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arXiv:1111.6521v1 [math.HO] 28 Nov 20
RUSLAN A. SHARIPOV
The textbook
UFA 2011
2
UDK 514.123
BBK 22.151
X25
Xaripov R. A.
X25 Kurs analitiqesko geometrii:
Uqebnoe posobie / R. A. Xaripov. — Ufa: RIC
BaxGU, 2010. — 228 s.
ISBN 978-5-7477-2574-4
Uqebnoe posobie po kursu analitiqesko geometrii
adresovano studentam matematikam, fizikam, a takжe
studentam injenerno-tehniqeskih, tehnologiqeskih i
inyh specialьnoste, dl kotoryh gosudarstvennye ob-
razovatelьnye standarty predusmatrivat izuqenie
dannogo predmeta.
UDK 514.123
BBK 22.151
CONTENTS. ...................................................................... 3.
PREFACE. ......................................................................... 7.
the second and the third books in this series were written and
published before the first book. These are
– «Course of linear algebra and multidimensional geometry» [1];
– «Course of differential geometry» [2].
Along with the above books, the following books were written:
– «Representations of finite group» [3];
– «Classical electrodynamics and theory of relativity» [4];
– «Quick introduction to tensor analysis» [5].
– «Foundations of geometry for university students and high
school students» [6].
The book [3] can be considered as a continuation of the book
[1] which illustrates the application of linear algebra to another
branch of mathematics, namely to the theory of groups. The
book [4] can be considered as a continuation of the book [2]. It
illustrates the application of differential geometry to physics. The
book [5] is a brief version of the book [2]. As for the book [6], by
its subject it should precede this book. It could br recommended
to the reader for deeper logical understanding of the elementary
geometry.
I am grateful to Prof. R. R. Gadylshin and Prof. D. I. Borisov
for reading and refereeing the manuscript of this book and for
valuable advices.
VECTOR ALGEBRA.
and planes (see Fig. 1.2) play an especial role. They are used
in the statements of the first eleven Euclid’s axioms. On the
base of these axioms the concept of a segment (see Fig. 1.2) is
introduced. The concept of a segment is used in the statement of
the twelfth axiom.
The first twelve of Euclid’s axioms appear to be sufficient
to define the concept of a ray and the concept of an angle
between two rays outgoing from the same point. The concepts
−−→
if it is a weather map, the same vector AB can mean the wind
direction and its speed at the point A. In the first case the
−−→
length of the vector AB is proportional to the distance between
−−→
the points A and B. In the second case the length of AB is
proportional to the wind speed at the point A.
There is one more difference in the above two examples. In
−−→
the first case the vector AB is bound to the points A and B by
−−→
its meaning. In the second case the vector AB is bound to the
point A only. The fact that its arrowhead end is at the point B is
a pure coincidence depending on the scale we used for translating
the wind speed into the length units on the map. According to
what was said, geometric vectors are subdivided into two types:
1) purely geometric;
2) conditionally geometric.
Only displacement vectors belong to the first type; they actu-
ally bind some two points of the space E. The lengths of these
vectors are always measured in length units: centimeters, meters,
inches, feets etc.
Vectors of the second type are more various. These are velocity
vectors, acceleration vectors, and force vectors in mechanics;
intensity vectors for electric and magnetic fields, magnetization
vectors in magnetic materials and media, temperature gradients
in non-homogeneously heated objects et al. Vectors of the second
type have a geometric direction and they are bound to some
point of the space E, but they have not a geometric length.
Their lengths can be translated to geometric lengths only upon
choosing some scaling factor.
Zero vectors or null vectors hold a special position among
geometric vectors. They are defined as follows.
Definition 2.2. A geometric vector of the space E whose
initial and terminal points do coincide with each other is called a
zero vector or a null vector.
A geometric null vector can be either a purely geometric vector
§ 3. EQUALITY OF VECTORS. 13
§ 3. Equality of vectors.
−−→ −−→
Definition 3.1. Two geometric vectors AB and CD are
called equal if they are equal in length and if they are codirected,
−−→ −−→
i. e. |AB| = |CD| and AB ⇈ CD .
−−→ −−→
The vectors AB and CD are said to be codirected if they lie
on a same line as shown in Fig. 3.1 of if they lie on parallel lines
as shown in Fig. 3.2. In both cases they should be pointing in the
in the case of zero velocity it is zero meters per second. For this
reason, testing the equality of any two zero vectors, one should
take into account their physical nature.
