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Prototyping Essentials
with Axure
Second Edition

A comprehensive strategy and planning guide for

the production of world-class UX artifacts such as
annotated wireframes, immersive prototypes, and
detailed documentation

Ezra Schwartz
Elizabeth Srail

BIRMINGHAM - MUMBAI

www.it-ebooks.info
Prototyping Essentials with Axure
Second Edition

Copyright © 2014 Packt Publishing

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written
permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embedded in
critical articles or reviews.

Every effort has been made in the preparation of this book to ensure the accuracy
of the information presented. However, the information contained in this book is
sold without warranty, either express or implied. Neither the authors, nor Packt
Publishing, and its dealers and distributors will be held liable for any damages
caused or alleged to be caused directly or indirectly by this book.

Packt Publishing has endeavored to provide trademark information about all of the
companies and products mentioned in this book by the appropriate use of capitals.
However, Packt Publishing cannot guarantee the accuracy of this information.

First Published: January 2012

Second Edition: May 2014

Production reference: 1200514

Published by Packt Publishing Ltd.

Livery Place
35 Livery Street
Birmingham B3 2PB, UK.

ISBN 978-1-84969-832-0

www.packtpub.com

Cover Image by Anna-Marie White ([email protected])

[ FM-2 ]

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 Credits

Authors Copy Editors

Ezra Schwartz Sarang Chari
Elizabeth Srail Mradula Hegde
Sayanee Mukherjee
Reviewers Deepa Nambiar
Ben Judy
Karuna Narayanan
Sam Spicer
Alfida Paiva
Jan Tomáš
Adithi Shetty
Stuti Srivastava
Commissioning Editor
Martin Bell
Proofreaders
Simran Bhogal
Acquisition Editors
Sam Birch Mario Cecere

Ellen Bishop Ameesha Green

Wilson D'souza Sandra Hopper

Antony Lowe
Indexer
Hemangini Bari
Content Development Editor
Azharuddin Sheikh
Graphics
Sheetal Aute
Technical Editors
Pankaj Kadam Ronak Dhruv

Rohit Kumar Singh Disha Haria

Ankita Jha Yuvraj Mannari

Project Coordinator Production Coordinator

Venitha Cutinho Shantanu Zagade

Cover Work
Shantanu Zagade

[ FM-3 ]

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www.it-ebooks.info
 Foreword
Axure RP 7 was one of the most significant product releases we've had to date. It
reminded me a lot of Version 2, which was released in late 2003. In Version 2, we
switched from an HTML-based editor to a diagram editor and laid the foundation
for prototype generation. We were able to build upon Version 2 for the following
10 years to add milestones such as the dynamic panel, conditional logic, and shared
projects. In Axure RP 7, we completely rearchitected the generated HTML with an
eye towards the next 10 years of software and user experience design.

We've been lucky to work with thousands of customers over the years and listen
to tens of thousands of feature requests and inquiries. Every request is tracked,
reviewed, and categorized. It's been interesting to see patterns naturally emerge
after each release, and this has helped us prioritize areas of focus for future releases.
Our customers have given us a unique view into how many organizations are doing
software design and development, and it's clear that user experience design has
never been more important.

It's essential to be able to test and iterate quickly on ideas early in the design process.
Once these ideas solidify, being able to truly experience the design as a designer,
stakeholder, or user can be invaluable. I think Axure RP 7 takes a solid step forward
in accomplishing these goals. The Shape widget in Axure RP 7 supports 17 events
compared to only three events in Version 6.5. There is a new Repeater widget that
is data-driven and supports sorting and filtering. We introduced Adaptive Views to
apply different styles, positions, and sizes to the widgets based on the browser size.

AxShare has also been upgraded to give designers and developers much more
flexibility. It is now possible to add custom JavaScript and HTML into hosted
projects. This opens the door to hand-coded interactions and custom elements.
It also makes it possible to integrate third-party solutions such as analytics and
user testing. You can also assign a custom domain directly to a project.

[ FM-5 ]

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There are currently over 80,000 licensed Axure RP customers, and we expect to reach
over 100,000 this year. It's a great feeling when you can count people like Elizabeth
and Ezra as customers and advocates. They are true leaders in the user experience
and Axure communities. With the help of customers like them, we're confident the
best is ahead.

Victor Hsu
Cofounder, Axure

[ FM-6 ]

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 About the Author

Ezra Schwartz helps organizations realize their strategic vision for a world-class
user experience. As a principal experience architect, he holds lead positions in
mission-critical projects for global corporations. An advisor to management and
stakeholders, Ezra is an expert in transforming large-scale, data-driven systems
into mobile-first, device/OS-agnostic UX frameworks.

Ezra enjoys solving the numerous challenges involved in complex systems, the
organizations that build them, and the people who use them. He draws on his
wealth of experience from projects in the financial, education, aviation, healthcare,
telecom, publishing, research, manufacturing, and software industries. Ezra feels
very fortunate to be practicing in a domain that affords him the opportunities to
travel and associate with the exceptional cast of international experts he gets to
collaborate with. He values mentoring and giving back to his professional and
social communities.

Ezra is the founder and organizer of AxureWorld.org, a free community-driven

international conference dedicated to UX prototyping. He talks regularly about
UX at conferences and on his blog, www.artandtech.com.

[ FM-7 ]

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 Acknowledgments
This book is dedicated to my mother, Eda.

To Tsippi and Shlomo Bobbe.

To my wife, Orit, who gave me her full support despite me braking a promise to
abstain from writing so soon after the previous book, and to my sons, Ben and Yoav,
who, during the writing of Axure RP 6 Prototyping Essentials, were already smarter
than me and now surpass me in height and strength as well. Some of the time that
went to writing and editing was family time—their time.

To my family: Julia, Hillel and Eitan Gauchman, Hedva Schwartz, Ruth and
Doron Blatt; and to my good friends: Lisa Comforty, Jim Carlton and Caroline
Harney, Christine and Scott Marriott, and Ayelet. To Alon Fishbach, and Barbara
Drapcho whose clarinet lessons taught me that in performing music, as opposed
to most things in life, I cannot "wing it" and to Alan Brazil for his high-fives
whenever we met on an early morning run.

