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Flashpoints and Signposts: Pathways to Success and Wellbeing for Australia's

Young People

Article · April 2006

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Flashpoints & Signposts: Pathways
to success and wellbeing for
Australia’s young people
Richard Eckersley, Ani Wierenga, Johanna Wyn

March 2006

A project by Australia 21 and the Australian Youth Research Centre,

funded and supported by VicHealth
Contact details:

Australia 21 Ltd
PO Box 3244
Weston ACT 2611

Phone: +61 2 6288 0823

Email: [email protected]
Web: http://www.australia21.org.au

Australian Youth Research Centre

Faculty of Education
University of Melbourne VIC 3010

Phone: +61 3 8344 9633

Email: [email protected]
Web: http://www.edfac.unimelb.edu.au/eesc/yrc/

VicHealth
PO Box 154
Carlton South VIC 3053

Phone: +61 3 9667 1333

Email: [email protected]
Web: http://www.vichealth.vic.gov.au

2
The authors gratefully acknowledge the contributions of the following people to this project:

• Dr John Ainley, Australian Council for Educational Research

• Ms Rosemary Aird, University of Queensland
• Prof Lois Bryson, RMIT
• Dr Jane Dixon, Australia 21 and ANU
• Dr Gary Marks, Australian Council for Educational Research
• Prof Janet McCalman, University of Melbourne
• Dr Julie McLeod, Deakin University
• Assoc Prof Elisabeth Northam, Royal Children’s Hospital
• Prof George Patton, University of Melbourne
• Prof Margot Prior, University of Melbourne
• Ms Diana Smart, Australian Institute of Family Studies
• Dr John Spierings, Dusseldorp Skills Forum
• Assoc Prof David Tacey, La Trobe University
• Ms Irene Verins, VicHealth
• Mr Dan Woodman, University of Melbourne.

The authors are also grateful to Ms Julie Marr, University of Melbourne, for assistance
with the report and Ms Helen Cahill, University of Melbourne, for editorial suggestions.

3
4
Table of Contents

Executive Summary 7
Introduction 11
Background 11
Synthesis 12
Overview 13
Socio-economics, gender and history 19
A historical perspective 20
The Life-Patterns Project 20
Other research 23
Two worlds 25
Story and practices of ‘storying’ 26
Two worlds, and the space in between 27
Individual and shared stories 30
Cultures, values, futures and spirit 31
Trends towards materialism and individualism 33
Values 34
Future visions 36
Religion and spirit 37
Implications and future directions 40
Flashpoints: Issues for further research 41
Signposts for research and policy 42
Appendix 45
Research Panel 45
Research Panel Workshops 45
Youth Policy Workshop 45
References 46

5
6
Executive Summary base; an incomplete understanding of a
complex picture; and ideological,
generational and other sources of bias
This report draws together the findings and prejudice.
of a cross-disciplinary project carried
out by Australia 21, a non-profit On the one hand, young people are
research company, and the Australian resilient, adapting to changing social
Youth Research Centre, and funded by conditions, adjusting goals and
VicHealth. It involved a process of expectations to suit their times. Health,
synthesis and sought a better measured by life expectancy and
understanding of the points of mortality, continues to improve. Over
convergence and divergence in the 80 per cent of young people say in
commentaries and evidence relating to surveys that they are healthy, happy
young people's wellbeing. Both and satisfied with their lives.
convergence and divergence provide
routes out of the confinement of On the other hand, many young people
traditional research boundaries, but the are not faring well. More young people
latter may be especially important to are overweight or obese and inactive,
researchers and policy makers as it placing them at risk of a wide range of
highlights different ways of seeing health problems later in life, including
things. diabetes, heart disease and some
cancers. A fifth to a third of young
The project suggests a need for a people are experiencing significant
greater focus in both research and psychological stress and distress at any
policy on the following issues: the 'big one time, with some estimates of the
picture' of the broad social changes prevalence of a more general malaise
reshaping life today; holistic reaching 50 per cent.
approaches to health and wellbeing
(rather than just a focus on ill health); a Some of the conflicting views and
whole of population approach, (rather contradictory evidence on young
than just a concern with the people and their world - for example,
marginalised and at-risk); and the apparent optimism and wellbeing
consideration of the social and cultural expressed by young people whose lives
resources, as well as the material and would appear, according to objective
economic resources, that impact on criteria, to be fairly negative – can be
wellbeing. explained. Responses to questions
about happiness and life satisfaction
Perceptions of young people's health reflect people’s adaptability and a
and wellbeing vary greatly, reflecting tendency to take their situation as a
differences between disciplines, given and assess their wellbeing within
ideologies and generations. Young that context. Conversely, what
people are seen to be resilient, researchers consider a health ‘problem’
adaptable and doing well and, at the or ‘risk’ is not what many young
same time, experiencing increased people would regard as a problem and
rates of some important mental and could even be considered as part of
physical health problems. The wide enjoying life. For example, drug use
range of views reflects: highly can bee seen as an adaptive response to
fragmented and narrow disciplinary life’s pressures; it is also part of the
research perspectives, which are ‘good life’ popular culture promotes.
usually based on a limited evidence
7
However, tensions– ‘flashpoints’ – different understandings shape the way
remained because different disciplines individuals engage in the world, the
often draw on different evidence and way they engage shapes experience,
use different conceptual frameworks to and experience, in turn, shapes
interpret the evidence. Project understandings.
participants – and even we, the authors
of this report – did not agree on points Social, economic and cultural changes
such as: whether trends in wellbeing feed into this narrative process in
can be generalised; the extent to which complex ways which cannot easily be
different measures and findings can be captured in statistical associations.
explained and reconciled; the relative While the costs and benefits of social
importance of social influences and change are not evenly distributed in the
individual capacities in determining youth population, nor are they
wellbeing; and whether potential and confined to particular groups. Costs are
wellbeing are separate and distinct. being incurred across the social
spectrum – from unemployed, poorly
The project sought to go beyond the educated young men who are being
dominant statistically based portraits of excluded from social participation, to
youth, including epidemiological privileged, well-educated young
studies framed around risk and women who are experiencing
protective factors. It focused on three, considerable stress because of high,
overlapping, areas: (1) how social, and sometimes conflicting,
economic and cultural changes expectations and aspirations. Changes
intersect with socio-economic and that affect everyone can, therefore,
gender differences to produce different affect people differently and contribute
outcomes for different groups in to specific problems that only some
society; (2) how young people respond experience.
to social change and the way they
translate this complex process into a A central issue is not so much how
narrative or life story; and (3) how young people are coping with, or
cultural ‘intangibles’ which are hard to adapting to, these changes, but how
measure, and so tend to be overlooked and under what conditions young
in research, shape potential and people’s wellbeing is maximised. The
wellbeing. development of 'resilience' and 'the
capacity to cope or adapt' implies an
A key issue to emerge from the exposure to potentially adverse
analysis is the importance of the way situations and circumstances. That
that social changes, including the most young people possess these
processes of social fragmentation and qualities doesn't mean the effects of
individualisation, have increased social change on human health and
uncertainty in young people’s lives. potential can be ignored.
This uncertainty underscores a need to
make sense of it all, and ‘make a life’ Conversations with practitioners and
for one’s self. Young people make policy makers in the youth sector have
their lives by using various resources, revealed that, in terms of doing justice
especially those drawn from trusted to the challenges of working
relationships, to create storylines about holistically, easy solutions, simple
who they are and where their lives are formulas and neat guidelines that gloss
leading. The results of their narratives, over differences in perspectives do not
or ‘storying’ are visible over time: work. A push into inter-disciplinary
8
work means entering a newer territory problems; and (3) it provides a
that requires its own process and framework for crossing sectoral
conceptual development. boundaries and identifies the points of
permeability between disciplines and
In this project we (the authors) have sectors. It also highlights the need for a
attempted to do justice to some ‘whole of life’ approach: all policy
alternative viewpoints and voices, and becomes youth policy.
to identify some of the challenges of
cross-disciplinary work. This has The mainstream: The pace of social
meant both acknowledging complexity change has outstripped the usefulness
and disagreements (flashpoints), and of the idea of a ‘mainstream’ of young
seeking shared implications and people who are ‘OK’ and an
directions for policy (signposts). identifiable minority who are ‘at risk’
Recognising a need of each other’s and require targeting. At some time,
perspective for a holistic understanding most individuals will face difficulties
means continuing to explore the key (for example, a period of depression or
issues in dialogue. unemployment). The implication is
that both targeted and universal policy
Several ‘signposts’ – pointers for measures and interventions are
future research and policy necessary.
development – emerged from the
project. These include the need for Social and cultural resources: Research
more focus or emphasis on the has shown a strong inter-generational
following: effect on people’s life chances,
reflecting differential access to
The big picture – young people in context: material and cultural resources. Other
The ongoing impact of social change research reveals the significance of
on successive generations places a narratives or ‘stories’ that enable
responsibility on researchers to individuals to connect their lives with
document and analyse these changes. people around them and to make sense
Policy makers must also ensure that of their world. Trust is essential to this
young people’s lives are not being process. From a policy point of view,
interpreted from the viewpoint of ideas this finding indicates the importance of
and conditions that are now outmoded. supporting the development of social
Young people’s own interpretations and cultural resources, as well as the
provide important insights into many economic and material resources.
contemporary issues. Without such
input, policies, interventions and Inter-disciplinary dialogue and grounding
services for young people are likely to implications for policy and practice: This
be fragmented and out of step with project has highlighted the potential of
their lives. supported dialogue within and between
some key groups: researchers (from
Wellbeing: A holistic focus on health across different disciplines), policy
and wellbeing is especially important makers and professionals (across the
in the area of youth policy because: (1) youth and community sector). Two
it retains a link with ‘big-picture’ areas of possibility have emerged:
issues; (2) it focuses on pathways to firstly further shared inquiries and
‘living well’ as a universal measure, as inter-disciplinary synthesis around
well as acknowledging the need to specific areas related to young people’s
focus on particular risk groups and wellbeing; and secondly exploring
9
processes for knowledge translation social circumstances. Realising young
from synthesis, to signposts, to policy people’s potential and optimising their
and practice. wellbeing also mean shaping social
conditions to suit their needs.
In terms of drawing down the
implications from this project, there is These signposts signal the need to
more work to be done; through these acknowledge that broad social changes
signposts we have simply begun the do not ‘just happen’, but flow from the
task. choices people make, individually and
collectively; to question the often-
Importantly, the findings of this work assumed links between means and ends
highlight that the most effective policy that underpin these changes; and to
responses will not be simply about allow time for reflection, for
attempting to enhance young people’s conversations about the things that
resilience, flexibility and adaptability matter, and for asking questions as
and so to mould them to suit changing well as seeking solutions.