Definition 3.3. All null vectors of the same physical nature
are assumed to be equal to each other and any nonzero vector is
assumed to be not equal to any null vector.
Testing the equality of nonzero vectors by means of the defi-
nition 3.1, one should take into account its physical nature. The
equality |AB| = |CD| in this definition assumes not only the
−−→ −−→
equality of numeric values of the lengths of AB and CD , but
assumes the coincidence of their measure units as well.
A remark. Vectors are geometric forms, i. e. they are sets
of points in the space E. However, the equality of two vectors
introduced in the definition 3.1 differs from the equality of sets.
−−→ −−→
AB = CD .
−−→
These considerations show that each geometric vector AB has a
copy equal to it and attached to an arbitrary point C ∈ E. In
the other words, by means of parallel translations each geometric
−−→
vector AB can be replicated up to an infinite set of vectors equal
to each other and attached to all points of the space E.
Definition 4.2. A free vector is an infinite collection of geo-
metric vectors which are equal to each other and whose initial
points are at all points of the space E. Each geometric vector in
this infinite collection is called a geometric realization of a given
free vector.
Free vectors can be composed of purely geometric vectors or
of conditionally geometric vectors as well. For this reason one
can consider free vectors of various physical nature.
16 CHAPTER I. VECTOR ALGEBRA.
§ 5. Vector addition.
Assume that two free vectors a and b are given. Let’s choose
some arbitrary point A and consider the geometric realization of
the vector a with the initial point A. Let’s denote through B
the terminal point of this geometric realization. As a result we
−−→
get a = AB . Then we consider the geometric realization of the
vector b with initial point B and denote through C its terminal
−−→
point. This yields b = BC .
−−→
Definition 5.1. The geometric vector AC connecting the
−−→
initial point of the vector AB with the terminal point of the
−−→ −−→ −−→
vector BC is called the sum of the vectors AB and BC :
−−→ −−→ −−→
AC = AB + BC . (5.1)
−−→ −−→
The vector AC constructed by means of the vectors a = AB
−−→
and b = BC can be replicated up to a free vector c by parallel
translations to all points of the space E. Such a vector c is
naturally called the sum of the free vectors a and b. For this
vector we write c = a + b. The correctness of such a definition is
guaranteed by the following lemma.
−−→
Lemma 5.1. The sum c = a + b = AC of two free vectors
−−→ −−→
a = AB and b = BC expressed by the formula (5.1) does not
§ 5. VECTOR ADDITION. 17
−−→ −−→
two geometric realizations AB and EF . The vector b also has
−−→ −−→
two geometric realizations BC and F G (see Fig. 5.1). Then
−−→ −−→
AC ⇈ AB , |AC| = |α| · |AB|. (6.1)
In the case α < 0 we lay the point C onto the line AB so that
the following two conditions are fulfilled:
−−→ −−→
AC ↑↓ AB , |AC| = |α| · |AB|. (6.3)
Proof. Let’s prove the lemma for the case a 6= 0 and α > 0.
In addition to A we choose another initial point E. Then in the
The lemma 6.1 is proved for the case a 6= 0 and α > 0. Its proof
for the other cases is left to the reader as an exercise.
Exercise 6.1. Consider the cases α = 0 and α < 0 for a 6= 0
§ 7. PROPERTIES OF THE ALGEBRAIC OPERATIONS . . . 21
and consider the case a = 0. Prove the lemma 6.1 for these cases
and provide your proof with drawings analogous to that of Fig 6.4.
(see Fig. 7.2). Applying the same rule to the triangles BCD and
ABD, we get the analogous relationships
−−→ −−→ −−→
b + c = BC + CD = BD ,
−−→ −−→ −−→ (7.3)
a + (b + c) = AB + BD = AD .
−−→ −−→
AB . Let’s consider the opposite geometric vector BA and let’s
denote through a′ the corresponding free vector. Then
−−→ −−→
EF ⇈ BC , |EF | = |k| · |BC|,
−−→ −−→
AE ⇈ AB , |AE| = |k| · |AB|, (7.4)
−−→ −−→
AF ⇈ AC , |AF | = |k| · |AC|.
