davidic
(or messianic) king. From Psalm 89, the possibility of a n u m b e r of fur-
ther connections opens out:
a) Psalm 89 contains a hymn of Yahweh's kingship, and indeed is
near to the main collection of the psalms of Yahweh's kingship (93;
95-99), which have strong links with the proclamation of the 'good
news' of God's reign in the later chapters of Isaiah.
b) T h e r e are verbal links between Psalm 89 and Psalm 80, where
again the Davidic (messianic) king may be described as God's 'son'
(verse 15) in solidarity with Israel as the 'vine' (verse 14). T h e king is
more clearly referred to in verse 17, first as 'the m a n of thy right h a n d '
(suggesting a link with Psalm 110, and other passages where the 'right
h a n d of Yahweh' is in evidence) and secondly as 'the son of m a n ' (sug-
gesting a link with Daniel 7).
c) T h e r e are also verbal links between Psalm 89 and Psalm 118,
which speaks of the Messiah's rejection and vindication in terms of a
'stone' (verse 22), suggesting further links with the 'stone' of Daniel 2.
T h e latter was interpreted messianically (as evidenced by Josephus)
and has a parallel function (at least in part) to the 'son of m a n ' of
Daniel 7. W e have also suggested possible connections between Psalm
118:22 and other 'stone' passages in Isaiah and Zechariah.
d) Finally the humiliation and suffering of the Davidic (messianic)
king at the end of Psalm 89 may have pointed first to the sufferings
experienced by the psalmist in various psalms 'of David' (particularly
Psalm 22; also Psalms 41 and 69). Secondly, they may have pointed to
the comparable sufferings of the Servant of the Lord in Isaiah 40-55,
especially as David and the Davidic (messianic) king are called God's
'servant' in Psalm 89 also.
W e may suggest that Jesus was conscious of his calling as God's
'Son' which he saw as related to Messiahship, but in the variety of
contemporary views on the role of the Messiah he had to determine

8 It is also possible that because Ezekiel was addressed by God as 'Son of man' after
he had seen a vision of God enthroned, Jesus was drawn to the same designation.
312 CONCLUSIONS

what his calling actually entailed. W e have looked at the political

implications of Messiahship, which follow from the fact that the Mes-
siah was most commonly viewed as an earthly ruler of the Davidic
line. Jesus rejected making political claims and probably first saw him-
self in a prophetic/teaching role, particularly perhaps because Isaiah
61:1 appears to identify the proclaimer of the 'good news' of God's
reign (or kingdom; cf. Isaiah 52:7) with the Messiah. Later the necessi-
ty of suffering became clearer in the face of opposition to his ministry,
and he found this role portrayed in the Davidic lament-psalms (as well
as Psalm 118) and probably in some of the 'Servant' passages in Isaiah
40-55. Finally, he also saw himself as King in the future, as is shown
by the references to Daniel 7 and Psalm 110:1 (combined in Mark
14:62). T h e successive roles that Jesus saw for himself as Son of
G o d / M e s s i a h therefore appear to be prophet, sufferer, king. 9 T h e
term 'Messiah' would most naturally be applied to the final kingly
role, although we have noted connections in Old Testament exegesis
between messianic kingship and the earlier roles.
W e are not suggesting that we can be certain about the extent of
the scriptural passages which were important to Jesus in relation to his
own role, nor how precisely he related them to each other. N o r can
we be certain in what order he conceived he was fulfilling or was to
fulfil various Old Testament roles which may broadly be described as
messianic. However, the fact that logical connections can be m a d e
between different Old Testament passages, which were probably used
by Jesus (on the evidence in Mark) is of importance. T h e evidence of
the Psalms, connecting the kingship of Yahweh with Davidic (mes-
sianic) kingship, provides a vital link between the concepts of the king-
d o m of G o d and the Son of m a n (interpreted messianically). M a r k
and the other synoptic gospels present both these concepts as being
used in a distinctive fashion by Jesus.
W e have seen that most of Mark's Christological emphases are
related in some way to the four main royal psalms that we have con-

9 It is interesting that the three temptations o f j e s u s , in the Matthean order (Mt.

4:1-11), may be seen to correspond approximately to these three roles: (i) the sugges-
tion to turn stones into bread was a temptation to use his prophetic powers for himself
(verses 2-4); (ii) the invitation to throw himself off the pinnacle of the temple, in the
hope that God's angels would look after him, was a temptation to take a short-cut to
avoid the longer road of suffering brought about by human opposition, which would
eventually lead to vindication (verses 5-7); (iii) the offer of the kingdoms of the world,
in return for worshipping the devil, was a temptation to seize kingship before the time
when it would be granted to him by God (verses 8-10).
 CONCLUSIONS 313

sidered (2; 118; 110 and 22). Mark's presentation o f j e s u s as the Mes-
siah centres around these four psalms. Psalm 2 shows him as 'God's
anointed' and God's 'Son'. Psalms 22 and 118 (like Psalms 89 and 80)
speak of suffering and rejection, prior to vindication by God. Psalm
110 speaks of the Messiah's heavenly authority next to God, who has
the supreme kingship. All our four major psalms emphasize the Messi-
ah's dependence on the authority and power of God, which can be
seen as expressions of God's kingdom. We suggest that the linkage
between the kingdom of G o d and the messianic kingship/divine son-
ship o f j e s u s that we have found in Mark is important not only for
Mark's own proclamation of the 'good news' to his readers or hearers.
It is also important as evidence for Jesus' proclamation of the 'good
news' of God's kingdom, which was to be manifested primarily
through Jesus' ministry, crucifixion, resurrection and parousia, as
God's Son. 10

10 I have not been able to consider in detail the new work by M. Hengel & A.M.
Schwemer, Der messianische Anspruch Jesu und die Anfänge der Christologie. Vier Studien
(2001). However, Professor Hengel has kindly sent me some extracts, which arrived at
proof-reading stage. His two studies, 'Jesus der Messias Israels' (pp. 1-80), and 'Jesus
als messianischer Lehrer der Weisheit und die Anfänge der Christologie' (pp. 81-132)
are revised and extended versions of earlier essays, which were published in his Studies
in Early Christology (ET, 1995). The new book also contains two studies by A.M.
Schwemer, 'Die Passion des Messias nach Markus und der Vorwulf des Antijudais-
mus' (pp. 133-164), and 'Jesus Christus als Prophet, König und Priester. Das munus
triplex und die frühe Christologie' (pp. 165-230). Overall, the authors' position is that if
Jesus was condemned as a messianic pretender, that charge must have been occa-
sioned by Jesus' ministry, and confirmed by him. Cf. pp. 247f. and notes 63-66 (ch. 6).
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 341 S E L E C T E D B I B L I O G R A P H Y

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 343 S E L E C T E D B I B L I O G R A P H Y

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für Günther Dehn, ed. W. Schneemelcher (Neukirchen: Verlag der
Buchandlung des Erziehungsvereins, 1957), pp. 51-79; rep. in Aufsätze
zum Neuen Testament (Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1965), pp. 55-91.
— 'Jesus und der Menschensohn, Zur Diskussion mit Heinz Eduard Tödt
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Neuen Testament (Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1965), pp. 92-140.
D. Vieweger & A. Böckler, '"Ich gebe Ägypten als Lösegeld für dich" Mk
10,45 und die jüdische Tradition zu Jes 43,3b.4', £AW 108 (1996), pp.
594-607.
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Jesu', in Gott in Welt: FestgabefiirK. Rahner, ed. J. Metz (Freiburg: Herder,
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Evangelienforschung (Düsseldorf: Patmos, 1971), pp. 296-344.
T.C. Vriezen, An Outline of Old Testament Theology (ET, Oxford: Blackwell,
1958).
J. de Waard, A Comparative Study of the Old Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls
and in theNew Testament (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1965).
J.D.W. Watts, Isaiah 1-33 & Isaiah 34-66 [WBC 24 & 25; Waco, Texas: Word,
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C.A. Evans (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1994), pp. 179-229.
T.J. Weeden, Mart Traditions in Conflict (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971).
A. Weiser, The Psalms: A Commentary (ET, London: S.C.M., 1962).
J. Weiss, Jesus' Proclamation of the Kingdom of God (first ed. in German, 1892; ET,
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D. Wenham, 'The Kingdom of God and Daniel', ExpT98 (1987), pp. 132-134.
— The Rediscovery of Jesus' Eschatological Discourse (Sheffield: J S O T Press, 1984).
— '"This Generation will not Pass ...", A Study ofjesus' Future Expectation
in Mark 13', in Christ the Lord: Studies in Christology presented to Donald Guthrie,
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G.J. Wenham, Numbers (Leicester: I.V.P., 1981).
J. Wenham, Redating Matthew, Mark and Luke. A Fresh Assault on the Synoptic Prob-
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E. Werner, The Sacred Bridge: The Interdependence of Liturgy and Music in Synagogue
and Church during the First Millennium (London: Dennis Dobson; New York:
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C. Westermann, 'Book of Psalms', IDB Supp (1976), pp. 705-710.
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R.N. Whybray, Isaiah 40-66 (London: Oliphants, 1975).
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 365 S E L E C T E D B I B L I O G R A P H Y

G. Widengren, 'Early Hebrew Myths and their Interpretation 5 , in Myth, Ritu-

at and Kingship, ed. S.H. Hooke (Oxford: Univ. Press, 1958), pp. 149-203.
— Sakrales Königtum im Alten Testament und im Judentum (Stuttgart: Kohlham-
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M. Wilcox, 'On investigating the use of the Old Testament in the New Tes-
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pp. 426-436.
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G.H. Wilson, 'Shaping the Psalter: A Consideration of Editorial Linkage in
366 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

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J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1970), pp. 321-332.
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(1987), pp. 5-34.
 INDICES

Index of Ancient References

Index of M o d e r n Authors
Index of Selected Topics
Key to H e b r e w / A r a m a i c and Greek words and phrases
 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

OLD TESTAMENT
Genesis 16 77
19:22 171
1:26-28 55, 200 25:10 80
1:28-29 55
1:31 236 Numbers
9:9ff. 79 6: nr. 160
14 184 11:12 51-52
14:18fT. 32 15:37-41 111
22 243 23:21 LXX 27
22:2 238, 262 24:15-17 167
22:12 238 24:17fT. 34, 168
22:16 238 24:17-19 172
26:12 126 24:17 167, 168, 169,
26:24 72 175, 214
49:8fT. 34 25:6-13 221
49:1 Of. 266, 276 27:17 277
49:10 178, 266
Deuteronomy
Exodus 4:1 LXX 150
4:16 52 4:8 16
4:22-23 52 5:28-29 167
9:16 140 6:4-9 111
9:16 LXX 140 6:4f. 270
15:2 46-47 6:13 270
15:6 46-47, 291, 292 6:16 270
15:11 19, 23, 40, 98 6:18 LXX 150
15:12 291, 292 8:3 270
15:17-18 97 10:18-19 54
15:18 23, 112, 291 11:13-21 111
16:7 17 12:9 151
16:10 17 16:20 LXX 150
19:6 103 17:14 32
19:16 20 17:15 50
19:18 20 18:15 259
22:21-24 54 18:15 LXX 259
24:12-18 143 18:18-19 167, 235
24:16 142 20:2-5 172
34:29-35 144 32:10 74
40:34-35 17 33:2 144
33:8-11 169
Leviticus
4:3 165 Joshua
4:3 LXX 165 6:26 169
4:5 165
4:5 LXX 165 Judges
4:16 165 5:5 20
4:16 LXX 165 8:21 182
6:22 165 8:22-23 31
6:22 LXX 11:34 262
(6:15) 165
372 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

Ruth 6:18 56
4:16 52 6:20-22 48
6:21 50, 51
1 Samuel 7 51, 58, 97, 179-180,
2:7 21 195, 200, 202, 246,
2:10 50, 165 247, 271, 305, 311
2:35 50 7:2 56
4:4 65 7:5-7 48
4:17 67 7:7-8 54
8 21 7:8 50, 51
8:7 31 7:1 Off. 270, 291
8:16-17 278 7:10-14 179
8:19f. 31-32 7:10-11 54
9:16 51 7:11-16 50, 70
10:1-13 259 7:11-14 174, 179, 246
10:1 50, 51, 283 7:11 48, 271
10:6 50 7:12-14 246, 247, 302
10:9-10 50 7:12-13 45, 77
10:19 31 7:12 246, 247, 248
10:24 50 7:12 LXX 246
10:25 51 7:13 51, 59, 198, 271
11:15 53 7:14-16 44
12:3 50 7:14 47, 51, 52, 59, 217,
12:5 50, 194 246, 247, 258, 265,
12:12 31 270, 291
13:9-10 56 7:15 51
13:14 51 7:16 51
15:33 182 7:27 271
16:6 50 8 32
16:12 50 14:4 153
16:13 50, 80, 205, 259 14:17 53, 55
16:14-23 204 14:20 55
23:10-11 51 18:3 50, 55
24:6 55, 165 19:9-10 55
25:30 51 19:27 55
25:39 51 21:17 48, 55
26:11 55 22 204
22:20 238
2 Samuel 23: Iff. 80
1:14 55 23:1-7 49-50, 204
1:16 55 23:1-2 259
2:4 50, 53 23:1 49, 80, 204
3:18 51 23:2 49, 50, 80, 128, 204
3:21 53 23:3 49, 54, 55
5:2 51 23:4 49, 55
5:3 50, 54 23:5 49, 51
6-7 48 23:6-7 49, 50, 54
6 30 24:25 56
6:2 65-66
6:4-5 21 1 Kings
6:6-10 48 1:31 55
6:11-12 48 1:35 51
6:12-15 56 1:37 55
6:13 56 1:38-40 276
6:14-16 48 1:39 50
6:15 17 1:47 55
6:17-18 56 3:4 56
 373 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

3:5fT. 38, 53 17:14 24-25

3:9 55 22-29 56
3:12 55 28:2 152
3:15 56 28:5 25
3:16-28 55 29:23 25
4:25 (MT 5:5) 198
4:29-34 (MT 2 Chronicles
5:9-14) 205 20:7 72
4:32 26:16ÍT. 56
(MT 5:12) 205 28:3 146
4:32 LXX 205
4:33 Job
(MT 5:13) 205 15:8 130
5-8 56 15:8 (Theo•
8:3fT. 30 dotion) 130
8:5 56 17:6 240
8:11 17 30:10 240
8:14 56 36:32 81
8:16ÍL 30 38:6 267
8:27 149 40:14 291
8:62-64 56
9:25 56 Psalms
12:1 53 1-89 62
12:16 53 1 37, 62
12:20 53 1:1 179
12:26-33 56 2 2-3, 33, 37-39, 45, 53,
12:32 28 58, 59, 60, 62, 70, 74,
14:7 51 76, 108, 143, 174, 194,
16:2 51 202, 210, 211, 218,
19:16 80, 165 235, 242-262, 269, 270,
22:10 18 271, 278, 279, 291,
22:17 277 304, 305, 306, 307,
22:19 132 310, 311, 313
2:1-3 37, 242, 261
2 Kings 2:1-2 174, 179
2:9 38 2:2 2, 14, 15, 37, 38, 39,
6:26 55, 153 50, 70, 76, 77, 165,
9:3 283 202, 210, 271, 304
9:6 283 2:2 LXX 242
9:13 276 2:3 38
11:12 34, 50, 53-54 2:4 15, 37, 60, 61, 132,
11:17 53-54 242, 306
12:4f. 56 2:5 37, 61
13:5 55 2:611 38
16:3 146 2:6-8 37, 38
18-20 65 2:6 37, 38, 39, 60, 77, 242
18:31 198 2:7-8 37, 258
21:6 146 2:7 33, 34, 38, 39, 51, 53,
22:3-7 56 76, 108, 117, 132, 174,
23 56 195, 217, 237, 238,
23:2-3 54 239, 242, 243, 245,
23:10 146 246, 247, 248, 249,
258, 259, 260, 261,
1 Chronicles 262, 265, 266, 268,
6:4-8 196 270, 290, 291, 302,
13:6 66 304, 305, 310
16:22 165 2:7 LXX 248
374 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

2:8-11 175 18:7-15 20, 39

2:8-10 77 18:7ff. 48
2:8-9 40, 57, 70, 274, 304 18:7-9 48
2:8 38, 52, 53, 60, 242, 262 18:7-8 100
2:8 LXX 262 18:9-11 39
2:9 37, 38, 107, 168, 202 18:13 39
2:1 Off. 38, 61 18:14 48
2:10 14, 37, 108, 202 18:15-17 39
2:11-12 37 18:16-19 39
2:12 37, 38, 39 18:16-17 48
3-41 38 18:17 290
5 61, 150 18:19 39
5:2 15, 16, 61 18:20ff. 39, 51, 258
5:7 L X X 150 18:20-24 39
5:8 16 18:20 47
5:11 27 18:21 53
5:12 16 18:23 45
6:3 301 18:25 39, 45
8 55, 289 18:27 39
8:3-8 200 18:27-31 216
8:4 49, 55 18:27-30 39
8:5-8 55 18:28-42 39
8:5 55 18:28 40, 47, 48, 53
9:2 27 18:29 40, 53
9:3-6 22 18:30 40, 45
9:4 15, 16, 132 18:31-42 40
9:5-6 16 18:31 40
9:7-8 24 18:32 45
9:7 15, 16, 23 18:34 40, 48
9:8 16, 24 18:35 292
9:11 16, 22, 27 18:37-45 40
9:19-20 16, 24 18:43-45 40
9:19 22 18:43 53, 78
10:16 15, 16, 22, 23 18:46 39, 40, 53, 61
11:3 16 18:47-48 40
11:4 15, 16, 23, 69, 132 18:47 48
11:5 16 18:49 40, 128
11:7 16 18:50 39, 40, 50
15 150 19 20
15:4 263, 264 19: Iff. 24
16 292 20 40
16:8 292 20:1-5 40, 56
16:11 292 20:1 46
17:7 292 20:2 40
18 36, 37, 39-40, 48, 50, 20:4 53
57, 177, 204 20:5 46
18:1-2 39, 48, 53 20:6-8 40
18:1 53 20:6 50, 53, 81, 292
18:2 44, 76 20:7 46
18:3 39, 46, 53, 177 20:9 40, 56
18:4-5 47 21 40-41, 42, 59, 177
18:5-6 40 21:1 40, 41, 53, 76
18:6-19 144 21:2-6 41
18:6-8 177 21:2 40, 53
18:6 39, 46, 53 21:3 177
18:6 L X X 21:4 40-41, 47, 53
(17:6) 150 21:5 53, 60
 375 I N D E X O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

21:6 41, 53 28:8-9 56

21:7 41 28:8 50, 61, 76
21:8-12 40, 41 28:9 61
21:8 292 29 17, 19, 23, 25, 28, 29
21:9 177 29:1-3 17
21:13 40, 61 29:1-2 17, 23, 27
22 36, 37, 49, 57, 61, 76, 29:2 19
77, 235, 241, 242, 243, 29:3ίΓ. 39
264, 295-304, 305, 306, 29:3-10 23
307, 308, 310, 311, 313 29:9 17
22:1 253, 295, 2 % , 297, 29:10 15, 17, 23, 39, 132
299, 301 29:11 17, 23
22:3 15, 296, 302 31 296, 303
22:6-8 240, 299 31:23 74
22:6 303 33:3 27, 49, 68
22:7 240, 299 33:4-5 24
22:7 LXX 33:5 68
(21:7) 299 33:6-7 28, 68
22:14-18 299 33:14 68
22:16 298 35 287
22:16 LXX 35:11 286
(21:16) 298 36 50-51
22:18 297, 299 36:4 263
22:22-31 295 40 37
22:22 128 40:3 49, 68
22:24 295 40:9 67
22:25-31 298 40:11 74
22r27fT. 302 41 37, 295, 2 % , 300, 301,
22:27 302 302, 305, 311
22:28 15, 16, 24, 61, 296, 302 41:1-3 295
23 37 41:3-4 296
24 16-17, 24, 26, 47, 150 41:9 300
24:1 16, 23 41:9 LXX
24:2 16, 23 (40:9) 300
24:3«‫־‬. 20, 39, 47 41:11-13 295
24:3-6 16 41:12 74
24:3-4 22 42:5 301
24:3 27 42:11 301
24:5 22 43:4 LXX
24:7-10 15, 16, 23, 27, 47 (42:4) 150
24:7 17 43:5 301
24:7 LXX 44 25, 61
(23:7) 150 44:3f. 153
24:8 17, 22, 23 44:3 291, 292
24:9 17 44:4 15, 17, 22, 61
24:9 LXX 44:8 16
(23:9) 150 45 41-42, 59, 292
24:10 22, 23 45:2-5 76
25:14 130 45:2 41, 42
25:14 (Theo- 45:3-4 41
dotion) 130 45:3 53, 60
25:21 74 45:4 54, 292
27 286 45:5 41
27:10 52 45:6-7 41
27:12 286 45:6 41, 42
28 61 45:7 42, 54, 80
28:7 61, 76 45:8-9 41
376 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

45:10-15 41 68:18 27
45:16 42, 53 68:20 67
45 17 41 68:24-25 27
46:1 76 68:24 15, 16, 61, 67
46:4 28 68:26 27
47 14, 17, 25, 26, 28, 151 68:32f. 27
47 1 17, 24, 27, 43 69 36, 37, 77, 241, 242,
47 2-4 23 264, 295, 296, 300,
47 2 15, 17, 24, 27, 151 301, 302, 303, 305, 31
47 2 LXX 69:5 296
(46:2) 151 69:21 300
47 3-4 17, 22 69:22 147
47 3 22 69:30-36 295
47 5 17, 27 72 42-43, 49, 58, 59, 60,
47 6-8 15 62, 78, 198, 202, 277
47 6-7 27 72 title
47 7-9 24 LXX (71) 198
47 7-8 17 72:1-4 42, 254
47 8 15, 19, 27, 132 72: If. 51, 54, 60, 77
47 9 17, 24, 43, 61, 66 72:1 42
48 151, 152 72:2ff. 42
48 1-2 23 72:2 43, 54, 60, 79, 272
48 1 18, 19, 27, 149, 151 72:3 43, 49, 55
48 2 15, 17, 18, 22, 88, 148, 72:4 43, 54, 60, 79, 153
149, 151, 152, 160 72:5 43
48:2 L X X 72:6 43, 46, 49, 53, 55
(47:2) 151 72:7 42, 43, 49, 53, 54, 55
48:4-7 22, 23 72:8-14 43
48:4 18 72:8-11 43, 53
48:5-7 18 72:12-14 43, 54, 60, 254
48:8 18, 23 72:12 43, 79
48:9 149 72:13 153
48:10 18, 291 72:14 69
48:11 27 72:15 42, 43, 55
48:12fT. 27 72:16 42, 49, 55, 126
48:14 18, 23 72:17 43, 53
50:6-17 69 72:18-19 42
50:6 24 72:20 42
50:23 69 73 43
51 35 73:17 LXX
53:5 263 (72:17) 150
53:5 LXX 74 18, 25, 61
(52:5) 263 74:1-2 18
60:5 292 74:2 69
61:6-7 56 74:11 291
61:7 74 74:12-15 18, 23
63:8 74, 292 74:12-14 44, 66
65:9 28 74:12 15, 16, 18, 23, 61, 153
66:13 L X X 74:13-14 19
(65:13) 150 74:16-17 18, 23
68 25, 26, 67 74:16 23
68:1-3 22 74:19 18, 22, 43
68:3-4 27 74:20 18
68:4 39 77:10 292
68:5-6 21, 22, 54 77:16-20 39
68:9 27 77:20 292
68 11 67 78:2 127
 377 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