10
Introduction there was the potential to add
components to address questions
identified in the workshops; and it
This report is the final outcome of a limited the group to a manageable
project whose purpose was to identify number, so was likely to be more
ways to help young Australians to productive.
optimise their wellbeing and to realise
their full potential against a The research panel met twice, in May
background of often adverse trends in and November 2004, with work
their physical and psychosocial health continuing between and since these
and wellbeing. workshops. A third workshop was held
for policy people and youth
The project was initiated by Australia professionals in June 2005 to consider
21, a non-profit company established the policy implications of the project.
to promote interdisciplinary and cross- As the project proceeded, the emphasis
institutional networks on important changed for several reasons. We did
challenges facing Australia. The Youth not want to duplicate other,
Research Centre at the University of comprehensive reports on the
Melbourne was a collaborator in the wellbeing of children and youth,
project, which was funded by including the Australian Institute of
VicHealth. Health and Welfare reports on young
people and children (AIHW 2003,
Background 2005), new books (Prior and
The project brought together Richardson 2005, Stanley et al 2005),
researchers involved in several or other examinations of research
longitudinal studies of children and questions and priorities, such as that
youth, together with others who are being undertaken by the Australian
contributing to the work in this area. Research Alliance for Children and
The initial aims were: to identify Youth (Research Directions Reference
important consistencies, Group 2004). It also became clearer
complementarities and contradictions that there were gaps in researchers’
in the study data, focusing on broader approach to and understanding of the
social, economic and cultural factors; topic.
to formulate key research questions
that address identified gaps in the Drawing on the findings of the
knowledge and understanding of the longitudinal studies that were included
determinants of young people’s in this project, this document provides
wellbeing and potential; and to attempt an overview of young people’s
to answer some of these questions wellbeing. The insights about young
using the existing data sets. people’s wellbeing that are generated
by these studies provide a point of
The reasons for focusing on reference for a discussion of a broader
longitudinal studies included that: they objective that underlies this project:
represented an existing, but under-used how social, economic and cultural
resource, with scope for further data changes intersect with socio-economic
analysis; they were, at least to some and gender differences to produce
extent, based in different disciplines – different outcomes for different groups
sociology, psychology, epidemiology – in society and how young people
so had good prospects for cross- respond to social change and the way
fertilisation; some were continuing, so they translate this complex process into
11
a narrative or life story, which is empirical studies cannot capture the
essential to enhancing their potential subtlety of the effects of social change
and wellbeing. on young people or the complexity of
their responses. Synthesis raises
The exploration of the ways in which several important conceptual issues. It
young people generate narratives of strives for coherence in the overall
life and create meaning within their picture rather than precision in the
worlds raises the complex issue of detail; it dispenses with expectations of
culture, values and spirituality. At this scientific certainty and exactness,
point the discussion paper moves especially with respect to cause and
beyond the longitudinal studies into a effect; everything is provisional, and
wider, more speculative synthesis relationships are often reciprocal. It
about cultural ‘intangibles’ which are permits speculation - going beyond the
hard to measure and so tend to be data – to enrich the picture.
overlooked or at least under-estimated
in research. Nonetheless, these Synthesis adds value to existing
dimensions shape young people’s specialised knowledge, generates new
potential and affect wellbeing. Their research questions, illuminates
inclusion here is intended to contribute disciplinary biases and
to a broadening of future research on interdisciplinary tensions, and
young people and wellbeing. enhances the application of knowledge.
With respect to the last – application -
The focus of the report is consistent synthesis can improve the fit between
with the outcome of an earlier Delphi research and policy, and can strengthen
survey on ‘realising human potential’ the links between research and
that Australia 21 undertook in 2002. advocacy. It is particularly appropriate
The survey was completed by about 25 for addressing the increasing scale and
researchers and others from a range of magnitude of human problems, and
disciplines, including psychology, suits the complex, diffuse processes of
sociology, epidemiology, economics, social change.
philosophy, education, futures studies
and history, and produced a ranked list Synthesis provides a valuable means
of 36 research questions. The top ten for identifying not only areas of
questions suggested a broad convergence and synergy, but also
examination of the nature of wellbeing ‘flashpoints’ of tension or collision
and the transactions, interactions and between disciplinary assumptions and
balances between individuals and evidence. We (the authors) have noted
society and its institutions that affect several of these in this report, arising
wellbeing. They also indicated a out of the project discussions or the
particular focus on two areas: drafting of the report (marked **).
individual freedom and autonomy; and Disagreements can be productive as
young people's wellbeing. The next 12 they keep in focus different ways of
questions supported this orientation seeing. Relying on agreement, while it
and focus, while also introducing is sometimes necessary, and has its
global and futures perspectives. own virtues, tends to iron out the
different ways of seeing and to present
Synthesis the picture as all too seamless. Both
The report is an exercise in convergence and divergence provide
interdisciplinary synthesis, in routes out of the confinement of
recognition that discipline-based traditional boundaries. By compelling
12
researchers and others to think healthy, happy and satisfied with
holistically, and positively, about their lives.
young people’s potential and
• However, many young people are
wellbeing, synthesis can foster both not faring well. This is not a fixed
honesty about the limitations of the group (Dwyer et al 2005). At one
research and the evidence, and point or another, it seems that a
innovation in overcoming these majority will experience problems.
limitations.
• The adverse trends in young
Overview people’s health range across
physical problems such as obesity
and inactivity to psychological
Opinions about the position of young problems such as depression and
people (by which we mean adolescents drug abuse, and from relatively
and young adults) in contemporary minor but common complaints such
society range from the very optimistic as chronic tiredness to rare but
to the deeply pessimistic. Is life for serious problems such as suicide.
young people getting better or worse?
The wide range of views reflects: • A fifth to a third of young people
highly fragmented and narrow are experiencing significant
disciplinary research perspectives, psychological stress and distress at
which are usually based on a limited any one time, with some estimates
evidence base (and sometimes no of the prevalence of a more general
empirical evidence at all); an malaise reaching 50 per cent
incomplete understanding of a (Eckersley 2005a: 147-69). Young
complex picture; and ideological, people are experiencing higher rates
generational and other sources of bias of mental health problems than
and prejudice. other age groups, and are retaining
their increased risk beyond youth
Health, broadly defined to include into older age (Eckersley 2005a,
physical, mental, social and spiritual ABS 1998, Kessler et al 2005a).
wellbeing, provides a valid measure or • Almost a third of young males and a
benchmark for assessing young quarter of young females (aged 12-
people’s situation. Taking a wide range 24) are overweight or obese (AIHW
of research evidence into account, it 2003). Inactivity has also increased.
appears that: The changes place young people at
risk of a wide range of health
• Young people are resilient, adapting problems later in life, including
to changing social conditions, diabetes, heart disease and some
adjusting goals and expectations to cancers; there may also be effects
suit their times. on mental health, including through
• Health, measured by life expectancy the stigmatisation of the obese.
and mortality, continues to improve, In Australia and in other countries
mainly as a result of declines in researchers have noted the apparent
deaths from road accidents and optimism and wellbeing expressed by
other injuries and, more recently, young people whose lives would
suicide and drugs (AIHW 2003, appear, according to objective criteria,
2005). Over 80 per cent of young to be fairly negative (Evans 2002,
people say in surveys that they are Furlong and Cartmel 1997, Dwyer and
Wyn 2001). For example, the Life-
13
Patterns study found that, despite the that on psychological and social
objective reality of a down-turn in the problems. We suggest that it is
availability of full-time jobs (eg. see important to understand that all data on
ABS 2005), and the difficulty of young people’s wellbeing are relevant,
gaining places in tertiary education, and that they tap into different
young people largely remained dimensions.
optimistic about their personal
situation (Dwyer and Wyn 2001). **1 How to measure wellbeing? Some
researchers and commentators use
This corresponds with the common findings on self-reported health and
finding that ‘most young people are happiness to argue that most young
resilient’ and that they appear to adapt people are doing well and that we need to
to changing social conditions. These focus on the small minority who are not.
broad descriptions of young people’s Others say self-reports are only one
subjective assessments of their lives dimension of any assessment, and should
need to be taken seriously, but they be considered within the context of other
also need to be seen against a backdrop measures of health and wellbeing.
of other data on wellbeing, including

Young Australians: most satisfied but half have a ‘problem’

The Australian Temperament Study has followed a large, representative group of Victorian
children from infancy to age 19-20 in 2002. A new analysis of the latest data, stimulated by this
project, illustrates the often sharp contrast between life satisfaction measures and other
wellbeing indicators. It showed that over 80 per cent of young people were satisfied with their
lives – including lifestyle, work or study, relationships with parents and friends,
accomplishments and self-perceptions – but that 50 per cent were experiencing one or more
problems associated with depression, anxiety, anti-social behaviour and alcohol use (Smart
and Sanson 2005).

We believe both sets of findings need to be qualified, giving a better picture of young people’s
lives. The most troubled youth often drop out of such studies, and people also tend to give
what they think are the ‘right’ answers. Responses to questions about happiness and life
satisfaction are also biased by the nature of these qualities, especially that happiness and
satisfaction involve using various cognitive devices to maintain these states, whatever people’s
circumstances. To some extent, people take their situation as a given, and assess their
wellbeing within that context.

On the other hand, ‘antisocial behaviour’ included illicit drug use in the past month, and
problem alcohol use was defined as binge drinking (7 or more drinks for males and 5 or more
for females) on five or more occasions in the past month. While these categories seem
reasonable from a health perspective, many young people would not necessarily see this drug
and alcohol use as a problem and could even consider it as part of enjoying life. Drug use can
be seen as an adaptive response to life’s pressures; it is also part of the ‘good life’ our culture
promotes.

14
Interpreting objective data is no less to 29 have a fourfold higher risk than
difficult. For example, the reversals in those aged 60 and over.
suicide and drug-related deaths within
the past decade are cited as evidence Other research provides more indirect
that ‘things are improving’. Yet these evidence of young people’s situation.
declines do not necessarily mean an This evidence includes public
improvement in any underlying health perceptions of trends in quality of life
condition. Hospitalisations of young and parents’ perceptions of the world
people for intentional self-harm and in which their children live, the
emotional and behavioural problems impacts of media, and the effects of
increased during the period that the broad cultural qualities such as
youth suicide rate fell (AIHW 2003). materialism and individualism.
Psychological distress has also
increased among young men over this For example, a recent study reported ‘a
period (Jorm and Butterworth 2006). growing sense among parents that
This evidence suggests the explanation childhood is at risk because the daily
for the fall in suicide is that more environment in which children live is
young people are seeking and getting perceived to be increasingly less safe,
help, not that fewer young people need stable and predictable’ (Tucci et al
help. 2005). It found that 80 per cent or
more of parents believed children were
While Australia has good data on growing up too fast; worried about
trends in deaths over time, it lacks their children’s futures; and felt
these data for diseases, so the trends children were targeted too much by
are hard to establish. For example, in a marketers. Sixty per cent or more
review prepared for this project, worry about children’s exposure
Rosemary Aird and her colleagues through the media to world events such
(2004) concluded that, from an as terrorism, war and disasters;
examination of available mental health regulating what their children see on
data, it was not possible to determine television; and the potential for their
whether there had been a long-term children to be exploited on the internet.
change in the mental health and It seems hardly surprising, then, that
wellbeing of young people in most lack confidence as parents, and
Australia. want more affirmation and support
(Tucci et al 2004).
Overseas studies tend to support the
view that psychosocial problems have Views of young people are often
become more common in young framed in terms of differences:
people in recent decades (Rutter and between the ill and the well, the
Smith 1995, Collishaw et al 2004), marginalised and the mainstream, the
although the evidence is sometimes disadvantaged and the privileged,
contradictory (Collishaw et al 2004, males and females. While discussing
Hagell 2004). The latest US research some of these differences, we also
shows almost a half of Americans will want to explore the different layers of
experience a clinical mental disorder perceptions and understanding of
during their lives, while over a quarter young people and their world to assess
will suffer a disorder in any one year the ‘net effects’ of broad social
(Kessler et al 2005a, Kessler et al changes.
2005b). The lifetime risk increases for
successive generations: those aged 18
15
The costs and benefits of social change The sources of psychosocial problems
are not evenly distributed in the youth in youth commonly include (Eckersley
population, nor are they confined to 2005a: 147-69): genes and
particular groups. Costs are being temperament; developmental
incurred across the social spectrum – susceptibility; difficulties with family,
from unemployed, poorly educated friends, school, including conflict,
young men who are being excluded abuse, neglect, failure; changes in
from social participation, to privileged, adolescent transitions, including the
well-educated young women who are emergence of a youth culture that
experiencing considerable stress separates young people from adults;
because of high, and sometimes socio-economic factors such as
conflicting, expectations and poverty, disadvantage, inequality and
aspirations. Indicators of health and unemployment; and cultural change
wellbeing show that young indigenous such as media influences and
Australians have comparatively very increasing materialism and
poor outcomes (AIHW 2003, 2005). individualism.