To all the colleagues and friends who have contributed directly or indirectly to the
writing of this book, I wish I could mention all of you. I would like to extend special
thanks to Kalpana Aravabhumi, Sunni Barbera, Oren Beit-Arie, Kirk Billiter, Juli
Boice, Janet Borggren, Martin Boso, Mary Burton, Gary Duvall, Richard Douglass,
Mike Fleming, Chris Giesler, Jim Hobart, Victor Hsu, Allan Lawson, Ritch Macefield,
Alice O'Brien, Kristin Richey, Julie Robertson, Iram Saiyad, Derik Schneider, Paul
Sharer, Ginger Shepard, Sam Spicer, Andres Sulleiro, Arturo Ttovato, Kalyani
Tumuluri, Zack Webb, Cord Woodruff, Donny Young, Maxine Zats, and Lynn
Zealand for their tremendous support and encouragement.

I am tremendously grateful to my colleagues Sam Spicer, Ben Judy, and Jan Tomáš,
the technical reviewers in this book, for their contribution. Their detailed, honest,
knowledgeable, thoughtful, and generous comments helped make this a better book.

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I would also like to acknowledge a few remarkable fellow practitioners who
responded so generously to my request to share their expertise with the Axure
community: Ildikó Balla, Adam Basey, Svetlin Denkov, Gary Duvall, Suresh
Kandeeban, Ritch Macefield, Susan Grossman, and Shira Luk-Zilberman.
Thank you!

Last but not least, thanks to the people who are behind the scenes of this book. My
sincere gratitude to the editors and staff at Packt Publishing, and especially Ellen
Bishop, Venitha Cutinho, Wilson D'souza, Pankaj Kadam, and Azharuddin Sheikh
for their guidance, tremendous patience, and continuous encouragement throughout
this project. It has been a real pleasure collaborating with you on this book.

[ FM-9 ]

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 About the Author

Elizabeth Srail has been creating and leading designs since 2001, and throughout
that time, she has learned that employing the lesson her parents taught her at a
young age, which is to "put yourself in that person's shoes", is the key to a successful
design. In an age where everyone is talking, mostly through social media, Elizabeth
has been listening. She takes what she hears from the users and stakeholders,
and removes or diminishes the problems these people face with designs that are
thoughtful, easy-to-use, fun, and pretty. She employs that same lesson when
managing others as well and believes that kindness is the greatest illustration
of strength.

In addition, Elizabeth has guided large organizations by educating leaders on

the nuances of the UX process and advising them on how best to implement this
practice into their current delivery methodology.

Elizabeth started using Axure in 2008 and was happy that Axure allowed her
to demonstrate her vision by creating interactivity without having to code and
without having to use words to sell her designs; the design and experience spoke
for themselves. She met Ezra in February 2009, and in the following years, they
collaborated on how best to optimize Axure, often discussing and debating the
evolution of the UX practice.

Elizabeth is a devoted practitioner and teacher of Ashtanga yoga. Practicing yoga has
allowed her to be more creative and handle the stressors of work with poise.

[ FM-10 ]

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 Acknowledgments
First and foremost, I would like to thank my parents, Ruth and Ronald Srail, for
understanding the tremendous responsibility of parenting and for doing everything
they could to provide a safe, loving, and harmonious home for my sister and me.

I would like to thank my nephew who sat an entire Saturday with me while I edited
chapters. My niece was smart and went to a birthday party, but I have to thank her
as well. The two of you carry a sweetness that I hope you hold onto throughout
your life.

I also want to thank my friends who had to listen to me stress over this book,
especially my dear friends, Chris de Lizer and Abby Miller.

The majority of my Axure work has involved the use of Shared Projects, and thus,
I like to call my colleagues and collaborators "Axure Roommates". I have been very
lucky to share new Axure tricks with great roommates, and I made many friends
along the way: Josh Barr, Katrina Benco, Teryn Cleary, Jacqui de Borja, Kathy
Mirescu, Beth Roman, Rachel Siciliano, Laurie Tvedt, and Sarah Wallace. We
worked on rather grueling projects, but we all dived in and did the best we could.

Victor Hsu and Paul Sharer spent many Tuesdays with Ezra and me to walk us
through new features. They listened to our feedback when Axure 7 was in its
pre-beta stages. Thank you for taking the time, even when you were faced with
a major deadline!

Finally, many thanks to the editors and staff at Packt Publishing: Ellen Bishop,
Venitha Cutinho, Pankaj Kadam, and Azharuddin Sheikh. Your support, tremendous
patience, and hard work were always appreciated by Ezra and me throughout the
writing and editing process. In addition, we had technical reviewers who provided
very thoughtful and helpful feedback: Sam Spicer, Ben Judy, and Jan Tomáš.

[ FM-11 ]

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 About the Reviewers

Ben Judy takes tech from frustrating to fun. His passion is to understand the needs
of people who use technology and design better systems that work well for humans.

He designed and built his first website in 1996. He began using Axure in 2006 to
create rapid prototypes for all manner of digital projects with a user-centered
design approach.

Ben has worked as a UX manager, contributor, contractor, and consultant with global
Fortune 500 companies, family-owned small businesses, and small start-up ventures.
Amid the complexity of collaborative software projects, Ben keeps his focus simple;
it's all about the user experience!

Ben lives near Dallas, Texas, with his wife, Kristen, and daughters, Ashley and
Emily—who keep him laughing and remind him of God's grace.

Sam Spicer is a digital design professional with 14 years of experience. Beginning

with front-end development, Sam progressed through his MS in Human-Computer
Interaction into the realm of Information Architecture in the early 2000s. Since then,
he's contributed to, and has also led, redesigns and replatforms for international
brands, ranging from e-commerce and financial services to the retail and food
industry. When he's not geeking out on some obscure experience or technical thing,
you can find him enjoying with his family, brewing beer, or otherwise getting into
some sort of trouble.

Sincere thanks to Ezra for allowing me to contribute to this effort,

which I've very much enjoyed and learned a great deal from.
Also, of course, an incredible thank you to my wife, Nikki, for
her support and partnership without which I'd never be able
to get anything accomplished!

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Jan Tomáš is the founder, consultant, and clown at CIRCUS DESIGN
(www.circusdesign.cz). His specialization deals with user research and
prototyping. He uses Axure RP on a daily basis for prototyping web and mobile
applications to communicate his designs with developers, managers, and other
stakeholders. Jan is also an active member of the User Experience community.
He organizes meetings, called UX Circus Show (www.uxcircus.cz), every
month to share knowledge and show that our work could be fun.