78:54 292 89:3-4 22, 44, 59, 305

78:59 263 89:3 50, 51, 74
78:59 LXX 89:4 246, 271
(77:59) 263 89:5-18 44, 61, 305
78:67 263 89:5-8 18, 44
78:70fr. 61, 77, 292 89:6-19 25
78:70 50, 51 89:6-7 23, 40
78:71 67 89:6 176
80 18, 29, 289, 290, 291, 89:7-17 100
292, 293, 294, 302, 89:9-13 18
305, 310, 311, 313 89:9-10 23, 44, 292
80:1-3 144 89:9 15, 44
80: If. 153 89:10 61, 292
80:1 15, 18, 290, 305 89:11-12 23, 44
80:5f. 290 89:11 23
80:8-19 290 89:12 292
80:8-9 18 89:13 44, 291, 292
80:8 293 89:14-18 18
80:14f. 290 89:14 15, 18, 20, 22, 44, 54,
80:14 290, 293, 311 60, 61, 67, 99, 132, 272
80:15 290, 291, 292, 293, 311 89:15-16 27
80:15 LXX 89:15 20, 27
(79:15) 291 89:17 61
80:17 18, 22, 49, 59, 81, 289, 89:18ff. 22, 59
290, 291, 292, 305, 311 89:19-37 44
80:17 LXX 89:19 44, 50, 51
(79:17) 291 89:20-28 302
82 18, 22 89:20 50, 51, 74, 176, 305
82:1-3 15 89:21 290, 291, 292
82:1-2 18 89:22-23 44
82:1 184, 185 89:23 61, 292
82:3-4 18, 20, 21, 22, 43, 54, 89:24 61
60 89:25-27 44
82:6-7 23 89:25 53, 61, 291, 292, 305
82:6 41 89:26-27 51, 246, 258, 291
82:8 15, 18, 24 89:26 53, 258, 265, 270, 305
84 18, 29, 61 89:27 52, 53, 61
84:2 27 89:28-37 44, 305
84:3 15, 16, 18, 22, 61 89:28 51
84:4 27 89:30fr. 51
84:7 22 89:33-35 51
84:9 18, 22, 50, 56, 59, 61 89:34 51
86 177 89:35 19
86:8 176 89:38fT. 56
86:16-17 177 89:38-51 44, 45, 305
88 36 89:38 44, 50, 176, 263, 271,
89 18, 25, 31, 35, 37, 43- 305
44, 51, 57, 60, 61, 62, 89:38 LXX
77, 78, 79, 99, 100, (88:38) 263
177, 194, 195, 202, 89:39 34, 44, 50, 51, 74, 77
263, 270, 271, 291, 89:42-43 44
292, 294, 302, 303, 89:42 292, 305
305, 310, 311, 313 89:44 44, 77
89:1-37 44 89:46 44
89:1-2 44 89:49 18, 44
89:1 27 89:50-51 44
89:2 271 89:50 74
378 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

89:51 50, 176, 271, 305 96:10 15, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24,
90-150 62 28, 40, 68, 116, 152
90-106 18, 26, 45 96:11-13 19-20, 42, 59
91 37, 204, 270 96:11-12 20, 24, 68
91:11-12 132, 270 96:12 27, 65
91:13 132 96:13 15, 17, 20, 21, 24, 99
92 18 97 14, 20, 25
93 5, 14, 18, 19, 23, 25, 97:1 15, 20, 24, 27, 28, 68,
26, 28, 29, 30, 151, 152
270, 311 97:2-5 20, 23, 143, 159
93:1-3 99 97:2 15, 18, 20, 22, 39, 54,
93:1 15, 18-19, 23, 28, 68, 60, 67, 99, 132, 272
152 97:3-5 20, 23, 24
93:2 15, 18, 23, 28, 132 97:3 17, 20, 22
93:3-4 19, 23, 39, 292 97:5 20
93:4 23 97:6 20, 23, 24, 43, 67
93:5 19, 22 97:7 20, 23, 67
94 18 97:8 20, 27, 67
94:2 15 97:9 20, 23, 24
95-100 26, 29, 151 97:10-12 20, 22
95-99 270, 311 97:10 22, 25
95 15, 25, 151, 152 97:12 19, 27
95:1-2 27 98 14, 20, 25-26
95:2 151 98:1-3 20, 22, 40
95:3-6 66 98:1 19, 27, 49, 68, 291, 292
95:3 15, 19, 23, 151 98:2-3 20
95:3 LXX 98:2 153
(94:3) 151 98:4-6 20, 27
95:4-5 19 98:4 24, 43
95:4 23 98:5-6 27
95:5 23 98:6 15, 21
95:6-7 19 98:7-9 20, 42, 59
95:6 21, 27, 151 98:7-8 20, 24, 68
95:7-11 27, 58, 59, 151 98:8 27, 65
95:7 152 98:9 15, 17, 21, 24
95:8-11 19 99 14, 20-21, 25, 30
95:11 150, 151, 152, 160 99:1-3 66
95:11 LXX 99:1-2 21, 24
(94:11) 150, 151, 152 99:1 15, 20, 23, 28, 65, 68,
96-99 5, 18, 93 132, 152
96-98 25 99:2 20, 22, 23
96 14, 19-20, 24, 25-26, 99:3 21, 24, 27, 128
67 99:4 15, 21, 22, 67
96:1-3 27 99:5 20, 21, 27, 128,
96:1 19, 24, 43, 49, 68 152
96:2-3 19, 22, 40 99:6-8 22
96:2 22, 67, 116, 153 99:6-7 21
96:4-5 23 99:6 21
96:4 19, 23 99:7 20
96:5 19, 23, 67 99:8-9 20
96:6 21 99:8 21
96:7fT. 66 99:9 21, 27, 128
96:7-9 19, 27 100:1-2 27
96:8 152 100:2 LXX
96:8 LXX (99:2) 150, 152
(95:8) 152 100:3 152
96:9 19 100:4 27
 379 I N D E X O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

100:4 LXX 118 3, 15, 36, 37, 46-47,

(99:4) 150, 152 57, 77, 150, 235, 241,
101 39, 45, 51, 258 262-278, 291, 292, 294,
101 1 45, 54, 128 302, 304, 305, 307,
101 2-4 45 310, 311, 312, 313
101 2 45, 54 118:1-4 47
101 5-8 54 118:2-4 46
101 5 45 118:5-18 304
101 6 45 118:5-7 46
101 7-8 45 118:5 46, 53, 258
103 21, 25 118:6-9 46
103:4 69 118:6-7 46
103:12 15 118:8-9 53, 267
103 17 21 118:10-14 46, 263
103:19 15, 21, 23, 24, 69, 132 118:10-12 277
103:20-21 21, 23 118:14-29 80
103:22 21, 23, 24 118:14-16 46
104:27 24 118:14 53, 277
105:6 51 118:15-19 263
105:10 34 118:15 47, 81, 292
105:15 80, 165 118:16 81, 292
105:26 51 118:17-19 46
105:42 51 118:17-18 47
106:24 263 118:19-21 305
106:24 L X X 118:19-20 46, 47, 51, 258, 267,
(105:24) 263 277
107 -145 62 118:19-20 LXX
107:1 Off. 21 (117:19-20) 150
108:6 292 118:20 150
109 292 118:21 46, 53, 258, 277
109:25 299 118:22-23 262, 263, 264, 265,
110 2-3, 33, 34, 45-46, 56, 267, 268, 269, 274,
58, 59, 60, 70, 74, 184, 293, 304
194, 199, 235, 241, 118:22 47, 130, 262, 263, 264,
278-295, 302, 304, 305, 265, 266, 267, 269,
307, 308, 311, 313 271, 281, 311
110:1-2 77 118:22 LXX
110 1 2, 7, 15, 45, 46, 53, 57, (117:22) 263
60, 61, 81, 128, 132, 118:23-27 46
145, 238, 247, 254, 118:23 267, 271
272, 279, 280, 281, 118:24ff. 266
282, 283, 284, 288, 118:25-29 99-100
290, 292, 293, 304, 118:25-26 274, 277, 305
305, 306, 310, 312 118:25 277
110 :1 LXX 118:26-27 46
(109:1) 279 118:26 47, 251, 266, 269, 277
110:2 46 118:26 LXX
110:3 33, 46, 51 (117:26) 277
110:3 LXX 118:27 20, 47
(109:3) 279 118:28 46, 47, 53
110:4 32, 34, 46, 56, 77, 199, 118:29 47
274 127:1 271
110:5-6 46, 57, 61, 77 132 29, 30, 35, 47-48, 150,
110:5 81, 292 194
110:7 46 132:1-10 47
113-118 277 132:1 48, 56
116:1 39 132:2-8 47
380 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

132:6 27 145:20 21
132:7 152 146 21, 25, 185
132:7 L X X 146:2 27
(131:7) 150 146:3-4 21
132:8 21, 151 146:3 49
132:9 27, 47, 48 146:5-6 21
132:10 48, 50, 56 146:6 21, 23
132:11-12 47, 48, 77 146:7-9 21, 22
132:11 48 146:7-8 98, 185
132:12 34, 48, 51 146:7 43, 48, 54
132:13-14 47, 48 146:10 15, 21, 22, 23
132:13 48, 88 148:14 88, 196
132:14 27, 151 149 21
132:15-18 48 149:1-3 27
132:15 48 149:1 19, 27, 49
132:16 27, 47, 48 149:2 15, 21, 22
132:17-18 48 149:3 27
132:17 50, 88, 196 149:5-6 27
136 88 149:6-9 21, 22
136:22 72 [151A (Syriac
138:7 292 Ps. I)] 99
139:10 292 [152 (Syriac
142:6 290 Ps. IV):5] 99
144 48-49, 57, 58, 62, [153 (Syriac
277 Ps. V):l] 99
144:1-11 48 [153 (Syriac
144:1-2 48, 49, 53 Ps. V):6] 99
144:2 76 [ 154 (Syriac
144:3-4 48-49 Ps. II)] 99
144:3 49 [154 (Syriac
144:5-8 48, 53 Ps. II): 1-2] 99
144:5 48 [154 (Syriac
144:6 48 Ps. II):3-19] 99
144:7 48 [155 (Syriac
144:8-11 48 Ps. Ill)] 99
144:8 49, 54
144:9-10 49 Proverbs
144:9 49, 68 1:1 206
144:10 48, 50 3:32 130
144:11 48, 49, 53, 54 8:4-36 155
144:12-15 42, 49, 55 8:15 55
144:15 49 11:13 130
145 21, 25, 62 11:13 (Sym-
145:1 15, 16, 61 machus) 130
145:3 23 16:10 55
145:7 21, 27 16:12 54
145:9-10 21, 23 20:19 130
145:9 24 20:19 (Theo-
145:10 24 dotion) 130
145:11-13 15 24:21 55
145:11-12 21 25:5 54
145:11 23 25:9 130
145:13 21, 23 29:14 54
145:14 21
145:15-17 24 Ecclesiastes
145:17 21 1:1 206
145:18-19 21, 24
 381 I N D E X O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

Song of Solomon 11 1-3 180

1:15 42 11 1 77, 195
4:1 42 11 2ff. 207, 238
11 2-5 175, 184
Isaiah 11 2-4 128
1:23 54 11 2 74, 79, 105, 132, 202,
2:2ff. 17 238, 258, 268
2:2-4 67 11 3-4 75
2:11-12 122 11 3 182
2:17 122 11 4 76, 77, 79, 202
3:8 147 11 5 75, 77
4:2 79 11 6-9 55, 104, 147
5 290, 291, 293 11 10 74, 77, 79, 195
5:1-7 262, 267, 268 11 10 LXX 195
5:7 262 12 1 147
5:27 147 13 6 121
6 128, 131, 133, 158, 14 210
268, 310 14:13 18
6: Iff. 65 16:5 75
6:1 77, 82, 127, 128 19:20 73
6:3 17, 21, 128 20:3 72, 74
6:5 59, 82, 127, 128 22:4 147
6:8 128, 268 22:5 122
6:9-10 1 17, 127, 128, 158, 22:8 122
267, 268 22:20ff. 72
6:10 73 22:20 74
7:14 75, 82, 128, 267 24:16 77
7:17 172 24:23 112
8:8 267 25:6 160
8:10 267 26 267
8:14-15 130, 267, 268 26:2 77, 150, 267
8:14 147, 267, 268 26:3-4 267
8:14 LXX 147 26:19 148
8:14 (Aquila) 147 28 267
8:14 (Sym- 28:13 147
machus) 147 28:16 47, 266, 267, 268, 269
8:14 (Theo- 28:16 L X X 266
dotion) 147 29:13 117, 268
8:15 147 29:18 73, 80
8:16 133 29:19 79
9 82, 84, 128, 241 29:22 72
9: Iff. 82, 84 30:15 121
9:1-7 64, 82, 83 30:26 80
9:2 76, 81 30:29ff. 65
9:6-7 267, 268 31:3 147
9:6 173, 267, 288 31:4 112
9:7 54, 55, 75, 77, 128, 272 32 :1 77
10:21 267 32:7 79
10:28-32 180 32:15 132
10:34-11:1 182 33:21-22 65
10:34 180 33:22 153
11 82, 84, 128, 181, 189, 34:4 138
210, 211, 218, 241, 309 35 65, 116, 237
11:1 ff. 203, 268 35:1 65
11:1-12 104 35:2 65, 237
11:1-10 64, 82, 83, 84, 194, 35:3 147
195, 202, 267 35:4 65
382 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

35:5-6 65, 116, 236-237 41:14 66

35:5 73, 75, 80, 185, 237 41:21-29 66
35:6-7 65 41:21 66
35:6 LXX 237 41:21 LXX 121
35:10 65, 144 41:24 66
36-39 65 4L25ff. 70
36:22 131 41:25 66, 75
37:1 131 41:27 67, 68, 73, 79, 81, 117,
37:14 65 241
37:16 65, 66 41:28 81
37:17 65 41:29 66
37:19 66 42-53 270
37:20 65, 66 42 117, 210
37:21-35 65 42:1 (Γ. 72, 241
37:31 77 42:1-9 70
37:35 72, 74 42:1-4 68, 70, 74-75, 76, 79,
40-66 63-65, 66. 67, 68, 73, 82
82, 124, 149, 153, 158, 42:1 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 79,
235, 270, 308, 309, 311 80, 117, 132, 237, 238,
40-63 292 239, 240, 241, 242,
40-55 25-26, 57, 64, 65, 66, 243, 249, 258, 259, 304
67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 42:1 LXX 248, 252
74, 77, 79, 80, 82, 113, 42:2 75
116, 119, 147, 148, 42:3 75, 80
236, 237, 238, 242, 42:4 75
308, 311, 312 42:5-9 75, 82, 236
40-48 68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 104 42:5 75
40 65, 117 42:6 48, 73, 74, 75, 78, 81,
40:1 80, 147 82
40:3 117, 139, 239 42:7 21, 73, 75, 80, 185,
40:5 139, 144 237, 241
40:9-11 67, 68, 144 42:8 75
40:9-10 139, 140, 159, 240, 292 42:10 68
40:9 67, 68, 73, 79, 81, 112, 42:16 73
116, 117, 139, 140 42:18-22 75
40:9 L X X 117, 140 42:18-20 73
40:10 67, 81, 139, 292 42:18 73
40:10 L X X 139-140 42:19 73, 79
40:11 67, 77, 152 43:3-4 116, 239
40:12 67 43:8 73
40:14 67, 82 43:9 73
40:18-23 69 43:10-11 66
40:18-20 67 43:10 73, 79, 81, 237
40:22 67 43:10 L X X 237
40:23 67 43:12 73
40:27-31 121 43:14-19 66
40:28-31 148 43:15 66
40:28 67 43:16-17 66
40:28 LXX 148 43:20 73, 237
40:30 147, 148 43:20 LXX 237
41:2-4 70 44:1-2 72, 73, 237
41:8-9 237 44:1-2 LXX 237
41:8-9 LXX 237 44:2 75
41:8 68, 72, 73 44:3 132
41:9 72, 73 44:6 66, 67, 132
41:10 73, 74, 290, 291 44:8-9 73
41:13 291 44:21 72
 383 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

44:23 68 51:5 LXX 120

44:24 75 51:9-1 1 144
44:26 73, 79 51:9 66, 81, 139
44:28 70, 77 51:10 66, 72
45:1-4 70 51:11 68
45:1-2 70 51:11 LXX 148
45:1 70, 80, 82, 104, 292 51:12-16 82
45:2-3 70 51:12 80, 147
45:4 71, 72, 73 51:13 66, 76
45:13 70 51:14-16 76
45:17 LXX 148 51:16 66, 76, 81
45:23 66 51:19 80, 147
46:11 70 52:6 121-122
46:13 120 52:7-10 25, 68, 82, 122, 144
46:13 LXX 120 52:7-9 119
48:13-14 292 52:7 28, 67, 68, 73, 79, 81,
48:13 291 82, 83, 98, 108, 112,
48:14f. 70 115-116, 117, 118, 119,
48:14 81 120, 121, 122, 125,
48:20 72 128, 139, 147, 152,
49-55 68 158, 166, 183, 184.
49 202, 210, 264 185, 235, 239, 241,
49: Iff. 79 304, 308, 312
49:1-13 70 52:7 LXX 116, 117, 122
49:1-6 70 52:8 68, 122, 139
49:1 75 52:9 68, 80, 122, 147
49:2 76, 81 52:10 68, 81, 119, 120, 122,
49:3 72, 73, 74, 76 139
49:4 76 52:13-53:12 70, 71, 76-77, 83, 210,
49:5 72, 73, 75, 76 241
49:6 48, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 52:13 72, 77
81 52:14 77, 79, 189-190
49:7 72, 73, 76, 264 52:15 73, 76, 77, 79
49:7 (Sym- 53 71, 239, 240, 241, 242,
machus) 264 264, 286
49:7 (Theo- 53:1 81, 118, 139, 239, 292
dotion) 264 53:2 77
49:8 74, 75, 78, 80 53:3 264
49:9 75, 80, 185, 237 53:3 (Aquila) 264
49:13 68, 80, 147 53:3 (Sym-
49:23 38 machus) 264
49:24f. 116, 240 53:3 (Theo-
50:4ff. 79 dotion) 264
50:4-11 70, 76 53:6 77, 81
50:4-9 70 53:7-8 76
50:4-5 76 53:10-12 116
50:4 80, 81 53:10 77, 79, 81
50:6-9 76 53:11 72, 73, 77, 79, 80, 82
50:6 240 53:12 77, 81, 239
50:8 121 53:12 LXX 116
50:10 76 54:8 LXX 148
50:11 76 54:9 79
51:2 72 54:10 75, 79
51:3 80, 147 54:11 147
51:4-5 75, 76, 79, 82 54:17 73
51:4 78 55:1-5 78-79
51:5 67, 81, 120 55:3-5 70, 78, 79
384 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

55:3 75, 77, 78, 79, 81 62:1 81

55:3 L X X 148 62:2 81
55:4 73, 75, 78 62:8 81, 291, 292
55:5 78, 79 63:1 139
55:6 121 63:5 81
55:7 121 63:9 81
55:13 L X X 148 63:10-14 131
56-66 69, 73, 79 63:12 81, 291, 292
56:1 120, 121 63:13 147
56:1 L X X 120, 121 63:15-64:1 132
56:5 L X X 148 63:17 73
56:6 73 63:19 69, 131, 240
56:7 116, 240, 272 64:1 131, 240
57:14 147, 148 65-66 64, 148, 152
57:15 148, 240 65:4 147
57:15 L X X 148 65:8-9 73
58:6 237 65:9 73
58:8 80, 81 65:13 73
58:10 81 65:14 73
59:10 147 65:15 73
59:14-63:6 81 65:17 147
59:14 147 65:20 147
59:16 81 65:22 73
59:17 81 65:22 L X X 147
59:20 139 65:25 147, 152
59:21 81 66 147
60 202 66: Iff. 147
60:1-3 81 66:1-2 148, 149, 150, 240
60:2 81 66:1 69, 132, 147, 148, 149,
60:3 81 150, 151, 152, 160
60:6 67, 117 66:2-4 69
60:6 LXX 117 66:2 69
60:13 69 66:3 69
60:15 LXX 148 66:4 69
60:19 LXX 148 66:13 80, 147
60:20 L X X 148 66:14 73
60:21 77, 80 66:15-17 147
61 84 66:15 139
61 Iff. 241 66:17 147
61 1-3 79-81, 82, 119, 183, 66:18-21 147
184 66:22-23 147
61 If. 49, 237, 242 66:24 116, 146, 147, 148,
61 1 21, 67, 74, 75, 77, 79, 150, 152, 153, 160, 240
80, 81, 82, 98, 117,
132, 165, 183, 184, Jeremiah
185, 186, 190, 237, 7:11 272
238, 258, 259, 312 7:31-32 146
61 1 LXX 80, 117 7:33 146
61 2 80, 147, 237 11:19 76
61 3 80 15:11 81
61 7 LXX 148 19:5-6 146
61 8-9 78 20:7-12 76
61 8 148 23:5 178
61 8 LXX 148 23:5 L X X 208
61 10-62:7 81 25:9 71
61 10 81 27:6 71
62 1-5 81 30:10 72
 385 I N D E X O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