Thus changes that affect everyone can, However, not all of these factors are
nevertheless, affect people differently necessarily implicated in the trends
and contribute to specific problems over time in these problems. For
that only some experience. In example, studies typically show a
demonstrating this, we want to draw gradient in mental health problems
attention, not so much to how young with socio-economic factors such as
people are coping with, or adapting to, income and family structure (that is,
these changes, but to how and under higher prevalence in lower-income and
what conditions young people’s single-parent and blended families)
wellbeing is maximised. 'Resilience' (eg, Sawyer et al 2000). However, a
and 'the capacity to cope or adapt' UK study of 15-16-year-olds showed
imply an exposure to potentially these problems had risen between 1974
adverse situations and circumstances. and 1999 across all family types and
That most young people have these social classes, suggesting changes in
qualities doesn't mean the effects of these areas were not the main reasons
social changes on human health and for the rising trends (Collishaw et al
potential can be ignored. 2004, Hagell 2004).

While individual problems may often Furthermore, recent American studies

be explained in terms of a young suggest that children in affluent
person’s personal circumstances, the families, although usually seen as
trends in the rates of these problems in being at lower risk, may in fact be
a population cannot. Furthermore, more likely than other children to
population-level effects cannot suffer substance use problems, anxiety
necessarily be determined from and depression (Luthar 2003). Two
individual-level studies. The factors appear to be implicated:
population trends appear to reflect excessive pressures to achieve and
fundamental social, economic and isolation from parents (both physical
cultural changes that have taken place and emotional). The researchers say
in Australia and other nations in recent that comparative studies of rich and
decades. poor youth reveal ‘more similarities
than differences in their adjustment

16
patterns and socialisation processes’ other cultures and religions.
(Luthar and Latendresse 2005). However, we feel it is important to
attempt a synthesis of a complex
Australian data, such as they are, are picture, and this is reflected in this
contradictory on this point, although overview. The following sections
most measures of health show the examine in more depth how some of
usual socio-economic gradient. Even the social changes of recent decades
where specific social factors are have shaped young people’s potential
associated with health problems, they and wellbeing, and how these
explain only a small fraction of responses, in turn, shape social
individual cases. In other words, even changes.
where poverty, for example, is a risk
factor for these problems, most cases **2 Life for young people - getting better or
will occur outside this group because worse? Some project participants
only a small proportion of the questioned the value of this question
population is poor. Such considerations because such a broad assessment is not
strengthen the argument for paying necessary and the evidence is incomplete,
more attention to other possible causal contradictory and inconclusive. Others
factors and processes, including how argue the question provides a point of
social factors interact with individuals' reference for considering the ‘big picture’
lives at a subjective as well as of the impact of broader social changes on
objective level, in seeking to young people’s health and wellbeing, and
understand patterns and trends in also encourages a closer scrutiny of the
totality of the evidence.
wellbeing.

There was some discussion among Another, related question raised in the
project participants about whether it workshops was whether it was possible
was, in fact, possible or useful to to separate potential from wellbeing,
attempt an overall assessment of and have, for example, better
whether life was getting better or realisation of potential but declining
worse for young people – that is, to try wellbeing. Most felt this was unlikely,
to determine what the ‘net effects’ and that the two qualities were tied
have been of the social changes of the together. In psychology ‘subjective
past several decades. Certainly, wellbeing’ is often equated with
outcomes have been mixed across happiness, but is more accurately
many dimensions of change. For defined as a people's positive
example, while some dimensions of evaluation of their lives and includes
gender inequality have been improved positive emotion, engagement,
(for example, the participation of satisfaction and meaning, thus
women in education), others have implying a link with potential (Diener
continued to manifest unequal and Seligman 2004). The link with
outcomes (for example, the continuing potential is closer in the concept of
gender gap in pay). Gains in human ‘eudaimonic wellbeing’, which focuses
rights sit alongside often dubious on meaning and self-realisation rather
improvements in living conditions for than happiness; wellbeing consists of
some marginalised groups. Tolerance fulfilling one’s daimon or true nature,
of different cultures, identities and of being ‘fully functioning’ (Eckersley
lifestyles has increased, but so, 2005a: 96-97). Daimon is an ideal of
recently, have suspicion and fear of excellence, of striving towards a

17
perfection, which gives meaning and reveals the emergence of priorities and
direction to one’s life, and is patterns of living that are different
distinguished from simply achieving from the previous generation. The
pleasure. process of ‘individualization’ has
created new forms of social division
There is also a sociological literature between groups (the haves and the
that focuses on wellbeing in terms of have-nots in new global economies),
the quality of the social relationships new forms of engagement (e.g.
within societies, communities or consumption), and new ways of
groups, rather than seeing wellbeing as relating (more independently) that
a quality that is possessed by have significant implications for both
individuals (Wyn and White 2004). wellbeing and potential. The
One of the sociological links between following sections explore the extent to
wellbeing and potential is expressed in which these shifts represent a re-
the concept of ‘social capital’, in which definition of wellbeing by individuals
‘enabling’ social structures create the and the impact of social change on
possibilities for individuals and groups young people’s potential.
to thrive. Thus the sociological
literature also implies a close
relationship between potential and **3 Potential and/or wellbeing? The project
wellbeing. raised the question of whether potential
and wellbeing could be distinguished and
It could be argued that, to some extent the trends in each move in opposite
at least, better education, greater social directions. It may be that freeing and
(ethnic and gender) equality and equipping people to realise their full
greater material prosperity have potential entails risks to wellbeing because
improved the potential of many groups of the increased risk of failure. How terms
of young people. However, at the same such as wellbeing and happiness are
time, there is evidence that in some defined or understood is relevant to this
areas of life wellbeing has not been issue. This question was not considered in
detail and we feel it warrants further
enhanced, and has even declined.
discussion.
Research on young people’s lives

18
Wellbeing: more than feeling good

We often measure wellbeing as happiness or satisfaction with life (Eckersley 2005b). The search
for happiness is often confused with the pursuit of pleasure, but wellbeing is about more than
living 'the good life'; it is about having meaning in life, about fulfilling our potential and feeling
that our lives are worthwhile.

Our wellbeing is shaped by our genes, our personal circumstances and choices, the social
conditions in which we live, and the complex ways in which all these things interact. The
evidence shows that a close family, the company of friends, rewarding work, sufficient money,
a good diet, physical activity, sound sleep, engaging leisure and spiritual belief and practice all
enhance our wellbeing. Optimism, trust, self-worth and autonomy make us happier. Gratitude
and kindness lift our spirits; indeed, giving support can be at least as beneficial as receiving it.
Having clear goals that we can work towards, a 'sense of place' and belonging, a coherent and
positive view of the world, and the belief that we are part of something bigger than ourselves
foster wellbeing.

Wellbeing is powerfully influenced by perceptions and expectations. Adaptation and social

comparison are especially important. We tend to adapt to changes in our situation, whether
it's gaining something or losing it. Our position relative to others counts; comparing favourably
elevates us, comparing poorly diminishes us. The gap between our aspirations and
achievements also matters.

Associations between social factors and wellbeing are often, if not always, reciprocal: happier
people are more likely to have partners, have more friends, do more interesting work, or earn
higher incomes. Many of the factors are interrelated: the costs of being unemployed go well
beyond the loss of income; work also offers purpose in life, belonging and friendship. One
source of wellbeing can compensate, at least partly, for the lack of another: having a partner
does most for people who lack friends and other social connections; those who are single,
elderly or in poor health gain most from religion.

All in all, wellbeing comes from being connected and engaged, from being suspended in a
web of relationships and interests. These give meaning to our lives. The intimacy, belonging
and support provided by close personal relationships seem to matter most; and isolation
exacts the highest price.

Socio-economics, gender available data on the key aspects of

young people’s lives describes a
and history complex situation for young
Australians.
The researchers who participated in
this project are practiced in defining, While there are increased opportunities
refining and deepening knowledge compared with a generation ago (for
about young people’s wellbeing, health example, in education, employment
and outcomes within their own area of and life-style) the evidence reveals that
expertise. At the same time, all are the expected benefits in terms of health
well aware that each ‘area’ of expertise and wellbeing are not equally shared
is only able to tell part of the story. As across all groups of young people. A
pointed out in the previous section, the steady stream of evidence shows that
19
the conditions of post-industrial adulthood, has a negative impact on
society in Australia may pose a threat health and capacity to form stable
to young people’s wellbeing. families. McCalman sees strong links
between the social conditions of
The challenge for the participants was uncertainty of past generations and
to go beyond the recognition that the today’s situation in which ‘the
effect of social change on young fragmented, short-term, constantly
Australians’ lives is ‘complex’ and to changing work experience of post-
analyse its dimensions. In order to do industrial youth is exacting a toll
this, insights and evidence generated already in postponed marriage and
from different fields and disciplines childbearing, which for many will
through longitudinal research have become foregone in the next decade’
been brought to bear. Working along (McCalman 2004).
the ‘fault lines’ of the different
disciplines, the project has worked at The Life-Patterns Project
deepening and extending the McCalman’s historical perspective
intersections to interweave insights highlights the relationship between
about young people’s health and economic conditions and social
wellbeing from the fields of history, relations. Her underlying question –
sociology, cultural studies, and how do people construct a life in their
epidemiology. times? - is also the driving question for
two contemporary research projects:
A historical perspective the Life-Patterns project of the
The perspective provided by Australian Youth Research Centre and
McCalman (2004) has formed a Wierenga’s Making a Life project. The
historical underpinning for the project . Life-Patterns project, an explanatory
Her research on Australians during longitudinal cohort study has generated
dramatic periods of change (for insights into the lives of young
example, 1857 – 1900; 1920s – 1930s) Australians in the ‘post-1970
illustrates the social effects of generation’. It describes the ways in
uncertainty and of poverty on people’s which young people who left
lives. Drawing on a data set of birth secondary school in the year 1991 have
records of Melbourne’s Royal coped with change and uncertainty.
Women’s Hospital of 3335 charity
babies born between 1857 and 1900, Taking a sociological approach, this
she describes the life chances of poor study has highlighted the need for
white Australians in the twentieth social researchers to acknowledge both
century. generational change (i.e. the ‘life
course’) and social change (the context
She found that poor men with of social, political and economic
uncertain job prospects were the least conditions). The analysis of the
likely to form families and that low- experiences and perceptions of these
skilled men rarely lived long. Those young people from the age of 24 to 31
who did form families had the greatest has produced the concept of a ‘new
longevity. Childhood deprivation adulthood’, shaped by this generation.
(which she describes as physical, It is argued that the social conditions
emotional and intellectual) is prevailing for the post-1970 generation
associated with higher risk of coronary have precluded access to the adulthood
heart disease. Prolonged that was available to generations that
unemployment, especially in early came of age between 1950 and 1969.
20
A Historian’s view of post-industrial youth

One of the paradoxes of our times is that Australian young people are better educated,
healthier and wealthier than ever before in history, yet they perceive themselves to be a less
fortunate generation. There seems to be a contradiction between the affluence that has
supported their years of growing and their newly learnt experience that in their own turn, they
may be unable to match their parents’ personal equity and security. Their advantages derive
from the good fortune of their parents, and even if their parents’ equity is to become theirs in
time by inheritance, it will not go far in supporting the next generation. They are very aware
that their future comfort and security depends not on the past, but what they can make in the
future.