[ FM-13 ]

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 www.PacktPub.com

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www.it-ebooks.info
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For all in the Axure community who approach design
with an open mind and open heart.

– Ezra Schwartz and Elizabeth Srail

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www.it-ebooks.info
 Table of Contents
Preface 1
Chapter 1: Prototyping Fundamentals 5
The Times They Are A-Changin' 6
The Axure Option 9
UX Prototyping by UX Designers 12
Prototyping Interaction 14
Project-level Forecasting 16
A Weighted Risk Checklist for UX Projects 16
The Heuristics 17
The Score 18
Your Employment Type 19
The Client 20
UX Reporting To... 21
Enterprise Grade 22
New Product or a Redesign 23
Transactional 24
Responsive 25
Localization 26
Business Requirements Exist 26
UX Resources 27
Communication and Collaboration Tools 28
UX Documentation and Traceability 29
Axure Construction Strategy Checklist 31
Showcasing Opportunities 32
Considering Risks 33
Practical Axure 33
Small Projects 33
Web Applications and Portals 34
Heuristic Evaluation 36
User Validation 36
Deliverables – Prototypes and Specifications 37

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superior. A regular Province was now constituted, with Father Sineo
as Provincial, and Paccanari went on to visit Prague, where the
Archduchess and the novitiate were. Here the ambitious youth made
the first mistake of his singular career. Ignatius had strictly enjoined
that the Jesuit order should never have a feminine branch, as so
many of the religious orders had, but the Archduchess and other
noble dames were so devoted to the new enterprise that Paccanari
permitted or persuaded them to take vows and promise obedience
to the General of the Society of the Faith. Many of the ex-Jesuits
now regarded him as an innovator and began to watch his career
with distrust. He found many wealthy patrons, however, and little
colonies were sent to England (to which I will refer later), France,
and Holland. There were in a few years several hundred members of
the new Society, and, as the Russian Jesuits had now been
recognised by Pius VII., Paccanari was urged to combine with them.
He refused, or procrastinated, and from that time the members of
his Society began to abandon their obedience to him and seek
incorporation in the genuine order. The Archduchess clung to
Paccanari for many years, and the prestige of her association won
respect for him. At Rome, where she and her companions had
turned her palace into a convent, she bought a house and church for
her esteemed director, and he set up a community of thirty fathers
under the eyes of the papal authorities. He was now at open war
with the ex-Jesuits, who swarmed at Rome, and, when they slighted
his title of General, he retorted that the brief approving the Society
in Russia had been extorted from Pius VII. He might now have
accepted the idea of fusion, but the Russian General, to secure his
authority, insisted that he would only admit the Paccanarists—as
they were popularly called—singly, and would not entertain the idea
of a corporate union. Paccanari fought resolutely for his fading
authority. In 1803 the London Fathers of the Faith deserted him and
transferred their obedience to Gruber. In 1804 the more numerous
French fathers renounced his authority and joined the Russians; in
the same year the Society was restored at Naples, and many of the
Paccanarists joined it. The Pope remained indulgent to the falling
"General," in consideration of his archiducal friend, and his Society
lingered in Italy, Austria, and, especially, Holland. At last definite
charges were formulated against Paccanari, probably by the older
Jesuits, and the would-be reformer was committed to the papal
prison for a luxury of manners that was inconsistent with his
professions. He was released by the French troops when they
invaded Rome, but his prestige had gone, and, flying to the hills
from his Jesuit persecutors, the second Ignatius perished ignobly at
the hands of brigands. The Society of Jesus was formally restored
soon afterwards, and the Paccanarists threw off their thin disguise
and joined it.
We have already seen the various steps by which the restoration of
the Society was prepared in Italy. In 1793, Ferdinand of Parma had
boldly invited the Russians to send him some Jesuits for the
education of youth in the Duchy, and Pius VI. had genially closed his
eyes when they set up five colleges and began to attract old
members of the Society. Then came the French campaign in Italy
and a more bitter resentment than ever of the new spirit which was
invading Europe and shaking the legitimate thrones. In 1804, when
it was realised that Napoleon had destroyed the pestilential Republic
only to set up an even more dangerous power, Ferdinand of Sicily
applied to General Gruber for a band of Jesuits to instil "sound"
ideas into the minds of his subjects. Then came Austerlitz, and a
French army was set free to put Joseph Bonaparte on the throne of
the Two Sicilies. Once more the Jesuits had to fly from Naples with
their protecting King (and, especially, their protecting Queen), but
the presence of the English fleet confined the French to the
mainland and the Jesuits of Sicily were unassailable. In a few years
they attained enormous wealth and power, and it would not be
unjust to connect the long somnolence of that beautiful island with
the profound influence the Jesuits had on it in the first half of the
nineteenth century.
In 1809 it was the Pope's turn to quail before this terrible incarnation
of the new spirit. The Papal States were annexed, and Pius VII. set
out for four years of bitter exile. He returned in 1813, and saw the
allies closing round the falling monarch. In the spring of the
following year Napoleon abdicated, and the restored monarchs set
about the task of deleting the past twenty years from the history of
Europe, and stamping out the last sparks of the liberalism which was
understood to have led to the French Revolution. It was the moment
for restoring the Society of Jesus. The monarchs who had pressed
for its abolition were dead, the new generation had never realised its
power and irregularities, and the Jesuits themselves had for twenty
years confidently proclaimed that the terrors Europe had
experienced were the direct result of taking from them the education
of the young and the spiritual guidance of the adult. This fallacy was
promptly answered, and need not detain us. The Revolution was due
to the maintenance of mediæval injustices in a more enlightened
age, and the Jesuits, with all their power over kings, had never
uttered a syllable of condemnation of those old abuses. We shall see
that they lent all their recovered influence to the task of maintaining
them even in the nineteenth century.
The truth is that the restoration of the Jesuits was an act of the
Papacy for which there was no justification in Catholic opinion. In
the bull Sollicitudo, which contrasts so poorly with the reasoned and
virile brief of Clement XIV., Pius VII. ventured to say that he was
complying with "the unanimous demand of the Catholic world." This
was, as the Pope knew, wholly untrue. Spain alone, of the great
Powers—if we might still call her great—was interested in the
restoration. Austria and France had no wish to see the Jesuits
restored, and would not suffer them to return to power when the
Pope willed it; Portugal protested vehemently against the
restoration. Pius VII. acted on his own feeling and that of petty
monarchs like the Kings of Sardinia and Naples. He believed that the
Jesuits would be the most effective agency for rooting out what
remained of liberalism and revolution. He initiated that close alliance
between the Society and reaction which has been the disastrous
blunder of the Jesuits for the last hundred years. But it was the price
of their restoration.
The bull was issued on 7th August 1714, and read in the Gesù the
same day. In presence of a distinguished gathering of ecclesiastics
and nobles, the Pope said mass and then had the bull read. Some
fifty members of the suppressed Society had been convoked for the
occasion, and we can imagine that it was a touching spectacle to see
these aged survivors of the mighty catastrophe—one was in his
hundred and twenty-seventh year—return in honour to their
metropolitan house. The Gesù and the house attached to it had
been maintained in proper condition. The solid silver statue and the
more costly ornaments of the church had been sold, to meet the
demands of France on the papal exchequer, and the library of the
house had disappeared. But the community of secular priests who
had been in charge during the years of suppression were mostly ex-
Jesuits, and they had reverently maintained the home until their
scattered brothers could return. The novitiate also was restored; the
old fathers were summoned from their vicarages and colleges and
myriad professions; a Provincial and Vicar-General were elected; and
the Jesuits spread rapidly over the Papal States. The cloud of
Napoleon's return chilled their enthusiasm for a month or two, but
they presently heard of Waterloo and settled down to the task for
which they had been restored to life.
The response of the Catholic world was, as I said, a painful
commentary on the Pope's words. The flamboyant bull, permitting
and urging Catholic monarchs to re-establish the Society of Jesus,
made its way over Europe in the course of the next few weeks.
Parma and Naples already had their Jesuits. The Duke of Modena at
once admitted the Society, and Victor Emmanuel, whose brother had
surrendered the crown to him in order to enter the Society, naturally
opened his kingdom to them. Ferdinand VII. of Spain, the most
brutal and unscrupulous of the restored monarchs, abrogated the
decree of expulsion, and warmly welcomed the Jesuits to co-operate
with him in the sanguinary work which we will consider in the next
chapter. John VI. of Portugal refused to admit "the pernicious sect"
into his kingdom. Louis XVIII., even when urged by Talleyrand,
refused to sanction the presence of the Jesuits in France. Austria
refused to recognise them in its Empire, which still included Venice.
Bavaria excluded them. And it took the Jesuits years of intrigue to
penetrate the Catholic cantons of Switzerland.
This was the reply of Catholic Europe to Pius VII. In spite of the
strident offer to combat liberalism which they made in tracing the
Revolution to their absence, they were still excluded from three-
fourths of the Catholic world. The indictment of them by Clement
XIV. had not been answered by Pius VII., nor had their conduct in
Russia and Prussia won esteem for them. They offered no serious
guarantee of better behaviour. How they overcame this resistance
and, in the course of a century, almost returned to their earlier
number, and whether adversity had purified their character, are the
two questions that remain for consideration.