32:35 146 2:19 LXX 129

33:15 178 2:22 129
34:8 80 2:27 LXX 129
36:25 81 2:28 129, 239
43:10 71 2:28 LXX 129
46:27f. 72 2:29 129, 239
51:26 47, 267 2:29 LXX 129
2:30 129
Lamentations 2:30 LXX 129
1:12 122 2:34-35 129, 130, 264, 266, 267
2:1 152 2:37 88, 129
2:3-4 292 2:44-45 129, 267
2:15 299 2:44 2, 91, 92, 104, 114,
2:22 122 116, 130
4:20 50, 55, 70 2:45 130, 239, 264, 266, 267
2:47 88, 129, 130
Ezekiel 2:47 LXX 129
1 100, 144 3 91
1:1 131, 132 4 129, 131, 310
1:1 LXX 131-132 4 LXX 129
1:26 132 4:3 91
2:1 132 4:3 LXX 148
2:2 132 4:9 130
2:3 132 4:9 LXX 129
3:12 288 4:12 125, 158
7:7 121 4:17 91, 126
9:1 121 4:21 125, 158
12:10 189 4:21 (Theo-
12:12 189 dotion) 125
17:16 189 4:25-26 91
17:22-24 126 4:25 126
17:23 125, 158 4:32 91, 126
20:33 112 4:34 91, 126, 130
21:25 189 4:34 L X X 148
21:27 266 4:37 91
28:25 72 5 129
30:3 121 5:21 91
31:6 125, 158 5:23 91
34 67, 77, 199 6 91
34:5 277 6:26 91
34:12 122 7-12 91
34:23-24 199 7 92, 129, 144, 199, 200,
34:24 188 210, 220, 234, 249,
37:14 132 264, 266, 270, 290,
37:25 72 291, 293, 294, 305,
43:4 150 308, 309, 311, 312
44-48 188 7:9-14 183
45:22 56 7:9-10 91, 92, 199, 293
7:9 279
Daniel 7:13-14 92, 130, 199, 200, 293
91-93 7:13 2, 93, 132, 145, 181,
2 92, 129, 130, 131, 264, 235, 238, 266, 284,
310, 311 289, 291, 292, 293,
2 LXX 129 294, 304, 305, 306
2:4-7:28 92 7:14 2
2:18 LXX 129 7:14 LXX 148
2:19 129 7:18 92
386 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

7:21 92, 293 4: Iff. 17

7:22 92, 116 4:4 198
7:22 (Theo- 4:7 112
dotion) 116 5:2 55
7:25 92, 293 5:3-4 76
7:27 92, 104
7:27 LXX 148 Nahum
9:24-27 183 1:15 68
9:24 183
9:24 LXX 148 Habakkuk
9:25 119, 165, 183, 184 2:16 291
9:25 (Theo- 3:3-15 20, 144
dotion) 165 3:4 L X X 266
9:26 165 3:13 50, 144
9:26 L X X 165
9:26 (Theo- Zßphaniah
dotion) 165 1:7 121
11:14 147 1:14 121
11:19 147
11:32 174, 179 Haggai
11:33 147 2:22 139
11:34 147 2:23 195
11:35 147
11:40-12:3 174 Zechariah
11:41 147 3 195
11:41 L X X 147 3:8 215, 269
12:2-3 185 3:8 L X X 208
12:2 91, 146, 148, 160 3:10 198
12:2 LXX 146, 148 4 195
12:10 174, 179 4:7 47, 215, 269
4:14 187
Hosea 6 195
8:4 50 6:12 215, 269
13:10 153 6:12 LXX 208
6:13 187
Joel 9-14 220, 270, 308
1:15 121 9:9 242, 266, 269, 276
2:1 121 10:2 277
2:28-29 132 10:3f. 264
3:12 124 10:4 215, 269
3:13 124, 125, 158 11:17 172
3:14 121, 124 12:10 289
3:18 126 13:7-14:4 276
13:7 171-172, 203, 276
Amos 13:8-9 277
3:7 72, 130, 131 14 269
5:8 28 14:4 273
5:18-20 121 14:9 112
9:11-15 126 14:16ff. 28, 29
9:11-12 212 14:20f. 272
9:11 168-169, 179, 212
Malachi
Obadiah 1:14 151
15 121 1:14 LXX 151
3: Iff. 274
Micah 3:1-5 122
3:8 80 3:1 117
 387 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

3:17 122 4:5 122

4:1 122 4:6 186
4:3 122

APOCRYPHA/ DEUTEROCANONICΑΙ, BOOKS

Additions to Esther 51 12 xiv-xvi 88
13:9 89 51 12 xiv 1%
13:10 89 51 12 xv-xvi 1%
13:15 89 51 12 XV 1%, 208
14:3 89 51 13ΙΓ. 99
14:6 89 51 13-30 197
14:8-11 89
14:12 89 1 Esdras
16:21 89 4:46 89
4:58 89
Baruch
3:3 89 2 Esdras (4 Ezra)
113, 191
Ecclesiasticus (ben Sirach) 217, 218
217, 271 2:10 95
4:1-10 254 2:13 95
4:10 (Hebrew) 254 2:35 95
7:17 146 3:4 95
21:9f. 146 4:38 95
22:22 129 5:23 95
27:16f. 129 5:38 95
27:21 129 6:11 95
45:6-22 195 6:26 141
45:15 194 7:1 7 95
45:23-26 187, 195 7:29 213
45:24 197 7: [36] 146
45:25 195 7: [45] 95
46:13 194 7: [58] 95
46:19 194 8:21 95
47:7 196 12:7 95
47:8 195 12:32 213
47:11 195, 196, 202 13:51 95
47:22 195, 196
48:8 194 Judith
48:15 195, 196 9:12 87
49:4-5 195 16 13-15 87-88
49:5 196 16 13 88
49:11-12 195 16 14 88
50:1-21 187, 194 16 15 88
50:1 197 16 17 146
50:15 88
50:24 (Hebrew) 197 1 Maccabees
50:24 197 217
51:1 fT. 88 2:57 198
51:1-12 196 4:46 169, 198
51:12 i-xvi 88, 196, 197, 217, 5:62 198
309 9:27 199
51:12 iv 88 14:4-15 198
51:12 viii-ix 187, 196 14 8-12 198
51:12 viii 88, 196, 207, 208 14:12 198
51:12 xiii 88, 197 14:41 169, 197
388 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

16:23-24 199 Song of the Three (Additions to Daniel)

33 89
2 Maccabees 68 89
91, 92, 103, 113, 114,
241 Tobit
1 10-2:18 90 12:7 89, 129
1:24-25 90 12:11 89
1:27-29 90 13 88-89
2:17-18 90 13:1 89
3:24 91 13:6 89
3:28 91 13:7 89
3:34 91 13:10 89
7 147 13:11 89
7 1 147 13:15 89
79 90, 146 13:16-18 89
7 14 146
7 16-17 91 Wisdom of Solomon
7 23 90 210
7 28 90 2-5 241, 301
7 36 146 2:2 129
9 91 2:12-20 241
12:15 91 2:13 254
12:28 91 2:16 254
13:4 91 2:18 254
15:3-5 91 3:£ 105, 106, 114, 210
15:29 91 4-6:1 254
4-5 210
3 Maccabees 4:10-15 210
90, 103 4:18 210
2:2 89 5:16 105
2:3 89 6 106
2:7 89 6:1 210
2:9 89 6:2-5 105
2:13 89 6:3 105
5:7 89 6:4 105
5:28 89 6:20-21 106
5:35 89 7:17-19 205
5:51 89 7:20 205
6:2 89 9:4 105
9:10 105
4 Maccabees 9:12 105
241 9:17 105
2:23 106, 114 10 10 105
7:10 106 11 10 105
15:3 146 12 15 105
12 16 105
Psalm 151 12 18 105
(see Psalms in OLD TESTAMENT) 15 1 105
18 15 105

NEW T E S T A M E N T
Matthew 2:4-6 250
1:23 128 3:9 270
2:1-18 189 3:11-12 251
2:2 250 3:16 131
 389 I N D E X O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

4:1-11 312 24:10 147

4:2-4 312 25:3 Iff. 24
4:3 270 26:63 284
4:5-7 312 26:64 284
4:6 132, 270 27:35 297
4:8-10 270, 312 27:54 253
4:17 270
5:3 149, 155 Mark
5:10 149, 155 1:1-15 119, 159, 160, 238-239
5:17-6:18 149 1:1-13 229
5:19 149 1:1-3 118
5:20 148, 149 1:1 117, 118, 119, 157,
5:2 Iff. 149 165, 230, 232, 233,
5:21-48 148 253, 282, 288, 295
5:21-47 149 1:2-3 117, 276
5:29-30 148 1:2 117, 118, 128, 239
5:33-37 148, 149 1:3-4 226
5:34-35 94, 148, 151, 152, 160 1:3 117, 239
5:34 132 1:4 121
5:35 18, 151 1:7-8 251
5:43ff. 224 1:7 266
6:9-18 149 1:8 238
6:9-10 149 1:10-11 132, 244
6:10 273 1:10 131, 132, 238, 240,
6:19-21 156 258, 259, 303
6:32-33 149 1:11 108, 117, 130, 132,
7:9 270 144, 229, 232, 237,
7:21 149 238, 239, 242, 243,
9:27 276 248, 249, 253, 255,
10:4 224 258, 262, 284, 298, 304
10:38 299 1:12-13 126, 132, 226, 238
10:39 141 1:14f. 108, 115, 117, 118,
11:3 251, 266 119, 128, 139, 152,
11:5 237 158, 159, 235, 239,
12:18 237 241, 270, 304, 308
12:23 276 1:14 158
12:42 206 1:15 115, 116, 118, 120,
13:31-32 125 121, 122, 123, 124,
15:22 276 132, 139, 140, 145,
16:21 271 230, 242, 308
16:25 141 1:16-8:26 160
16:28 137, 141 1:16-20 123
18:3 156 1:21 150
18:8-9 148 1:24-25 228
19:17 157 1:24 133, 233
20:20-28 274 1:27 229
20:21 274 1:34 133, 228
20:30f. 276 1:35 226, 258
21:1-11 278 1:40 138
21:15 270 1:41 277
21:43-44 267 1:43-45 228
21:44 267 1:45 226
23:21 149 2:1-3:6 234
23:22 149 2 234
23:36 136 2:1-12 170, 237
23:37-39 266, 269 2:2 125
23:39 266 2:6-7 229
390 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

2:7 138 4:35-5:43 133, 160

2:10 234 4:35 133
2:12 229, 274 4:41 133, 229
2:23-26 259 5:7 133, 233, 244, 253
2:25f. 302 5:20 229
2:26 150 5:23 153
2:27-28 234 5:28 153
2:27 140 5:30 138
2:28 234 5:34 138, 153
3 127 5:42 229
3:1 150 5:43 228
3:4 153 6 227
3:6 127, 273 6:2-3 229
3:11-12 228 6:2 138, 229
3:11 133, 233, 244, 253, 284 6:3 147
3:13-35 126 6:4 235
3:13-19 126 6:5 138
3:14 128 6:6 138
3:18 224 6:7-13 154
3:20-30 126 6:11 155
3:21 127 6:14-16 227, 229, 235
3:23 138 6:14 138
3:24-27 138 6:15 235
3:24 126 6:17-19 226
3:27 116, 240 6:31-32 227
3:28 234 6:31 226,227
3:29 238 6:32 226
3:31-35 126 6:34 203, 277
3:31 126, 127 6:35 226
3:32 126, 127 6:46 258
3:35 127, 160 6:51 229
4 123, 131, 133 6:52 230
4:1-34 124, 160 6:56 153
4:3-9 123 7:6-8 273
4:7 156 7:6-7 117, 268
4:10-12 126 7:9 140
4:11-12 128, 131 7:18 230
4:11 115, 123, 126, 127, 7:24-8:10 125
128, 129, 130, 133, 7:31-37 236
138, 155, 157, 158, 7:32-37 116
230, 244, 310 7:32 237
4:12 116, 126, 127, 158, 267 7:36 228
4:13-20 123 7:35 237
4:13 230 7:37 229, 236, 237
4:14-20 125 8:2 277
4:17 147 8:4 226
4:18-19 156 8:11-12 230
4:20 155 8:14-21 230
4:26-32 125 8:21 140
4:26-29 124, 224 8:22-26 236
4:26 115, 123 8:24 230, 236
4:27 124 8:26 228
4:28 124 8:27-10:52 160
4:29 125, 158 8:27-9:7 159
4:30 115, 123 8:27fT. 142, 143
4:32 125, 158 8:27-38 133
4:33 125 8:27-33 228
 391 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

8:27-30 142, 236, 278 9:33-50 154, 230

8:27-28 229 9:33-37 154
8:27 229, 276 9:33 276
8:28 235 9:34 276
8:291r. 281 9:35 154
8:29-31 263 9:36-37 154
8:29-30 228 9:36 154
8:29 144, 165, 229, 230, 9:37 128, 153, 155, 157, 161
231, 233, 259, 261, 284 9:38-40 154
8:30 230, 231 9:38 157
8:3 Iff. 159, 259 9:39 138, 157
8:31-33 236, 261 9:41 154, 157, 165, 233
8:31 141, 143, 231, 232, 9:42-10:3 153
233, 234, 239, 263, 9:42-48 147
264, 271, 295, 296 9:42 147, 153, 154, 156,
8:32-9:1 230 157, 160, 161
8:32-33 231 9:43-48 146, 160, 240
8:32 259 9:43-47 148
8:33 142, 260 9:43 145, 146, 147, 153
8:34-9:1 141, 142 9:45 145, 147, 153
8:34-38 134, 142 9:47-48 153
8:34-35 134, 142, 143 9:47 1 15, 145, 147, 150,
8:34 134, 141, 299 151, 152, 153
8:35 118, 141, 145, 153, 158 9:48 116, 146, 148, 150,
8:38 134, 137, 140, 141, 152, 240
142, 144-145, 233, 234, 10 148
254, 260, 274, 292, 309 10:2-12 154, 274
9 145, 148, 154 10:13-16 154
9:1 115, 133-143, 144, 159, 10:13 157
160, 240, 260, 292 10:14-15 161
9:2ff. 142 10:14 115, 145, 155, 156, 157
9:2-8 134, 142 10:15 115, 145, 150, 152,
9:2-3 259, 260 155, 156, 161
9:2 134, 140, 142, 143 10:16 154, 157
9:3 143 10:17-31 156
9:4 143 10:17-27 274
9:7 108, 144, 145, 159, 10:17 145, 150, 156, 276
233, 242, 253, 255, 10:18 157, 158, 229
259, 262, 298 10:19 156
9:8 143, 159 10:20 156
9:9-13 245 10:21 156, 158
9:9 139, 143, 144, 228, 10:23-25 145, 150, 152, 156
234, 261, 296 10:23 115, 145, 153
9:11 ff. 261 10:24 115, 145, 154, 229
9:12f. 7 10:25 115, 145
9:12 234, 239, 263, 295 10:26 145, 152, 153, 229
9:14ff. 143 10:27 138, 153
9:15 229 10:29-30 155, 156, 158, 161
9:19 139 10:29 118, 158
9:22-23 138 10:30 145, 150, 153, 155
9:22 277 10:32-34 230, 274
9:23-24 154 10:32 229, 276
9:23 138 10:33-34 234, 240, 274, 295, 299
9:28-29 138 10:33 240, 299
9:29 258 10:34 240, 296
9:30-10:31 145, 147, 154, 157, 160 10:35-11 306
9:31 234, 240. 295, 296 10:35-45 230, 274, 275
392 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

10:35-37 275 12:10-11 262, 263, 264, 265,

10:37 274 268, 274, 283
10:38-39 275 12:10 130, 263, 264, 266,
10:38 240, 275 269, 271, 272
10:40 274, 275 12:11 271
10:45 116, 234, 239, 275, 12:12 287
295 12:13-17 224, 272
10:46-52 230, 274, 278, 281 12:17 229
10:46 276 12:18-27 272
10:47f. 201, 206, 230, 274, 12:24 138
275, 276, 302 12:28-34 272, 273
10:48f. 275-276 12:28-33 161
10:51-52 276 12:29f. 270
10:51 237 12:30 157
10:52 153, 230, 276 12:31 154, 224
11-16 263 12:34 115, 161, 272, 283
11:1-13:37 160, 306 12:351r. 45
11-12 274 12:35-37 230, 272, 274, 275,
11:1-11 274 279-283, 302
11:1-10 278 12:35 165, 202, 233, 281
11:1 274 12:36 238, 283, 284
ll:2ff. 266 12:37 279
11:3 278 12:38-40 273
11:8 276 12:40 258
11:9-10 100, 266, 276, 277, 278 12:41-44 273, 283
11:9 266, 269, 274 13 136, 254-255
11:10 274, 275, 281, 301 13:2 136, 273
11:11 150 13:3 274
11:12-21 136 13:5-23 136
11:12-14 273, 283 13:6 157
11:15-17 272 13:10 118, 125, 137
11:15-16 273 13:11 238
11:15 150 13:13 153, 157
11:17 116, 125, 240, 258, 13:18 258
272, 273 13:20 153
11:18 273 13:21-22 254
11:20-25 273 13:21 165, 233
11:20-21 273 13:24-27 136
11:22fT. 139 13:25 138
11:22-25 273 13:26 132, 137, 138, 234,
11:23 273 254, 260, 274, 292, 294
11:24-25 258 13:28-37 255
11:27-12:34 283 13:28-31 136
11:27-33 272, 283 13:28 136
11:27-28 229 13:30 135, 136, 137
11:28 273 13:32 135, 136, 233, 254
12:lfT. 128 14:1-15:41 160
12:1-12 283, 290 14 300
12:1-11 267, 293 14:3-9 283
12:2 128, 268 14:6-9 283
12:3 268 14:8 283
12:4-6 128, 268 14:9 118
12:6 108, 130, 233, 242, 14:17-21 300
253, 261, 262, 266, 14:18 300
287, 291, 293 14:21 234, 239, 240, 295, 300
12:7 262 14:24 239, 300
12:9 268, 272, 273 14:25 115, 160
 393 I N D E X O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

14:26-72 276 232, 233, 253,

14:26-52 276 295, 302, 303,
14:27-28 260 15:42-16:8 160
14:27 147, 171, 203, 276 15:43fr. 286
14:28 250, 277, 296 15:43 115, 144
14:29 147 16:6-7 260
14:32-39 258 16:6 296
14:35fr. 270 16:7 250
14:36 138, 233, 255, 257, 16:15 118
258, 298 16:16 153
14:41 234, 240
14:53-65 285 Luke
14:56-57 286 1:1 250
14:57-62 180 1:32-35 181, 250
14:61-62 132, 231, 272, 279, 1:32-33 250
282, 284, 287, 288, 1:35 250
289, 294, 295, 306 1:36 212
14:61 165, 229, 232, 233, 1:69 196, 208, 250
282, 287 1:78 208
14:62 7, 93, 132, 138, 145, 1:80 212
233, 234, 242, 248, 2:11 250
253, 254, 260, 281, 2:25 144
282, 287, 288, 289, 2:26 250
292, 293, 294, 304, 2:38 144
305, 306, 309, 312 3:16-17 251
14:65 295 3:21 131
14:66 286 4:10-11 132
15 294, 295, 299, 303-304 4:14 138
15:2 229, 231, 233, 284, 295 4:18-19 237
15:6-11 295 4:18 80
15:9 231, 233, 295 6:15 224
15:12-15 295 7:19-20 251
15:12 231, 233, 295 7:19 266
15:16-20 295 7:22 237
15:18 231, 233, 295 9:22 271
15:20-16:8 302 9:24 141
15:24 297, 299 9:31 261
15:25 296 9:32 260
15:26 231, 233, 253, 278, 9:35 252
289, 295 10:18 132
15:27 275 10:19 132, 270
15:29-32 295 11:2 257, 273
15:29 299 11:31 206
15:30-31 153 11:51 136
15:31 295 13:18-19 125
15:32 165, 201, 231, 233, 13:31-33 227
253, 295 13:34-35 266, 269
15:33 296, 304 13:35 266, 269
15:34-36 295 14:27 299
15:34 253, 296, 297, 299, 303 17:33 141
15:35-36 303 19:39-40 270
15:36 299, 300 20:18 130, 267
15:37-39 10 22:61 286
15:37-38 253 22:67 284
15:37 253, 297, 303 22:70 284
15:38 303, 306 23:34 297
15:39 139, 144, 230, 231, 23:47 253
394 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

24:25-27 245 5:37 220,

24:44-49 245 6:7 286
24:45 245 6:13-14 149
24:49 138 7:49-50 149
7:55-56 132
John 10:36-43 119
1:14 252 10:36 119
1:15 266 10:38 138
1:18 252 11:22-26 261
1:19-51 251 12:12 261
1:26-27 251 12:25 261
1:27 266 13-28 251
1:33 268 13:5 261
1:34 252, 253 13:13 261
1:41 252 13:22-23 246
1:49 252 13:23 246
2:16 273 13:25 251
3: Iff. 286 13:33 245,
3:3 139 15:15-18 212
3:5 139 15:22 261
4:23-24 149 15:27 261
6:14 226, 266 15:37-39 261
6:15 226 15:40 261
6:31 226 19:4 266
7:39 139 21:38 221,
7:50-52 286
8:52 141 Romans
10:1-2 152 1:3-4 245,
10:9 152 1:3 246,
11:27 266 1:4 137,
11:48-50 227 1:16 137
12:12-16 278 4:25 247
12:25 141 8:15 257
13:18 300 9:17 140
13:23-25 275 9:33 267
14:12 139 10:15 118
18:15-16 286 11:9 147
19:24 297 14:17 138
19:28-30 300 15:13 138
19:39 286 15:19 138
20:31 252
1 Corinthians
Acts 2:4 138
1:3 245 3:6-7 124
1:7 135 4:20 137
1:8 138 15:24-28 10
1:13 224 15:43 137
1:2 If. 261
2:31 246 2 Corinthians
2:33ff. 280-281 5:21 298
2:42 261
3:13 249 Galatians
3:26 249 3:13 298
4:11 263, 264, 271 4:6 257
4:27 249
4:30 249 Ephesians
5:36 224 2:17 118
 395 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

6:15 118 I Peter

2:6-8 267
Colossians 2:7 264
2:2 128 5:12 261

1 Thessalonians 2 Peter
1:5 137, 138 1:16 145
1:17-18 145
Hebrews
2:9 141 Jude
3:7-4:13 151 1 212
4:3-4 151 14-15 212
4:9-10 151
10:37 266 Revelation
10:7 130
James 11:15 2
5:12 148 12:7-12 132