The case where a ∦ b and k < 0 is very similar to the case just
above. In this case Fig. 7.3 is replaced by Fig. 7.4. Instead of the
relationships (7.4) we have the relationships
−−→ −−→
EF ↑↓ BC , |EF | = |k| · |BC|,
−−→ −−→
AE ↑↓ AB , |AE| = |k| · |AB|, (7.7)
−−→ −−→
AF ↑↓ AC , |AF | = |k| · |AC|.
Taking into account k < 0 from (7.7) we derive (7.5) and (7.6).
In the case k = 0 the relationship k · (a + b) = k · a + k · b
reduces to the equality 0 = 0 + 0. This equality is trivially valid.
26 CHAPTER I. VECTOR ALGEBRA.
−−→
Due to AC ⇈ a and due to k + q > 0 from (7.9) we derive
−−→
AC = (k + q) · a. (7.10)
Let’s substitute (7.10) and (7.8) and take into account the re-
−−→ −−→
lationships AB = k · a and BC = q · a which follow from
our constructions. As a result we get the required equality
(k + q) · a = k · a + q · a.
Exercise 7.3. Prove that (k + q) · a = k · a + q · a for the case
where a 6= 0, while k and q are two numbers of mutually opposite
signs. For the case consider the subcases
a1 + a2 + a3 + a4 + . . . + an−1 + an . (8.2)
The variable i in the formula (8.3) plays the role of the cycling
variable in the summation cycle. It is called a summation index.
This variable takes all integer values ranging from i = 1 to i = n.
The sum (8.3) itself does not depend on the variable i. The
symbol i in the formula (8.3) can be replaced by any other
symbol, e. g. by the symbol j or by the symbol k:
n
X n
X n
X
ai = aj = ak . (8.4)
i=1 j=1 k=1
a1 + a2 + . . . + an = an + an−1 + . . . + a1 .
Exercise 8.1. Using the definitions 6.1 and 8.1, show that the
opposite vector a′ is produced from the vector a by multiplying
it by the number −1, i. e.
a′ = (−1) · a. (8.8)
a − a = 0; (a + b) − c = a + (b − c);
(a − b) + c = a − (b − c); (a − b) − c = a − (b + c);
α · (a − b) = α · a − α · b; (α − β) · a = α · a − β · a.
α a = α · a.
a + 3· b + 2 · a + b = a + 2 · a +3 · b + b = 1 · a + 2 · a+
+ 3 · b + 1 · b = (1 + 2) · a + (3 + 1) · b = 3 · a + 4 · b.
α1 a1 + . . . + αn an = b, (9.1)
1 · a1 + 1 · a2 + 1 · a3 = 0. (9.3)
It is easy to see that the linear combination in the left hand side
of the equality (9.3) is not trivial (see Definition 9.2), however, it
is equal to zero according to the definition 9.3.
Definition 9.4. A linear combination α1 a1 + . . . + αn an
composed of the vectors a1 , . . . , an is called non-trivial if it is
not trivial, i. e. at least one of its coefficients α1 , . . . , αn is not
equal to zero.
α1 a1 = 0. (12.1)
a1 = 0 (12.2)
1 · a1 = 0. (12.3)
38 CHAPTER I. VECTOR ALGEBRA.
α1 a1 + α2 a2 = 0. (13.1)
a1 = β2 a2 . (13.3)
a1 k a2 . (13.4)
1 · a1 + (−β2 ) · a2 = 0. (13.5)
a1 = β2 a2 + β3 a3 . (14.1)
a2 6= 0, a3 6= 0, a2 ∦ a3 . (14.2)
into the equality (14.3) this equality takes the form of (14.1).
The last step in proving the lemma 14.2 consists in writing the
equality (14.1) in the following form:
a1 6= 0, a2 6= 0, a3 6= 0, a1 ∦ a2 . (15.1)
Now let’s draw a line passing through the point F and being
parallel to the vector a2 . Such a line lies on the plane α. Due to
a1 ∦ a2 this line intersects the line AB at some unique point G.