CHAPTER XV
THE NEW JESUITS
For a few years after the restoration the Italian Jesuits were fully
occupied with the reorganisation of their body, the recovery of their
property, and the absorption of the lingering Paccanarists and
survivors of the older Society. It is clear that, had it not been for the
partial restoration in Parma and Naples, the Society would long have
remained feeble. How many still lived of the 22,589 followers of
Ignatius who had been expelled from their homes forty years before
we do not know, but there was by no means a rush to the colours
when the regiment was reformed. It was difficult also to recover
their property. In spite of the generosity of the rulers of Piedmont,
Naples, and the Papal States the work proceeded slowly. It is in the
year 1820 that we catch a first interesting glimpse of the
reconstituted body.
At the beginning of that year General Bzrozowski died at Polotzk, a
few months before the Jesuits were expelled from Russia, and the
Italians hastened to hold an election. Before he died the General had
appointed Father Petrucci Vicar-General, and this official came to
Rome and, in conjunction with his fellow-Italians, fixed the election
for 4th September. We are not, of course, permitted to know the
whole truth in regard to this election, but such facts as we know
clearly show that the Italians were determined to regain control of
the Society. There seems, however, to have been a deeper quarrel.
Some of the younger men and the ex-Paccanarists wished to reform
the constitutions, and they had the support of Cardinal della Ganga,
the Pope's Vicar (and later Leo XII.); the older men opposed reform.
But what the precise position of Petrucci was it is impossible to
decide. Crétineau-Joly, who alone has had access to the archives and
has used his privilege in such a way as to make the quarrel
unintelligible, offers the ridiculous suggestion that Petrucci and the
cardinal wished to destroy the Society.
However that may be, Petrucci tried to have the election held before
the Poles arrived, but there was a spirited Breton member of the
Russian Province, Father Rozaven, in Rome at the time, and he
appealed to the cardinal. Petrucci then wrote to the Poles to say that
they must postpone their voyage to Rome, but Rozaven exposed the
trick to them and they reached Rome early in September. There
must have been a most unedifying turmoil in the Jesuit house, as,
instead of an election on 4th September, we find Cardinal della
Ganga intervening on the 6th to say that a commission, with him
and Cardinal Galeffi at its head, had been appointed by the Pope to
adjudicate on their quarrels. A week later the commission found that
Petrucci was to have the powers of a general, but the two cardinals
were to preside at the election. The account given us by the French
historian is bewildering in its confusion, and is evidently intended to
screen an angry conflict of personal and national ambitions and of
reformers and anti-reformers.
The party opposed to Petrucci (and, presumably, to reform) now
appealed to Cardinal Consalvi and denounced their Vicar-General.
Consalvi had little interest in the Jesuits, but, as they knew, he was
not disinclined to thwart della Ganga. He secured the calling of the
Congregation in October. It seems to have been the most lively and
impassioned election that the old house had ever witnessed. Petrucci
ruled that the voters from England and France and part of Italy had
no canonical right to vote; the Congregation overruled him, and,
when he protested, deposed him and excluded him and his chief
supporter, Pietroboni, from the Congregation. Della Ganga appealed
to the Pope, Consalvi defeated his appeal, and on 18th October
Father Fortis was elected. The triumphant section then held a trial of
the conduct of the minority. Petrucci and Pietroboni were pardoned
on account of their age, but a number of younger men were
expelled from the Society.
It must be admitted that this Congregation shows a decided
continuity of the irregular features of the Society. Fortis, Rozaven,
Petrucci, and the leaders of the conflicting parties were old
members; Fortis, at least, an elderly Italian in his eighth decade of
life, had belonged to the suppressed Society, and the conduct of him
and his followers suggests that forty years of life without the
restraint of discipline had not tended to improve their character. In
the pacified Europe of 1820 they saw an easy field for the triumph of
their order, and the Italians were ambitious to control it. The
struggle against the proposal to reform the Society is equally
unattractive; and the facility with which both parties appealed to
rival cardinals, when the Jesuit tradition was fiercely to resent any
outside interference with their Congregations, completes an
unpleasant picture. The anti-reformers won, and the voters scattered
to their respective provinces and missions.
Three years later Pius VII. died, and the triumphant clique at the
Gesù had a momentary anxiety when Cardinal della Ganga mounted
the papal throne under the name of Leo XII. Rozaven expresses
their concern in a letter to a colleague, and predicts that he at least
will be compelled to leave Rome. But Leo XII. was convinced that
the Society had become one of the most useful auxiliaries of the
Papacy, and he hastened to assure them that their intrigue against
his authority was forgotten. He had, in fact, hardly been a year at
the Vatican when he gratified them by restoring the Roman College
to their charge, and they gathered their best teachers from all parts
of the world to win back its earlier prestige. Other of their old
colleges in the Papal States were secured for them by Leo XII. and
the Italian Provinces quickly recovered their power.
It was known to all that the liberal feeling engendered by the
revolutionary movement was still intensely alive. The secret Society
of the Carbonari spread its net over Italy, and the cultivated middle
class was very largely liberal and anti-clerical. At Naples, in 1820, the
Carbonari had seemed for a moment about to triumph; but the
rebellion was defeated, and the Jesuits returned to the task of
educating the middle class in pro-papal sentiments. They had a
college for the sons of nobles at Naples, and four other colleges in
the Neapolitan district; while they had no less than fifteen colleges
and residences in the island of Sicily. In northern Piedmont, from
which few at that time expected the greatest menace to the Papacy
to come, they retained great power for decades. Victor Emmanuel
gave place to Charles Felix, and the Liberals took the occasion to
make a violent assault on the fathers. Charles Felix replied by
choosing a Jesuit confessor, Father Grassi. Charles Albert patronised
them even more generously than his predecessors. He secured the
return of their old house at Turin, and, when he found it impossible
to get for them their old house at Genoa, which had been converted