PSEUDEPIGRAPHA

Apocalypseof Moses 1:3-9 93

32:2 96 1:9 212
37:4 96 9:4 93
12:3 93
Aristaeus (Letter of) 14:18-20 93
141 106 22:14 93
224 106 24:3 93
254 106 25:3 93
25:5 93
Assumption (Testament) of Moses 25:7 93
113, 114, 217 27:1-3 146
4:2f. 96 27:3 93
4:2 95 37-71 94-95, 183, 193, 209-
4:6 96 212, 213, 217, 218,
9:1-7 96 290, 293, 309
10:1-10 95, 144 37:4 146
10:1 95, 96, 105, 108, 114 40:9 146
10:2 95, 217 45:3 95
10:3 95 46:1 fT. 210
10:4-6 95 48 210
10:7 95, 217 48:2-3 212
10:8-10 95 48:6 212
10:10 95 48:8 210
48:10 209, 210
2 Baruch 49 210
113, 191, 211, 212-213, 49:2-4 210
217, 218 51:3 95
21:6-7 95 52:4 210
46:4 95 54:1-5 146
54:13 95 55:4 95
54:22 95 56:3-4 146
59:3 95 60:2 95
61:8 95
1 Enoch 62-63 210
113, 129, 191, 211 62:1-5 95
1-36 93 62:7 212
396 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

63:2 94 2:26f. 200

63:4 94 2:30 107, 108
69:29 95 2:32 107, 202
70-71 211 3:12 146
71 211 5 107
71:7 95 5:1 107
71:14 210, 211 5:2 107
72-82 93, 94 5:3 116
77:1 288 5:18f. 107
81:3 93 7:10 108
83-90 93-94 8 200
84:2-3 93-94, 113 9:2 108
84:5 94 9:5 108
85-90 199 10:7 207
85-89:12 199 11 :1-2 117
89:59-90:25 199 11 :1 108
90 217 11:2-6 108
90:20 94, 199, 200 11:6 108
90:26-27 146 11:7 108
90:30 125 11:8 108
90:37-38 199, 200 14:10 146
90:37 199 15:12 108
90:38 199 17 84, 106-107, 113, 175,
91-108 94 194, 200-203, 206, 207,
91:13 94 210, 211, 238, 271,
103:1 94 309, 310
17 1 107, 200
3 Enoch 17 3 107, 108, 200
191 17 4 107, 201
17 5f. 200, 201
Jubilees 17 7-20 201
200 17 7 200
1:28 96 17 16 207
4:6 96 17 2 Iff. 280, 282
12:19 96 17 21-25 107, 201
31 200 17 21 107, 201, 206, 275
31:12-23 187 17 22 201
17 23f. 107, 202
Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum 17 24 202
(Pseudo-Philo) 17 26-44 107, 201
204 17 26 203
51:3-6 204 17 30 203
59-60 204 17 32 201, 202, 203, 207
59:4 205 17 34 107, 108, 200, 202, 203
60:2-3 205 17 35f. 202
62:9 204 17 35 203
17 36 203
Life of Adam and Eve 17 37 202, 203
27:1 96 17 40 203
17 42 201
Psalms of Solomon 17 43 207
106-108, 109, 113, 191, 17 44 203
200-203, 206-207, 211, 17 46 107, 200
215, 217, 218, 309 18 106-107, 113, 175, 203,
1 200 206, 207
2 107-108, 200 18 title 206
2:19-21 108 18:2 107
 397 I N D E X O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

18:3 107 Testament of Job

18:5 108, 206 33:3 279
18:7 207 39:11-12 96
18:8 107
Testament of Solomon
Sibylline Oracles 206
3 103-105, 113, 200 1:7 206
3: Iff. 113 20:1 (manu-
3:1-96 104 script H) 206
3:1-2 104
3:11 104 Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs:
3:19 104 96, 187, 200
3:20 104
3:46-62 104 Testament of Asher
3:46-50 104 5:2 146
3:47-48 108, 113
3:48 105 Testament of Benjamin
3:49 105 9:1 96
3:56 104, 105 10:7 96
3:97-349 104
3:193 103 Testament of Dan
3:286 104, 105 5:10 96
3:318 103 5:13 96
3:489-829 104
3:499 104 Testament of Judah
3:560 104 21:1 ff. ' 187
3:608 103
3:617 104 Testament of Ijvi
3:652-656 103 3:9 96
3:652 105 5:1 96
3:704 104 18:6-7 181
3:717 104 18:8 96
3:718 104
3:767ff. 104 Testament of Simeon
3:767-808 104 7:1-2 187
3:767 104, 114
3:780 104 Cairo Testament of Levi
3:783f. 104 187
3:785-795 104
3:808 104

QUMRAN
1QapGen ar (Genesis Apocryphon) 5:Iff. 98
216 5:17 98
2:4ff. 97 5:20 98
10:10 97 6:10 98
20:13 97 6:12 98
6:14 98
IQH" (Thanksgiving Hymns) 8:5 98
98,113,171,173,207, 9:1-39 102
300, 301 9:3-39 98
1:10 98 9:17 98
1:30 98 9:26 98
3:35 98 10:10-12 98
4:28 98 10:20 98
398 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

10:34-35 98 16:13 172

11 6 98 17:5-8 184
11 8 98 18:5 172
9-10 173 19:1 102
11 10 98, 288 19:8 102
12 11 300 172
12 15 98 19:11
12:30 98 1 QpHabakkuk
13 300 129, 168, 306
13:11 98 2:6-10 169
13:13 98
13:20 98 1QS (Community Rule)
13:22f. 300 102, 171, 173, 174
13:23f. 300 3:20 184
14:25-27 267 3:24 184
15:8f. 267 5:2 197
15:20 98 5:5 267
15:28 98 5:9 197
16:9 98 8:3-4 171
16:32 301 8:7f. 267
18:8 98 9:10-11 167
18:22 98 9:11 167, 168, 169, 170,
20: Iff. 98 184, 187
9:24 102
lQIsaiah" 10:9 102
189- 190 10:12 102
11:15 102
lQIsaiah1' 11:20 102
189
1Q21 (lQTLevi ar)
1QM (War Scroll) 187
114, 172-173, 174, 188 fr. 1, 2 185
1:5 102
2:1 172 1Q28a (lQSa Messianic Rule)
5:1 172, 175, 181, 188 173-174, 175, 188, 189
6:6 102 1:1 173
10:2-5 172 1:2 197
10:8-12:15 172 1:24 197
10:8-16 102 2:3 197
10:8-9 102 2:11-12 173, 174, 179, 180, 249
10:9-10 102 2:12-21 188
10:10-11 102 2:12 173, 186, 187, 189
10:11-16 102 2:14 173, 174, 189
11 = 1 «Γ. 102, 168, 172 2:20 173, 174, 189
11:6-8 172
! 1:6-7 168, 175 1()28b (lQSb Blessings)
11:7-8 167, 168 175, 181, 183
12: nr. 102, 186 3:5 103
12:3 103 3:22ff. 197
12:7-8 102, 113 4:26 103
12:9ff. 186 5:20-29 181, 184, 188, 189
12:1 Off. 188 5:20 175, 181, 188
12:1 Of. 172 5:2 Iff. 175, 203
12:16 102 5:21 103
13:10-12 184 5:27 175
15:4 172 5:28 175
15:5 f. 172
 399 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

1Q30 4QJ77
fr. 1, 2 167 2:5 169

1Q34 + 1Q34bis 4(1181

fr. 3, 2:8 176 1:3 98

4Q84 (4QPsb)
4 QJ 96-200
100 89

4Q88 (4QPs1)
4Q212 (4QErv)
10:14 99 94

4QJ61 (4QpIsa" Commentary on Isaiah A) 4Q213-214 (4QAramaic Levi)

180-182, 183, 189, 279 187
frs. 2-6, 15 180, 188
frs. 8-10 180, 182 4Q213 (4QLevi" ar)
frs. 8-10, 8 180 frs. 1 (col. 2)
frs. 8-10, + 2, 16-19 185
18-25 180,203
frs. 8-10, 4Q215 (4QTestament ofNaphtali)
18-22 188, 189 187
frs. 8-10, 18 180,181,209
frs. 8-10, 4Q216
19-22 180-181 4:8-10 96
frs. 8-10, 20 188
frs. 8-10, 4Q242 (Prayer ofNabonidus)
22-25 182, 188 174

4Q243-245 (Pseudo-Daniel)
4QJ71 (4QpPsf) 174
3:15 169
4Q246
4QJ74 (4QFl0rilegium) 180-181, 249
98, 113, 174, 179, 183, 1:7-9 181
189, 246, 249, 270 2:1 180, 250
1:3 97 2:2-3 181
1:10-12 174, 179 2:4 181
1:10 188
1:11-13 169 4Q252 (4QC'ommentary on Genesis A)
1:11-12 98, 181 178-179, 183, 189,
1:11 169, 170, 181 194
188, 209 5:1-6 178,266
1:12f. 212 5:2 188
1:18-19 174, 179 5:3-4 178,179,181,209
2:3-4a 174 5:3 187, 189, 209
2:3 174 5:4 188
2:4 174 5:5 179
2:4a 174
4Q254 (4QC0mmenta1y on Genesis C)
4Q175 (4QTestim0nia) fr. 4, 2 187 "
167-169
1-4 167 4Q266
5-8 167, 184, 187
9-20 188 fr. 10, 1:12 170
9-13 167, 169, 175
14-20 169 4Q270
fr. 2, 2:14 167
21-30 169
400 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

4Q280 fr. 15, 7 100, 176

fr. 1, 2 184 fr. 15, 9 177
fr. 19, 1:4-5 176
4Q285 (4QSefer ha- fr. 19, 1:4 100
Milhamah, Rule of War) fr. 19, 1:5 100
182-183, 189 fr. 17 177
fr. 5, Iff. 203 fr. 17, 1 177
fr. 5, 1-2 182 fr. 17, 2 177
fr. 5, 3-4 181, 209 fr. 17, 3 177
fr. 5, 4 181,182,188 fr. 24 177
fr. 5, 5 183 fr. 24, 4 177
frs. 6 + 4, 2 181, 188 fr. 24, 5 177
frs. 6 + 4, 5-7 182 fr. 24, 7 177
frs. 6 + 4, 6 181,188 fr. 24, 9-11 177
frs. 6 + 4, 10 181, 182, 188 fr. 24, 10-11 100
fr. 31, 4 177
4Q286-290 (4QBlessings) fr. 31, 7 177
101-102, 113 frs. 33 + 35, 8 177
frs. 33 + 35,
4Q286 10-11 177
fr. 1, 2:2 101 fr. 48, 7 177
fr. 7, 1:5 101 frs. 76-77, 7 100
frs. 76-77, 12 100, 178
4Q287 frs. 76-77,
14-16 178
fr. 10, 13 101, 102, 183 frs. 76-77, 14 100
4Q301 4Q382 (4QParaphrase of Kings)
fr. 16, 2 174
fr. 5, 2 101
4Q397 (4QMMTd)
74Q303 101 frs. 14-21, 10 185
4Q372
4Q398 (4QMMT')
fr. 1, 16 257 frs. 14-17,
2:1-2 185
4Q375
4Q400-407 (Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice)
1:9 175 100-101, 113
4Q376 4Q400
fr. 1, 1:1 175 fr. 1, 2:1 101
fr. 1, 3:1 181 fr. 1, 2:3 101
4Q377 fr. 1, 2:7 101
fr. 1 recto, fr. 1, 2:14 101
2:4-5 175 fr. 2, 2:1 101
4Q379 (4QAp0cryph0n ofJoshua) fr. 2, 2:3 101
fr. 2, 2:7-15 169 fr. 2, 2:5 101

4Q381 (4QNon-Canonical Psalms B) 4Q401

100, 113, 176-178, 183 frs. 1-2, 5 101
fr. 1, 3ff. 100 fr. 13, 1 101
fr. 1, 7 178
fr. 15 176, 177 4Q402
fr. 15, 2-3 177 fr. 3, 2:12 101
fr. 15, 4-7 100,176
fr. 15, 7-8 176, 177
 401 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

4Q403 4Q504-506 (4QD1bHam)

fr. 1, 1:5 101 113, 175-176, 183,
fr. 1, 1:14 101
fr. 1, 1:17 101 4Q504 (4QDibHam‫)״‬
fr. 1, 1:25 101 98
fr. 1, 1:28 101 frs. 1-2, 4:5-8 176
fr. 1, 1:31 101 frs. 1-2, 4:7-8 97
fr. 1, 1:32 101 frs. 1-2, 4:7 188
fr. 1, 1:34 101 frs. 1-2, 4:8 97, 176
fr. 1, 1:38 101 frs. 1-2, 4:12 97
fr. 1, 1:46 101
fr. 1, 2:10 101 4Q521 (4QMessianu Apocalypse)
fr. 1, 2:25 101 113, 169, 185-186,
fr. 1, 2:26 101 237
fr. 2 185
4Q405 fr. 2, 2:1 98, 185, 186
frs. 15 (col. 2) fr. 2, 2:2 186
& 16, 7 101 fr. 2, 2:7-8 185
fr. 20 (col. 2) fr. 2, 2:7 98
& frs. 21-22, fr. 2, 2:8 98, 185, 186
2 101 fr. 2, 2:12 98, 185, 186
fr. 23, 1:3 101 fr. 2, 3:2 186
fr. 23, 1:13 101 frs. 7 + 5,
fr. 23, 2:11 101 2:1-3 98
frs. 7 + 5, 2:6 185
4Q427 fr. 8, 9 186
fr. 7, 1:13 98 fr. 8, 10 186
fr. 7, 1:15 98 fr. 9, 3 186

4Q448 4Q522
col. B, 2-4 97 fr. 9, 2:3-9 179
col. B, 8 97
col. C, 6 97 4Q530 (4QB00k 0fGiantsk ar)
2:16 97
4Q458
fr. 2, 2:6 186 4Q534
180
4Q460 1:9 180
fr. 5, 1:5 257 1:10 180

4Q462 (4QNanatwe C") 4Q537-541

fr. 1, 7-9 97 187

4Q471b 4Q542 (4QTQarat ar)

103 fr. 1, 1:2-3 97

4Q491 (4QAÍ‫)״‬ 4Q544 (4QVisi0ns of Amramb ar)

fr. 15, 7 103 fr. 2, 3 184

4Q491c (4Q491 frs. 11 & 12) 6Q15

103 fr. 3, 4 167
fr. 1, 15 183
11Q5 (llQPs') (Psalms scroll)
4Q493 (4QM<) 62, 99
101 fr. E, 1:1-5 99
col. 18 (llQPs°
Psalm 154) 99
402 INDEX OF ANCIENT REFERENCES

18:1 99 2:10 184, 188

18:2 99 2:15-18 185
18:3 99 2:16 98, 184
18:9 99 2:18-20 183, 184
18:16 99 2:18 174, 183, 184, 186
21:11-22:1
(1 lQPs‫״‬ 11QJ7
Sirach 51) 197 100
22:1-15
(llQPs‫״‬Zion 10:5-6 101
Apostrophe to CD (Damascus Document)
Zion) 99 102, 171
22:16-17 99 1:11 176
24:3-17 (HOPS' 2:12 167
Psalm 155) 99 3:18 171
24:9 99 4: Iff. 197
24:13 99 5:18 184
26:9-15 6:1 167
(11QPsfCreat. 6:3-11 169
Hymn to the 6:7 169
Creator) 99 6:10-11 169
26:9-11 99 6:11 169, 187
27:2-11 7:10-12 172
(David's 7:15-16 169, 212
Compositions) 185, 203-204 7:18-21 167, 168, 170, 175
27:2-4 204 7:18-20 179
27:2 185 7:18 169, 182
27:3-4 185 7:20-21 171
27:10 204 7:20 170, 175, 181, 188
27:11 185 12:23-13:1 170
28:3-12 14:18-19 170
(llQPr 14:19 170
Psalm 151A) 99, 190 19:5ff. 171
28:4 190 19:5-6 171
28:5 99 19:7-11 171, 176
28:10-12 190 19:7-9 172
19:7 172
11QJ0 (11QtgJ0b) 19:10-11 170, 171
216 19:33-20:1 170
19:35-20:1 169, 172
11QJ1 (11QPsAff) 20:1 170
204 20:25-26 102, 114
20:34 171
11QJ3 (11 QMelchizedek)
103, 119, 169, 183-184 MasShirShabb
186, 190, 212 100
2:5-6 183 2:15 101
2:7 183 2:18 101
2:9-10 185

TARGUMS

Fragmentary Targum 9:16 140

to the Pentateuch
Gen. 49:10 266 Targum Onkelos
Genesis
Targum Neofiti I 49:10 266
Exodus
 403 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

Exodus 60:1 119

15:18 112 60:20 119, 121
60:22 119, 121
Targum PseudoJonathan
to the Pentateuch Ezekiel
215 20:33 112
Gen. 49:10 266
Micah
Targum Jonathan 4:7 112
2 Samuel
7:11-16 216 Zechariah
7:14 216, 217 268, 269
22:28-32 216 3:8 215, 269
23:1-5 216 4:7 215, 269
6:12 215, 269
Isaiah 9:9 266
113, 114 10:4 215, 269
4:1-6 215 14:9 112
5 264
9:5-6 215 Malachi
9:6-7 268 2:10 258
10:24-27 215
ll:lff. 268 Targum to Job
11:1-16 215 216
14:29-30 215 34:36 258
16:1-5 215
24:23 112 Targum to Psalms
28:5-6 215 2 217
28:16 267 2:7 217
31:4 112, 119 18 217
31:6 119 21 217
40:9 112, 113, 116, 117, 22:16 298
118, 119, 121, 128, 45 217
139, 158, 241 47:8 112
40:10 140 61 217
41:8-9 237 72 217
42:1-9 215 80 217
42:1 215 80:14-17 216
43:10 215, 237 80:15 291
43:20 237 89 217
44:1-2 237 89:26 258
49:1-6 215 89:51 271
50:4-7 215 93:1 112
52:7 112, 113, 116, 118, 96:10 112
119, 121, 122, 139 97:1 112
52:13-53:12 215, 216 99:1 112
52:13 190, 215 110 217
53:1 118, 119 118:22 265
53:4 216 132 217
56:1 119, 121 146:10 112
57:18 119
59:20 119
404 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

RABBINIC W O R K S

MISHNAH B. Šabbat
115a. 216
M. Berakot
1:4 110, 111 B. Ta'anit
1:15 213 23b. 257
2:2 110
7:3 288
PALESTINIAN T A L M U D
Al. Horayot
2:2 213 T. Berakot
2:3 213 2:4 214
2:7 213 5a. 222
3:4 213
3:5 213 Y. Qiddušin
59d. (1:2) 111
M. Makkot
2:6 213 Y. Ta'anit
4:5 214
M. Megillah
1:9 213 TOSEFTA

M. Sanhédrin T. Sabbat
285 13:2 216
7:5 285
T. Sotah
M. Sotah 13:5 199
7:2 213
8:1 213 MIDRASHIM
9:15 213-214
Genesis Rabbah
M. Tamid 98:8 on 49:11 266
5:1 110
Lamentations Rabbah
BABYLONIAN T A L M U D 1:16 222

B. Pesahim Leviticus Rabbah

119a. 266 32 on 24:10 258

B. Sanhédrin Midrash on Psalms

38a. 267 2:9 238, 293
38b. 279 18:29 293
96b.-99a. 214 104:13 125
98a. 266 118:21 265
98b. 222 118:22 266

Sifra Leviticus
20:26 111

JEWISH LITURGY

Habinenu Kaddish
209 109-110,113
 405 INDEX O F A N C I E N T R E F E R E N C E S

Musaph 4th.-9th. 109

209 11th. 109,207
14th. 109, 196, 207-208, 209,
Shemoneh 'Esreh (Eighteen Benedictions) 277-278
88, 113, 207-209, 215, Babylonian recension:
217-218,309 14th. 109
Palestinian recension: 15th. 109,196,208-209

JOSEPHUS

Antiquities (Ant.) xx. 169-170 225

219 xx. 197-203 226
vi. 166-168 205 xx. 200 219
viii. 42-49 205
viii.45 205 Jewish War (B.J.)
X.210 130 219
xiii.282f. 199 i.68f. 199
xiii.299f. 199 ii.56 223
xvii.271-272 223 ii.118 220
xviii.4-10 220 ii.228 221
xviii.23-25 220 ii.253 221
xviii.23 220 ii.258fÎ". 225
xviii.63-64 219, 226 ii .261ÍT. 225
xviii.85fT. 224 ii.261-263 225
xviii. 116-119 226 ii.271 221
xviii. 116 226 ii.433-449 222
xx.97fT. 225 ii.444 221
xx. 102 222 iii.399-408 219
xx.167f. 225 vii.437ff. 225

EARLY CHRISTIAN W O R K S

Epistle of Barnabas Justin Martyr

12:10-11 282 Dialogue with Trypho
16:2 149 89.1 215

Gospel of Thomas
65 262
66 262
 INDEX OF M O D E R N AUTHORS

Aalen, S. 150 Bernhardt, K.-H. 31, 33

Abegg, M.G. 183 Berry, D.K. 39
Achtemeier, P.J. 276 Best, E. 123, 134, 142, 144, 153, 154,
Ackroyd, P.R. 64 156, 165, 238, 243, 250, 273, 275
Aland, K. 252 Betz, O. 118, 180, 239, 246, 247, 259,
Albertz, R. 64 286
Alexander, P.S. 214, 215, 216 Beuken, W.A.M. 78
Allegro, J.M. 98, 174, 181 Beyer, H.W. 288
Allen, L.C. 45, 46, 48, 76, 246, 277 Beyerlin, W. 54-55
Allison, D.C. 4, 223, 244, 257 Bieneck,J. 249
Alt, A. 31, 32, 50, 53 Billerbeck, P. 110, 119, 130, 141, 199,
Ambrozic, A.M. 125, 126, 140, 153, 266, 279
154, 155, 156, 161 Birkeland, H. 15, 24, 27, 31, 35-36,
Anderson, A.A. 18, 20, 40, 46, 47, 48, 45, 46
61, 98, 174, 181, 290, 291, 296, Birnbaum, P. HO
298 Black, C.C. 142,243
Anderson, G.VV. 28 Black, M. 7, 92, 120, 154, 170, 172,
Anderson, H. 9, 89, 116, 125, 129, 173, 188, 209, 210, 211, 234, 265
135, 141, 153, 155, 240, 260, 261, Blenkinsopp, J . 65, 71, 74, 78
275, 280, 288, 297 Blinzler, J . 2 8 4 , 2 8 5
Arndt, VV.F. 246, 277 Blomberg, C.L. 236
Atkinson, K.R. 107, 198, 200, 201 Bock, D.L. 284
Attridge, H.W. 198 Böckler, A. 239
Auffret. P. 37 Boobyer, G.H. 137, 145
Aune, D.E. 119 Booij, Th. 34
Borg, M.J. 235
Bacher, W. 216 Boring, M.E. 136, 159-160,244
Baillet, M. 103, 173, 176 Bornkamm, G. 6, 129, 130, 133, 282
Baltzer, K. 71 Borsch, F.H. 280, 289
Bammel, E. 223, 226, 227, 278 Botha, P.J.J. 261
Banks, R. 259 Bousset, YV. 1 9 2 , 2 1 1 , 2 4 9
Bar-Ilan, M. 5 Bowker, J.W. 112, 127, 216
Barker, M. 212 Brandon, S.G.F. 187, 224
Barr, J. 255-256, 257 Braude, W.G. 238, 265, 293
Barrett, C.K. 116, 238, 239, 241, 273 Brettler, M.Z. 28, 67
Barthélémy, D. 190 Breytenbach, C. 232
Bauckham, R. 183, 233, 257 Broadhead, E.K. 232, 236, 243, 283,
Beare F.W. 299 296
Beasley-Murray, G.R. 1, 94, 99, 120, Brock, S.P. 215
121, 122, 133, 135, 136, 141, 144, Brooke, G J . 100-101, 174, 176, 180,
155, 156, 180, 181, 183, 187, 191, 186. 187
199, 210, 211, 213, 275, 284, 289, Brower, K.E. 9, 139, 263, 279, 287,
293, 294, 308 289, 296, 299, 300, 301
Becker, J . 78, 80, 173, 188, 279 Brown, R.E. 146, 193, 253, 257, 278,
Beckwith, R.T. 183 285
Begrich, j. 14, 30, 36 Brownlee, W.H. 190
Behm, J. 141 Bruce, F.F. 8, 76, 116, 137, 151, 168,
Bentzen, A. 33, 39, 40, 44, 55, 59, 71 169, 172, 174, 181, 190, 196, 198,
Berger, K. 204, 206 215, 216, 220, 224, 234, 239, 264
Bergman, J . 148 Brueggemann, W. 15, 29, 42, 43, 62,
Berkey, R.F. 120 64
 INDEX O F M O D E R N A U T H O R S 407