It is before living memory now, but it is still not that long ago that a significant proportion of
the poor were trapped for life in the casual labour markets. That indeed was a major reason for
their poverty, and for the apparently self-destructive behaviour that appalled moralists – the
heavy drinking, the gambling, the violence, the petty crime. The Australian economy remained
dependent on casual employment in agriculture, building, infrastructure construction and the
wharves until after World War II. There was a chronic shortage of work for men and women
who had only their bodily strength and manual dexterity to sell on the labour market. The
golden age of employment after the second world war has been an historic anomaly. The
effect of the new stability in working-class incomes was felt most by their families and was
demonstrated in the fact that they even started families.

Despite the great disparity in life chances between the educated and the unskilled in the early
twenty-first century, they share a common generational plight where the generations ahead of
them need high property values to sustain their own equity and long-term security. This
means that many young people will never own a home and will continue to carry debts from
their education, so that they cannot afford to retrain, and they will face early parenthood with
fewer services. To compound their difficulties, they cannot raise and house a family without
two incomes, but they are denied adequate childcare. The jobs the young can find are too
often as members of the new digital proletariat where they have no future, no superannuation,
no sick pay and no long service leave. As some of the old poor told Peel (2003): they feel for
their grandchildren who were born into hope and who must again learn how to be poor if
they are to survive.

From a contribution to the project by Janet McCalman, 2004

There are many factors that have unstable labour market in which
impacted on this generation, including casual, part-time and short-term
the widespread use of new information employment was the norm (Dwyer and
technologies, and the (related) Wyn 2001).
expansion of economic deregulation
(or globalisation). However, two For these young people, one of the
factors are seen to specifically affect most significant effects has been
the post-1970 generation: a) they were uncertainty. Although educational
the first generation of Australians for credentials have become increasingly
whom completion of secondary important for employment, the link
education and the engagement with between the two is relatively indirect.
post-compulsory education became the Employment conditions are also
norm and b) they entered a flexible, relatively unpredictable. Uncertainty
21
about which educational pathway to argue that, in response to the
take and about longer-term conditions they find, this generation
employment prospects has created a has forged a ‘new adulthood’ in which
generation for whom flexibility is more the timelines for key life events that
important than predictability as a were taken for granted by the previous
means of security. generation have been altered.

They are a generation for whom the Elements of the ‘new adulthood’
capacity to make choices is paramount. resonate with the lives of earlier
They need to hold on to multiple generations, as described by
options in work and study and they McCalman. The effects of uncertainty,
take responsibility (and blame) for on a wide scale, have been noted in
their own personal development and both McCalman’s historical work and
wellbeing. Dwyer and Wyn (2001) in the Life-Patterns study.

Some gender and class outcomes from the Life-Patterns study

Socio-economic status and gender differences highlight the need to understand the ways in
which individuals negotiate and shape social change. For example, young women from the
higher socio-economic (SE) backgrounds are more likely than any other group to report that it
has been ‘hard’ to achieve what they have and their male counterparts are the most likely of
any group to report that it has been easy. By contrast, males from low SE backgrounds report
that it has been ‘hard’ to achieve what they have and their female counterparts report that it
has been easier. Young women from high SE backgrounds were far more likely to report that it
was ‘harder for them than for their parents.’

However, objectively, SE background produces very different results. Although young women
from high SE backgrounds report that subjectively things have been difficult or ‘hard’, they are
far more likely than women from low SE backgrounds to be in a professional occupation. The
class effect for males is almost negligible.

Across all dimensions of their lives, health continues to be the greatest source of concern to all
groups. Young men from low SE backgrounds are the most likely to report that their health is a
concern (only 10 per cent are ‘very satisfied’ with their health), and men from high SE
backgrounds are more likely than any other group to report that their health is less a concern
(29 per cent are ‘very satisfied’ with their health).

Equally low numbers of young women in both low and high SE background groups (17 per
cent) report that they are ‘very satisfied’ with their health. The Life-Patterns research
demonstrates the effects of class and gender on satisfaction with life. It provides a more
complex analysis of the effects of social change on young people’s life patterns and health
than is often available through the analysis of broad population statistics.

22
Other research that the complexity underlying broad
Like the research conducted by patterns is acknowledged, and that the
McCalman, the implication drawn interpretation of trends is not
from the Life-Patterns study is that simplistic. This point was emphasised
wellbeing is a function of broader by McLeod, drawing upon a study of
social conditions (for example, young people’s transitions through
‘uncertainty’, job insecurity) and of school (The 12 to 18 project, Yates and
class and gender. This argument is McLeod 1993-2001). The study
given a sharper focus by researchers pointed to the multi-layered and
from the Mater-University Study of sometimes double-edged effects of
Pregnancy (MUSP), a prospective gender and class relations. For
longitudinal study of maternal and instance, much research now shows
child health. MUSP researchers found that many young women, and
that maternal smoking in early particularly middle-class young
pregnancy was a much stronger women, are feeling under increasing
predictor of behaviour problems in pressure to perform well academically,
childhood than maternal smoking to work hard, to plan for a successful
when the child was 5 years of age working life and to juggle many
(Williams, O’Callaghan, Najman et al commitments. On the one hand, this
1998). Interestingly, the socio- can be interpreted as a threat to
economic status of a child’s wellbeing because of the associated
grandparent was found to be a stronger high levels of stress and anxiety. On
predictor of adolescent cognitive the other hand, the sense of satisfaction
development than the socio-economic and even pleasure that such young
status of the child’s parents (Najman, women may simultaneously derive
Aird, Bor et al 2004). from such hard work should not be
discounted.
It would appear that the relationship
between socio-economic status and The research of McLeod and Yates
wellbeing would warrant further study also highlights that, at the same time
because while the relationship is that young people are living in an
commonly acknowledged, its nature is increasingly ‘individualised’ world and
not clear. Aird and her colleagues coping with choice, there is a
(2004) are cautious about drawing discernable process of ‘re-
conclusions about trends in the health traditionalisation’ along both class and
of young Australians over time, and gender lines. In other words,
the causes of these trends. In common individuals are not free to invent
with other researchers employing themselves totally, and new forms of
longitudinal approaches to research, gender and class inequality can be
they point out that longitudinal studies masked by apparent change. For
are prone to methodological example, while the pattern for young
shortcomings. These include women to have higher levels of
difficulties of making comparisons educational participation than their
across data bases that do not share male peers, their educational success is
uniform methodologies and bias not translated into occupational
through over-reporting by some groups success. Women continue to be
and through sample attrition. employed in a narrow range of
occupations and a gap of 8 per cent
A further caution relates to the exists between male and female
interpretation of data. It is important earnings (ABS, 2005). This pattern for
23
the apparent reduction in gender employment, the gradual
inequality (the educational success of disappearance of the welfare safety net
girls) is overlaid by the enduring and expanded policy surveillance for
nature of traditional gender inequalities those who do rely on welfare support.
in the workplace (re-traditionalisation). She expresses deep concern about the
failure of policies and social structures
The complexity of understanding how to support young people, and notes the
young people make a life in the context incongruity of the lack of support and
of uncertainty and change is also noted the increasing expectations of young
by the Women’s Health Australia people (for example, to extend their
Study (Lee 2001, Eckersley 2005a: educational credentials, pay increasing
164). It found that young women (aged fees for education and health care and
18-23) reported higher levels of stress adapt to economic and labour market
than middle-aged and older women, uncertainty).
were often tired, and were over-
concerned with their weight and body Other longitudinal research adds
shape. The young women scored further complexity to the assumed
highest of the three groups on the relationship between social conditions
physical-health measures, but the and wellbeing. The Australian Council
lowest on the mental-health scales. for Educational Research study of
Australian youth undertaken by Marks
and Fleming for example, compares
Dobson (in Eckersley 2005a:155-164) the changing transition patterns for
says of the study that young women cohorts of young Australians (Marks
reported even higher levels of stress and Fleming 1999). This study of the
when they were surveyed a second influences and consequences of
time, when aged 22 – 27. ‘They are wellbeing amongst Australian youth
stressed about money, employment and (1980 to 1995) draws the conclusion
work. Their expectations are high and that wellbeing is in itself a factor
so are their aspirations – for more contributing to the likelihood of
education, full-time employment, a employment and to level of
stable relationship, and two or more remuneration. To put this another way,
children by the time they are thirty- they argue that wellbeing has
five…they feel more pressured and ‘sociological implications’.
rushed than previous generations.’
Notwithstanding the kinds of
Other researchers also emphasise the methodological and interpretive
double-edged effects of social change, problems and cautions that have been
and the conditions under which young identified, the process of synthesising
people are shaping their lives. For the findings of these longitudinal
example, Harris (2004), echoing the studies has revealed remarkably
point made by McCalman, observes common themes. In summary:
that young people’s ‘enthusiasm for
the aspects of life that bring joy, • Wellbeing is both a ‘cause’ and
creativity, and connectedness’ seems to ‘effect’: that is, it appears to be
be incongruous against the ‘facts’ – significantly related to underlying
high levels of unemployment for some social conditions and, at the same
groups of youth, part-time time, to be an important element in
creating positive outcomes for
individuals.

