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This page intentionally left blank
MORAL IDENTITY IN EARLY MODERN
ENGLISH LITERATURE

Paul Cefalu’s study explores the relationship between moral character

and religious conversion in the poetry and prose of Sidney, Spenser,
Donne, Herbert, and Milton, as well as in early modern English Con-
formist and Puritan sermons, theological tracts, and philosophical
treatises. Cefalu argues that early modern Protestant theologians were
often unable to incorporate a coherent theory of practical morality
into the order of salvation. Cefalu draws on new historicist theories
of ideology and subversion, but takes issue with the new historicist
tendency to conflate generic and categorical distinctions among texts.
He argues that imaginative literature, by virtue of its tendency to place
characters in approximately real ethical quandaries, uniquely points
out the inability of early modern English Protestant theology to merge
religious theory and ethical practice. This study should appeal not only
to literary critics and historians, but also to scholars interested in the
history of moral theory.

paul c e falu is Assistant Professor of English at Lafayette College,

Pennsylvania. He is the author of Revisionist Shakespeare: Transitional
Ideologies in Texts and Contexts (forthcoming) and has published widely
in such journals as ELH, Shakespeare Studies, and Studies in Philology.
M O R A L I D E N T I T Y I N E A R LY
MODERN ENGLISH
L I T E R AT U R E

PA U L C E F A L U
Lafayette College
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521838078

© Paul Cefalu 2004

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of

relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published in print format 2004

ISBN-13 978-0-511-26414-6 eBook (EBL)

ISBN-10 0-511-26414-3 eBook (EBL)

ISBN-13 978-0-521-83807-8 hardback

ISBN-10 0-521-83807-X hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
For Anna
 Contents

Acknowledgments page ix

Introduction: English Protestant moral theory and

regeneration 1
1 Shame, guilt, and moral character in early modern English
Protestant theology and Sir Philip Sidney’s Countess of
Pembroke’s Arcadia 17
2 The three orders of nature, grace, and law in Edmund
Spenser’s The Faerie Queene, Book II 47
3 Conformist and puritan moral theory: from Richard
Hooker’s natural law theory to Richard Sibbes’s ethical
occasionalism 77
4 The elect body in pain: Godly fear and sanctification in
John Donne’s poetry and prose 115
5 Absent neighbors in George Herbert’s “The Church,” or
Why Agape becomes Caritas in English Protestant
devotional poetry 134
6 Moral pragmatism in the theology of John Milton and his
contemporaries 157
Epilogue: theorizing early modern moral selfhood 189