Bultmann, R. 6, 115, 134, 135, 136- Creach, J.F.D. 26, 38

137, 144, 148, 239, 244, 280, 288, Croft, S.J.L. 27, 36, 37, 44, 49, 57,
297, 304 61, 67, 296
Burger,‫׳‬C. 266, 276, 281 Cross, F.M., Jr. 173
Burkett, D. 234 Crossan, J . D 2 6 2,126,4.‫׳‬
Burkiii, T.A. 236, 259, 260 Croy, N.C. 118
Buse, I. 131 Cullmann, O. 1 9 1 , 2 3 1 , 2 4 9 , 2 8 0

Caird, G.B. 83, 241 Dahl, Ν.A. 125, 126, 133, 248
Callan, T. 289 Dahood, M. 16, 17, 18, 21, 25, 26,
Camery-Hoggatt, J. 295 27, 29, 37, 40, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47,
Campbell, R.A. 240 49
Camponovo, O. 87 Dalman, G. 93, 110, 112, 116, 155,
Caquot, A. 78, 180, 194, 195, 196 156
Caragounis, C.C. 1 2 0 , 1 2 1 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 1 , Daly-Denton, M. 259
212, 239 Danby, H. I l l
Carr, D. 64 Danker, F.W. 300
Carson, D.A. 251 Danove, P. 159-160
Casey, P.M. 199, 211, 223, 233, 234, Daube, D. 7, 161, 280
250, 296 Davies, G.H. 21
Catchpole, D.R. 278, 284, 285 Davies, P R. 102, 172
Charles, R.H. 88, 96, 199, 210, 211 Davies, W.D. 149, 257
Charlesworth, J.H. 94, 106, 187, 190, Davis, P.G. 212. 233, 234
191, 193-194, 204, 208, 209, 210, Day, J. 13, 19, 32, 66
211. 213, 217 Dech Ū w, J. 159-160
Childs, B.S. 5, 35, 62, 64, 65, 73, 79, Derrett, J.D.M. 147, 264-265, 271,
81, 84, 244 278
Chilton, B.D. 6, 112, 115, 118, 119, DeVries, S J . 122
120, 121, 136, 140, 141, 156, 204, Dewey, J . 273
206, 217, 237, 273, 282, 285, 286, Dibelius, M. 244, 299
288 Di Leila, A.A. 196
Chouinard, L. 243 Dimant, D. 173
Chronis, H.L. 10, 303 Dodd, C.H. 6, 7, 10, 115, 116, 120,
Clements, R.E. 58, 62, 64, 65, 71, 81 123, 137. 144, 146, 227, 244, 252,
Clines, D.J.A. 13, 72 265, 268, 289, 310
Cohen, A. 1 7 , 3 9 , 4 2 , 4 3 , 2 9 8 D U eve, ].VV. 7, 246
Cole, R.A. 284 Donahue, J.R. 124, 231, 264, 273,
Collins, A.Y. 234 284, 286, 287, 288, 294
Collins, J.J. 103, 104, 105, 180, 181, Dormeyer, D. 304
183, 186. 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, Downing, F.G. 240
198, 199, 200, 206, 209, 210, 211, Duling, ‫׳‬D.C. 204, 206
213 Dumortier, J.-B. 61
Colpe, C. 211, 233 Dunn, J.D.G. 136, 149, 181, 184, 192,
Colwell, E.C. 253 193, 228, 231, 233, 238, 241, 245,
Conzelmann, H. 135, 245, 251, 256 247, 251, 252, 254, 256-257, 259
Cooke, G. 34. 44. 46, 49, 51-52, 58 Dupont-Sommer, A. 167, 169, 172,
Coppens, J. 14, 18. 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 173, 175, 176, 182
29 Dwyer, T. 229
Craigie, P.C. 17, 38, 40, 42, 61, 67,
298 Eaton, J.H. 4, 13, 15, 16, 25, 26, 30,
Cranfield, C.E.B. 123, 127, 128, 130, 31, 34, 36-37, 39, 40, 41. 42, 44,
134, 136, 137, 140, 141, 146, 154, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 60, 61,
155, 156, 157, 158, 165, 227, 236, 66, 67, 73-74, 75, 76, 77, 81, 151.
239, 244, 246, 247, 253, 259, 260. 196, 277, 290, 296, 298
261, 263, 264, 267, 274, 275, 277, Edwards, J.R. 273
283, 284, 286, 294, 297, 298, 300. Eichrodt, VV. 25,57-58, 189, 266
304 Eisenman, R.H. 97, 101, 182, 185
408 I N D E X O F M O D E R N A U T H O R S 408

Eissfeldt, O. 26, 28, 34-35, 60, 71, 78, G01dingay,J. 73

106 Goldstein, J.A. 91, 198, 199
Elbogen, I. 109, 208 Görg, M. 264
Elliger, Κ. 72 Goulder, M.D. 45, 47, 127
Elliott, J.K. 118 Gourgues, M. 2
Ellis, E.E. 6, 7, 8, 9, 132, 251, 261, Grässer, Ε. 136
269, 284 Gray,J. 16, 66, 74, 236, 237
Engneil, I. 32-33, 34, 35, 36, 52, 55, Green, W.S. 166, 191, 192, 194
57, 59, 60, 61, 71 Greenfield, J.C. 187
Eppstein, V. 272 Grimm, W. 239
Ernst, J . 236 Grundmann, W. 134, 139, 155, 165,
Eshel, E. 97, 103 231, 291
Eshel, H. 97 Guelich', R.A. 117, 119, 157, 165,
Evans, C.A. 4, 6, 101, 127, 214, 223, 236, 238, 244, 250, 251, 259
265, 284 Gundry, R.H. 120, 142, 147, 157,
223, 250, 251, 273, 280, 289, 296,
Fabry, H.-J. 14 297
Feininger, Β. 13 Gunkel, H. 14, 25, 26, 30, 36, 37
Feuillet, Α. 242 Guthrie, D. 115, 157, 203, 237, 251
Finer, S.Ε. 1
Fitzmyer, J.Α. 89, 167, 168, 173, 176, Haenchen, E. 251
180, 181, 193, 212, 214, 250, 280, Hahn, F. 193, 201, 203, 208, 245,
283 254, 275-276, 280, 282, 287, 288
Flint, P.W. 62 Hahn, R.R. 201, 214, 215
Floyd, M.H. 45 Η alpern, Β. 32, 49
Flusser, D. 180, 181, 207, 231, 256, Hanson, A.T. 6, 117, 129, 242, 297
288, 292 Hanson, J.S. 219, 221, 222
Foerster, W. 153 Hare, D.R.A. 234
Fohrer, G. 35, 61, 153 Harnack, A. 251
Fowler, R.M. 273, 295 Harrington, D.J. 204
Fraine,J. de 56 Harris, J.R. 7
France, R.T. 6, 115, 122, 141, 157, Harvey, A.E. 236
238, 239, 251, 259, 263, 266, 268, Hay, D.M. 2, 199, 279, 280, 281, 282,
277, 279, 297, 298, 300, 301 283, 284, 289, 293, 294
Frankfort, H. 33, 52 Head, P.M. 157
Frerichs, E.S. 165, 192 Heim, K.M. 45, 78-79
Friedrich, G. 67, 108, 116 Hemer, C J . 251
Fuller, R.H. 179, 193, 200, 245, 276, Hempel, J . 30
282, 287, 288 Hengel, M. 2, 5, 6, 83, 94, 103, 118,
Furnish, V.P. 161 123, 143, 180, 181, 183, 197, 199,
203, 216, 221, 222, 223, 224, 231,
Gagg, R.P. 280 235, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245,
Garcia Martinez, F. 176, 180, 181, 183 246, 247-248, 249, 250, 251, 254,
Gärtner, B. 265 257, 258, 261, 265, 279, 281, 290,
Gaster, T.H. 174 301, 309, 313
Gaston, L. 264 Hesse, F. 165, 194, 259
Geddert, T J . 254, 264 Hester, J.D. 265
Gelston, A. 29, 290 Higgins, AJ.B. 289
Gerleman, G. 45 Hill, D. 136, 199, 219, 222-223, 274,
Gerstenberger, E.S. 37 290
Gese, H. 297, 302 Hooke, S.H. 33
Gilbert, M. 197 Hooker, M.D. 9, 10, 71, 117, 123,
Gillingham, S.E. 58 127, 145, 147, 154, 157, 200, 209,
Gingrich, F.W. 246, 277 210, 211, 230, 232, 234, 237, 238,
Glasson, T.F. 253, 294 239, 240, 241, 250, 251, 260, 265,
Gnilka,J. 125, 165, 236, 264, 282, 273, 277, 280, 283, 284, 285, 288,
304 289, 294, 295, 298
 INDEX O F M O D E R N A U T H O R S 409

Horbury, W. 174, 186, 187, 195, 197, Kim, S. 130, 216, 249, 257, 264, 265,
198, 204, 211, 217, 234 268-269, 273
Home, E.H. 265 King, N.Q. 33
Horsley, R.A. 191, 219, 221, 222 Kingsbury, J.D. 139, 228, 230, 232,
Horton, F.L., Jr. 183 234, 242-243, 253, 254, 259, 260,
Houston, W.J. 36, 78, 80, 83, 241 262, 265, 275, 276, 278, 282, 287,
Howard, D.M., Jr. 13, 18 294-295, 304
Hugenberger, G.P. 71 Kittel, G. 225, 258
Hull, J.M. 205 Klausner, J . 71, 192
Hurtado, L.W. 1 5 6 , 2 1 2 , 2 9 6 Knibb, M .A. 94, 201, 209
Knoppers, G.N. 32
Iersel, B.M.F. van 141-142, 147, 157, Kobelski, P J . 184
250, 254, 298 Koch, D.-A. 236
Isaac, E. 93, 211 Köster, H. 277
Ito, A. 149 Kraft, R.A. 97
Kramer, VV. 245, 247
Jackson, H.M. 303 Kraus, H.-J. 17, 25, 26, 28, 29-30, 32,
Jacob, E. 25, 57, 60 33, 38, 44-45, 46, 47, 54, 57, 58
Jacobs, M.M. 232 Krause, D. 276
Jacobson, H. 204 Kruse, H. 29, 58
Janowski, B. 25 Kuhn, H.-VV. 98-99, 275, 276
Jeremias, Joachim 1, 5-6, 109, 115, Kuhn, K.G. 109, 110, 112, 170
121, 126, 127, 129, 130, 135, Kümmel, VV.G. 134, 135, 136, 153,
142, 146, 148, 210, 216, 233, 155, 250, 261, 264, 269, 289, 294
238, 239, 244, 249, 251, 253, Kuntz, J . K . 13
255-257, 258, 259, 263, 265, 266, Kutsch, Ε. 303
267
Jeremias, Jörg 25, 27 Laato, Α. 74, 198
Johnson, A.R. 4, 13, 19, 20, 22, 24, Ladd, G.Ε. 91, 153, 192, 237, 308
26, 27, 28, 30-31, 32, 34, 35, 36, Lanchester, H.C.O. 105
37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, Landman, L. 192
50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, Lane, W.L. 123, 125, 127, 136, 140,
59, 61 141, 146, 154, 156, 158, 165, 170,
Johnson, E.S. 233, 276 240, 251, 253, 254, 259, 261, 263,
Jonge, M. de 187, 190, 191, 193, 194, 264, 266, 273, 275, 277, 284, 298,
197, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 300
210, 211, 213, 222, 248 Langhe, R. de 33
Juel, D.H. 3, 7, 231, 233, 246, 247, Lattke, M. 87
248, 249, 264, 271, 279, 281, 285, Leaney, A.R.C. 167
286, 287-288, 289, 291, 294, 295, Légasse, S. 154, 275
297-298, 300, 301, 302, 303 Lemche, N.P. 32
Jung, C.G. 156 Lemcio, E.E. 9, 270
Levey, S.H. 1 2 6 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 , 2 1 7 , 2 6 6 ,
Kahle, P. 88 268, 291
Kaiser, O. 71, 128 Levy, I. 88
Kaiser, W J . , Jr. 78 Lightfoot, R.H. 229, 272
Käsemann, E. 136 Lindars, B. 3, 7, 10, 72, 1 16, 233,
Kazmierski, C.R. 232, 243 237, 240, 245, 248, 251, 253, 264,
Keck, L.E. 1 2 4 , 2 3 0 , 2 4 4 268, 271, 273, 280-281, 286, 294,
Kee, H C. 9, 187, 193, 244, 262, 263, 297, 298, 299, 300
273 Lindblom, J . 72
Kelber, W. 118, 134, 275 Lindhagen, C. 72
Kennard, J.S. 223 Linnemann, E. 286
Kennedy, G.A. 243 Linton, O. 284
Kertelge, K. 236 Lipinski, E. 19, 25
Kidner, D. 17, 19, 35, 38, 40, 42, 45, Loader, VV.R.G. 282
298 Lohmeyer, E. 155, 249, 274
410 INDEX O F M O D E R N A U T H O R S 410

Lohse, E. 167, 173, 179, 206, 208, 264, 265, 266, 276, 287, 296, 297,
266, 277, 280, 282, 285 298, 299, 300, 301-302
Longenecker, R.N. 6, 129, 179, 191, Moore, A.L. 141,289
206, 231, 249, 267, 282 Moore, G.F. 5
Lövestam, E. 246, 262, 280 Moore, VV.E. 127
Lührmann, D. 241, 251, 286 Morris, L. 232, 251, 252, 253, 261,
Lundström, G. 153 298
Luz, U. 228 Motyer, J.A. 76, 78, 81
Motyer, S. 303
Mack, B.L. 106, 194, 202, 203, 207, Moulder, W.J. 239
210 Moule, C.F.D. 8, 129, 165, 223, 228,
Mann, C.S. 259, 266 232, 234, 235, 240, 248, 249, 253,
Manson, T.W. 71, 111, 125, 127, 135, 280, 289, 293
136, 153, 154, 155, 212, 263, 267, Mowinckel, S. 4, 14-15, 17, 20-21, 22,
269, 299 25, 27-28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35,
Marcus'J. 9, 117, 120, 121, 124, 125, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43-44, 45, 46,
131-132, 142, 150, 179, 220-221, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56-57, 61, 66,
237, 239, 244, 253, 259, 262, 277, 71, 74, 192, 198, 216, 266
284, 289, 293, 301, 302, 306 Muddiman, J.B. 275
Marshall, C.D. 236, 237, 243, 250, Müller, U.B. 191, 232
276, 303
Marshall, I.H. 6, 7, 132, 141, 181, Naluparayil, J.C. 232
208, 234, 238, 244, 245, 248, 249, Nasuti, H.P. 15
252, 254, 257, 261, 269, 278, 280, Neil, W. 225, 246
281 Neil], S. 3
Martin, R.P. 5, 118, 144, 232, 278, Neirynck, F. 273
283, 298 Nestle, E. & E. 252
Marxsen, W. 117 Neugebauer, F. 282
Matera, F J . 229, 231, 232, 243, 253, Neusner,J. 110, 111, 165, 188, 192,
262, 265, 274, 278, 290-291, 296, 213, 214, 215
298, 299, 301 Newsom, C. 101
Mauchline, J. 128 Nickelsburg, G.W.E. 94, 199, 200,
Maurer, C." 131, 195, 264 210-211, 254, 286
Mays, J.L. 13,27 Niederwimmer, K. 261
McArthur, H.K. 294 Nineham, D.E. 120, 129, 135, 141,
McCann, J.C. 14,37 156, 230, 236, 237, 273, 275, 280,
Mclver, R.K. 126 283, 287, 297, 300
McNamara, M. 109, 110, 193, 216 Nitzan, B. 102, 183
Mearns, C.L. 94, 209 North, C.R. 41-42, 52, 72
Meier, J.P. 3, 4, 5, 115, 212, 219, 244 Noth, M. 32, 42, 52, 56, 57
Merkel', H. 224 Nyberg, H.S. 72
Merz, Α. 4, 109, 132, 149, 186, 212,
222, 225 Oegama, G.S. 94, 104, 179, 187, 204,
Mettinger, T.N.D. 13, 26, 33, 34, 38, 214
50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 60, Old, H.O. 5
61, 73 O'Neill, J.C. 103, 150, 153, 183,231,
Meyer, B.F. 1,251 251, 264, 284
Meyer, R. 88, 197, 199, 224 Oswald, J . von 299
Michaelis, W. 264 Oswalt, J.N. 71
Michie, D. 243 Owen, P. 234
Milik, J . T . 94, 180, 189, 209
Miller, P.D. 37, 43 Page, S.H.T. 83, 239, 240
Minette de Tillesse, G. 133 Paton-Williams, D. 68, 71, 72, 74, 75
Mitchell, D.C. 13, 42, 58, 62 Patte, D. 8
Mitton, C.L. 245 Perrin, N. 87, 109, 110, 124, 135,
Moeller, H R. 88, 208 140, 153, 232, 240, 288, 289, 294
Moo, D J . 9, 240, 249, 251, 252, 263, Perrot, C. 269
 INDEX O F M O D E R N A U T H O R S 411

Pesch, R. 118, 120, 125, 133, 134, 149, 171, 191, 223, 227, 236, 244,
135, 142, 155, 157, 165, 237, 240, 251, 278, 285, 286
250, 259, 260, 263, 264, 275, 278, Sanders, J.A. 62, 99, 100, 185, 190,
280, 288, 289, 293, 301, 304 204
Petersen, N.R. 243 Sasse, H. 155
Ploeg, J.P.M. van der 204 Sawyer, J.FA. 67, 68
Pomykala, K.E. 103, 107, 194, 195, Schaberg, J . 288
196, 198 Schaper, J . 17, 62
Porter, S.E. 3, 4, 6, 296 Schechter, S. 109
Poulssen, N. 29 Schenk, W. 297
Preisker, H. 121 Schenke, L. 300
Preuss, H.D. 150, 266 Schilling, O. 67
Priest, J. 96 Schlier, H. 208
Pritchard, J.B. 45 Schlosser, J . 120, 156
Puech, É. 97, 174, 180, 181, 186 Schmidt, K.L. 106
Schmithals, VV. 144,244
Rabin, C. 169, 172 Schnackenburg, R. 16, 21, 22, 23,
Rad, G. von 21-22, 31, 33, 34, 52, 55, 110, 153, 192
56, 57, 59-60, 71, 78, 121, 122, Schneck, R. 117
144, 148 Schneider, J. 1 5 0 , 2 6 6 , 2 8 0
Räisänen, H. 228 Schniewind, J . 282
Rawlinson, A.E.J. 129, 259, 275, 285, Scholem, G. 192
286 Schreiber, J. 276, 288, 297
RendtorfT, R. 64 Schreiner, J . 290
Rengstorf, K.H. 38, 52, 60 Schrenk, G. 258
Reploh, K.-G. 123, 154 Schubert, K. 285, 286, 288
Reumann, J . H . 297, 302 Schuller, Ε. 100, 176, 178
Rhoads, D. 243 Schultz, R. 76, 81
Richards,J.R. 260 Schultz, S. 9
Richardson, A. 259 Schürer, Ε. 5, 189, 195, 198, 219,
Ricoeur, P. 15 221, 222, 223
Riesner, R. 5 Schürmann, Η. 143
Ringgren, H. 13, 14, 30, 31, 32, 34, Schweizer, Ε. 1, 118, 145, 230, 232,
36, 38, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 233, 238, 254, 297, 300
51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 66, 74. 77, Schwemer, A.M. 100,313
80, 170, 188, 256 Seeley, D. 223
Rivkin, E. 201, 219, 224, 227, 228, Seitz, C.R. 64, 65
286 Seitz, O . F J . 289
Robbins, V.K. 243, 276, 299 Sendrey, A. 5
Roberts, J.J.M. 32 Senior, D. 275, 285, 287, 298
Robinson, J.A.T. 3, 6, 240, 251, 267, Seybold, K. 14, 15
294 Shepherd, D. 234
Robinson, J.M. 229, 238 Shepherd, T. 273
RolofT, J. 259, 273 Sherwin-VVhite, A.N. 285
Rose, A. 287 Shiner, VV.T. 233
Rost, L. 89, 96 Sjöberg, Ε. 211
Roth, C. 272 Slingerland, H.D. 187
Rowe, R.D. 2, 49, 55, 59, 92, 165, Smallwood, E.M. 220, 221, 223
200, 279, 290, 291. 294, 296, 309 Smith, D.M., Jr. 6
Rowland, C. 94 Smith, M. 173, 191, 244
Rowley, H.H. 26, 34, 35, 72 Smith, S.H. 230
Ruppert, L. 301 Snaith, N.H. 18, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28,
Russell, D.S. 198 29, 33, 41, 56
Snodgrass. K. 262, 263, 264, 265,
Sabourin, Ε. 17, 41 267, 268, 269. 270, 291
Síeb0, M. 121 Stählin, G. 147
Sanders, E.P. 6, 94, 99, 109, 148, Standaert, Β. 229
412 I N D E X O F M O D E R N A U T H O R S 412