24
• Contemporary social change has and Wyn 2001, McLeod and Yates
created conditions of ‘uncertainty’ 2000, Woodman 2004). These
which have an uneven impact on qualitative studies aim to generate
social groups. theoretical and conceptual
In the next section we attempt to understandings. Qualitative research
deepen our understanding of the broad makes no claim of generalisability to
and complex patterns identified by the populations on the basis of statistical
participants in this project by focusing calculations. Instead, the claim for
on an in-depth longitudinal study of relevance is on the basis of embedding
how one group of young people have conceptual advances in empirical
responded to the challenges in their research (Denzin 1978).
lives. The study by Wierenga is our
focus because the level of detail about Some of these qualitative, exploratory
individual decisions and experiences studies assist us to focus in on young
and the extensive recourse to young people’s own observations about how
people’s own words and stories they are doing, what helps, and what
provide a medium through which the gets in the way. One example of a
insights from other studies can be longitudinal study that has specifically
synthesised. explored this territory is the Making a
Life project (Wierenga 1999, 2001,
2002). The study focused on a group of
Two worlds 32 rural young people as they grew up.
Of particular concern to teachers,
The studies mentioned in this report parents and professionals in their
have pointed to this generations’ community were the issues of young
increased need to negotiate uncertainty people reaching their potential,
and make choices. This section of the particularly under conditions of
report, will explore the need to dramatic local and global social change
negotiate complex, changing and and rural decline. Interviews were
unknown territory. How, in this conducted with young people every
context, are young people managing to two years, from high school (year 8) to
negotiate their lives? In terms of adulthood. The focus for the study was
context, what assists them to do this? on the ways in which the young people
On the basis of research with in the cohort established meaning,
Australian young people, is it possible livelihood and connectedness.
to make some statements about the
social conditions that help and hinder Over time, these young people’s lives
them to do so? Lots of young people and paths fanned out, in terms of
fall down but what helps them to stand success and wellbeing. They had a
up again? Might it be possible, through range of different circumstances. Over
these lenses, to highlight processes that time, many fell down, some got back
would contribute to young people’s up. What were the factors underlying
success and wellbeing? this difference? Undoubtedly there
were many (eg, biological, genetic,
One way into exploring this terrain is class, gender etc). Wierenga notes that
to listen closely to young people’s own one thing which consistently made
accounts of how they are negotiating most significant difference is the
their lives in different social contexts. individual’s capacity to make sense of
Several Australian studies bring us this the things that she or he was facing and
kind of fine-grained data (eg, Dwyer doing. In a context of constant change,
25
it was important to have some sense of construct identities in story (eg, see
personal ‘agency’ - control or capacity Strauss 1977). Moral philosophers
to negotiate willfully the things that have suggested that individuals' stories
they were facing. In this study, the are narratives of progress, charting the
most powerful way that this agency journey towards and away from 'the
was revealed was through their good' or valued goal-states (eg, Taylor
practices of ‘storying’. 1989). A body of work has emerged
around narrative, exploring the
Story and practices of ‘storying’ increased importance of story in the
The Making a Life study offers a multiple and changing ways in which
conceptual framework and some people make sense of their lives and
insights that might be drawn out here identities in a now complex and
for more general purposes. changing world (eg, see Bruner 1987,
Particularly, it highlights the different Gergen and Gergen 1988).
ways in which these young people use
stories and practices of ‘storying’ in These observations about the
order to (with differing degrees of significance of story also converge
success) negotiate a complex social with the findings of other Australian
world. studies of young people. For example
researchers on career education note
In this study Wierenga points out the that, amidst increasingly complex
links between understanding and options and pathways, personal
agency – the association between narratives or stories have become
clarity of story and clarity of action. necessary not only for individuals to
When asked about their futures, some negotiate the options, but also to
young people would tell ‘clear stories’. understand why and how they might
For example one might talk about even engage with their education (eg,
loving the valley they lived in, and say Patton 2001).
that they intended to stay close to
family. Another might talk about The Making a Life study revealed
wanting to become a teacher and significant differences in the life-
leaving the valley. Other young people courses of those who were able to be
might tell ‘unclear stories’: for pro-active versus those who were
example not saying what they wanted ‘doing something else’. ‘Something
to do, where they wanted to go, why or else’ seemed often to be about basic
how. These also tended to be the ones survival. Clear stories correlated to
who were, at the time of finishing year themes of hope. Unclear stories often
10, least prepared for their futures. As reflected fear. Clear stories would
time went on, those who did not share articulate ‘best options for me’: for
clear stories were least able to be example an individual might want to
creative with the changing become a teacher because they think
circumstances in which they found they might enjoy it and have the skills
themselves. to do it. Unclear stories would often
reflect ‘least worst’ options: for
Over time other research has explored example wanting to live ‘anywhere but
how personal stories or narratives can here’. Over time those who were
be useful for negotiating complex engaging with ‘best options for me’
social spaces. For example, for 40 were in a much stronger position.
years, social theorists have explored Practices of engagement and planning
how individuals make meaning and lead to opportunities, new networks,
26
new opportunities, and so on. Two worlds, and the space in between
Withdrawal or avoidance is protective, It is well and good to talk about the
but tends to lead to the opposite. particular practices of individuals, but
what can this tell us about the
Beyond particular stories or narratives, associated conditions that foster
Wierenga notes the significance of wellbeing in young people? What
‘storying’. Over time, circumstances social conditions foster active
change, and many young people do not negotiations, clear stories of identity or
end up following the courses of action richly described lives? What social
that they thought they might. However, conditions can be linked back to
it is the practice of storying, of action robustness in the face of change or
and reflection, rather than the detail of potential crisis?
the stories themselves, that seems to
demarcate those who have some sense Addressing these questions requires an
of control over their destiny. Having exploration of the interaction between
this capacity is like being captain of society and the individual, social
their craft rather than being ‘at the structure and individual agency, the
mercy of social forces, blown about by external conditions and individual
wind and tide.’ (Wierenga 1999:198) interpretations, the objective and
subjective worlds – in summary,
The study revealed that the capacity to exploring two worlds and the space in
hold strong personal narratives also between. It appears that this storying
allow young people to negotiate chaos, dynamic reaches well beyond the
hardship and crisis. Evidence from a subjective world. Firstly, (as above) it
variety of other sources suggests that is about action. If something is defined
stories are increasingly recognised as as real, it becomes real in its
useful to this end (eg, Frankl 1984). consequences (even if only to a limited
More recently, narrative therapists extent).
have explored the process of 're-
storying' shattered lives (White and Other research (eg, McLeod and Yates
Epston 1990, White 1995). 2000) has looked more to points of
connection between social processes
This work also highlights the notion of and subjectivity, investigating how
‘thick’ and ‘thin’ stories (Geertz 1973). biographies are formed in interaction
Applied in this setting ‘thick’ stories with particular social and institutional
involve multiple layers of possibility locations. Personal stories, then, are
about ‘who I am’ / ‘who we are’ and understood as not only the
‘what I could do’ / ‘what we could do’. representation of unique lives but as
In a complex world, those with also in part social conversations and
multiple contingencies (or available storylines that arise out of specific
storylines) are in a relatively strong social experiences and settings. In this
position. The breadth of storylines way, the shared storylines shed light on
equates to robustness, particularly more than the subjective world. They
when circumstances change. Narrative take us to the space in between.
therapists have also picked up this Meanwhile other work (eg, Putnam
dynamic, revealing how ‘richly 2003) emphasises the importance of
described lives’ equate to robustness at personal stories to individual and
a time of crisis (White 1997). collective action.
.
27
Futures, decision making and the self: observations from the 12-18 Study

Young people's future thinking combines ideas about 'destinations' (what sort of job I would
like?) and desires about being and becoming a certain type of person (who am I and who do I
want to become?) (McLeod and Yates, in press). These ways of thinking about the future are
inter-related. Yet in research and in policy discussions about young people's futures,
'daydreams' and 'pathways' tend to occupy different worlds.

The language of 'pathways' and destinations is more likely to be part of concerns about
vocational directions, labour market options, tracking cohorts, studying transitions and
analysing institutional structures and supports. Attention to 'daydreaming' and 'dreams' is
associated with a more interpretive focus on subjective meanings. However, the key point is
that if we are to deepen our understandings of young people’s pathways and wellbeing, then
we need to investigate both.

In the plethora of findings on pathways and transition patterns, we still do not know enough
about the decision-making and motivations of young people. One way into this could be
through the stories they tell themselves and others about they kind of person they’d like to be
or become. In other words, future thinking is linked to more than career plans. It is powerfully
linked to imagining the kind of person you might like to become. There are connections here
to young people's sense of self (who am I?) and associated questions of 'wellbeing'.

From a contribution to the project by Julie McLeod, 2005

Other new research (Woodman 2004) different kinds of ideas, storylines of

points to the idea that whilst it is how things could be, particular habits).
important for young people to be Young people’s stories about their
active negotiators of their own lives, lives can be understood as maps of
for the sake of their own wellbeing resource flows (Wierenga 2001). They
they also see the need to claim ‘time reveal the different resources they can
out’ from all the negotiating and access, and the significance of the
planning. relationships through which they are
doing so. Access to any resource
From the Making a Life study, happens only through trust
Wierenga suggests that beyond being relationships. There is a difference
personal resources, young people’s between things that are made available
stories tell us about the social world in to the public, and things that actually
which they live. Individuals are become accessible to particular
differently making their lives, based on individuals and groups. That is,
access to different resources. These resources can be made available to
resources could be things that are young people but they do not become
practical and concrete (housing, lifts to accessible to them – in terms of
places, job opportunities), or more incorporation in life-story - unless they
intangible and cultural (for example are mediated through relationships of
trust.

28
The meaning of wellbeing to young people

In a study of young people aged 16 and 17, Woodman (2004) found that two strong themes
emerged in the way young people speak about wellbeing. Firstly, young people feel
responsibility for their future outcomes, keeping their options open, and managing their own
lives. Secondly, in this context, time for ‘present-centred’ activity, activity focused on
engagement with the ‘here and now’, away from responsibility is also important for wellbeing.
Wellbeing for young people involves balancing these two aspects of their lives.

Achieving this balance can be difficult, in the face of the need to negotiate an uncertain and
changing social world, and the expectations of schools and parents. To a certain extent young
people themselves reinforce the idea that being successful and ‘well’ means taking
responsibility for your own life and keeping options open. However, this puts young people
under considerable pressure and takes a great deal of time. The young people interviewed felt
that they did not have enough time for the other less-cognitive and present-centred aspects
of wellbeing that they also value and, ironically, help them cope with taking responsibly.

Work on young people’s coping strategies generally interprets problem avoidance approaches
(as many present-centred, less cognitive behaviours are often labelled) as less effective and
more problematic than cognitive problem solving strategies. However, Woodman’s research
indicates that these present-centred activities are significant coping mechanisms for young
people, who feel almost completely responsible for their own futures. While not ruling out the
influence of other factors such as marketing or availability, or denying that for some young
people alcohol and drugs become a serious issue, these research findings suggest that drugs,
alcohol use, and driving cars or time at the local mall with friends can be part of bracketing out
some time in the present moment away from the burden of the future.

From a contribution to the project by Dan Woodman, 2005

So, for example, where teachers are with practical resources (eg, housing,
not trusted, the information they share hobby choices, job opportunities).
with students may even be learned,
able to be parroted back, but it is less Trust can be vicarious (it is caught
likely to be incorporated into young rather than taught) but it is contingent
people’s stories about their own lives. upon the available storylines about
Likewise, they may be aware of a who can be trusted. So where families
health service; but unless it involves a do not trust education providers, and
person they trust, or they are where their own local networks are
introduced by a person they trust, they eroded by social change, when they
will be less willing to use it. Wierenga negotiate their children’s futures, they
highlights the role of subjective are largely on their own. This is an
understandings. Young people’s increasingly frightening place to be.
different cultural definitions of ‘people Understood in this context, young
like me, ‘who I am’, ‘who we are’, people’s success and wellbeing is not
‘them and us’ become significant just a function of the resources
filters of ideas and information. available to them through their own
Wierenga notes the same happening networks, but also in their network’s
networks.
29
If this set of findings applies more Life study is that young people only
widely, it has significant implications draw help from trusted sources. At
for policy. These points become times of crisis help is only accessed
particularly significant if we are through relationships already in place.
embarking on a discussion about This seems to be backed up by
shaping social context to be livable, Australian research on help-seeking
not simply shaping lives to fit or practices in young people (eg, Cahill et
withstand the conditions. This material al 2004).
focuses the central issues for success
and wellbeing towards young people’s Individual and shared stories
access to the resources that they For the purposes of this report,
require. It focuses the main solutions Wierenga’s insights might also be
(and challenges) around establishing located in a still broader context. In the
and maintaining relationships of trust. face of social change, weaving
This seems to go against the grain of storylines through chaos, change and
many of the trends that appear in complexity becomes a significant task
contemporary society, for example for young people, but also for groups
increased mobility and economic and communities. It also becomes
rationalisation. significant task for researchers and
policy makers.
The points raised above also echo
some key findings about Australian Literature from anthropology,
young people by Connell et al (1982) sociology, moral philosophy and
in a classic longitudinal study of education has highlighted the
different life chances, opportunities significance of stories, for individuals
and constraints. They suggest that constructing their own lives (as
social inequalities can most usefully be explored above), but also for ongoing
understood not as different categories community life. At the level of
of people, but as what people do, and community, anthropologists have
are able to do with resources and charted how the central ideas of
relationships. This could sound communities are carried between
individualistic, but if it is understood generations in the stories that they tell,
in the context of networks, different and that story is a powerful vehicle for
sets of trust relationships, and the very transporting ideas over both time and
different flows of resources through space (Levi-Strauss 1979). Out of the
society, it makes far more sense. field of education comes the realisation
Again, trust relationships set the that the kinds of stories people tell
context for individuals' different life- actually shape history (eg, see Freire
chances. 1973). How people tell a story will
shape how they act, so what gets
The findings also echo other more selected as being important, and how it
contemporary work, for example is told, is inherently political.
Putnam (2003), who argues that trust
relationships lay the foundation for any This raises questions about the source
form of social exchange. Putnam also material from which young people can
argues that contemporary social draw, about the cultural storylines
conditions are increasingly hostile to available to, and about young people –
the webs of trust relationships that for example, spiritual beliefs, shared
support people to make a life. One of understandings about the world's
the arguments raised by the Making a future.
30
 Cultures, values, futures
The ideas about needing to create
robustness through change through and spirit
multiple storylines and thick stories
also raise some interesting questions The previous section of this report has
about the role of the mass media as highlighted the significance of young
storytellers. Access to a particular kind people’s narratives and the social,
of dominant storyline appears to be cultural and material resources that
having widespread impacts on health they call on to ‘make a life’ – well.
and wellbeing, including through This section takes up subjective and
social unease and conflict (eg, the cultural areas of life that are often
defining stories behind terrorism and intangible, and rarely addressed in
the war against it). research on wellbeing and human
potential. We have developed this
Wierenga notes that in the Making a section in order to place these issues on
Life study cohort, some individuals future research agendas. They include
appear to live in a state of crisis. One popular notions of success and
of the features of these stories is wellbeing; materialism and
fragmentation. This is revealed as lack individualism; the role of values;
of pro-activity, focus is close and future visions and social cohesion; and
immediate, obstacles are met with a the importance of cultural expressions
simple pain avoidance pattern, rather of spirituality, including ritual.
than a long term focus on what might
be best. Particularly when survival is Cultures provide many of the resources
paramount, it seems that energy is not young people need to construct the
available or being utilised for the personal narratives that are crucial to
bigger picture, reflection, and making their way in life and relating to
planning. the world around them - and so to their
wellbeing. Australia shares broad
One observation is that this also might cultural qualities with other modern
happen for people, at a collective level, Western societies. But it also
in the ways they culturally and comprises many subcultures marked
organisationally face social change. by sometimes very different values,
Social and economic factors (eg, work meanings and beliefs. Because of
and time pressures) can have the effect factors such as location, gender, class
of making stories individualised, and ethnicity, young people will have
fragmented and incoherent. Individual access to different cultural resources,
and corporate focus can remain small, or different storylines about what is
limited to the solution of immediate important and who they can be.
problems. Those working with young Individuals absorb cultural influences,
people often talk about having limited but also interact actively with them;
spaces for personal and shared they are also creators of culture. The
reflection (Wierenga et al 2003). The important point here is that young
next section of this report will explore people will make their lives with the
some of these themes relating to cultural resources (ideas, storylines)
culture and policy in more depth. that are available.
Having claimed a shared space, and
having asked some of the ‘bigger’
questions, it seems important to do so.