into a university, he granted them one of his palaces for a residence.
In the Papal States they entered upon their golden age with the
accession of Gregory XVI., in 1831. Both Leo XII. and General Fortis
died in 1829. A young Dutch Jesuit, Father Roothaan (aged forty-
four), succeeded Fortis, and Pius VIII. ascended the papal throne.
He died in November 1830, and Gregory XVI. assumed the tiara in
the very heat of the revolutionary movement of 1830 and 1831. The
"White Terror" had failed to conquer what it called the revolutionary
element; its thousands of executions and its appalling jails and
repulsive spies had merely fed the flame of insurrection, and the
international movement for reform gathered strength. The middle
class in every country—in Italy, especially, the revolutionary
movements were essentially middle class—suffered with burning
indignation the brutalities of Austria, the Papacy, Naples, Spain, and
France, and young men of the type of Mazzini devoted their lives to
reform. In 1831 the Italian rebels, fired by the success of the July
Revolution in France, raised their tricolour standard and soon saw it
floating over Modena, Parma, and a number of the Papal States. One
of the first movements of the insurgents in every place was to assail
the Jesuit residences. At Spoleto, Fano, Modena, Reggio, Forli, and
Ferrara, the Jesuits were driven from their homes and colleges and
hunted over the frontiers of the revolutionary provinces. But Naples
and Piedmont were unshaken by the disturbance, and the Austrian
troops from Venice quickly trampled out the revolutionary spirit. It
was on the eve of this insurrection—a work almost entirely of the
educated class—that Gregory became Pope, and his policy after the
pacification was one of savage repression.
It is needless here to recall the brutal régime which the Austrians in
Venice (to which the Jesuits were formally admitted in 1836), the
Pope in central Italy, and the Neapolitan ruler in the south, spread
over the land. It is enough for us that in the three States, as in
Spain and Portugal, the Jesuits were the most ardent auxiliaries of
the reactionary and sanguinary monarchs. Gregory XVI., the most
repulsive Pope of modern times, was the most generous patron that
the Jesuits had had for more than a hundred years. He went so far
as to entrust to them the Urban College, the institution in which the
Propaganda itself trained its missionaries. Education was the root of
the revolutionary evil, and it was the place of the Jesuits to see that
such education as was imparted in Italy—which sank to an appalling
degree of illiteracy, and is still illiterate to the extent of 70 per cent.
in the southern provinces, where the Jesuits ruled longest—was not
tainted with modern culture. It is true that after 1830 the General
appointed five learned fathers to revise the Ratio Studiorum of the
Society; but one cannot regard it as other than a somewhat
humorous comment on the Jesuit system that the teachers were no
longer to be bound to teach the physics of Aristotle or to slight, in
favour of Latin and Greek, the tongue of the pupils whom they
trained. We have, in fact, a very curious illustration of the level of
culture of Gregory and his teaching Jesuits. In the year 1837 the
cholera threatened Rome. The science of meeting such epidemics
was, of course, still in its infancy, but the conduct of Rome was
exactly what it would have been five hundred years earlier. A solemn
procession was enjoined, and, amidst the masses of terrified people,
a statue of the Virgin was borne across Rome to the Church of the
Jesuits. Gregory and his cardinals were in the procession, and for a
time the Gesù was the centre or fount of the hope of Rome. Within a
few months 5419 Romans succumbed to the cholera.
Gregory died in the year 1846, and Italy sighed with relief. The
misery of the working classes, the brutal treatment to which the
educated classes had been exposed, and the control of education
and of a very large proportion of appointments in the Papal States
by the Jesuits, had engendered a hatred of him in every part of his
dominion. When Mastai Ferretti ascended the throne, and took the
name of Pius IX., he was greeted with wild enthusiasm. He was
sufficiently known to inspire a hope that the reign of terror and the
reign of the Jesuits were over, and his first acts confirmed this hope.
An amnesty was granted, and the more brutal of his predecessor's
coercive measures were repealed. Rossi, who, as we shall see
presently, had been sent to Rome a few years before to negotiate
the banishment of the Jesuits from France, was recalled and made
leading minister to the Vatican; and Father Theiner was directed to
vindicate the memory of Clement XIV. against the Jesuits and
Crétineau-Joly, who had just published his history. The Jesuits were
so notoriously discontented with the change, and with the young
Pope's concessions to liberalism, that, as he passed through the
streets he heard the warning cry from his people: "Beware of the
Jesuits."
What part the Jesuits had in the termination of the new Pope's pose
as a Liberal it would be difficult to say. The usual statement, that he
was shaken by the assassination of Count Rossi and the revolution of
1848, is superficial and misleading. He had incurred the resentment
of the Liberals because he had rapidly fallen from his first ideal.
Some of the chief grievances of his educated subjects, such as the
monopoly of all remunerative offices in the State by clerics,
remained untouched, and it was soon perceived that he was drifting
backward toward reaction. His confessor was replaced by a friend of
the Jesuits, and, when the popular and somewhat insurgent priest
Gioberti published a fiery and just attack on the Jesuits, Pius IX.
harshly condemned him. At the same time the returned exiles and
the refugees who flocked to Rome from the countries which clung to
oppression assuredly had ideals which it was quite impossible for
any Pope to realise in that age. Pius was alienated more and more,
and a violent conflict approached. How the third revolutionary wave
in 1848 spread to Rome, and the Pope fled to Gaeta, and the Jesuits
returned to power in the inevitable reaction, must be reserved for
the next chapter.
When we turn to consider the fortunes of the Jesuits in France
during the first half of the nineteenth century, we find a very
different and more interesting chronicle. They had been banished
from France, it will be recalled, in 1761, and the great majority of
them had actually quitted the kingdom. Many had been secularised,
and remained as teachers, tutors, confessors, or curés. During the
period of suppression a large number of them found employment in
France; the learned Father Boscovitch, for instance, was made
director of the optical department of the Navy under Louis XVI. As in
Italy and Austria, some of them sought to incorporate the spirit of
their condemned Society in Congregations with other names, and a