Stanton, G.N. 1, 8-9, 119, 143, 284, 112, 115, 149, 166, 167, 169, 173,
285, 286, 288 174, 176, 179, 180, 182, 183, 185,
Starbuck, S.R.A. 34 189, 191, 197, 199, 204, 207, 209,
Starcky,]. 173, 180 216, 222, 223, 233, 235, 254, 256
Stauffer, E. 88 Vermeylen,J. 64
Steck, O H. 65 Via, D.O., Jr. 156
Stegemann, H. 186 Vielhauer, P. 1-3, 10, 144, 253, 294,
Steichele, H.J. 243 309
Stein, R.H. 4, 126, 270 Vieweger, D. 239
Steinhauser, M.G. 276 Vögtle, A. 135, 136-137
Stendahl, K. 8 Volz, P. 192
Stone, B.W. 68 Vriezen, T.C. 24
Stone, M.E. 187, 192, 213
Strack, H.L. 110, 119, 130, 141, 199, Waard, J . de 3
266, 279 Watts, J.D.YV. 64, 71
Stuhlmacher, P. 116, 118, 239 Watts, R.E. 9, 117, 118, 236, 237, 239
Stuhlmueller, C. 66 Webb, R.L. 251-252
Suhl, A. 9, 117, 268, 280, 287, 289, Weeden, T.J. 232
300 Weiser, A. 19, 20, 30, 35, 37, 40, 41,
Sundberg, A.C., Jr. 7 42, 45, 46, 47, 60, 277, 290
Sweeney, M.A. 64 Weiss, J . 115
Szikszai, S. 55 Wenham, D. 92, 136, 143
Wenham, G J . 168
Talmon, S. 170 Wenham, J . 251
Tannehill, R.C. 123, 243 Werner Ε 5
Tate, M.E. 18-19, 29, 44 Westermann, C. 15, 28, 62, 66, 68,
Taylor, N.H. 255 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80
Taylor, V. 134, 135, 136, 137, 146, Whybray, R.N. 66, 69, 71, 73, 74, 75,
153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 165, 76
228, 260, 276, 278, 280, 284, 289, Widengren, G. 24, 28, 33, 34, 40, 46,
294, 297, 298, 299, 300, 304 49, 56, 80
Teeple, H.M. 144 Wilcox, M. 3, 7, 239, 246, 247, 263,
Telford, W.R. 3, 153, 232, 240, 250, 265, 276
272, 273, 278 Wilcox, P. 68, 71, 72, 74, 75
Thackeray, H.StJ. 205, 220 Wilder, A.N. 124
T h e i s o h n J . 210 Williamson, H.G.M. 64, 72, 78
Theissen, G. 4, 109, 132, 149, 186, Willis, J.T. 38
212, 222, 225 Wilshire, L.E. 72
Theobald, M. 232 Wilson, G.H. 14, 18, 62
Tidwell, N.L. 74 Windisch, H. 150, 153
Tigchelaar, Ε J.C. 176, 183 Winter, P. 219, 285
Tödt, H.E. 1 , 2 1 1 , 2 3 9 , 2 8 7 Wise, M. 97, 101, 182, 185
Tsevat, M. 22 Witherington, B. 3, 123, 135, 141,
Tuckett, C.M. 179, 211, 212, 234, 257 239, 244, 250, 257, 278, 280, 289,
Turner, C.H. 242 294
Turner, H.E.W. 242 Wood, C.E. 2, 195, 202, 238, 246,
Turner, M. 186 271
Tyson, J.B. 275 Woude, A.S. van der 165, 169, 170,
174, 179, 183, 189, 207, 208, 209,
Ulansey, D. 303 214, 215
Unnik, W.C. van 206 Wrede, W. 228
Wright, N.T. 3, 6, 83, 91, 149, 180,
VanderKam, J.C. 210 186, 212, 222, 223, 240, 244, 278,
Vaux, R. de 25, 29, 33, 34, 50, 51, 281, 284, 286, 289, 293, 294
54, 55, 56, 58 Wright, R.B. 106-107, 200, 201, 207
Veijola, T. 43
Vermes, G. 8, 97, 99, 103, 109, 110, Yamauchi, E. 205, 206, 244
 INDEX O F M O D E R N A U T H O R S 413

Yardeni, A. 97 Zimmerli, W. 28-29, 31, 32, 37, 41,

Young, E.J. 67, 75, 78, 81 43, 72, 80
Zmijewski, J . 232
Zeidin, S. 191
Zenger, E. 62
 INDEX O F SELECTED TOPICS

Aaron 52, 195 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 187, 189,
'Abba 255-258 208, 215
Abraham (Abram) 72, 96, 97
Actium, battle of 104 Caesarea 251
Acts Caiaphas (high priest) 227, 273, 285
speeches in 3 Cairo Geniza 187
(see also Luke-Acts, dating of) Caligula 255
Adam 199 Canaanite religion 19, 23, 32
Agag 182 Catullus (Roman governor) 225
Ahab 32 Christ (see Messiah; Messiahship of
Ahasuerus 89 Jesus)
Ahaz 82 Christology
Ahithophel 300 corrective 232
Akiba, Rabbi (died c. A.D. 135) 214, development of 4
279 divine man 232
Alexander Balas (Seleucid king) 181 royal 294, 306
Alexander Jannaeus 97 Coming One 251, 266, 269
Ananias (high priest) 222 Commandment(s) (see I^aw(s))
Ananus (high priest) 226 Coponius (Roman prefect) 220
Andrew 252 Council, divine (heavenly) 18, 23, 44,
Anointed one (see Messiah) 100, 102
Antichrist 181 Covenant 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22,
Antiochus III 197 27, 30, 34, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44,
Antiochus IV Epiphanes 90, 197 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 54, 59, 62, 66,
Antiochus V 91 69, 70, 75, 77. 78, 79, 81, 97, 99,
Aquila 147, 264 102, 107, I II, 148, 160, 176, 178,
Aramaic, use of 92, 109, 111, 112, 189, 190, 195, 196, 197, 198, 217,
113, 116, 118, 119, 120, 125, 218, 300, 302, 305, 308
129, 130, 131, 156, 187, 224, Creation 18, 19, 20, 21, 23-24, 30, 44,
233, 245, 255, 256, 257, 266, 49, 55, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 75, 76,
277, 296, 297 82, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91. 93, 94, 95,
Arauneh thejebusite 32 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 104, 110,
Archelaus 220 113, 124, 144, 147, 148, 158, 178,
Aretas (Nabatean king) 226 195, 200, 217, 236, 291
Aristobulus I 189 Criteria of authenticity 4, 136, 281
Ark 16-17, 20-21, 27, 30, 31, 47-48, coherence 4, 136, 137, 310
56, 57, 65, 68, 152 double similarity/dissimilarity 281
Atonement, Day of 77 historical plausibility 4
Augustus 220 Semitic features 136
Cultic ritual/liturgy 15, 16, 17, 19-20,
Babvlonian akitu festival 74 24, 26-31, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 46-
Balaam 167, 169 48, 56-59, 60, 61, 68, 69, 77, 78,
Barnabas 261 82, 83, 98, 99, 100. 119-120, 128,
129, 144, 150, 151, 152, 207, 270,
Bartimaeus 201, 230, 237, 274, 275,
277, 282, 288, 298, 309
276, 281
Cuspius Fadus (Roman procurator)
Baruch 95, 211
Belial 184 224, 225
Benedictus 196, 208 Cyrene 225
Benjamin 96 Cyrus 66, 70-71, 75, 79, 81, 82, 104,
Bethany 283 292
Bethsaida 230, 236
Branch of David/Branch 97, 169, 170, Daniel 96, 113, I 14, 116, 129, 130,
 INDEX O F SELECTED T O P I C S 415

147, 158, 174, 183, 210, 212, 218, Esther 89

270, 294 Eucharist 160
(see also Qumran, use of Daniel) Exile in Babylon/return 64, 66, 67,
Darius 71 68, 69, 70, 74, 79, 90, 96, 108,
David 1, 32, 35, 38, 44, 45, 47-48, 49, 119, 121, 180
50, 51, 52, 54, 56, 70, 72, 77, 78, Exodus from Egypt 18, 23, 27, 39, 44,
79, 80, 97, 99, 105, 107, 126, 128, 66, 69, 71, 81, 144, 292
144, 150, 168, 169, 172, 174, 175, Exorcism(s) 204, 205, 206, 244, 275,
176, 178, 179, 184, 185, 188, 189, 282, 309
190, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, Eye-witnesses 243-244, 276
199, 200, 201, 203-204, 205, 206, Ezekias 222, 223
207, 208, 213, 215, 217, 218, 238, Ezekiel 56, 63, 132, 188, 189, 311
242, 246, 247, 252, 259, 265, 266, Ezra 95, 211
268, 271, 277, 279, 280, 281, 292,
300, 302, 303, 305, 311 Father, God as 51, 52, 53, 135, 144,
Seed/offspring of 246, 247, 302 149, 179, 216, 217, 233, 254, 255-
(see also Branch of David and Son of 258, 260, 302, 305, 307
David) Felix (Roman procurator) 221, 225
Day of the Lord 121-122, 124, 273 Forgiveness 21, 72, 138, 170, 171,
Dead Sea 273 216, 234, 237, 274
Dead Sea Scrolls (see Qumran) Fourth philosophy 220-221, 222
Deuteronomy 150
Disciples/discipleship 123, 126, 127, Gad 35
128, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, Galilee 222, 223, 227, 250, 260
141, 143, 144, 145-158, 159, 160, Gamaliel I, Rabbi (c. A.D. 25-50) 216,
161, 171, 203, 206, 224, 228, 229, 220, 225
230, 231, 240, 244, 245, 248, 251, Gamaliel II, Rabbi (c. A.D. 90-110)
252, 257, 259, 260, 261. 269, 273, 111, 216
275, 286, 299, 307 Gehenna 146, 147, 153, 160
(see also Suffering of disciples) Gerizim, Mount 224
Gethsemane 257, 301
Eleazar (a priest) 89 Gideon 182
Eleazar (brigand leader) 221 God's right hand 291, 292, 293, 305,
Eleazar (Jewish exorcist) 205 311 ‫י‬
Eleazar (son of Ananias) 222 exaltation to 247, 248, 254, 278,
Eleazar (son o f j a i r ) 222 279, 282, 283, 284, 290, 292,
Eleazar b. Azariah, Rabbi (c. A.D. 293, 294
100) 111 Goliath of Gath 168, 172
Eleazar b. Simon (Zealot leader) 221 Good news/gospel 67-68, 73, 79, 81,
Elect One/Elect of God 94, 95, 180, 82, 83, 98, 108, 112, 115-116,
210 117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 126,
Eliakim 72 128, 133, 137, 139, 140, 141,
Elijah 141, 144, 186, 213, 235, 245, 145, 157, 158, 159, 161, 183,
260, 261, 295, 296 184, 185, 186, 209, 230, 239,
Enoch 141, 210, 211, 212 241, 242, 281, 285, 301, 304,
Enthronement festival (see New Year 307, 311, 312, 313
festival) Gospels
Eschatology 19-20, 24, 37, 45, 57-59, as historical documents 8-9, 243-
60, 62, 65, 69, 70, 71, 82, 83, 84, 244, 245, 250, 287, 305
92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 102, 103, as theological documents 8, 243-
104, 105, 109, 110, 113, 114, 119, 244, 287
120, 122, 124, 125, 135, 136, 140,
152, 169, 170, 171, 174, 178, 179, Hanina b. Dosa 235
181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 1%, Hasmonean kings 179, 189, 197, 199,
199, 212, 213, 214, 215, 242, 254, 200, 279, 280
266, 275, 293, 302, 303, 308, 309 Herod Antipas (the Tetrarch) 138,
Essenes 106, 166, 220 226, 227, 229
416 INDEX O F SELECTED T O P I C S 416

Herod the Great 107, 200, 220, 222, baptism 108, 130, 131-133, 144,
223, 225 158, 159, 230, 232, 233, 237,
Herodias 226 238, 240, 242, 243, 244, 245,
Hezekiah 65 246, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253,
High Priest (see Priest) 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 268,
Hinnom 146 270, 287, 302, 303, 304, 305,
Honi 235 310
blasphemy charge 284, 285
Ibn Ezra 172 cleansing of temple 223, 272-273,
Interpreter of the Law 98, 167, 168, 274, 286
169, 170, 175, 179, 181, 182, crucifixion 137, 139, 141, 143,
187 145, 228, 230, 231, 232, 233,
Isaac 126, 199, 238 238, 239, 240, 241, 247, 248,
Isaiah 4-5, 59, 63-65, 70, 72, 73, 74, 259, 275, 276, 281, 283, 285,
82, 83, 84, 93, 104, 117, 118, 122, 286, 289, 294, 295, 296, 297,
127, 128, 131, 132, 133, 147, 158, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, 304,
160, 166, 180, 238, 268, 309, 310, 306, 307, 308, 313
311 education of 5, 109
Deutero-Isaiah 25-26, 64, 68, 71, entry into Jerusalem 100, 223,
84, 121, 148, 210-211, 212, 274, 276, 278, 281
218, 220, 239, 241 family of 126-127, 212, 250-251
redaction of 64, 65, 84 ministry 125, 127, 132, 134, 160,
Trito-Isaiah 80 206, 226, 227, 234, 238, 241,
(see also Mark's gospel, use of Isaiah and 242, 245, 252, 259, 308, 310,
Qumran, use of Isaiah) 312, 313
miracles 133, 134, 138, 153, 157,
Jacob 105, 168, 178, 195, 204, 214 159, 160, 166, 185, 205, 226,
James (brother ofjesus) 212, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 236, 237,
251 244, 274, 278, 282
James (disciple) 134, 143, 244, 274, parables of 123-133, 156, 158,
275, 276 160, 224, 230, 233, 236, 253,
James (son of Judas the Galilean) 222 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267,
Jehoiachin 45 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274,
Jehoiada 50 283, 287, 290, 293
Jeremiah 59, 63, 76 plot against 227, 272-273
Jericho 201, 225 preaching/teaching 6, 87, 113,
Jeroboam 28, 56 115, 116, 119, 120, 121, 122,
Jerusalem 123, 127, 128, 132, 136, 137,
capture in 63 B.C. 189, 200 139, 141, 145-158, 159, 160,
conquest by David 32, 45 166, 206, 207, 223-224, 228,
destruction in 587 B.C. 18 229, 235, 236, 239, 241, 242,
fall in A.D. 70 223, 225, 251 244, 245, 248, 250, 258, 259,
Jesse 49, 185, 195 261, 270, 273, 281, 283, 285,
Jesus 286, 304, 306, 307, 310, 311,
and prayer 255-258, 274, 275 312, 313
and the Old Testament 3, 5-7, resurrection 136, 137, 138, 139,
171-172, 203, 212, 242, 252, 144, 145, 232, 235, 245, 246,
263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 247, 250, 259, 260, 271, 274,
269, 270, 271, 276, 278-279, 281, 296, 307, 308, 313
280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 288, self-consciousness of 3-4, 93, 128,
289, 291, 292-293, 295, 296, 207, 228, 233-234, 241, 249,
297-298, 299, 300, 301, 302- 250, 251, 257, 261, 269, 280,
303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 310, 281, 282, 292-293, 298, 299,
311, 312 304, 305, 310-311, 312
and the Zealots 223-224 temptations 132, 260, 270, 312
anointing at Bethany 283 transfiguration 108, 133, 134, 137,
ascension 145 139, 140, 141, 142-145, 154,
 INDEX O F SELECTED T O P I C S 417

159, 160, 233, 245, 253, 259, 102, 104, 105, 106, 108, 110, 111,
260, 261, 262, 305, 307 112, 113, 114, 115-131, 133-135,
trial 145, 180, 229, 230, 231, 233, 137-145, 147-161, 166, 176, 185,
274, 279, 283, 284, 285, 286, 207, 220, 229, 230, 235, 236, 239,
287, 288, 289, 294, 295, 301, 241, 242, 244, 260, 270, 272, 273,
304, 306 278, 283, 285, 286, 292, 297, 302,
(see also God's right hand, exaltation to; 303, 304, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310,
Kingdom/reign of God and Jesus; 312, 313
Messiahship ofjesus; Parousia and and Jesus 123-161, 207, 239, 241,
Suffering of Jesus) 307, 308
Joash (Jehoash) 50, 54, 56 entry into 145, 147, 149, 150, 151,
Joazar (high priest) 220 152, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158,
J o b 96-97, 279 160, 307
John (disciple) 134, 143, 244, 274, inclusion of Gentiles 125
275, 276 secret of 123, 126, 128-131, 133,
John Hyrcanus I 199 155, 157, 158, 160, 230, 244,
John the Baptist 117, 128, 131, 212, 307, 310
226, 227, 228, 229, 235, 237, 238, Kingship
244, 245, 251-252, 253, 264, 270, as symbol 33, 110, 124
286, 296 Davidic 4, 14, 18, 22, 29-62, 63-
John's gospel 139, 146, 252, 259, 297 64, 67-68, 70, 71, 77, 81, 82,
Jonathan (high priest) 221 83, 84, 97, 100, 107, 125, 126,
Jonathan (one of Sicarii) 225 127, 128, 150, 153, 165, 168,
Jonathan, King 97 176, 177, 178, 179, 181, 188,
Jonathan Maccabaeus 97, 197, 200 190, 194, 195, 196, 197-198,
Jordan, River 225 200, 201, 208, 211, 212, 217,
Jose the Galilean, Rabbi (c. A.D. 110) 218, 242, 254, 257, 258, 260,
119 262, 263, 265, 270, 271, 272,
Joseph (OT patriarch) 257 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 290,
Joseph of Arimathea 144, 286 291-292, 296, 298, 302, 304-
Josephus 205, 206, 219, 220, 221, 222, 305, 309, 310, 311, 312
225, 226, 227, 266, 311 divine 32-33, 41, 52
Joshua 224, 225 Egyptian 33, 34, 38, 39, 41, 45,
Joshua (high priest) 187, 195 46, 50, 52, 55, 80, 103, 144
Joshua b. Karha, Rabbi (c. A.D. 150) Israelite 13, 31-34, 50, 53-57, 80,
111 127, 153, 168
Josiah 44, 54, 56, 290 Mesopotamian 33, 38, 41, 45, 52,
Jotapata 219 57, 80
Jubilee(s), messianic 2-4, 45, 59-60, 62, 63-
cycle of 183 65, 70-84, 144, 165, 167, 175,
year of 80 181, 182, 191, 193, 201, 202,
Judah 96, 176, 177, 178, 187, 195, 203, 204, 206, 207, 209, 211,
200 212, 214, 215, 217, 218, 219,
Judas Iscariot 286, 300 223, 226, 231, 233, 237, 238,
Judas Maccabaeus 94, 197, 199 242, 247, 248, 249, 252, 254,
Judas the Galilean 217, 220, 221, 222, 257, 258, 259, 260, 270, 272,
223, 224, 225 274, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280,
Judas (son of Ezekias) 222, 223 283, 286, 293, 294, 295, 303,
Jude 212 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310,
Judith 87-88 311, 312, 313
of Yahweh/God 1,4, 14-31, 37-
King from the sun 103 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 48, 49, 52,
King of the Jews 223, 231, 233, 253, 53, 54, 58, 59-62, 63-70, 71,
286, 289, 295 74, 75, 79, 81, 82-84, 87-114,
Kingdom/reign of God 1-4, 6, 29, 62, 116, 119-120, 122, 124, 125,
63, 71, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 89, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132,
91-93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 100, 101, 135, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148,
418 INDEX O F SELECTED T O P I C S 418

149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 127-128, 139-140, 146-153,

158, 159, 160, 165, 166, 176, 220, 235-241, 242, 262, 267-
177, 178, 183, 184, 185, 186, 268, 286, 292, 304, 308
196, 197, 199, 200, 202, 203, use of Old Testament 9, 117, 124-
207, 211, 217, 218, 220, 223, 126, 220, 229, 235, 243, 263,
235, 236, 237, 239, 242, 254, 273, 276, 286, 289, 306, 312
260, 268, 270, 271, 272, 274, use of Psalms 9, 108, 117, 220,
275, 278, 282, 283, 290, 291, 235, 237-238, 239, 240, 241,
292, 293, 294, 296, 302, 303, 242-304, 305, 306, 307, 308,
305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 310, 311, 312, 313
311, 312, 313 Masada 100, 222
(see also Kingdom of God) Mattathias 198
'two-tier' 1 i 4, 38, 45-46, 50, 52, Matthew 157, 267, 276, 300
53, 60, 61, 105, 176, 286, 290, Melchiresha 184
310 Melchizedek 32, 34, 46, 56, 98, 103,
181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 190,
Kittim 180, 182 212
Menahem (son of Hezekiah) 222
Lamech 97
Menahem (son of Judas the Galilean)
Law(s)/C0mmandment(s)/T0rah 7, 90, 221, 222, 223
91, 96, 102, 106, 111, 114, 149, Menelaus (high priest) 91
154, 156, 157, 161, 169, 171, 175, Messiah(s) 7, 31, 34, 57-59, 71, 77, 78,
178, 179, 182, 213, 220, 221, 260, 79, 80-81, 82, 83, 84, 95, 98, 101,
270 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 110, 113,
(see also Interpreter of the Law) 119, 126, 128, 130, 132, 143, 147,
Leontopolis, Jewish temple 197 152, 160, 165-196, 198-204, 206-
Levi 96, 169, 185, 187, 200 218, 219, 222, 223, 226, 228, 229-
Levites 5, 46 233, 235, 237-242, 246, 247, 249-
Luke 153, 212, 225, 237, 245, 250, 255, 258-284, 286-289, 291, 293-
251, 297 295, 301-313
Luke-Acts, dating of 250-251 ben Joseph 172
Maccabean revolt 197, 221, 235 Davidic 1, 72, 88, 98, 103, 104,
Magic 205, 244 107, 108, 109, 113, 126, 153,
Magog 181 168, 170, 172, 174, 175, 176,
Manasseh 177 178, 179, 180, 181, 182-183,
Mark 261, 263 186, 188, 189, 191, 193, 194,
Mark's gospel 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204,
and Peter 261 206, 207, 208, 209, 211, 212,
dating of 8, 221, 250-251, 297 213, 215, 217, 218, 238, 242,
ending 250 246, 247, 252, 268, 278, 279,
messianic secret '211, 228, 230, 280, 282, 301-302, 303, 309,
231, 234 312
methods of study 142, 232, 243- death of 213
244 false 254
narrative approach 232, 243, 250 of Aaron 167, 168, 169, 170, 171,
oral nature 250 172, 175, 187, 189
passion narrative 9, 231, 234, 240, of Israel 167, 168, 169, 170, 171,
263, 278, 286, 294, 295, 299, 172, 173, 174, 175, 187, 188,
300, 301, 306 189, 241, 301
purpose 232 of Righteousness 178, 179, 187,
themes 2, 8, 84, 87, 93, 108, 113, 189, 209
115-161, 165, 166, 203, 220- priestly 168, 169, 170, 174, 179,
221, 226, 228, 229-235, 236, 182, 184, 187, 188, 190, 194,
243, 251, 259, 260, 276, 278, 217, 274, 309
282, 283, 286, 287, 292, 294, princely 169' 170, 171, 174, 179,
295, 301, 304, 310, 312-313 181, 183, 184, 185, 187, 188,
use of Isaiah 9, 65, 108, 115-123, 189, 208-209, 217, 249, 309
 INDEX O F SELECTED T O P I C S 419