31
**4 Social influences or individuals’ own that young people’s neurological
capacities? This issue focuses on the extent development makes them more
to which the social and economic susceptible than older people to
environment (for example the increased particular problems. Psychologists
opportunities for commercial influences to have argued that children are
intrude into young people’s lives through cognitively less equipped than adults to
new media forms) can be said to affect understand the intent behind cultural
wellbeing, regardless of young people’s messages. Recent research suggests
capacities to interpret, critique, subvert that children aged eight or less lack the
and resist these influences. cognitive ability to recognize
advertising's persuasive purpose, and
The extent to which young people are so believe its claims are true (Dittman
vulnerable or at risk within the process 2004). Other new research suggests
of social change is also addressed that, contrary to earlier beliefs, the
through a renewed interest in the greatest changes to the parts of the
developmental perspective. Youth brain responsible for functions such as
commentators have begun to draw on self-control, judgment, emotions and
research (Dittman 2004) that suggest organisation occur between puberty
and adulthood (Spano 2003).

Media: limited storylines have negative effects

Eckersley (2005a: 126-46) says that, as with most social changes, the media’s growing influence
has many benefits: informing, educating and entertaining people; increasing awareness of
human rights and environmental impacts; breaking down dogma, promoting diversity. But the
stories the media tell, which define modern life, are also often driven by the lowest common
denominator in public taste. While most societies have taken great care of their stories, today’s
media present, at one level, a cacophony of conflicting messages and morals; at another, they
offer a seductive harmony of harmful influences, both personal and social. As one media critic
warns: ‘The media claim they are only telling our stories, but societies live and die on stories’.

The mass media are:

• Promoting a negative, distrustful and fearful worldview by depicting the world outside our
personal experience as one of conflict and calamity.
• Defining quite arbitrarily what is and is not news, so limiting public debate on crucial issues
(and in doing so, often distracting us from the important with the trivial).
• Promoting a superficial, materialistic and self-indulgent lifestyle (a way of living marked by
fleeting fads and fashions, which is, in any case, beyond the reach of growing numbers of
people).
• Eroding our sense of personal worth and significance by constantly parading before us the
lives of people who are more powerful, more beautiful, more successful, more exciting (but
which are, in truth, so often dysfunctional).

Eckersley (2005a: 145-6) says media effects, taken in isolation, are easy to dismiss as
insignificant relative to all the other things that impact on wellbeing. Taken together, however,
these effects make the media a powerful and often destructive force. This situation amounts to
‘cultural fraud’, he says: the promotion of images and ideals that serve the economy but do not
meet psychological needs or reflect social realities. ‘Never before have our images of social
realities been so filtered and distorted. For all the cultural celebration of autonomy and self-
realisation, never before have people lived so much through the experiences of others; and
never before have they been so denied the drama, dignity and romance of their own lives’.
32
However, these claims are also body of evidence and opinion suggests
strongly contested, with other trends in cultural qualities such as
researchers arguing it is impossible to materialism and individualism have
make simple, direct links from the been underestimated in the research on
biological to the social. In past times, health and wellbeing.
people have taken on adult roles and
responsibilities at a younger age than Trends towards materialism and
they do today. Developmental and individualism
social processes interact in complex
ways in shaping young people's There are many ‘isms’ that can be said
responses to their cultural world. to characterise modern Western
culture, but two of the most important
and best researched are materialism
**5 Social versus biological factors? Some
and individualism. They are also
researchers are concerned that research
findings on neuropsychological
becoming more global in their
development are used to reinforce a deficit influence. Even with these cultural
model of young people, undermining their qualities, however, the evidence of
status, creating a justification for greater their health effects often consists of
social controls on young people, and so correlations, not causal associations, or
eroding their rights and contributions to depends of making connections
society. Others say that the findings help to between different lines of inquiry. In
explain young people’s increased other words, the arguments rest as
psychosocial risk and underscore the need much on synthesis as on empirical
for greater safeguards against the social proof.
exploitation and manipulation of children
and youth, including by the media. Many studies show that materialism -
the pursuit of money and possessions –
Much of the research on the effects of seems to breed not happiness but
social change on young people’s health dissatisfaction, depression, anxiety,
and wellbeing is located within the anger, isolation and alienation (Kasser
disciplines of social epidemiology and 2002, Eckersley 2005a: 85-96,
health sociology. These disciplines DeAngelis 2004). People for whom
understand ‘culture’ mainly in terms of ‘extrinsic goals’ such as fame, fortune
‘subcultures’ or ‘difference’, especially and glamour are a priority in life tend
ethnic and racial difference, and so, to experience more anxiety and
usually, as one dimension of socio- depression and lower overall wellbeing
economic status, on which the research - and to be less trusting and caring in
has focused. However, culture also their relationships - than people
needs to be seen in the broader sense oriented towards ‘intrinsic goals’ of
of a system of meanings and symbols close relationships, personal growth
that shape how people see the world and self-understanding, and
and their place in it and give meaning contributing to the community. In
to personal and collective experience. short, the more materialistic people
The neglect of broader trends within are, the poorer their quality of life.
the national culture is perhaps not
surprising, given that cultures tend to Individualism – placing the individual
be ‘transparent’ or ‘invisible’ to those at the centre of a framework of values,
living within them because they norms and beliefs, so freeing people
comprise deeply internalised from institutional arrangements, ties
assumptions and beliefs, making their and expectations - is supposed to be
effects hard to discern. A growing about liberating people to live the lives
33
they want. There is no doubt that, to our own values and beliefs) with
historically, individualisation has been independence (not being reliant on or
associated with a loosening of the influenced by others). This confusion
chains of religious dogma, class encourages a perception by individuals
oppression and gender and ethnic that they are separate from others and
discrimination, and so with a liberation the environment in which they live,
of human potential. It has expanded and so from the very things that
opportunity and made life more influence their lives.
exciting. Yet the reality of freedom is
very different from its ideal; it has its The more narrowly and separately the
costs, especially when it is taken too self is defined, the greater the
far or is misunderstood. likelihood that the social forces acting
Individualisation has transformed the on people are experienced as external
process of identity from a ‘given’ into and alien, and so beyond their control.
‘task’ (Bauman 2002: xv). The The creation of a ‘separate self’ could
necessity to make something on one’s be a major dynamic in modern life,
self (‘obligatory self-determination’) impacting on everything from
has significant implications for citizenship and social trust, cohesion
collective action and citizenship, but it and engagement, to the intimacy of
also has serious implications for the friendships and the quality of family
lives of individuals because of the life. Increasing affluence abets this
pressure endlessly to perform, achieve process because it makes independence
and re-invent one’s self (Beck and financially possible.
Beck-Gernsheim 2002).
These possibilities are reflected in
Individualisation’s down-sides are ‘self-focus’ among young people that
described in different ways: a research has identified (Dwyer et al
heightened sense of risk, uncertainty 2003). They also suggest that the
and insecurity and a lack of clear autonomy that young people prize is
frames of reference; a rise in personal the ‘narrow’ autonomy of the separate
expectations, coupled with a self; it is having the flexibility and
perception that the onus of success lies mobility to move around and between
with the individual, despite the the social structures of family,
continuing importance of social community, work etc, to be only
disadvantage and privilege; and a loosely attached, uncommitted,
surfeit or excess of freedom and independent. On the other hand, the
choice, which is experienced as a tribal connectedness that other studies
threat or tyranny (Eckersley 2005a: 85- (eg, Mackay 2003) suggest young
96). people are embracing may be a very
human response to the isolation that
All of these developments tend to independence produces. It is probably
loosen the individual’s ties to family, no accident that the most popular drugs
community and society, so reducing today are those (alcohol, marijuana and
the connectedness and support that are party drugs such as ecstasy) that
important to wellbeing. However, dissolve the boundaries of the self and
individualism’s effects may be deeper, induce a sense of belonging, a merging
more subtle, even paradoxical. with others.
Individualism may also diminish Values
personal control by confusing
autonomy (the ability to act according Values provide the framework for
deciding what people hold to be
34
important, true, right and good, and so people can grow and flourish. Perhaps
have a central role in defining communities need more robust or
relationships and meanings. We ‘thick’ storylines about this topic,
acknowledge there is considerable access to alternative storylines, and to
debate about the nature of moral create safe spaces for other voices in
community and its current state (within public dialogue?
academic circles and within particular
groups). However, it is beyond the Research has explored the way that
scope of this project to provide a young people engage with, and
detailed discussion of this contentious respond to, social change. New
area. technologies, for example, mobile
phones open up a whole range of
Work from the Australian Youth opportunities for social connection, but
Research Centre affirm that the values also opportunities for bullying and
that support young people’s potential harassment. What social values will
and wellbeing are those that recognise equip them to negotiate these
and enhance young people’s own sense encounters? Internet sites open up a
of meaning, control (or agency, or range of opportunities for information
effectiveness) and social but also to encounter the unexpected.
connectedness. These are points that What frameworks of values,
cause us to question how relationships understandings and stories will equip
between the individual and society are young people to deal and negotiate
meditated and articulated. effectively?