curious assortment of fraternities appeared. The "Fathers of the
Faith," or Paccanarists, whose origin we have seen, found a genial
atmosphere in France, and the little colony they sent from Austria
was soon swelled with ex-Jesuits. Another body was significantly
known as the "Victims of the Love of God." The feminine branch of
the "Sacred Heart" Society also spread to France, and grew into a
formidable body of nuns (under the direction of ex-Jesuits) with the
particular function of giving a "sound" education to the daughters of
wealthy people; it remains to this day, in effect, the feminine branch
of the Society, though the connection is not official. There was a
"Congregation of the Holy Family" for training teachers of the poor,
and a "Congregation of Our Lady" for banding together members of
the middle class.
But of all these associations which sprang up mysteriously in the soil
of revolutionary France, and throve under the shelter of Napoleon,
the most important was a certain "Congregation of the Holy Virgin,"
founded in the year 1801. It was controlled by an ex-Jesuit, and had
at first some resemblance to the association of young men organised
at Rome by the ex-Jesuit Caravita. The young men, very largely
university students, were to visit the sick and poor—to be practical
Christians, in a word. But, whereas the Italian young men had
become priests and Paccanarists, the members of the Congregation
of the Virgin generally remained in the world, retaining throughout
life their membership of the Society and their link with its directors.
A register of their names and occupations was kept, and it meant, in
effect, that the Jesuits had friends and ardent secret workers in
every school and profession, in the army and navy, in journalism and
politics.
Louis XVIII. came to the throne and was urged by Talleyrand to
restore the Society. He refused, and the Jesuits were forced to rely
still on their secret organisation. Already, in 1814, the Fathers of the
Faith had a house in Paris, and six other houses in the country. Their
title was now a deliberate deception, as they had in 1804 secretly
renounced Paccanarism, in the hands of the Papal Nuncio, and
entered the Society of Jesus, as authorised in Russia. They dressed
and acted externally as secular priests, and were much employed by
bishops in teaching and preaching. From the Congregation of the
Virgin they not only had accurate information of what was being said
and done in every department of French life, but they obtained
many novices; other youths joined the secular clergy, and would in
time watch the interests of the Society within that body. Orders were
now given that the Jesuits must work in perfect harmony with the
secular clergy and in most respectful submission to the bishops.
They grew rapidly in the course of the next few years, and about
1818 they began to stand out prominently in the religious life of
France. They were especially employed in what are known in English
church-life as "revival services." Eloquent preachers, particularly
when they were denouncing liberalism and the "bad" tendencies of
the times, they passed from town to town lashing up the fervour of
the Catholics. Large crucifixes were planted on the wayside as
memorials of their oratory; enthusiastic processions marched
through the streets; in places the churches were so crowded that
one had to spend the night at the door to secure a place near the
pulpit. They were the Pères de la Foi, Catholics said (with a smile);
but critics maintained that they were Jesuits, and there were towns
where the missionaries were assaulted and expelled. A very serious
controversy raged in the French press as to whether there were
really any Jesuits in France; even when, in 1822, a Liberal journal
obtained and published a letter of General Fortis to one of his French
subjects, it was difficult to convict them.
At this period, in the early twenties, the famous Abbé de Lamennais
was seeking to form a democratic Christian body, and he made an
effort to secure the support of the Jesuits. Louis XVIII. was one of
the more moderate of the restored monarchs; but the democratic
feeling was still strong in France and, as the clergy were generally
reactionary, democracy, of which Lamennais foresaw the triumph,
was allied with Voltaireanism. Lamennais was convinced that the
hour of feudal monarchs was over, and the Church could be saved
only by allying itself with the people. The development of French
history has shown the truth of his view. Democracy has triumphed,
and the Church has shrunk to—M. Sabatier tells me—less than one-
sixth of the population. Seeing the apparent power of the Jesuit
missionaries, Lamennais, who was very friendly with them, earnestly
begged them to incorporate his policy in their preaching.
The attitude of the Jesuits toward Lamennais is interesting. They
hesitated for years, broke into sections, and eventually had to forbid
all public discussion of the issue. In 1821 some of their members
were censured for attacking Lamennais, in the next year others were
censured for supporting him; and Rozaven, the French Assistant at
Rome, directed that "prudence" forbade them to take either side in
public. Later, as they still wavered and contradicted each other,
General Fortis sternly prohibited public expression on the subject.
Fortis died in 1829, and Lamennais made a fresh appeal to the
Jesuits to "turn from monarchs to the people"; but Roothaan
maintained the attitude of his predecessor. When Lamennais was
eventually condemned, the Jesuits eagerly pointed out that they had
declined to support him.
This situation is interesting, because it exhibits the Jesuits shrinking
nervously from the greatest social issue of their time. They retort
that it was a political issue, and their traditions forbade them to
discuss politics. It is in a sense true that the Jesuits had always
abstained from political theorising, and bowed to the actual ruling
power; except in cases where the ruling power incommoded them,
when they might become the most violent of revolutionaries. But,
apart from the question whether the issue was not moral in the
finest sense of the word, it is ludicrous to affirm that the "political"
nature of Lamennais's gospel prevented them from considering it
when, in every country where a reactionary monarch called them to
his aid, they were violent partisans of the aristocratic gospel. For
twenty years they had maintained that the political storms which
swept the old monarchs from their thrones at the end of the
eighteenth century were directly due to the removal of their control
of the schools and universities. They had been restored to life for the
express purpose of reconciling Europe to the old order, and
destroying the aspiration for democratic reform, and it was only in
the cantons of Switzerland that they were found to hold a different
theory of the social order; though, as we shall see, the Swiss
cantons were then rather aristocratic than democratic. It is plain that