Notes 198
Index 222

vii
 Acknowledgments

This study began under the guidance of Richard Strier and Jay Schleusener
at the University of Chicago. Over many years, Richard has brought his
scholarly example, passion for theological matters, and incisive editorial
comments and criticisms to bear on all of my work. Always tough-minded
and rigorous, he has been a remarkable critic, mentor, and friend. I thank
him for making this work possible. I thank Jay for his support as well,
particularly the philosophical acumen with which he assessed early drafts
of this study. Over the years, I have also received indispensable advice from
Joshua Scodel, whose scholarship has provided a benchmark for research in
early modern ethics and literature, and David Bevington, whose generosity
and fair-mindedness are examples to all of us in academe.
At Lafayette College, Lynn Van Dyke and Susan Blake have, as respective
chairs of my department, graciously provided me with a flexible teaching
schedule that allowed time for research. I thank Lynn, Susan, James Wool-
ley, and Bryan Washington for their ongoing support of my teaching and
research. I extend a special thanks to Lee Upton and Eric Ziolkowski, two
individuals who seem to have an effortless ability to integrate kindness and
professionalism. Eric’s interest in this study provided me with the impetus
I needed to complete the final version of the manuscript. I have also ben-
efited from the diligent work of two research assistants, both students at
Lafayette College: Brian Want, an Excel scholar who spent the summer of
1998 poring over twelve volumes of Calvin’s New Testament commentaries
(which hopefully has not turned him off to scholarship entirely); and Jeb
Madigan, who meticulously proofread an earlier draft of this study. My
good friend Owen McLeod also deserves thanks for his good humor and
insights on ethical theory.
This study could not have been undertaken without the support of
the Woodrow Wilson Foundation, which provided me with a Newcomb
Fellowship in 1997–8. I also thank Lafayette College for a year leave during
which I made final revisions on the manuscript; many thanks to the staff
ix
x Acknowledgments
of Skillman Library, as well, particularly Kandyce Fisher, for her expertise
and patience.
It has been a pleasure to work with Ray Ryan, my editor at Cambridge
University Press. Ray has provided astute and expeditious advice at every
step of preparing this manuscript for publication. I also thank the two
readers for Cambridge University Press for their exacting comments on an
earlier version of this study.
This book is about, among other things, virtuous dispositions of charac-
ter. It might well be about my father, who I believe exemplifies the classical
ideal of the unity of virtue. I thank him for his unwavering encouragement
of my work.
Anna Siomopoulos, the dedicatee of this book, inspires me on a daily
basis with her brilliance and integrity. Aristotle, if only he could have met
her, would have acknowledged her as a great-souled woman.
A version of chapter 4 appeared as “Godly Fear, Sanctification, and
Calvinist Theology in the Sermons and ‘Holy Sonnets’ of John Donne,”
Studies in Philology Volume 100. Copyright
C 2003 by the University of
North Carolina Press. Used by permission of the publisher. A version of
chapter 6 is a revised version of “Moral Pragmatism in the Theology of
Milton and His Contemporaries, or Habitus Historicized,” by Paul Cefalu
from Milton Studies XXXIX, Albert C. Labriola, Ed.,
C 2000 by University
of Pittsburgh Press. I thank the editors of these journals for their permission
to reuse this material.
 Introduction: English Protestant moral theory
and regeneration