Of particular interest to this report are Beyond young people's sense of

the values underpinning our popular private morality to their sense of social
notions of ‘success’ and ‘wellbeing’. ethics - how do individuals make sense
In contemporary Western societies, of ecological and social justice issues,
people seem to be well practiced at socially available storylines about
defining themselves in terms of 'them' and 'us' (eg. who belongs in
success, but not so good at unpicking Australia), and possible world futures?
the different stories surrounding this These questions become pertinent
concept to explore what values inform particularly in a context where many
them. Often in public expressions, publicly available storylines are
from education policy to mass media, divisive and inflammatory, driven by
success is being defined narrowly in commercial media. How might the
terms of material success. area of ‘values’ be opened up to further
exploration, research and discussion
When a community abdicates the role without falling into set positions that
of storytelling to the mass media, are based on lived experience or
particularly commercial media, a focus tradition and do not allow for debate?
on wellbeing or the good life is
diminished to stories about feeling Eckersley (2005a: 43-58) argues that
good. These stories can have a very modern Western culture undermines,
individual focus. Publicly shared even reverses, universal values and
storylines about the conditions, time-tested wisdom. In making
contexts and relationships that create meaning in life more individualised
wellbeing are still relatively un- and materialistic, it reduces social
developed, with little focus on creating cohesion, confidence, trust and
contexts and relationships in which all stability, and leave people personally

35
more isolated and vulnerable. This, in unnecessary because of the need to
turn, reduces a community’s moral distinguish between personal and
hold on practice: values depend social perspectives. Hope is important
critically on personal, social and to wellbeing, and most young people
spiritual ties for effect, for tangible are personally hopeful or optimistic.
expression in people’s behaviour The role of optimism about the future
towards each other. So there are of humanity or the world is more
complex feedbacks in the social effects complex and its effects on wellbeing
of cultural trends. are likely to be more subtle and
The results of this social shift include indirect, linked to social cohesion and
not so much a collapse of personal harmony, as already noted. Many,
perhaps most, young people are not
morality, but its blurring into
ambivalence and ambiguity. Without optimistic about global futures.
cultural reinforcement, people find it Another way to look at young people’s
harder to define what is ‘good’ and to views of the future is to distinguish
do what they believe to be ‘good’ takes between expected, promised and
more effort. And, conversely, amongst preferred futures. Here the social and
competing storylines about what is psychological significance lies in part
valued, it becomes easier to justify or in the level of tension - or degree of
rationalise courses of action that are coherence - between these three
inconsistent with core principles. futures. Of particular importance is
People also perceive a widening gulf that young people do not see the
between private and public morality, promised future of economic growth
between their own standards and those and technological development as
reflected by institutions such as the delivering a preferred future, or
media, government and business, even addressing the problems that dominate
religion. This produces a growing the expected future.
sense of alienation and disengagement There has been some commentary
from social institutions, and a about the current generation of youth
deepening cynicism. being better adapted to the change and
Future visions uncertainty that characterise their
Images of the future are an important times, and more optimistic about future
component of culture, affecting social prospects (Eckersley 2005a: 147-169).
cohesion and personal wellbeing. An analysis of findings from surveys
Positive images of the future allow of young people in 1988, 1995 and
individuals to identify with, and work 2004 was carried out for this project
for, social goals and national, even (Warren 2004); while the data are not
global, priorities; they reflect a social strictly comparable, they suggest no
ideal that encourages people to channel rise in optimism, and even a possible
their individual interests into a higher, widening of the gap between expected
or broader, social purpose; they and preferred futures.
provide a broader base of meaning in The pessimism flowing from these
life. failures of vision reinforces the social
An unnecessary source of confusion isolation and detachment that
and contradiction about young accompany materialism and
people’s potential and wellbeing is individualism, and so further
whether they are optimistic or undermines young people’s sense of
pessimistic about the future – having shared social values.

36
Visions of the future

How people, especially the young, perceive the future – whether with hope or trepidation –
matters, to them and to society. The future is part of culture and, like other cultural elements,
can shape people’s personal stories, values and priorities. Surveys of young people carried out
in 1988, 1995 and 2004 hint at interesting constants and changes in their outlook.

An analysis of the findings for this project suggest that, overall, optimism has not increased
since 1988 – if anything the reverse is true (Warren 2004). The following results focus on the
attitudes of young women in 1995 and 2004. When asked to choose between two positive
scenarios of the future of Australia, 64 per cent in 1995 and 87 per cent in 2004 said they
expected a ‘growth’ society focused on individual wealth, economic growth and efficiency and
enjoying ‘the good life’; 34 per cent and 9 per cent, respectively, expected a ‘green’ society
focused on community, family, equality and environmental sustainability. Asked which
scenario they preferred, 13 per cent in 1995 and 9 per cent in 2004 chose ‘growth’ and 84 per
cent and 82 per cent, respectively, chose ‘green’. In other words, the 2004 girls were less likely
to expect the future they preferred.

A series of questions asking respondents to agree or disagree with a series of statements about
the impacts of science and technology suggest some interesting possible shifts in attitude,
some positive, but more negative. Thus agreement that:
• computers and machines would take over the world fell from 40 to 28 per cent;
• computers and robots were taking over jobs fell from 59 to 42 per cent;
• governments would use new technologies to watch and regulate people more fell from
74 to 69 per cent.

On the other hand, agreement that:

• science and technology offered the best hope for meeting the challenges ahead fell from
64 to 40 per cent.
• science and technology were alienating and isolating people from each other and nature
rose from 55 to 73 per cent;
• science would find ways to conquer new diseases fell from 85 to 73 per cent;
• technological advances would make democracy stronger and give people more control
fell from 38 to 24 per cent;
• science and technology would find ways of solving environment problems fell from 40 to
25 per cent;
• science would find ways to produce enough food for the growing world population fell
from 35 to 20 per cent.
The survey findings are not strictly comparable because the 2004 findings are from a pilot
study. Even without implying any trends, however, the results hardly reveal widespread faith in
the future young people expect or are promised.

Religion and spirit Many people today find meaning in the

pursuit of personal goals. Then there is
Wellbeing, especially positive
the level of identity with a nation or
wellbeing, is strongly related to
ethnic group, and with a community.
meaning in life. People can find
At the most fundamental, transcendent
meaning at a variety of levels. Closest
level, there is spiritual meaning: a
to people’s lives, there is families and
sense of having a place in the universe.
friends, work, interests and desires.
Spirituality represents the broadest and

37
deepest form of connectedness. It is the The benefits flow from the social
only form of meaning that transcends connections, spiritual support, sense of
people’s personal circumstances, social purpose, coherent belief system and
situation and the material world, and so moral code that religion provides. All
has a powerful capacity to sustain them these things can be found in other
through adversity. ways, although perhaps less easily;
religions ‘package’ many of the
Spiritual traditions offer powerful ingredients of wellbeing. At the same
storylines about wellbeing: wholeness, time, religion is no panacea. Its
the purpose and the nature of ‘success’, storylines have been used to justify
values and the nature and state of wars and other atrocities. Americans
community. Because of this, questions stand out from the people of other
about spirituality sit at the heart of developed nations in the strength of
understanding how individuals their religious belief and observance;
negotiate life, and how collectively as yet the United States compares poorly
communities we negotiate uncertainty. on many social indicators, including its
human rights record, life expectancy,
This may be the subject matter that crime, poverty, inequality.
most fundamentally underpins
conversations about success and More importantly, the mainly
wellbeing. Ironically the role of statistical correlations on which the
spirituality appears to be the hardest associations between religion and
topic for people to discuss. People tend wellbeing are based barely scratch the
to hold their own views very closely surface of the role of spirituality. Its
and discuss with their own kind. essence makes it extraordinarily
Outside the study of religion and difficult for science to grasp and
spirituality, the role of spirituality in analyse, as is clear from the work of
individual and communal wellbeing is Tacey, who has written extensively on
not discussed much in research circles. spirituality. He argues ‘spirit’ plays a
The same applies to broader public and crucial and yet largely
policy conversations. Australia has unacknowledged role in wellbeing,
also tended to be reluctant to draw the especially that of young people. Young
exploration of spiritual traditions into people who become depressed, suicidal
education. or fatigued in response to the
hopelessness that confronts the world
Spiritual traditions include the larger are living symbolic lives, he says
stories of how people across different (Tacey 2003: 176). Their struggles
places and times have dealt with tough with meaning are not just personal
life issues, or the human condition struggles. ‘They are trying to sort out
itself. Where there is silence on these the problems of society, and their
matters, there are limited resources, suffering, deaths and ruptures are not
limited storylines available to young just personal tragedies but
people as they negotiate their own contributions to the spiritual dilemmas
lives. of the world.’

Religion is the most common form of In a paper prepared earlier for this
the cultural expression of spirituality. project, Tacey (2002) says secular
Research shows that religious belief societies have not understood the
and practice enhance health and meaning of spirit, nor recognised its
happiness (Argyle 2002, Myers 2005). capacity to nurture and transform.
38
People today live in a modern world of expressions of spirituality. Apart from
improved services and faster machines, Tacey’s work, researchers like Webber
but they do not ‘feel’ any better (2002), Berger and Ezzy (2004), and
because the thing that justifies and Verdouw (2004) reveal that many
validates their existence is missing, he Australian young people are engaging
says. They are forced to acknowledge deeply with spirituality and moral
that what gives meaning and value to community, and exploring different
life is mysterious and elusive. Today, forms of their expression. Others may
the central problem is how to speak of be seeking alternative paths (eg. the
spirit outside the religious traditions ‘rave’ scene) to transcendence (Siokou
that apparently no longer speak to 2002).
many people.
In a time of uncertainty,
Researchers have also noted that fundamentalist traditions are also
Australians, on the whole, have tended growing. This seems to represent a re-
to have ambivalent relationships to claiming of some certainties. Drawing
organised religion. Australia’s history on a Freudian analysis, Tacey
has been very different to, for example, (2003:24) offers an alternative
the United States. Non-indigenous explanation: where something has been
Australians have a history of violence repressed at the heart of a culture, it
against, and ignorance of, indigenous appears at the fringes in a mutant form.
spirituality, and have tended to show a Beyond church institutions, at a policy
lack of insight into how these and program level, conversations about
traditions might locate peoples in terms spirituality are rare, but are now
of relationship to each other and the appearing from the political fringes
land. Alongside this sits an uneasy particularly in the form of
tolerance (or recently outright fundamentalism.
suspicion) of other migrant spiritual
traditions. We believe the topic of spirituality is
an important element of discussions
Along with a movement away from about young people’s success and
traditional religious institutions like the wellbeing. There is clearly room for
church, there has been a corresponding more exploration.
rise in eclectic, hybrid, deeply personal

39
The power of ritual

An issue for young people in contemporary society is the opportunity for meaningful rituals to
make sense of life, and meaningful rites of passage, particularly when the traditional marks for
adulthood have been moved. A range of Australian research on youth issues relates stories of
young people claiming their own rituals and rites of passage (eg, Berger and Ezzy 2004).

Tacey (2002) says that, growing up in central Australia, he was constantly impressed by the
effects of ‘initiation’ on adolescent tribal members of Aboriginal cultures. The initiation would
take them out of the haze of adolescence and its typical rebelliousness, and make them
responsible and creative members of adult society, not by rational means (the lure of job,
money, materialism) but by non-rational means (contact with a spiritual/cosmic reality as the
source of new maturity).

Paradoxically, it is contact with that which is ‘other’ than human that teaches us how to be
truly human. In anthropological terms, it is respect for the sacred that makes society possible.
Without sacred experience and initiation, individuals become wayward, rebellious, unruly,
lawless. As spiritual initiation disappears from community life, the uninitiated seek destructive
expressions because at a deep level they do not feel they belong to society.

Tacey (2004) says he once asked an Aboriginal leader why so many youth – Aboriginal and
non-Aboriginal - were harming themselves, and was told, ‘They don’t know who they are’. The
leader explained that the task of culture was to tell a person who he or she really was. ‘When
they know who they are, they no longer want to harm themselves, for they have received, as a
gift from life, their true dignity and worth.’