Hence we have the following equality:
−−→ −−→ −−→
AF = AG + GF . (15.3)
−−→
Note that the vector AG lies on the same line as the vector
−−→
a1 = AB . From (15.1) we get a1 6= 0. Hence there is a number
−−→ −−→
β1 such that AG = β1 a1 . Similarly, from GF k a2 and a2 6= 0
−−→ −−→
we derive GF = β2 a2 for some number β2 and from F E k a3
−−→
and a3 6= 0 we derive that F E = β3 a3 for some number β3 . The
−−→ −−→
rest is to substitute the obtained expressions for AG , GF , and
−−→
F E into the formulas (15.3) and (15.2). This yields
a4 = β1 a1 + β2 a2 + β3 a3 . (15.4)
§ 16. BASES ON A LINE. 45
x = x e. (16.1)
orders of the priest the deacon intoned the Mnogoletié (the prayer for the
long life of the Imperial family). This was an imprudence which was bound
to bring reprisals. The soldiers, with threats of death, demanded that the
prayer should be revoked. This incident marred the pleasant memories which
this day should have left in our minds. It also brought us fresh annoyances
and the supervision became still stricter.
CHAPTER XX
Barracks of the detachment which guarded The Grand-Duchesses Marie and Anastasie on the
the Czar. balcony.
The guard being changed.
and children spent several hours with the soldiers in the guard-house.
Saturday, February 2nd.—23° R. below zero. Prince Dolgorouky and I
watered the snow mountain. We carried thirty buckets of water. It was so
cold that the water froze on the way from the kitchen tap to the mountain.
Our buckets and the snow mountain “steamed.” To-morrow the children
can begin tobogganing.
Monday, February 4th.—The thermometer is said to have dropped last
night below 30° Réaumur (37° Centigrade). Terrible wind. The Grand-
Duchesses’ bedroom is a real ice-house.
Wednesday, February 6th.—It appears that on the initiative of the 2nd
Regiment the soldiers have decided that Commissary Pankratof and his
deputy, Nikolsky, must resign.
Friday, February 8th.—The soldiers’ committee has to-day decided to
replace Pankratof by a Bolshevik commissary from Moscow. Things are
going from bad to worse. It appears that there is no longer a state of war
between Soviet Russia and Germany, Austria, and Bulgaria. The army is
to be disbanded, but Lenin and Trotsky have not yet signed the peace.
Wednesday, February 13th.—The Czar tells me that the demobilisation
of the army has begun, several classes having already been disbanded. All
the old soldiers (the most friendly) are to leave us. The Czar seems very
depressed at this prospect; the change may have disastrous results for us.
Friday, February 15th.—A certain number of soldiers have already
left. They came secretly to take leave of the Czar and his family.
At tea in the evening with Their Majesties, General Tatichtchef, with a
frankness justified by the circumstances, expressed his surprise at finding
how intimate and affectionate was the family life of the Czar and Czarina
and their children. The Czar, smiling at the Czarina, said, “You hear what
Tatichtchef says?”
Then, with his usual good-humour tinged with a touch of irony, he
added:
“You have been my aide-de-camp, Tatichtchef, and had ever so many
opportunities of observing us. If you knew so little about us, how can you
expect us to blame the newspapers for what they say about us?”
Wednesday, February 20th.—The Czar tells me the Germans have
taken Reval, Rovno, etc., and are still advancing along the whole front. It
is obvious that he is deeply affected.
Monday, February 25th.—Colonel Kobylinsky has received a
telegram informing him that, from March 1st, “Nicholas Romanoff and
his family must be put on soldiers’ rations and that each member of the
family will receive 600 roubles per month drawn from the interest of their
personal estate.” Hitherto their expenses have been paid by the state. As
the family consists of seven persons, the whole household will have to be
run on 4,200 roubles a month.[64]
Tuesday, February 26th.—His Majesty asked me to help him to do his
accounts and draw up a family budget. He has saved a little from his
“toilet allowance.”
Wednesday, February 27th.—The Czar said jokingly that, since
everyone is appointing committees, he is going to appoint one to look
after the welfare of his own community. It is to consist of General
Tatichtchef, Prince Dolgorouky, and myself. We held a “sitting” this
afternoon and came to the conclusion that the personnel must be reduced.
This is a wrench; we shall have to dismiss ten servants, several of whom
have their families with them in Tobolsk. When we informed Their
Majesties we could see the grief it caused them. They must part with
servants whose very devotion will reduce them to beggary.
Friday, March 1st.—The new régime comes into force. From to-day
butter and coffee are excluded from the table as luxuries.