In his 1618 sermon, Lancelot Andrewes, the Conformist Bishop of

Winchester, admonishes his listeners that the fear of divine punishment
can prevent apostasy: “This fear to suffer evil for sin, malum poenae, makes
men fear to do the evil of sin, malum culpae; what they fear to suffer for, they
fear to do.”1 In 1643, the English Puritan divine, William Ames, outlines
for the reader a pragmatic remedy of bridling sin: “If he consider the misery
of those, that obey not God, for he is the servant of sinne, to death . . . If he
alwayes set before his eyes the threatnings against, and the vengeance which
is prepared for the disobedient.”2 Despite their doctrinal allegiances –
Andrewes is a late apologist for the Elizabethan Settlement, Ames a covenant
theologian – both theologians are devoted Pauline evangelists. To invoke the
prospect of damnation and a wrathful, punitive God seems like a reversion
to Old Testament moralism, the legalistic tenets of which are supposedly
displaced by the comforts of the Gospel. Pauline theology holds, for exam-
ple, that sinners are justified by Christ’s sacrifice, after which they fulfill
moral law out of responsive love rather than servile fear.
Presumably Andrewes and Ames are directing their advice to penitents
as well as reprobates: Andrewes’s sermon is delivered before King James I;
Ames’s advice appears in a rather arid treatise on conscience. But even if
they are addressing their views exclusively to unregenerate sinners, both
theologians would be expected to follow standard Pauline practice by argu-
ing that sinners should acknowledge an inability to obey moral law. Such an
acknowledgment is the initial soteriological step in preparing the heart for
a bestowal of unmerited grace. Yet Andrewes’s and Ames’s primary concern
is to rouse in reprobates and converts alike a servile fear of disobeying God’s
precepts. While neither theologian makes the Pelagian or Arminian argu-
ment that righteousness is conditional on the fulfillment of divine law, both
suggest that damnation may very well follow from moral transgression.
One expects that this threat of punishments would be complemented
by a system of enticing rewards. And so it is. Later in the century, Jeremy
1
2 Moral Identity in Early Modern English Literature
Taylor, the “holy living,” latitudinarian theologian, concludes in Unum
Necessarium (1655) that “the first cause of an universal impiety is, that at
first God had made no promises of heaven. He had not propounded any
glorious rewards, to be as an argument to support the superior faculty
against the inferior, that is, to make the will choose the best and leave the
worst . . .”3 If we combine Andrewes’s and Ames’s malum poenae with
Taylor’s calculus of rewards, we have an approximation of Blaise Pascal’s
rational-choice model of Godly conduct. If one asks a rational-choice the-
orist a fundamentally normative, ethical question – “Why should I be
good?” – the answer would invariably be, “Because obedience is econom-
ically sound.” Nothing in such a response recommends that one uphold
moral law out of reverence for God’s unconditional will, or that a love of
divine goodness should be pursued for its own sake. Why would Reformed
theologians – Andrewes, Ames, Taylor – erect such a system of rewards and
punishments, a system that, even under the rubric of Pascal’s Jansenism,
hardly establishes fit criteria of piety? Surely Lord Shaftesbury was not the
first to realize that such a means-end basis of devotion fails to provide an
acceptable motive to virtue: “If the desire of life be only through the vio-
lence of that natural aversion to death, if it be through the love of something
else than virtuous affection . . . then it is no longer any sign or token of
real virtue.”4
Moral Identity argues that such tensions between mercenary and disin-
terested virtue issue from a more systemic problem of integrating English
Reformed soteriology (defined as the theory or doctrine of salvation) and
ethical practice. My fundamental claim is that early modern theologians
were often unable to incorporate a coherent theory of practical morality
into their soteriological accounts of justification and sanctification. Justi-
fication describes a forensic change in the status of the sinner following
Christ’s redeeming sacrifice. The sinner is “imputed” righteousness by jus-
tification, meaning that his sinful legacy has been erased by Christ’s saving
intervention. The conceptual features of justification, thorny enough on
their own terms, emerge as self-evident axioms when compared to the
murkiness of sanctification. In its barest outline, sanctification describes
the partial renewal of ethical character through a process of integrating a
regenerated “new man” with a residually sinful “old man.” The difficult
questions center on the precise relationship among sanctification, virtue,
and grace. To what extent does sanctification increase over time? Does
such an increase in sanctifying righteousness mark a gradual perfection of
already-imparted virtue? If so, is the moral agent responsible for ethical self-
mastery, or does each ethical achievement require a quickening infusion of
 Introduction 3
grace? And to what extent is grace like a habit or virtuous disposition of
character?
Many of these questions derive from scholastic metaphysics, and I can
assure the reader that any neo-scholastic inquiries into these matters will
be restricted to chapter 3, on the subject of Richard Hooker’s distinction
between habitual and active righteousness. The bulk of this study instead
focuses on the various non-scholastic compromises the theology and litera-
ture of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England make when confronted
with the aporias of sanctifying righteousness. When faced with offering a
user-friendly, pragmatic means of reordering the will and disciplining con-
duct, theologians and writers often supplement their soteriological views
with a prudential “ethics” of shame, servile fear, and mercenary virtue.
I put the term “ethics” in quotes to emphasize that these alternatives or
accommodations of sanctifying righteousness are not normatively ethical,
that is, they do not belong to any strain of ethical theory – natural law
ethics, deontology, situation ethics – that might be easily reconcilable with
devotion. Early modern theologians time and again accept that an appeal
to ethical egoism and rational self-interest is often the most efficient means
of binding conduct in both the sacred and secular kingdoms.
It should be noted that early modern theologians were not significantly
departing from tradition in emphasizing a system of rewards and punish-
ments. Historically, Christian moralists across denominations have unem-
barrassedly relied on calculating hedonism as a pragmatic moral device.
Augustine typically preaches hell in his youthful sermons: “So from the
things people are afraid of in this time, they should work out what they
really ought to be afraid of. I mean, they’re afraid of prison, and not afraid
of gehemma? Afraid of the inquisitor’s torturers, and not afraid of hell’s
angels? Afraid of torment in time, and not afraid of the pains of eternal
fire?”5 Augustine insists, however, that the threat of sanctions should serve
merely as the opening act in the ongoing drama of salvation: “Fear of
punishment makes a person do the works of the law, but still in a servile
manner.”6 Similarly, Jonathan Edwards justifies the hellfire and brimstone
of his imprecatory sermons – for example, the memorable image of God
holding sinners “over the pit of hell, much as one holds a spider” – by
claiming that such evangelical awakenings are necessary prompts to less
compromised forms of virtue.7
Early modern references to mercenary virtue stand out because they
strain against some of the cherished precepts of the Pauline Renaissance in
England: an emphasis on the purity of intention grounding virtuous action,
and the displacement of pure agape and disinterested neighbor-regard by
Other documents randomly have
different content
 Kultaa ja jalokiviä oli siroiteltu katoille, kaduille ja toreille, niin että
molemmat kaupungit näyttivät hehkuvan ja liekehtivän upeiden
jalokivien ja kiilloitetun metallin heijastaessa kirkkaasti paistavan
auringon säteitä, hajoittaen ne lukemattomiksi ihaniksi vivahduksiksi.