Implications and future The stories young people tell about

themselves and their world offer a way
directions of weaving together the various layers
or levels of examining and
The examination of a wide variety of understanding health and wellbeing.
Australian longitudinal studies on There are at least four of these layers,
youth that formed the starting point of each offering a different perspective.
this study has confirmed that young
people’s wellbeing is closely related to • Individual: wellbeing is a subjective
the social conditions that surround property of individuals; research
them. Research provides an insight distinguishes between the ill and the
into various dimensions of how young well; causes of ill health are ‘near’
people are faring in terms of their and direct (exposure to toxin or
health and wellbeing. Almost pathogen, conflict or abuse);
inevitably, however, the data on ill treatment of individual disease and
health tends to dominate. Studies of disability, usually with clinical and
disease, morbidity, risk and disability biomedical interventions; health
provide an objective measure of young promotion focuses on changing
people’s (ill)health status. health-related behaviour (diet,
Understandings and measures of exercise, smoking, drinking etc).
pathways to success and wellbeing • Social: acknowledges broad social,
tend to be less well developed. economic and environmental factors
behind population patterns of

40
 wellbeing; acknowledges patterns Flashpoints: Issues for further research
of disadvantage, marginalisation Across the youth sector there is
and poverty; interventions seek to increasing recognition of the need for
address social inequalities and the cross-sectoral practice and ‘whole-of-
risks associated with them, either by government’ solutions. In this context
reducing inequalities or changing the development of processes for
individual behaviour. effective inter-disciplinary
• Cultural: sees wellbeing as conversations – where participants can
influenced by broader, less tangible, disagree but still stay at the table – is
characteristics of individuals and vital. This report has sought to
their relationship to society, highlight both common ground and
including worldviews, beliefs, divergence between disciplinary
stories and values; interventions understandings of the key issues
seek to enhance these qualities at surrounding young people’s wellbeing.
both individual and social levels. The ‘flashpoints’ include:
• Spiritual: wellbeing reflects the
deepest level of meaning for • The extent to which research findings
individuals, a sense of having a from different disciplines can be
place in the world, being part of ‘the explained and reconciled. Young
grand scheme of things’; its essence people’s subjective assessments of
is mysterious and elusive, so hard their wellbeing and health
for science to grasp and explain; constitute a different measure
interventions are in the realm of from other tests of health status.
religion and other forms of spiritual They are not measuring the same
expression. thing and it is difficult to know
how to draw effectively on both to
gain a balanced picture.

Reflections on stories, research and policy

The notion of stories may be an appropriate way to think about research and policy. There is
increasing interest in the way in which the stories that individuals and social groups tell about
themselves and others are constructed in the context of 'discourses', or socially shared
storylines that are selective in the particular truths that they tell (following Foucault 1980).
From this perspective, findings of the longitudinal studies from different disciplines embody a
range of different and cross-cutting storylines about what is happening for young people. The
stories of different professions in relation to young people locate different understandings of
‘the problem’ and frame the role of professionals differently in relation to solutions (Wyn and
White 1997). The different stories are disciplinary artefacts: reflecting the different types of
evidence bases used to denote truth, and types of stories in which ‘people like us’ are
specifically interested (or not).

This separation makes sense until the space researchers, policy makers and professionals
occupy becomes particularly complex. There is a growing body of work across research and
policy arenas that now talks of the need to work in cross-disciplinary ways in order to deal
effectively with the cross-cutting nature of social problems. This is particularly evident across
the youth and community sectors, where there are increasing calls for professionals to go
beyond disciplinary and professional culture, the organisational ‘silos’ of health, education, and
so on, and to work holistically (eg, see Riddell and Tett 2002, Wierenga et al 2003).

41
• Whether overall trends in wellbeing Others are concerned that
can be generalised to describe the developmental arguments can be
situation of different generations. used to justify greater social
Is life getting better or worse? controls.
Participants asked whether it was
meaningful to attempt to We see a need for fuller exploration of
distinguish the health and these issues, for more conversation and
wellbeing of a generation (for mapping across areas of
example, Gen X or Y) from interdisciplinary tension.
previous generations. Critics argue
that in generalising, the full extent Signposts for research and policy
of diversity within, and Several ‘signposts’ – pointers for
continuities across, generations are future research and policy
obscured. Others suggest the development – emerged from the
question encourages a closer project. These include the need for
scrutiny of the 'big picture' of more focus or emphasis on the
social change and the totality of following:
the evidence.
• The big picture – young people in
• Whether potential and wellbeing context: The ongoing impact of
always belong together. social change on successive
Can potential and wellbeing be generations places a responsibility
distinguished and the trends in on researchers to document and
each move in opposite directions? analyse these changes. Policy
It may be that freeing and makers must also ensure that
equipping people to realise their young people’s lives are not being
full potential entails risks to interpreted from the viewpoint of
wellbeing because of the increased outmoded ideas and conditions.
risk of failure. An example is the need to
recognise that many young people
• The relative importance of social today are often concurrently
influences and individuals’ own workers and students, and have
capacities in determining wellbeing. increasingly complex lives, with
This question focuses on the associated health consequences.
extent to which the social and Young people’s own
economic environment can be said interpretations provide important
to affect wellbeing, regardless of insights into many contemporary
young people’s capacities to issues. Without such input,
interpret, critique, subvert and policies, interventions and services
resist these influences. for young people are likely to be
fragmented and silo-based and out
• The relative influence of social and of step with their lives.
biological factors in shaping
wellbeing. Some suggest that • Wellbeing: One of the most
recent findings on significant effects of social change
neuropsychological development over the last 20 years has been: (1)
underscore the need for greater an increase in several measures of
safeguards for children and youth. ill health, especially mental health;

42
 and (2) an increased level of this process works. Other research
concern about health and reveals the significance of
wellbeing across all groups, but narratives or ‘stories’ that enable
particularly young people. A focus individuals to connect their lives
on total health and wellbeing is with people around them and to
especially important in the area of make sense of their world. Access
youth policy because: (1) it retains to resources depends upon webs of
a link with ‘big-picture’ issues; (2) relationships. This means young
it focuses on pathways to ‘living people’s wellbeing depends upon
well’ as a universal measure, as creating conditions for trust and
well as acknowledging the need to exchange of resources, between
focus on particular risk groups and young people and significant
problems; and (3) it provides a others, within families, and within
framework for crossing sectoral communities. From a policy point
boundaries and identifies the of view, this finding indicates the
points of permeability between importance of supporting the
disciplines and sectors. It also development of social and cultural
highlights the need for a ‘whole of resources, as well as the economic
life’ approach: all policy becomes and material resources.
youth policy.
• Inter-disciplinary dialogue and
• The mainstream: The pace of social grounding implications for policy
change has outstripped the and practice: This project has
usefulness of the idea of a highlighted the potential of
‘mainstream’ of young people supported dialogue within and
who are ‘OK’ and an identifiable between some key groups:
minority who are ‘at risk’ and researchers (from across different
require targeting. At some time, disciplines), policy makers and
most individuals will face professional (across the youth and
difficulties (for example, a period community sector). Two areas of
of depression or unemployment). possibility have emerged: firstly
The implication is that both further shared inquiries and inter-
targeted and universal policy disciplinary synthesis around
measures and interventions are specific areas related to young
necessary. One disadvantage of people’s wellbeing; and secondly
focusing solely on ‘target’ groups exploring processes for knowledge
as a basis for research or policy is translation from synthesis to
that it tends to reinforce sectoral signposts, and to policy and
and disciplinary boundaries and practice.
ultimately limits the potential to
understand and solve the problem. This project has achieved much in
identifying – and bringing out into the
• Social and cultural resources: open – critical differences
Both contemporary and historical (‘flashpoints’) in disciplinary
research reveals a strong inter- perspectives, as well as the ‘signposts’
generational effect on people’s life for further research and policy
chances, reflecting differential development. It has created a body of
access to material and cultural knowledge from which it will be
resources. More research needs to possible to direct research and
be developed to understand how interrogate policy. It has established a
43
platform for ongoing dialogue between Youth researchers, policy makers and
disciplines and professions, so false professionals in the project's final
closure on important issues can be workshop expressed interest in
avoided. In terms of drawing down the ongoing conversations which would
implications of this project, there is assist them to locate their own work
more work to be done; through these within a bigger picture of evidence
flashpoints and signposts we have around young people's wellbeing. They
simply begun the task. acknowledged the value of knowing
that their day-to-day activity is part of
Importantly, the findings of this work a larger, shared strategy towards young
highlight that the most effective policy peoples’ wellbeing. However, policy
responses will not be simply about makers and practitioners also stressed
attempting to enhance young people’s the importance of an extra step –
resilience, flexibility and adaptability grounding the ‘big picture’ findings.
and so to mould them to suit changing
social circumstances. Realising young Their input particularly highlighted a
people’s potential and optimising their need for processes that elaborate ‘big-
wellbeing also mean shaping social picture’ research into clear signposts
conditions to suit their needs. for policy and practice. Knowledge
translation is important, and there is a
These signposts signal the need to corresponding need – more broadly -
acknowledge that broad social changes to explore processes that might
do not ‘just happen’, but flow from the develop ideas from synthesis to
choices people make, individually and signposts, and to policy and practice
collectively; to question the often- and back. In terms of this project, we
assumed links between means and ends feel there is also more work to do, and
that underpin these changes; for we are exploring opportunities to
communities to claim space for further develop the signposts listed. To
conversations about things of value; this end we welcome comments.
and to allow time for reflection, for
asking questions as well as seeking
solutions.

We would welcome your comments on this report. Please send

these to Ani Wierenga at:

[email protected].

44
Appendix

Research Panel
Dr John Ainley, Australian Council for Educational Research
(Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth)
Ms Rosemary Aird, University of Queensland
(Mater-UQ Study of Pregnancy)
Prof Lois Bryson, RMIT
(Women's Health Australia Study)
Dr Jane Dixon, Australia 21 and ANU
Mr Richard Eckersley, Australia 21 and ANU (project director)
Dr Gary Marks, Australian Council for Educational Research
(Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth)
Prof Janet McCalman, University of Melbourne
Dr Julie McLeod, Deakin University
(The 12 to 18 Project)
Prof George Patton, University of Melbourne
(Victorian Adolescent Health Cohort Study and other studies)
Prof Margot Prior, University of Melbourne
Ms Diana Smart, Australian Institute of Family Studies
(Australian Temperament Project)
Ms Irene Verins, VicHealth
Dr Ani Wierenga, University of Melbourne (Project research associate)
(Making a Life Project)
Prof Johanna Wyn, University of Melbourne
(Life Patterns Study)

Research Panel Workshops Youth Policy Workshop

May 25-26, 2004 November 11-12, 2004 June 29, 2005
John Ainley Rosemary Aird Rosemary Aird
Lois Bryson Richard Eckersley Bev Begg
Rosemary Aird Gary Marks Lyndal Bond
Jane Dixon Janet McCalman Luke Bo’sher
Richard Eckersley Julie McLeod Jenny Brown,
Janet McCalman Margot Prior Richard Eckersley
Julie McLeod Irene Verins Georgie Ferrari
George Patton Ani Wierenga Lill Healey
Margot Prior Johanna Wyn Craig Hodges
Diana Smart Rebecca Gardner
Irene Verins Guests Kellie Ann Jolly
Ani Wierenga John Spierings Gary Marks
Johanna Wyn David Tacey Rob Moodie
Elisabeth Northam Janet McCalman
Susan McDowell
Julie McLeod
Amanda Smith
Mary Tobin
John Toumbourou
Irene Verins
Lyn Walker
Dan Woodman
Ani Wierenga
Johanna Wyn
Trudy Wyse
Julie Marr (note- taker)

45
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