Monday, March 4th.—The soldiers’ committee has decided to abolish
the snow mountain we have built (it was such a source of amusement to
the children!) because the Czar and Czarina mounted it to watch the
departure of the men of the 4th Regiment. Every day now brings fresh
vexations to the Czar’s family and their suite. For a long time we have
only been allowed to go out when accompanied by a soldier; it is
probable that even this last privilege will soon be taken from us.
Tuesday, March 5th.—Yesterday the soldiers, with a hang-dog look
(for they felt it was a mean task), began to destroy the snow mountain
with picks. The children are disconsolate.
Friday, March 15th.—The townspeople, hearing of our situation, find
various ways of sending us eggs, sweetmeats, and delicacies.
Sunday, March 17th.—To-day is Carnival Sunday. Everyone is merry.
The sledges pass to and fro under our windows; sound of bells, mouth-
organs, and singing.... The children wistfully watch the fun. They have
begun to grow bored and find their captivity irksome. They walk round
the courtyard, fenced in by its high paling through which they can see
nothing. Since the destruction of their snow mountain their only
distraction is sawing and cutting wood.
The arrogance of the soldiers is inconceivable; those who have left
have been replaced by a pack of blackguardly-looking young men.
In spite of the daily increase of their sufferings, Their Majesties still
cherish hope that among their loyal friends some may be found to attempt
their release. Never was the situation more favourable for escape, for
there is as yet no representative of the Bolshevik Government at Tobolsk.
With the complicity of Colonel Kobylinsky, already on our side, it would
be easy to trick the insolent but careless vigilance of our guards. All that
is required is the organised and resolute efforts of a few bold spirits
outside. We have repeatedly urged upon the Czar the necessity of being
prepared for any turn of events. He insists on two conditions which
greatly complicate matters: he will not hear of the family being separated
or leaving Russian territory.
One day the Czarina said to me in this connection: “I wouldn’t leave
Russia on any consideration, for it seems to me that to go abroad would
be to break our last link with the past, which would then be dead for
ever.”
THE CZAR SAWING WOOD WITH ME. BEHIND, THE LITTLE GREENHOUSE ON THE ROOF
OF WHICH WE MADE TWO SEATS AT THE END OF WINTER SO THAT WE COULD ENJOY
THE SUN.
ALEXIS NICOLAÏEVITCH SITTING ON THE STEPS OF THE GOVERNOR’S HOUSE.
STANDING BY HIM IS THE SON OF DR. DEREVENKO, WHO WAS ALLOWED TO COME
AND PLAY WITH HIM WHEN WE FIRST WENT TO TOBOLSK.
[Facing page 256.
Monday, March 18th.—During the first week of Lent the family will
perform its devotions as usual. There is a service morning and evening.
As their different occupations prevent the attendance of the choir, the
Czarina and Grand-Duchesses sing with the deacon.
Tuesday, March 19th.—After lunch the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was
discussed. It has just been signed. The Czar was very depressed, saying:
“It is such a disgrace for Russia and amounts to suicide. I should never
have thought the Emperor William and the German Government could
stoop to shake hands with these miserable traitors. But I’m sure they will
get no good from it; it won’t save them from ruin!”
A little later, when Prince Dolgorouky remarked that the newspapers
were discussing a clause in which the Germans demanded that the
Imperial family should be handed over to them unharmed, the Czar cried:
“This is either a manœuvre to discredit me or an insult.”
The Czarina added in a low voice: “After what they have done to the
Czar, I would rather die in Russia than be saved by the Germans!”
Friday, March 22nd.—At a quarter past nine, after the evening service,
everyone went to Confession—children, servants, suite, and finally Their
Majesties.
Saturday, March 23rd.—A detachment of over a hundred Red Guards
has arrived from Omsk; they are the first Maximalist soldiers to take up
garrison duty at Tobolsk. Our last chance of escape has been snatched
from us. His Majesty, however, tells me he has reason to believe that
there are among these men many officers who have enlisted in the ranks;
he also asserts, without telling me definitely the source of his
information, that there are three hundred officers at Tioumen.
Tuesday, April 9th.—The Bolshevik commissary, who has come with
the detachment from Omsk, has insisted on being allowed to inspect the
house. The soldiers of our guard have refused permission. Colonel
Kobylinsky is very uneasy and fears a conflict. Precautionary measures;
patrols, sentries doubled. A very disturbed night.
Wednesday, April 10th.—A “full sitting” of our guard, at which the
Bolshevik commissary reveals the extent of his powers. He has the right
to have anyone opposing his orders shot within twenty-four hours and
without trial. The soldiers let him enter the house.