in France they hesitated only because the future was uncertain.
Their real aim was to restore the age of Louis XIV., but this new
democratic movement looked formidable. They would wait and be
guided by the issue.
The Catholic democrats turned angrily on the Jesuits for their
attitude on this great issue, and accused them of gross ignorance of,
and indifference to, social conditions: an entirely just censure. But
their power was growing in every decade. New Congregations
appeared,—societies for persuading lovers to marry in church, for
preserving students from liberalism, and so on,—and the
Congregation of our Lady now included half the nobility and higher
clergy, and numbers of writers, lawyers, politicians, and officials.
Their French apologist, who was himself a member of the
Congregation and lived in Paris at this time, admits that the secret
influence of the Congregation was such that many made a
profession of religion and joined it in order to promote their material
interests. Charles X., who succeeded Louis in 1824, renewed their
confidence. He opened his career with Liberal measures; but he was
more reactionary at heart than Louis XVIII., and less prudent, and
the Jesuits silently organised their forces for a restoration of the
Society.
The educated Frenchman now commonly united the scepticism of
Voltaire with the moderate democracy of Lafayette, and an angry
storm broke out in the Liberal press. The open activity of the
"Paccanarists" was an affront to the Constitution, and the secret
manœuvres of the Congregation, notoriously led by Father Ronsin,
alarmed them. The authorities discreetly removed Father Ronsin
from Paris, but the work of the Congregation proceeded. Charles X.
was suspected of favouring the Jesuits. In 1828 the Nuncio openly
proposed that the Society should be restored. We may take the word
of Crétineau-Joly that the ground had been so well prepared that a
measure could have been passed safely through the two Houses.
But Villèle, the French historian says, was so misguided as to appeal
to the country first, and he lost. The question of the Jesuits was not
the least of the issues at stake. Showers of pamphlets fell upon the
public, and the popular feeling was such that when the King was one
day reviewing the National Guard, the cry, "Down with the Jesuits,"
rang out from the ranks, and the review was abandoned.
The more moderate ministry of Martignac had now to be formed,
and, as it needed the co-operation of the Liberals, the plan to
restore the Jesuits was abandoned. The Liberals were now
encouraged, and they made a fiery assault. The "little seminaries,"
as the French called the preparatory colleges for the clergy, had
been left under the control of the bishops, and several of them were
notoriously controlled by the thinly disguised Jesuits. A commission
of bishops, with the Archbishop of Paris at their head, was appointed
to examine the charge, and it was determined that eight of the
seminaries were really Jesuit colleges, and must be closed; it was
further enacted that the seminaries were to be taken from the
bishops and put under the control of the universities, that the
number of pupils was to be restricted, and that no priest should
henceforth be allowed to teach in them who did not take oath that
he did not belong to a non-authorised Congregation. The bishops,
many of whom had won their seats by Jesuit influence, protested in
vain against this violation of their rights. Their protest made matters
worse, since they stipulated that it should remain secret; but the
Liberal press secured the text and published it.
This was a very severe blow to the French Jesuits, who had used the
seminaries for training lay pupils in their spirit as well as teaching
the secular priests to rely on them. While the French press was
discussing the question whether they existed in the country, they
had grown to the number of 436, and had two novitiates and several
residences, besides the seminaries. They now determined to take
bolder measures against the enemy. As I said, the question of the
Jesuits was by no means the only serious issue under discussion;
Martignac received only a moderate and uncertain support from his
Liberal allies because his measures were not sufficiently advanced. It
is, however, clear that the Jesuits, through the Nuncio, had their
share in inducing the King to replace the moderate Martignac with
the thoroughly conservative Polignac. This was in July 1829. The
reply of the people, when the ministry returned to the old coercive
measures, was the July Revolution of 1830. The chief Jesuit houses,
at Montrouge and St. Acheul, were sacked by the mob, and the
fathers scattered in every direction. Once more they had suffered a
heavy defeat on what they believed to be the eve of victory.
The revolutionary wave spread, with devastating force, to Italy, as
we saw; and there also the fathers were for a time driven
contemptuously from their colleges. Their recovery in France was
naturally slower than in Italy. They moved in fear of their lives for
the first year or two of the reign of Louis Philippe, and generally
concealed themselves in devoted Catholic houses. In 1832 the
cholera swept France, and they recollected how frequently heroic
conduct in such epidemics had disarmed their critics. But France was
not so easily reconciled in the nineteenth century, and the few who
ventured to appear during the following years were arrested. In the
course of time, however, the resentment was confined to the more
ardent Liberals, and they resumed the semi-public existence of the
previous decade. Catholicism made great progress in the thirties,
chiefly through the agency of a brilliant group of laymen, and some
of the Jesuits took an open part in the revival. Father de Ravignan,
their finest orator, occupied the pulpit of Nôtre Dame for several
seasons, and they were assiduous in giving retreats to the clergy.
As they no longer ventured to teach,—though it was known that
they had opened a college for French pupils just over the Belgian
frontier,—and betrayed their character in no external action, they
were legally unassailable; but it was not long before they again drew
on themselves the ire of the Liberals. From 1840 onwards the clergy
made a vehement attack on the professors of the university. Since
these included philosophers like Cousin and Jouffroy, historians like
Michelet, and men of letters like Jules Simon, we can easily believe
that their lectures were at times inconsistent with orthodox ideas;
but the attack was gross and exaggerated, and the professors felt
that the Jesuits secretly guided it; Father de Ravignan, in fact, joined
in the spirited conflict of pens. The chief result was to draw on the
Jesuits the sardonic humour of Michelet, the weighty censures of
Cousin, the poisonous raillery of Simon, and the unrestrained
diatribes of the popular Liberal press. It was during this agitation
that Eugène Sue lashed them with his Juif Errant, and George Sand