(see also Kingship, messianic; Mark's (see also Mark's gospel and Peter)
gospel, messianic secret and Pharisees 106, 110, 148, 220
Messiahship ofjesus) Philo 106
Messiahship o f j e s u s 2-4, 7, 133, 143, Phinehas 195, 196, 197, 221
144, 145, 159, 160, 165, 166, 226, Pilate (Roman procurator) 223, 224,
229-233, 235, 238, 239, 241, 242, 227, 229, 285, 286
246-255, 259, 260, 263, 264, 266, Pinhas b. Yair, Rabbi (c. A.D. 200)
268-284, 286-289, 293-295, 301- 213
302, 304-308, 310-313 Pompey 189, 200, 201
identification with David 301-302 Poor/needy, concern for 18, 21, 22,
Micah 59, 63 43, 48, 54-55, 60, 67, 79, 98, 107,
Micaiah 132 153, 154, 155, 156, 161, 183, 185
Michael, archangel 183, 184, 212 Potters oracle (Egyptian) 103
Michal 48 Prayer(s) 18, 21, 38, 39, 40, 42, 44,
Mishnah 111, 188, 213-214 46, 53, 56, 65, 87, 88, 89, 90, 95,
Molech 146 96, 97, 107, 109-110, 111, 113,
Mordecai 89 114, 143, 149, 153, 175, 177,
Moses 19, 52, 71, 72, 74, 141, 144, 184, 196, 201, 206, 207, 208,
169, 175, 185, 224, 225, 226, 235, 209, 217, 242, 255, 256, 257,
260, 291 258, 272, 273, 274, 277, 281,
(see also Prophet like Moses) 290, 296, 298, 304
Mount of Olives 225, 273, 274 (see also Jesus and prayer)
Priest(s)/High Priest
Nathan 32, 35, 46, 47, 48, 54, 58, 59, and Roman authorities 227,
70, 174, 179, 258, 270 286
Nazareth 138 at Qumran 170-171, 172, 174,
Nazirite vow 160 175, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186,
Nebuchadnezzar 71, 91, 92, 125-126, 187, 188, 189
129, 130 (see also Messiah(s), priestly)
Nehemiah 90 ideal priest 187, 194, 196
Neronian persecution 251 in Mishnah 188, 213
New Year festival 4, 15, 17, 20-21, 26- Prince of Light 184
31, 34, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 49, Prince of the (whole) congregation
55, 57, 58, 61, 66, 74, 80, 82, 119, 167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175,
127-128 180, 181, 182, 184, 187, 188
Nicanor (Syrian governor) 91 Prophet(s)/prophecy 52, 63-64, 65, 68,
Nicodemus 286 71, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82,
Noah 79, 97, 180 83, 104, 117, 121, 122, 128, 131,
134, 165, 166, 167, 168, 174, 175,
Old Testament, use in New Testament 179, 183, 184, 185, 186, 194, 198,
6-7, 212, 242, 246-248, 259, 268, 199, 202, 204, 205, 206, 208, 210,
271, 279, 281, 289, 298, 301 215, 218, 225, 234, 235, 238, 241,
(see also Typology) 258, 260, 267, 268, 269, 273, 274,
Omri 32 275, 283, 286, 295, 301, 302, 310,
Onias IV 197 311, 312
Origen 157 Christian 136,245
cultic 35
Parousia 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 142, like Moses 167, 169, 235, 259
144, 145, 160, 245, 260, 294, 313 Qumran 167, 168, 169, 184, 186,
Passover 161, 277 187, 217
Paul 118, 127, 128, 153, 165, 245, Prophet-like figure(s) (1st century A.D.)
251, 257, 261 219, 224-226, 227, 228, 286
Pentecost 137 Egyptian 225, 227
Peshitta 216 Samaritan 224, 227
Peter 118, 133, 134, 142, 143, 144, Psalms
145, 230, 231, 233, 236, 244, 251, authorship of 35, 45, 302
259, 260, 261, 286, 288 Book of 4-6, 60, 63, 65, 70, 82,
420 INDEX O F SELECTED T O P I C S 420

83, 104, 120, 148, 160, 165, use of Isaiah 77, 173, 175, 180-
259, 291, 294, 309, 310, 312 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 189-
composition of Psalter 14, 18, 26, 190, 203
37, 38, 43, 44-45, 58, 62 use of Psalms 62, 99, 100, 174, 175,
dating 14, 17, 25-26, 29-30, 34-35, 176, 177, 179, 185, 190, 198
37, 39, 43, 45, 47, 49 (see also Priest(s)/High Priest at
enthronement 14, 16, 21-22, 25- Qumran and Pr0phet(s)/pr0phecy,
26, 58, 66, 68, 69, 119, 122, Qumran)
128, 235
hymns '14, 15, 41, 44, 176, 302, Rabbinic Judaism 106, 110-111, 114,
311 155, 167, 204, 213-215, 216, 218,
individual laments 31, 36, 44, 61, 254, 257, 264, 266, 271, 278, 279,
76, 84, 235, 241, 270, 292, 288, 291, 308
295-304, 305, 308, 312 Raphael 89
messianic 3-5, 37, 58, 59, 62, 241, Rashi (died 1105) 265
242, 258, 266, 278, 289, 302 Ras Shamra/Ugaritic texts 16, 24, 29,
of David 35, 36, 185, 279, 292, 32-33, 35, 40, 54-55, 74
296, 302, 303, 305, 308, 311, Resurrection 90, 91, 98, 137, 138,
312 146, 147, 148, 185, 213-214, 235,
of righteous sufferer 220, 241, 264, 272
270, 301 (see a/io jesus, resurrection)
of Yahweh's kingship 5, 16-21,25- Righteousness/righteous 16, 18, 19,
26, 29-30, 44, 63, 65, 66, 67, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 39, 41, 42, 43,
68, 69, 74, 82, 87-88, 93, 94, 44, 45, 46-47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54,
98, 99, 102, 104, 112, 113, 116, 55, 60, 67, 69, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79,
119, 120, 124, 143, 148, 149, 80, 81, 82, 93, 99, 101, 105, 106,
151-152, 153, 158, 160, 166, 107, 108, 114, 120, 128, 148, 150,
176, 185, 260, 302, 308, 311 169, 175, 178, 179, 187, 202, 203,
royal 13, 24, 32-50, 51, 53, 57-59, 204, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 220,
60, 61, 62, 63, 68, 69, 70, 74, 226, 254, 258, 272, 295, 306
75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 100, 107, (see also Messiah of Righteousness and
166, 175, 176, 177, 178, 194, Teacher of righteousness)
202, 237, 241, 242, 251, 262,
264, 266, 270, 274, 277, 278, Sabbath 26, 29, 151, 234, 259
289, 292, 296, 302, 304, 305, Sadducees 220, 285
312 Samuel 32, 50, 182, 190, 205, 259
(see also Mark's gospel, use of Psalms Sanhédrin 282, 285, 286, 287
and Qumran, use of Psalms) Satan, the devil 126, 132, 138, 231,
Ptolemy VI Philometor 103 237, 238, 260, 270, 312
Saul 31, 50, 194, 204, 205
Q 125, 132, 141, 206, 209, 237, 269, Schools 5, 111, 215
270 Sennacherib 65
Quirinius (legate of Syria) 220 Sepphoris 222
Qumran 97-103, 129, 166-190, 191, Septuagint (LXX) 62, 116, 117, 120,
192, 194, 196, 197, 198, 200, 203- 121, 125, 129, 130, 131-132, 139,
204, 209, 212, 216, 217, 218, 231, 140, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152,
238, 246, 249, 257, 266-267, 273, 153, 165, 198, 205, 208, 216, 237,
276, 279, 287, 305, 306, 309 248, 263, 264, 266, 277, 279, 298,
community 5, 98-99, 103, 166, 299, 303
169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175, Pentateuch 198
177, 178, 179, 180, 182, 188, Servant
190, 198, 212, 267 Isaianic 7, 57, 65, 68, 70, 71-78,
council 170-171,267 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 190,
Guardian/Master 175 210-211, 212, 215-216, 218,
pesher exegesis 7-8, 168, 282 220, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241,
use of Daniel 92, 174, 179, 183, 249, 258, 270, 292, 301, 304,
184, 212 308, 309, 311, 312
 INDEX O F SELECTED T O P I C S 421

of Yahweh/God 50-51, 71, 72, 74, 300, 301, 304, 305, 308, 309, 311,
76, 78, 100, 105-106, 121, 131, 312
132, 168, 176, 199, 210, 212, kingdom of 92, 293
215, 218, 238, 239, 240, 241, Spirit
242, 258, 265, 303, 309, 311 Holy 101, 102, 105, 131, 132,
Servant song(s) 70, 71-78, 79, 80, 133, 137, 138, 139, 167, 183,
81, 82, 83, 215, 220, 237, 240, 202, 213, 238, 245, 258, 308
241, 242, 254, 264, 304, 312 of God/Yahweh 49, 50, 74, 79,
Seth 171 80, 81, 88, 119, 132, 175, 181,
Shema' 110-111, 114 183, 184, 186, 190, 203, 204,
Shepherd(s) 205, 206, 207, 237, 238, 241,
God, leader(s) as 61, 67, 70, 77, 258, 259, 282
94, 144, 152, 171-172, 176, Stephen 149
190, 199, 203, 276-277 Suffering
Sicarii 221, 222, 225 Maccabean martyrs 90-91, 114,
Silas 261 147, 241
Simeon b. Yohai, Rabbi (c. A.D. 130) Messiah 83, 301, 303, 304, 306,
214 307, 308, 311, 313
Similitudes of Enoch 2, 7, 84, 94-95, of disciples 133, 134, 141, 142,
183, 193, 209-212, 213, 217, 218, 143, 155, 159, 230, 232, 254,
290, 293, 309 275, 288, 299
dating of 94, 209, 212 of Israel 290
Simon (high priest) 89, 194, 196, 197 o f j e s u s 133, 141, 143, 145, 159,
Simon (son o f j u d a s the Galilean) 222 171, 216, 230, 231, 234, 239,
Simon bar Kokhba (ben/bar Kosibah) 241, 253, 254, 259, 260, 261,
189, 214, 215, 216, 231 263, 264, 270, 271, 274, 275,
Simon Maccabaeus 197, 198, 199 281. 283, 288, 289, 294, 295,
Simon the Zealot 224 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301,
Sinai 21, 30, 54, 102, 143 303, 304, 306, 307, 312, 313
Sirach 88 of king 31, 36, 44, 47, 48, 49, 58,
Hebrew version 88, 196-198, 309 77, 84, 270, 294, 298, 302,
Solomon 25, 32, 45, 50, 52, 56, 105, 304, 305, 311
106, 195, 198, 204, 205, 206, 218, of righteous 210, 220, 241, 270,
263, 282 279, 295, 298, 299, 301, 302
Son of David 107, 179, 191, 194, 201, of Taxo 96, 114
202, 204, 206, 218, 230, 274, 275, persecution in Daniel 91, 92, 114,
276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 302 270, 293, 294
Son of God 1, 10, 31, 34, 38-39, 44, Servant' 71, 72, 75, 76, 77, 81, 83,
46, 51-52, 53, 55, 61, 130, 133, 84, 216, 240, 270, 301, 311
135, 136, 139, 143, 144, 145, 157, stricken shepherd 171-172,270,
159, 160, 179, 180, 181, 216, 217, 276
228, 229, 230, 231, 232-233, 235, Symmachus 130, 147, 264
237, 238, 240, 242, 243, 244, 245, Synagogue(s) 5, 109-110, 111, 150,
246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253, 207, 215, 217
254, 255, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261,
262, 264, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270, Tabernacles, Feast of 18, 27, 29, 47,
272, 282, 284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 269, 277
291, 293, 294-295, 298, 302, 303, Talmuds 214
304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 310, 311, Tammuz cult 36, 77
312, 313 Targum(s) 83, 110, 111-112, 113, 116,
Son of man 1-3, 7, 49, 55, 92, 93, 126, 140, 215-217, 218, 258, 263,
95, 130, 132, 138, 140, 141, 144, 264, 266, 268, 269
148, 181, 192, 199, 200, 210, 211, Fragmentary 266
212, 213, 218, 231-232, 233-235, Isaiah 112, 116, 117, 118, 119,
239, 249, 254, 257, 259, 260, 264, 121, 122, 127, 128, 139, 140,
266, 270, 274, 282-283, 284, 287, 158, 190, 215-216, 237, 241,
288, 289, 290, 292, 293, 294, 295, 267, 268
422 INDEX O F S E L E C T E D T O P I C S 422

Jonathan 112, 118, 190, 215, 216 Tobit 88-89

Neofiti I 140 Torah (see Law(s))
Onkelos 1 1 2 , 2 1 6 , 2 6 6 Typology 301-302
Psalms 112,216-217,258,265,
266, 271, 291, 298 Ugaritic texts (see Ras Shamra)
Pseudo-Jonathan 215, 266 Uzziah 128
Taxo the Levite 96
Teacher of righteousness 103, 169, Vespasian 206, 219
172, 176, 231, 267, 300 Vitellius (legate of Syria) 224
Tel Dan inscription 32
Temple 5, 18, 21, 29, 30, 31, 35, 40, Yohanan b. Toreta, Rabbi (c. A.D.
41, 46-48, 56, 58, 60, 65, 69, 82, 130) 214
83, 94, 97, 98, 108, 110, 127, 136, Yohanan b. Zakkai, Rabbi (c. A.D. 80)
149, 150, 151, 152, 160, 180, 188, 110, 111
208, 212, 214, 222, 223, 255, 263,
264, 269, 272, 273, 274, 277, 282, Zaddok (a Pharisee) 220
286, 287, 303, 304, 306, 312 Zadok 50, 196, 197
in heaven 100, 151 Zadokites 88, 196, 197
(see also Jesus, cleansing of temple and Zalmunna 182
Leontopolis) Zealots 166, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224
Testimonium Flavianum 219, 226 Zebah 182
Theodotion 116, 125, 130, 147, 165, Zechariah (NT priest) 208
264 Zechariah (OT prophet) 63, 264, 269,
Theophany 17, 18, 20-21, 23, 30, 39, 270, 311
42, 48, 59, 83, 88, 93, 95, 100, Zedekiah 189
122, 143, 144. 159, 177, 260, 303 Zerubbabel 71, 187, 195
Theudas 225, 227 Zion 17-18, 20-21, 22, 27, 29-30, 32,
Tiberius (Roman emperor) 224 37, 46, 47-48, 59, 60, 65, 67, 68,
Tiberius Alexander (Roman 69, 71, 79, 80, 81, 88, 96, 98, 99,
procurator) 222 108, 112, 113, 117, 122, 125, 139,
Titus (Roman commander) 29, 219 149, 179, 181, 197, 208, 242
 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND G R E E K
W O R D S AND PHRASES

This key is provided to assist readers without knowledge of the Biblical languages.
The meanings given for the Hebrew/Aramaic and Greek words on each page are
intended only as approximate meanings. For a more definitive consideration of
meaning in the particular context that the words occur, the reader is invited to
consult the relevant commentaries, lexicons and translations.

HEBREW/ARAMAIC

Page no. Word/phrase Meaning

14 ‫מלך‬ king, to be king, kingship, kingdom

14 ‫מלך‬ king

15 ‫·דוה מלך‬ Yahweh (the Lord) reigns/is king

15 ‫מלך‬ king, to be king, kingship, kingdom
15 ‫מסל‬ to rule
15 ‫ב~א‬ throne
15 ‫;סב‬ to sit, be enthroned
15 to judge
15 ‫ספם‬ to judge

16 ‫טפט‬ to judge

17 ‫מלך הכבוד‬ King of glory

17 ‫מלך גדול‬ great king
17 ‫יעלה‬ has gone up

18 ‫צפון‬ north
18 ‫צדק ומספט‬ righteousness and justice

19 ‫קדט‬ holiness
19 ‫ערתיך‬ thy decrees
19 ‫ברית‬ covenant
19 ‫הוה מלך‬- Yahweh (the Lord) reigns/is king

21 ‫עז‬ strength

22 ‫?לק‬ righteousness

25 ‫חסיליו‬ his saints

25 ‫מלכות •הוה‬ kingdom of Yahweh (the Lord)

26 ‫נאל‬ Redeemer

27 ‫עלה אלה־ש‬ God has gone up

27 ‫תרועה‬ (festal) shout/shouting
27 ‫עלה‬ has gone up
27 ‫עליון‬ the Most High
27 Thwh malak (= ‫)׳הוה מלך‬ Yahweh (the Lord) reigns/is king
42 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND G R E E K W O R D S AND PHRASES 442

28 ‫יהוה מלך‬ Yahweh (the Lord) reigns/is king

29 ‫·הוזז מלך‬ Yahweh (the Lord) reigns/is king

29 ‫יהוה‬ Yahweh (the Lord)
29 ‫·הוה מלך‬ Yahweh (the Lord) reigns/is king

34 ‫עדות‬ testimony
34 ‫חק‬ decree
34 ‫ברית‬ covenant

35 ‫לדוד‬ to/for/of David

35 ‫ל‬ to/for/of

39 ‫ארחמך‬ I love thee

39 ‫חפץ‬ he delighted (in me)
39 ‫רחם‬ to love
39 ‫אהב‬ to love

41 ‫אלהיט‬ God
41 ‫יהוה‬ Yahweh (the Lord)

42 ‫על־כן‬ therefore
42 ‫כסאך‬ has enthroned you

43 ‫!;רק‬ righteousness
43 ‫צרקה‬ righteousness
43 ‫פט‬0‫מ‬ justice

45 ‫דרך תמים‬ the way that is blameless

45 ‫ח?ד‬ loyalty
45 ‫אמן‬ faithful

48 ‫יטב‬ to sit, dwell, (habitation)

48 ‫בי־‬ for

49 ‫בךאנויס‬ son of man

‫בן־ארם‬ son of man
49
‫)}בד‬ servant
50
‫נדד‬ prince
51 ‫ברית‬ covenant
51 ‫צדק‬ righteousness
51 ‫חסר‬ steadfast love
51
52 ‫ל‬ to, for
52 ‫אב‬ father
52 ]3 son
52 ‫לאלחים‬ as God

60 ‫^רק‬ righteousness
‫מלבות •חוה‬ kingdom of Yahweh (the Lord)
60
‫יטב חביבים‬ enthroned above the cherubim
65
‫מלך‬ King
66
66 5‫אל‬ Redeemer
 KEY T O HEBREW/ARAMAIC AND GREEK WORDS AND PHRASES 425

66 ‫גאל‬ to redeem

67 ‫מטפט‬ justice
67 ‫מסלה‬ ruling
67 ‫לסר‬ to bring (good) tidings

68 ‫מלך אלהיך‬ Your God reigns

‫הוה מלך‬- Yahweh (the Lord) reigns/is king
68
‫נאל‬ Redeemer
69
‫בד‬:‫ע‬ servant
72 ‫אהבי‬ my friend
72 ‫עבי‬ servant
73 ‫מטפט‬ justice
‫יצא‬ to go/come out; Hiph. to bring out/forth
75 ‫פוס‬ to place/set/establish
75 ‫אמת‬ faithfulness/truth
75 to grow dim/faint
‫?הה‬
75 to bruise/crush
‫רצץ‬
75 a light to the nations
‫אור כלים‬
75
‫עז‬
75 strength
75
76 ‫יזה‬
he will sprinkle/startle
77 ‫סרט‬
77 ‫בוטחת׳‬ root
77 ‫מסחת‬ I have anointed
marred
79 ‫ענוים‬ the poor
79 ‫מסחת׳‬ I have anointed

80 ‫ל*ה‬ to be pleased with/favourable to

80 ‫בדוה‬ faint

81 ‫מפ״ע‬ to intervene
81 ‫?נע‬ to meet; Hiph. to cause to light upon/
make entreaty/interpose

97 ‫מלך‬ king
97 ‫סליט‬ ruler
97 ;‫סלט‬ ruler

98 ‫בימטל־ך‬ your dominion

98 ‫מלך נכבדים‬
King of majesties/the glorious ones
10( ‫מלך מלכים‬
10( ‫מלכותך לעבדך‬ King kingdom
your of Kings to your servant

10; ‫בכבוד מלכותכה‬ in the glory of your kingdom

10: ‫סלך הכבוד‬ King of Glory
10: ‫סראל המלוכה‬- ‫והיתה לאל‬ and sovereignty shall be to the God
of Israel
10: ‫מסיח׳‬ anointed ones
10: ‫מסיחו‬ his anointed one/Messiah
426 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND GREEK W O R D S AND PHRASES 444

110 ‫וימליך מלכותיה‬ and may he establish his kingdom/set up

his sovereignty/let his kingdom rule
110 ‫סמים‬ heaven(s)
‫מלכות סמים‬ kingdom of heaven
HO
‫מלכות* דאלהכון‬ the kingdom of your God
113
‫־‬iça to bring (good) tidings
116
‫בסר‬ to bring (good) tidings
117
117 ‫בסר‬ to bring (good) tidings

118 ‫סמועה‬ report

118 ‫בסורה‬ good tidings

120 ‫קרב‬ to come near/approach

120 ‫מטא‬ to reach/come to
120 ‫נע‬: to reach/arrive
120 ‫־טועה‬ salvation

121 ‫קרב‬ to come near/approach

121 ‫לה‬: to reveal
121 ‫נלא‬ to reveal

122 ‫ביום ההוא‬ in that day

129 ‫ח‬ secret/mystery

129 ‫נלא‬ to reveal
129 ‫פטר‬ to interpret

130 ‫רז‬ secret/mystery

130 ‫כור‬ (secret) counsel
130 ‫נלה‬ to reveal
130 ‫אבן‬ stone
130 ‫בן‬ son

131 ‫כור‬ (secret) counsel

131 ‫נלא‬ to reveal
131 ‫נלה‬ to reveal
131 ‫ח‬ secret/mystery
131 ‫קרע‬ to tear

139 ‫בחזק‬ in the character of a strong one

139 ‫עז‬ strength

140 ‫חזק‬ strength

140 ‫בתקופ‬ with strength/might
140 ‫בחזק‬ in the character of a strong one
140 ‫תקפ‬ to be/grow strong
140 ‫כח‬ strength/power