Friday, April 12th.—Alexis Nicolaïevitch confined to bed, as since
yesterday he has had a violent pain in the groin caused by a strain. He has
been so well this winter. It is to be hoped it is nothing serious.
A soldier of our detachment who had been sent to Moscow has
returned to-day and brought Colonel Kobylinsky a memorandum from
the Central Executive Committee of the Bolshevik Government, ordering
him to be much stricter with us. General Tatichtchef, Prince Dolgorouky,
and Countess Hendrikof are to be transferred to our house and treated as
prisoners. The arrival is also announced of a commissary with
extraordinary powers, accompanied by a detachment of soldiers.
Saturday, April 13th.—All who have been living in Kornilof’s house,
Countess Hendrikof, Mlle. Schneider, General Tatichtchef, Prince
Dolgorouky, and Mr. Gibbes[65] move to our house. Only Doctors Botkin
and Derevenko are left at liberty. Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s pains have
increased since yesterday.
Monday, April 15th.—Alexis Nicolaïevitch in great pain yesterday and
to-day. It is one of his severe attacks of hæmophilia.
Tuesday, April 16th.—Colonel Kobylinsky, officer of the guard, and
some soldiers have been to search the house. They have taken away the
Czar’s dagger which he wore with his Cossack uniform.
Monday, April 22nd.—The commissary from Moscow arrived to-day
with a small detachment; his name is Yakovlef. He has shown his papers
to the commandant and soldiers’ committee. In the evening he took tea
with Their Majesties. Every one is restless and distraught. The
commissary’s arrival is felt to be an evil portent, vague but real.
Tuesday, April 23rd.—Commissary Yakovlef came at eleven o’clock.
After an inspection of the whole house he went to see the Czar, who
accompanied him to the room of Alexis Nicolaïevitch who is in bed. Not
having been able to see the Czarina, who was not ready to receive him, he
came again a little later with the regimental doctor and paid a second visit
to Alexis Nicolaïevitch. (He wanted to be assured by his doctor that the
boy was really ill.) As he was going away he asked the commandant
whether we had much luggage. Can this mean we are to move?
Wednesday, April 24th.—We are all in a state of mental anguish. We
feel we are forgotten by everyone, abandoned to our own resources and at
the mercy of this man. Is it possible that no one will raise a finger to save
the Imperial family? Where are those who have remained loyal to the
Czar? Why do they delay?
Thursday, April 25th.—Shortly before three o’clock, as I was going
along the passage, I met two servants sobbing. They told me that
Yakovlef has come to tell the Czar that he is taking him away. What can
be happening? I dare not go up without being summoned, and went back
to my room. Almost immediately Tatiana Nicolaïevna knocked at my
door. She was in tears, and told me Her Majesty was asking for me. I
followed her. The Czarina was alone, greatly upset. She confirmed what I
had heard, that Yakovlef has been sent from Moscow to take the Czar
away and is to leave to-night.
“The commissary says that no harm will come to the Czar, and that if
anyone wishes to accompany him there will be no objection. I can’t let
the Czar go alone. They want to separate him from his family as they did
before....[66]
“They’re going to try to force his hand by making him anxious about
his family.... The Czar is necessary to them; they feel that he alone
represents Russia.... Together we shall be in a better position to resist
them, and I ought to be at his side in the time
AT THE MAIN DOOR OF THE GOVERNOR’S HOUSE DURING A WALK IN THE COURT.
The four Grand-Duchesses. The Czarevitch. The officer of the Guard. The Czar.
EKATERINBURG
THE MURDER OF THE IMPERIAL FAMILY
DURING THE NIGHT OF JULY 16-17th, 1918
which they were waiting for me. The following days were days of
indescribable anxiety, at the mercy of any chance that might call attention to
us. Probably what saved us was that we were lost in the crowd of refugees
who filled Tioumen station, and so managed to pass unnoticed.
THE ROOM ON THE GROUND FLOOR OF IPATIEF’S HOUSE IN WHICH THE IMPERIAL
FAMILY AND THEIR COMPANIONS WERE PUT TO DEATH.
[Facing page 282.
where their parents were awaiting them. After the agony of separation this
reunion was a tremendous joy, in spite of the sadness of the present and the
uncertainty of the future.
