Language and Dialect

By:
Sura Abbas
Sarah Tariq
Supervised by: Asst. Prof. Biadaa Abbas
Dialect
Dialect can be defined as a variety of a language that differs from others in its vocabulary,
grammar and pronunciation peculiar to a specific region or social group. It is widely accepted
that standard dialects and accents are often rated more favourably than nonstandard varieties.
Dialect is the term which is used to describe features of grammar and vocabulary as well as aspect
of pronunciation. (Yule, 2010: 240).
The differences between a language and a dialect
There are two separate ways of distinguishing them, and the ambiguity is a source of great
confusion (Haugen (1966) argues that the reason for ambiguity, and the resulting confusion, is
precisely the fact that dialect was borrowed from Greek, where the same ambiguity existed) on
the one hand, there is a difference of size, because a language is larger than a dialect. This is the
sense in which we may refer to English as a language containing the sum total of all the terms in
all its dialects, with standard English as one dialect among many others ( Yorkshire English,
Indian English, etc). Hence the greater size of the English language.

The other contrast between language and dialect is a question of a prestige, a language having a
prestige which a dialect lacks. If we apply the terms in this sense standard English is not a dialect
at all, but a language whereas the varieties which are not used in formal writing are dialects.
Whether some variety is called a language or a dialect depends on how much prestige one thinks
it has, and for most people this is a clear cut matter, which depends on whether it is used in formal
writing. Accordingly people in Britain habitually refer to languages which are un written as
dialects or mere dialects.

Standard Language

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One of the most important elements all cultures possess is the language which represents each
one. Language is of vital importance to people’s lives, since it is a way of communicating with
others. Language also offers people the ability to create and maintain relationships with others.
Each language includes numerous varieties, named dialects.
Languages and dialects have some main differences and the distinction of their boundaries is
considered to be a difficult issue. Linguists use the term vernacular to refer to the language a
person grows up with and uses in everyday life in ordinary, commonplace, social interactions. We
should note that so-called vernaculars may meet with social disapproval from others who favor
another variety, especially if they favor a variety heavily influenced by the written form of the
language. Therefore, this term often has pejorative associations when used in public discourse.
(Wardhaugh, 2015).

Wardhaugh (2006) defines language standardization as “The process by which a language has
been codified in some way. That process usually involves the development of such things as
grammars, spelling books, and dictionaries, and possibly a literature”.

According to Hudson (2001) standard languages are the result of a direct and deliberate
intervention by society, this intervention, called 'standardization', produces a standard language
where before there were just 'dialects' (in the second sense, i.e. non-standard varieties).
The notion 'standard language' is somewhat imprecise, but a typical standard language will have
passed through the following processes:
Selection
A particular variety must have been selected as the one to be developed into a standard language.
It may be an existing variety, such as the one used in an important political or commercial centre,
but it could be an amalgam of various varieties. The choice is a matter of great social and political
importance, as the chosen variety necessarily gains prestige and so the people who already speak
it share in this prestige. (Hudson: 2003)
Codification
The norms and rules of grammar use, which govern the variety selected have to be formulated,
and set down definitively in grammars, dictionaries, spellers, manuals of style, texts, etc. The
selected dialect is provided with a written grammar and a dictionary, so that it can be used in
official documents, taught in schools and learnt by foreigners (Holmes: 2001).
Elaboration

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It must be possible to use the selected variety in all the functions associated with central
government and with writing: for example, in parliament and law courts, in educational and
scientific documents of all kinds and, of course, in various forms of literature. This may require
extra linguistic items to be added to the variety, especially technical words, but it is also necessary
to develop new conventions for using existing forms - how to formulate examination questions,
how to write formal letters and so on.
Acceptance
The ‘acceptance’ by the community of the norms of the variety selected over those of rival
varieties, through the promotion, spread, establishment and enforcement of the norms. This is
done through institutions, agencies, authorities such as schools, ministries, the media, cultural
establishments, etc. (Holmes: 2001). In fact, the standard language comes to be regarded not just
as the best form of the language, but as the language itself.

Delimitation of Languages:
Hudson (1996) posed a question “what does it mean to say of some variety that it is a language?”
This can be answered by distinguishing between the two meanings of 'language' based,
respectively, on prestige and size. on the basis of prestige: a language is a standard language. In
principle this distinction is an absolute one: either a variety is a standard language, or it is not.
The other distinction, based on size, the situation is very different, since everything becomes
relative - for example, in comparison with one variety a chosen variety may be large, yet
compared with another it may be small. an extra criterion is that of mutual intelligibility. This is
a widely used criterion, but it cannot be taken seriously because there are such serious problems
in its application (Simpson 1994a).
1. popular usage does not correspond consistently to this criterion, since varieties which we call
different languages may be mutually intelligible (for example, the Scandinavian languages)
and varieties which we call instances of the same language may not (for example, 'dialects' of
Chinese).
2. Mutual intelligibility is a matter of degree, ranging from total intelligibility down to total
unintelligibility.
3. Varieties may be arranged in a DIALECT CONTINUUM, a chain of adjacent varieties in
which each pair of adjacent varieties are mutually intelligible, but pairs taken from opposite
ends of the chain are not. One such continuum is said to stretch from Amsterdam through
Germany to Vienna, and another from Calais to the south of Italy.
The criterion of mutual intelligibility is, however, based on a relationship between languages
that is logically different from that of sameness of language, which it is supposed to illuminate.
If A is the same language as B, and B is the same language as C, then A and C must also be
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 the same language, and so on. 'Sameness of language' is therefore a transitive relation, but
'mutual intelligibility' is an intransitive one: if A and B are mutually intelligible, and B and C
are mutually intelligible, C and A are not necessarily mutually intelligible.