146 ‫דראון‬ contempt/abhorrence

147 ‫מכסול‬ stumbling-block

147 ‫כסל‬ stumble

148 ‫מבטול‬ stumbling-block

 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND G R E E K W O R D S AND PHRASES 427

148 ‫בשל‬ stumble

150 ‫בוא‬ to come/go in

151 ‫אם־יבא״ אל־סנוחת׳‬ they should not enter my rest

151 ‫בוא‬ to come/go in
151 ‫מנוחה‬ rest/resting-place
151 ‫מלך גדול‬ great King
151 ‫מלך רב‬ great King
151 ‫גדיל‬ great

152 ‫מנוחה‬ rest/resting-place

152 ‫בוא‬ to come/go in

153 ;‫טע‬ to deliver/save

153 save/help
‫הוסיעה‬
165 anointed one/Messiah
165 ‫מסיח‬ until an anointed one, a prince
165 ‫ער־מסיה נניר‬ the Lord's (Yahweh's) anointed
‫מסיה ;•חוה‬
167 ‫עד בוא נביא ומטיח׳ אהרון‬ until there shall come the Prophet and the
‫ויטראל‬ Messiahs of Aaron and Israel
167 ‫מסיחים‬ anointed ones

168 ‫סבם‬ rod/sceptre

168 ‫מסיחים‬ anointed ones
‫ברזל‬ rod of iron
168
‫דורס החורה‬ the Interpreter of the Law
169
‫מסיח‬ anointed one/Messiah
170
170 ‫מסיח אהרן ויסראל‬ the Messiah of Aaron and Israel

172 ‫ביר‬ by the hand

written
172 ‫בחוב‬
when God causes the Messiah to be born
173 ‫[ המסיח אחם‬1‫אם יוןלי!ר ןאלן א]ר‬ among them
(he) causes to be born
173 ‫יוליד‬
the Messiah
174 ‫המסיח‬
(he) causes to be born
174 jolid (=(‫יוליד‬
the anointed priest
175 ‫הבוהן המסיח‬
Thine/your anointed one
176 ‫מסיחך‬ Branch of David
‫צמח דויד‬ righteous
178
178 ‫צדיק‬
179 ‫מסיח הצדק‬ Messiah of Righteousness
‫צמח דויד‬ Branch of David
179
‫מסיח הרוח‬ Anointed one of the Spirit
183
‫אלוהים‬ God
184
428 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C A N D G R E E K W O R D S A N D PHRASES 446

184 ‫אלוהיך‬ your God

184 'Elohim (=‫)אלהים‬ God

185 'Elohim (=(‫אלהים‬ God

185 ‫מלכוח‬ kingdom/sovereignty

188 ‫נמ־א‬ prince

188 ‫נטיא‬ prince
188 ‫נטיא בתוכם‬ prince among them

189 ;‫סיא ׳סראל‬ Prince of Israel

189 ‫נטיא‬ prince
189 "‫־·לד‬ king
189 ;‫פיא‬ prince
189 ‫מלך‬ king

190 ‫מסחת׳‬ I have anointed

‫מטלות‬ disfigurement/marring
190
‫מטיח‬ anointed one/Messiah
191
‫צמח‬ branch, shoot
208
‫צמח‬ Branch
215
‫ס‬:‫בר א‬ son of man
233
‫בר אנסא‬ son of man
233
‫בחר‬ to choose
237
'ebed Yahweh (=‫)עבר ןהוה‬ servant of Yahweh (the Lord)
240
'ebed Yahweh ( = ( ‫י ה ו ה‬ ‫ד‬34‫ג‬servant of Yahweh (the Lord)
242
‫מסיח‬ anointed one/Messiah
248
'abba (=‫)אבא‬ father
255
'abba (=(‫אבא‬ father
‫אב‬ father
256
256
257 'abba (=(‫אבא‬ father
‫אבי‬ my father
257
‫אבא‬ father
258
‫מאב‬ to reject
263
?‫זה‬ to despise
264
264 ‫בוז‬ contempt
264 ‫מאס‬ to reject

265 stone
265 ‫בן‬ son
265
‫טלתא‬ young man/servant/lamb
266
‫בוא‬ to come
 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND G R E E K W O R D S AND PHRASES 429

266 to come

267 ‫אבן‬ stone

‫פנה‬ comer
267
‫אבן‬ stone
269
!‫ב‬ son
270
270 stone
‫אבן‬

271 ‫מאס‬ to reject

271 ‫מטיחך‬ your (thine) anointed one
271 ‫מס״הו‬ his anointed one
271 ‫הבונ־ם‬ the builders
271 to build/establish
‫מה‬
277 save, we pray/save now
‫היס־עה נא‬
279 a Psalm of David
‫לדור מזמור‬
290 ‫אמצה‬ you have strengthened/made strong
290 ‫אמץ‬ to be strong; Pi. to make strong/strengthen
290 ‫י בז‬ son
290 ‫אמץ‬
to be strong; Pi. to make strong/strengthen
291 ‫בן‬
291 ‫אמץ‬ son
291 ‫;סין‬ to be strong; Pi. to make strong/strengthen
right hand
292 ‫;מין‬ right hand

296 ‫לדור‬ to/for/of David

303 ‫חרף‬ to reproach

303 ‫חר״ה‬ reproach

309 ‫;ס־א‬ prince

GREEK

Page Word!phrase Meaning

46 έκ γαστρός προ 'Εωσφόρου I have begotten you from the womb

έγέννησά σε before the morning

60 βασιλεία του θεοΰ kingdom of God

80 τυφλοΐς άνάβλεψιν recovery of sight to the blind

87 ή βασιλεία του θεοΰ the kingdom of God

106 βασιλεία kingship/kingdom

113 ή βασιλεία τοΰ θεοΰ the kingdom of God

115 ή βασιλεία τοΰ θεοΰ the kingdom of God

430 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C A N D G R E E K W O R D S AND PHRASES 448

116 βασιλεύσει will reign

116 εύαγγελιζόμενος announcing good news
116 βασιλεία kingdom
116 εύαγγέλιον good news/gospel
116 ο καιρός the (right) time

117 τό εύαγγέλιον the good news/gospel

117 εύαγγελίζομαι to announce good news

118 τό εύαγγέλιον the good news/gospel

118 εύαγγέλιον good news/gospel
118 πιστεύετε έν τω εύαγγελίω believe in the good news/gospel

120 ήγγικεν has come near/is at hand

120 έγγίζω to come near
120 ήγγικεν ή βασιλεία του θεού the kingdom of God is at hand

121 ήγγικεν ή βασιλεία του θεού the kingdom of God is at hand

121 πεπλήρωται ό καιρός the time is fulfilled
121 ήγγικεν has come near/is at hand
121 ήγγικε is near
121 έγγίζω to come near
121 καιρός time

123 ήγγικεν has come near/is at hand

123 τό μυστήριον the secret
123 έκείνοις.,.τοΐς εξω for those outside

124 αυτόματη of itself

125 κατεσκήνουν lived, nested

125 κατασκηνούν to live, nest

126 εξ« outside

127 έκείνοις.,.τοίς εξω (for) those outside
127 παραβολή parable
127 παρ ' αύτού relatives/friends

128 αποστέλλω to send

128 τό μυστήριον the secret
128 μυστήριον secret

129 μυστήριον secret

130 τό μυστήριον the secret

130 μυστήριον secret

131 μυστήριον secret

131 σχιζομένους divided/torn apart/opened
131 τους ούρανούς the heavens
131 ανοίγω to open
131 σχίζω to divide/tear apart

132 ήνοίχΟησαν οί ούρανοί the heavens were opened

132 έκ των ούρανών from the heavens/heaven

134 Kai ελεγεν αύτοΐς And he said to them

 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND G R E E K W O R D S AND PHRASES 449

137 έν δυνάμει in/with power

138 δύναμις power/strength

138 έν δυνάμει in/with power
138 ai δυνάμεις the powers
138 δύναμαι I c a n / a m able
138 δυνατός able/possible

139 εως αν ϊδωσιν την before they see the kingdom of God
βασιλείαν τοΰ θεοΰ with power
έληλυθυίαν έν δυνάμει
139 έν δυνάμει in/with power
139 ισχύς strength
139 δύναμις power/strength

140 μετά ισχύος with strength

140 έν δυνάμει in/with power
140 δύναμις power/strength
140 Κα! έ'λεγεν αύτοίς And he said to them
140 ισχύς strength
140 όρος ΰψηλόν high mountain

141 ού μή γεύσωνται θανάτου (they) will not taste death

141 γεύομαι to taste/partake of
141 θανάτου death

143 τίνες ώδε των έστηκότων some standing here

144 υιός θεοΰ Son of God

146 ζωή αιώνιος eternal/everlasting life

146 εις αίώνιον άναβίωσιν ζωής to an everlasting renewal of life
146 ζωή life
146 εις τό πΰρ τό άσβεστον to the unquenchable fire

147 τό ξύλον τής ζωής the tree of life

147 σκανδαλίζω to cause to sin
147 σκάνδαλον temptation to sin/stumbling-block
147 σκανδαλίζομαι to be led into sin/fall away

148 ο αιων eternity

148 ζωή life
148 αιώνιος eternal
148 αιών eternity

150 εισερχομαι to enter

κληρονομέω to inherit
151
εί είσελεύσονται εις τήν they shall not enter into my rest
151 κατάπαυσιν μου
εισέρχομαι to enter
151 κατάπαυα ις
151 rest/place of rest
151 βασιλεύς μέγας great King

152 εισερχομαι to enter

152 είσελθείν εις τήν to enter the kingdom of God
βασιλείαν τοΰ θεοΰ
432 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND G R E E K W O R D S AND PHRASES 450

152 καταπαυσις rest/place of rest

152 είσπορεΰομαι to go in/enter

153 εϊσελεύσονται (they) will enter

153 σωθηναι to be saved
153 σώζω to save

154 καί έναγκαλισάμενος αυτό and taking him in his arms

154 εναγκαλίζομαι to take in one's arms
154 Χρίστου of Christ
154 ότι Χρίστου έστε because you belong to Christ
154 οτι έμοί έστε because you are mine

155 δέχομαι to receive/welcome

155 παραδέχομαι to accept/receive

156 εις εμε in me

πιστευόντων believing
156
υίοΰ θεού (of the) Son of God
157
τό μυστήριον the secret
158 τό εύαγγέλιον the good news/gospel
158 Άρχή τού εύαγγελίου T h e beginning of the gospel o f j e s u s Christ,
'Ιησού Χριστού υίοΰ θεού the Son of God
165 ό Χριστός the anointed one/Messiah/Christ
Ίησοΰ Χριστού (of) Jesus Christ
165 Χριστού (of) the anointed one/Messiah/Christ
165 χριστός anointed one/Messiah/Christ
165 ό ιερεύς ό χριστός the anointed priest
165 ό άρχιερεύς ό κεχρισμένος the anointed high priest
165 εως χριστού ήγουμένου until an anointed one, a prince
165 χρίσμα anointing
165
165 χριω to anoint
194 Χριστός anointed one
194 χριστού αύτού his anointed
194
195 ρίζα root

198 εις αιώνας for ever

198 αιών age/eternity
198 εις αιώνα αιώνος for ever and ever
198 Εις Σαλωμών For Solomon

201 χριστός κύριος (the) Lord Messiah/Christ

χριστός κυρίου (the) Lord's anointed/Messiah
201
χριστός κυρίου (the) Lord's anointed/Messiah
202
Ψαλμός τω Σαλωμών. Psalm of (for) Solomon.
206 έ'τι τού χριστού κυρίου More concerning the Lord's Anointed
χριστός anointed one/Messiah
206
206 χριστός αύτού his anointed one/Messiah

207 χριστού κυρίου (of) the Lord('s) Messiah/anointed one

 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND G R E E K W O R D S AND PHRASES 433

208 ανατολή rising, dawn, shoot

220 σοφιστής wise man/teacher/sophist

(tending to mislead)

221 λησταί brigands

των σικαρίων
221 (of) the assassins/daggermen/Sicarii
Καναναΐος
224 Cananaean, zealot
θειος άνήρ
232 divine man
ό υιός τοΰ ανθρώπου
233 the Son of man
μογιλάλον having an impediment in one's speech
237
6 δεσμός της γλώσσης αύτοΰ the bond/fetter of his tongue
237 ϊνα άναβλέψω let me receive my sight
237 έκλέγομαι to choose
237
238 εύδοκείν έν to be well pleased with/take delight in

239 άντ'ι πολλών in place of/for many

239 ύπέρ πολλών on behalf of/for many
239 εΰαγγέλιον good news/gospel
239 λύτρον ransom
239 πολλών many
239 δει it is necessary/one must

240 παραδίδωμι to hand over/deliver up

240 λύτρον ransom

242 ό χριστός the anointed one/Messiah

242 ό αγαπητός the beloved (only/unique) one

246 ορισθέντος designated/declared to be (or appointed)

246 άναστήσας Ίησοΰν raising/having raised (up) Jesus
246 σπέρμα seed/ofTspring
246 αναστήσω τό σπέρμα I will raise up your seed/
σου μετά σε offspring after you
246 άνίστημι to raise (up)
άναστήσας raising/having raised (up)
246
τοΰ γενομένου έκ σπέρματος who was born of the seed of/descended
248 Δαυίδ κατά σάρκα from David according to the flesh
τοΰ ορισθέντος υϊοΰ θεοΰ (and) designated Son of God in power
248 έν δυνάμει κατά πνεΰμα according to the Spirit of holiness
άγιωσύνης
248 υίός son
248 παις child/son/servant
248 χριστός anointed one/Christ

249 υιος son

249 παις child/son/servant
249 ό άγαπητός the beloved (only/unique) one

252 ό υίός τοΰ θεοΰ the Son of God

252 ό έκλεκτός τοΰ θεοΰ the Chosen One of God
434 KEY τ ο h e b r e w / a r a m a i c a n d g r e e k w o r d s a n d phrases

252 ό υιός the son

252 εκλεκτός chosen one
252 υιός son

253 υιός son

253
υιός θεοΰ (the) Son of God
254
ό υίός the Son
254
254 ό υίός του άνθρωπου the Son of man
254 ό υίός του θεοΰ the Son of God
δόξα glory
257 πάτερ father

259 άκούετε αϋτοΰ listen to him

αύτοΰ άκούσεσθε you shall listen to him
259
δόξα glory
260
υίόν άγαπητόν a beloved (only) son
261 αγαπητός beloved (only/unique)
261

262 υίόν άγαπητόν a beloved (only) son

262 ή κληρονομιά the inheritance
262 την κληρονομίαν σου your inheritance

263 άποδοκιμασθηναι to be rejected

263 άπεδοκίμασαν (they) rejected
263 άποδοκιμάζω to reject
263 έχουδ(θ)ενέ(ό)ω to treat with contempt/reject
263 έχουδενέ(ό)ω to treat with contempt/reject

264 έχουδενέ(ό)ω to treat with contempt/reject

266 ωσαννά Hosanna (save, we pray)

266 ό έρχόμενος the Coming One
266 έρχόμενος coming

268 αποστέλλω to send

269 άνέγνωτε you have read

271 καί άποδοκιμασθηναι and to be rejected

274 έν τη δόχα σου in your glory

274 δόξα glory
274 δοξάζω to praise/glorify
274 έν τη βασιλεία σου in your kingdom
274 βασιλεία kingdom

276 προάγω to go before

277 ωσαννά Hosanna (save, we pray)

277 σπλαγχνίζομαι to have compassion

278 ό κύριος the Lord/master/owner

 KEY T O H E B R E W / A R A M A I C AND GREEK W O R D S AND PHRASES 435

279 ύποπόδιον footstool

279 ύποκάτω under
279 κύριος (the) Lord

288 τοΰ εύλογητοΰ the Blessed One

288 6 υίός τοΰ εύλογητοΰ the Son of the Blessed

292 ή δύναμις (the) Power

292 έν δυνάμει in/with power

298 ώρυξαν they pierced

299 κινοΰντες τάς κεφαλάς shaking/wagging their heads

αυτών
299 έκίνησαν κεφαλήν they shook/wagged the head

300 ό έσθίων μετ ' έμοΰ who is eating with me

300 ό έσθίων άρτους μου who ate of my bread

303 σχίζομαι to be divided/torn

303 όνειδίζω to reproach
303 ίδών seeing/when he saw

304 ότι ούτως έξέπνευσεν that he thus (in this manner)

breathed his last
304 κράξας having cried out
304 έξέπνευσεν he breathed his last
 ARBEITEN ZUR GESCHICHTE
DES A N T I K E N J U D E N T U M S U N D DES URCHRISTENTUMS

MARTIN HENGEL Tübingen • P E T E R S C H Ä F E R Berlin

P1ETER w. V A N DER HORST Utrecht• M A R T I N G O O D M A N Oxford
DANIEL R.SCHWARTZ Jerusalem · C I L L I E R S B R E Y T E N B A C H Berlin

ι M. Hengel. Die Zeloten. Untersuchungen zur jüdischen Freiheitsbewe-

gung in der Zeit von Herodes 1. bis 70 n. Chr. 2.verbesserte und erwei-
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1963. I S B N 90 04 00109 3
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Bibel. Festschrift fur Otto Michel zum 60. Geburtstag. Herausgegeben
von O.Betz, M.Hengel, P.Schmidt. 1963.1 SB Ν 90 04 00110 7
6 A. Böhlig. Mysterion und Wahrheit. Gesammelte Beiträge zur spätantiken
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13 P. Kuhn. Gottes Trauer und Klage in der rabbinischen Überlieferung. Talmud
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18 A.D.Clarke. Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth. A Socio-Histori-
cal and Exegetical Study of 1 Corinthians 1-6.1993.1 s β ν 90 04 09862 3
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logy in the Writings of Flavius Josephus and in the New Testament. 1993.
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20 D. M. Stec (ed.). The Text of the Targum ofJob. An Introduction and Critical
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23 S.Stern.Jewish Identity in Early Rabbinic Writings. 1994.
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24 S. Nägele. Laubhütte Davids und Wolkensohn. Eine auslegungsgeschicht-
liehe Studie zu Arnos 9:11 in der jüdischen und christlichen Exegese.
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25 C.A. Evans.Jesus and His Contemporaries. Comparative Studies. 1995.
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27 E.Juhl Christiansen. The Covenant in Judaism and Paul. A Study of Ritual
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28 B.Kinman.Je5H5' Entry into Jerusalem. In the Context of Lukan Theology
and the Politics of His Day. 1995.1 sb ν 90 04 103309
29 ].R.Levison.The Spirit in First Century Judaism. 1997.1 SB ν 90 04 10739 8
30 L. H. Feldman. Studies in Hellenistic Judaism. 1996.1 s Β Ν 90 04 10418 6
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carum. With Latin Text and English Translation. Two vols. 1996.
10
I S B N 90 04 10553 0 (Vol.1); I S B N 90 04 554 9 (Vol.2);
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32 W.H.Harris i n . TheDescent of Christ. Ephesians 4:7-11 and Traditional
Hebrew Imagery. 1996.1 s β ν 90 04 10310 4
33 R.T.Beckwith. Calendar and Chronology, Jewish and Christian. Biblical,
Intertestamental and Patristic Studies. 1996.1S Β N 90 04 10586 7
34 L. H.Feldman & J. R. Levison (eds.).J0sephus' Contra Apionem. Studies
in its Character and Context with a Latin Concordance to the Portion
Missing in Greek. 1996.1 s Β Ν 90 04 10325 2
35 G. Harvey. The True Israel. Uses of the Names Jew, Hebrew and Israel in
Ancient Jewish and Early Christian Literature. 1996.1 SB Ν 90 04 10617 0
36 R.K.Gnuse. Dreams and Dream Reports in the Writings ofJosephus. A Tradi-
tio-Historical Analysis. 1996.1 s Β Ν 90 04 10616 2
37 J. A.Draper. The Didache in Modern Research. 1996.1 SBN 90 04 10375 9
38 C. Breytenbach. Paulus und Barnabas in der Provinz Galatien. Studien zu
Apostelgeschichte 13f.; 16,6; 18,23 und den Adressaten des Galaterbriefes.
1996. I S B N 90 04 10693 6
39 B.D.Chilton & C. A. Evans.Jesw5 in Context. Temple, Purity, and Restora-
tion. 1997. I S B N 90 04 107460
40 C. Gerber. Ein Bild des Judentums für Nichtjuden von Flavius Josephus.
Untersuchungen zu seiner Schrift Contra Apionem. 1997.
I S B N 90 04 107533
41 T. Ilan. Mine and Yours are Hers. Retrieving Women's History from Rab-
binic Literature. 1997. I S B N 90 04 10860 2
42 C. A.Gieschen. Angelomorphic Christology. Antecedents and Early Evi-
dence. 1998.1 s Β Ν 90 04 10840 8
43 W.J. van Bekkum. Hebrew Poetry from Late Antiquity. Liturgical Poems of
Yehudah. Critical Edition with Introduction and Commentary. 1998.
I S B N 9 0 0 4 11216 2
44 M. Becker & W. Fenske (Hrsg.). Das Ende der Tage und die Gegenwart des
Heils. Begegnungen mit dem Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt.
Festschrift für Prof. Heinz-Wolfgang Kuhn zum 65. Geburtstag. 1999.
I S B N 9 0 0 4 11135 2
45 S. von Stemm. Der betende Sünder vor Gott. Studien zu Vergebungsvor-
Stellungen in urchristlichen und frühjüdischenTexten. 1999.
I S B N 9 0 0 4 11283 9
46 B.Orchaid.Josephus' )ewish War and its Slavonic Version. A Synoptic
Comparison. I S B N 90 04 11438 6 In preparation
47 M. Daly-Denton. David in the Fourth Gospel. The Johannine Reception of
the Psalms. 1999. 1 s Β Ν 90 04 11448 3
48 T. Rajak. The Jewish Dialogue with Greece and Rome. Studies in Cultural
and Social Interaction 2000.1 s β ν 90 04 11285 5
49 Η. Η. D.Williams, 111. The Wisdom of the Wise. The Presence and Func-
tion of Scripture within ι Cor. i: 18-3:23.2000. I S B N 90 04 119744
50 R.D.Rowe. God's Kingdom and God's Son. The Background to Mark's
Christology from Concepts of Kingship in the Psalms. 2002.
I S B N 9 0 0 4 11888 8