wrote Consuelo. Against this fierce and brilliant onslaught the
publication of Crétineau-Joly's Histoire was a feeble defence; it could
carry no conviction except to the already convinced and uncritical
Catholic. Indeed, its treatment of Clement XIV. scandalised many
Catholics, and, as we saw, Pius IX. directed the Vatican Archivist to
refute it.[41]
Louis Philippe was at length compelled to take action. Catholic
writers treated it as an amusing scare that there were Jesuits in
France, and were not a little mortified when the fathers betrayed
their existence in a way which entertained the Liberal pamphleteers.
In 1845 one of their treasurers embezzled the funds entrusted to
him, and they imprudently prosecuted. In the controversy which
followed it was made plain that there were two hundred members of
the forbidden Society in France, and their expulsion was stormily
demanded. The King knew that if he suppressed the "Fathers of the
Faith" they would do no more than change their name, and he
adopted a shrewder policy. He sent Rossi to Rome to submit to the
Pope that the relations of France and the Vatican would be much
improved if the Jesuits were removed by ecclesiastical authority. The
dignity of the Holy See was saved by a pleasant little comedy. The
Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs reported that the
request could not be granted, and the Pope firmly replied to the
French envoy in that sense. But a private intimation was made to
General Roothaan that it was desirable to meet the wishes of the
King, and Rossi was instructed to see him. Whatever the precise
nature of the intimation was, Roothaan submitted to his French
subjects that it was expedient to dissolve their chief communities,—
at Paris, St. Acheul, Lyons, and Avignon,—and they once more
retreated sullenly from the field. We shall see later how they found a
fitting patron in Napoleon III., and how the third Republic put a
definitive close to their activity in France.
Their fortunes in Spain during the nineteenth century have been
more chequered than their present prosperity would suggest. On
15th May 1815, Ferdinand VII. repealed the drastic sentence of his
great predecessor, and ordered that their former property should be
restored to the Jesuits. A hundred and fifty of the old members of
the Society returned to their native land; colleges and novitiates
were opened by means of the restored property and the royal
bounty; and, we are told, town after town demanded, and
enthusiastically welcomed, its former teachers. We can well believe
that the mobs which saluted the perjured Ferdinand with the cry,
"Down with Liberty," would welcome the Jesuits. In the recoil due to
their hatred of the French, and of the new ideas which the French
had brought into Spain, the densely ignorant mass of the people fell
at the feet of a brutal monarch and a corrupt clergy. The educated
middle class, however, remained substantially Liberal. They had
admitted Ferdinand only on condition that he promised to maintain
their Liberal Constitution, and, as soon as he had attained the
crown, he tore his promise and the Constitution to shreds and fell
with terrible cruelty on the Liberals. Known Liberals were at once
executed, imprisoned for life, or banished; the Inquisition was
restored; and a network of spies spread over the kingdom. Men,
women, and children were savagely punished, and a "Society of the
Exterminating Angel" arose to strengthen and direct the bloody
hands of the King and the Inquisitors.
Those five years of Spanish history constitute one of the most
repulsive chapters in the chronicle of modern Europe. Unfortunately,
it is not possible to determine what part the restored Jesuits had in
this reign of terror. All the clergy and monks of Spain were allied
with their monarch in prosecuting what they regarded as a holy war.
It is enough that the Jesuits did not dissent from the barbaric
proceedings of Ferdinand, and that they flourished and were more
than doubled in number within five years. The year 1820 found them
increased to 397, with several novitiates and a large number of
colleges.
And the year 1820 gives us some measure of their guilt in
connection with the preceding years. The middle class was still
strong enough, or humane enough, to put an end to the disgraceful
horrors, and reaffirm the liberal constitution of 1810. The Cortes was
summoned, and, although its members were still predominantly
Catholic, it was determined, with only one dissentient, to expel the
Jesuits. The terrified King yielded to the deputies, and in August the
four hundred Jesuits were pensioned and ordered to quit the
country. Unfortunately, the French King espoused the cause of his
"cousin," and his troops restored the savage autocracy of Ferdinand
and the power of the Jesuits. The reign of terror returned, and even
the other Catholic monarchs of Europe were shocked by the
outrages committed and permitted by Ferdinand. Again it is
impossible to disentangle the share of the Jesuits in this
comprehensive guilt. Their chief task was to educate the young in
"better" sentiments. The College of Nobles and a large military
college at Segura were entrusted to them, and they reoccupied their
former colleges. But neither priests nor ruler put confidence in
educational methods. It is enough to note that a conservative
authority on Spain, Major Hume, says of the renewed reign of terror:
"Modern civilisation has seen no such instance of brutal, blind
ferocity."
This appalling condition lasted, almost continuously, until the death
of Ferdinand in 1833. Then the country entered upon the long Carlist
war, and the Jesuits were soon expelled for the third time. While
Queen Christina allied herself with the Liberals, Don Carlos rallied to
his standard the absolutists and Ultramontanes, and the great
majority of the clergy supported him. It is usually and confidently
said that the Jesuits, like the rest of the clergy, supported Don
Carlos; but when we recollect their maxim of not taking sides openly
in an ambiguous conflict, or taking both sides, we shall not expect to
find any proof of this in the early stages. Not only the Liberals but
the mass of the people in Madrid were persuaded that they were on
the side of Don Carlos, and they saw hatred gathering on every side
of them. In 1834 the cholera descended on the capital. Such
occasions had generally served the Jesuits, but this fresh affliction
only further irritated the people against them. The cry was raised
that the Jesuits and the Carlists had poisoned the water-supply, and
it seems that, by some strange accident or plot, children were found
on the street with small quantities of arsenic. In the afternoon of
17th July the citizens flung themselves upon the houses of the
Jesuits and other religious, and a fierce riot ensued. Fourteen
Jesuits, forty-four Franciscans, and fifteen Dominicans and others
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