4. Mutual intelligibility is not really a relation between varieties, but between people, since it is
they, and not the varieties, that understand one another. This being so, the degree of mutual
intelligibility depends not just on the amount of overlap between the items in the two varieties,
but on qualities of the people concerned.
According to Wardhaugh (2010) it is the capability of being understood by both sides; used to
discuss different languages or dialects and whether the speakers can understand each other.
mutual intelligibility is not an objectively determined fact (Salzman et al. 2012, 170). For
example, some speakers of (standard) German can understand (standard) Dutch, while others may
find it incomprehensible. It cannot be used as the sole means of distinguishing dialect versus
language status is that there are sometimes unintelligible dialects which are identified by their
speakers as being the same language. P 29.

The family tree model

A convenient way of representing the relationships among varieties is in terms of the family tree
model, which was developed in the nineteenth century as an aid in the historical study of
language.
This model allows one to show how closely a number of varieties are related to one another - that
is, how far each has diverged from the others as a result of historical changes. For instance, one
might take English, German, Welsh, French and Hindu as the varieties to be related. By building
a tree structure on top of these varieties, , one can show that English is related most closely to
German, less closely to Welsh and French and still less closely to Hindi.

The main value of the family tree model for historical linguistics is that it clarifies the historical
relations among the varieties concerned, and in particular that it gives a clear idea of the relative
chronology of the historical changes by which the varieties concerned have diverged.

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From the present point of view, however, the advantage is that a family tree shows a hierarchical
relation among varieties which makes no distinction between 'languages' and 'dialects'. Indeed, it
is common in historical linguistics to refer to the varieties which are descended from Latin as
'dialects' of Latin (or 'the Romance dialects'), although they include such obvious 'languages' (in
the prestige sense) as Standard French.

Regional dialects and isoglosses

Regional variation in the way a language is spoken is likely to provide one of the easiest ways of
observing variety in language. As you travel throughout a wide geographical area in which a
language is spoken, and particularly if that language has been spoken in that area for many
hundreds of years, you are almost certain to notice differences in pronunciation, in the choices
and forms of words, and in syntax.
There may even be very distinctive local colorings in the language which you notice as you move
from one location to another. Such distinctive varieties are usually called regional dialects of the
language. (Wardhaugh, 2015)

If we consider the most straightforward variety differences based on geography, it should be

possible, if the family tree model is right, to identify what are called regional dialects within any
larger variety such as English.

Since the nineteenth century, dialectologists in Europe and the United States (and, on a smaller
scale, in Britain) have been studying the geographical distribution of linguistic items, such as
pairs of synonymous words (for example, pail versus bucket), or different pronunciations of the
same word, such as farm with or without the /r/.
Their results are plotted on a map, showing which items were found in which villages (since
dialect geography tends to concentrate on rural areas to avoid the complexities of towns).
The dialect geographer may then draw a line between the area where one item was found and
areas where others were found, showing a boundary for each area called an ISOGLOSS (from
Greek iso- 'same' and gloss- 'tongue')
Isogloss: a line which marks the distinction between the use of one variant and another for a
particular linguistic feature. (Wardhaugh, 2015)

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According to the family tree model, then, isoglosses should never intersect, because if they did
they would be dividing the same population in two contradictory ways (just as if we first split it
according to sex and then according to age, which is impossible to show in a single tree).
Unfortunately, this prediction is wrong; in fact, it could hardly be further from reality, because
cross-classification is the normal, most common relationship among isoglosses.
One isogloss separates the area (to the north) where come is pronounced with the same vowel as
stood, from the area where it has the open vowel [ A], as in Received Pronunciation (RP), the
prestige accent of England. The other isogloss separates the area (to the north-east) where r of
farm is not pronounced, from the area where it is.

From such findings many dialectologists have drawn the conclusion that each item has its own
distribution through the population of speakers, and that there is no reason to expect different
items to have identical distributions.

Conclusion

1. Dialect and language distinctions are complex and influenced by factors such as size,
prestige, and mutual intelligibility.
2. Standard languages emerge through a process of selection, codification, elaboration, and
acceptance, shaping linguistic hierarchies within societies.
3. The family tree model helps illustrate historical relationships among languages but does
not distinguish clearly between dialects and languages.
4. Additionally, regional dialects vary geographically, and dialect maps using isoglosses
reveal linguistic boundaries, though these often intersect unpredictably.
5. Ultimately, language variation is a dynamic and multifaceted phenomenon, shaped by
historical, social, and political forces.

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References

Hudson, R. A. (1996). Sociolinguistics (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press.

Wardhaugh, R. (2015). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (7th ed.). Wiley-Blackwell.

Yule, G. (2010). The Study of Language (4th ed.). Cambridge University Press.