A few hours later Kharitonof (the chef), old Troup (footman), and little
Leonide Sednief (scullery-boy) were also brought. General Tatichtchef,
Countess Hendrikof, Mlle. Schneider, and Volkof, the Czarina’s valet-de-
chambre, had been taken direct to the prison.
On the twenty-fourth, Tchemadourof, who had been taken ill, was
transferred to the prison hospital; there he was forgotten, and so,
miraculously, escaped death. A few days later Nagorny and Sednief were
also removed. The number of those who had been left with the prisoners
decreased rapidly. Fortunately Dr. Botkin, whose devotion was splendid, was
left, and also a few servants whose faithfulness was proof against anything:
Anna Demidova, Kharitonof, Troup, and little Leonide Sednief. During these
days of suffering the presence of Dr. Botkin was a great comfort to the
prisoners; he did all he could for them, acted as intermediary between them
and the commissaries, and did his best to protect them against the coarse
insults of their guards.
The Czar, Czarina, and Czarevitch occupied the room in the angle formed
by the square and Vosnessensky Lane; the four Grand-Duchesses the
adjoining room, the door of which had been removed; at first, as there was
no bed, they slept on the floor. Dr. Botkin slept in the drawing-room and the
Czarina’s maid in the room in the angle of Vosnessensky Lane and the
garden. The other prisoners were installed in the kitchen and adjacent hall.
Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s ill-health had been aggravated by the fatigue of the
journey; he spent the greater part of the day lying down, and when they went
out to take the air it was the Czar who carried him as far as the garden.
The family and servants took their meals with the commissaries, who
occupied the same floor as themselves, and so lived in constant proximity
with these coarse men, who more often than not were drunk.
The house had been surrounded by a second fence of boards; it had been
turned into a veritable prison fortress. There were sentries stationed outside
and within, machineguns in the building and garden. The room of the
Commissary Commandant—the first on entering the house—was occupied
by Commissary Avdief, his adjutant Mochkine, and some workmen. The rest
of the guard lived in the basement, but the men often came upstairs and
strolled into the rooms of the Imperial family as they liked. The courage of
the prisoners was, however, sustained in a remarkable way by religion. They
had kept that wonderful faith which at Tobolsk had been the admiration of
their entourage and which had given them such strength, such serenity in
suffering. They were already almost entirely detached from this world. The
Czarina and Grand-Duchesses could often be heard singing religious airs,
which affected their guards in spite of themselves.
Gradually these guards were humanised by contact with their prisoners.
They were astonished at their simplicity, attracted by their gentleness,
subdued by their serene dignity, and soon found themselves dominated by
those whom they thought they held in their power. The drunken Avdief
found himself disarmed by such greatness of soul; he grew conscious of his
own infamy. The early ferocity of these men was succeeded by profound
pity.
The Soviet authorities in Ekaterinburg comprised:
(a) The Divisional Council of the Urals, consisting of about thirty
members under the presidency of Commissary Bieloborodof.
(b) The Presidium, a sort of executive committee of several members:
Bieloborodof, Golochtchokine, Syromolotof, Safarof, Voïkof, etc.
(c) The Tchrezvytchaïka. The popular title of the “Extraordinary
Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Speculation,” with its
centre at Moscow and branches throughout Russia. This is a formidable
organisation which is the very foundation of the Soviet régime. Each section
receives its orders direct from Moscow and carries them out through its own
resources. Every Tchrezvytchaïka of any importance commands the services
of a band of nondescript agents, generally Austro-German prisoners of war,
Letts, Chinese, etc., who are in reality nothing more than highly-paid
executioners.
In Ekaterinburg the Tchrezvytchaïka was all-powerful. Its most influential
members were Commissaries Yourovsky, Golochtchokine, etc.
At this time the death of the Imperial family had already been decided
upon in Moscow. The telegram quoted above proves this. Syromolotof left
for Moscow “to organise according to instructions from centre”; he was to
return with Golochtchokine, bringing instructions and directions from
Sverdlof. Meanwhile Yourovsky made his arrangements. On several days in
succession he went out on horseback. He was seen wandering about the
neighbourhood looking for a place suitable for his plans, in which he could
dispose of the bodies of his victims. And this same man, with inconceivable
cynicism, on his return visited the bedside of the Czarevitch!
Several days pass; Golochtchokine and Syromolotof have come back. All
is ready.
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