Vihdoinkin Heliumin kuningasperhe oli taaskin kahdentoista

vuoden kuluttua koolla omassa uhkeassa kaupungissaan miljoonien
riemusta juopuneiden, palatsin portilla tungeksivien alamaisten
ympäröimänä. Naiset ja lapset ja uljaat soturit itkivät ilosta, kiittäen
kohtaloa, saatuaan takaisin rakastamansa Tardos Morsin ja
jumalaisen prinsessan, jota koko kansa palvoi epäjumalanaan. Ja
kaikki me, jotka olimme olleet tällä kuvaamattoman vaarallisella ja
kunniakkaalla retkellä, saimme osaksemme raikuvia
suosionosoituksia.

Kun sinä iltana istuin Dejah Thorisin ja Carthorisin seurassa

palatsini katolla, jonne jo aikoja sitten olimme laitattaneet
viehättävän puutarhan saadaksemme siellä kolmisin istuskella
erillään muista, rauhaisan onnen helmassa, kaukana hovin
juhlallisista menoista, saapui luokseni lähetti kutsumaan meitä
Palkkion ja Koston temppeliin — "jossa eräs henkilö on tänä iltana
tuomittava", kuten kutsun loppusanat kuuluivat.

Vaivasin päätäni koettaessani arvailla, mikä tärkeä juttu saattoi

olla esillä, kun katsottiin tarpeelliseksi kutsua palatsistaan
kuninkaallinen perhe, joka juuri oli saapunut Heliumiin kaksitoista
vuotisen poissaolon jälkeen. Mutta jeddakin kutsun saatuaan ei
kukaan vitkastellut.

Lentokoneemme laskeutuessa temppelin katolla olevalle laiturille,

vilisi ilmassa lukemattomia saapuvia ja lähteviä aluksia. Alhaalla
kaduilla virtasi rahvasta taajana tungoksena temppelin pääkäytävää
kohti.

Vähitellen heräsi mielessäni muisto lykätystä tuomiosta, joka

odotti minua siitä pitäen, kun Zat Arras oli langettanut sen minun
tehtyäni sen synnin, että olin palannut Dorin laaksosta ja unohdetun
Korus-järven rannoilta.

Olisiko mahdollista, että marsilaiset, heitä ohjaavan ankaran

oikeustajunnan pakottamina, olisivat jättäneet huomioon ottamatta
kaiken sen hyvän, mikä tästä uskontoa loukkaavasta teostani oli
koitunut? Olivatko he niin pian unohtaneet, missä
kiitollisuudenvelassa he olivat minulle sen johdosta, että olin
vapauttanut heidät kamalan taikauskon kahleista? Saattoivatko he
olla välittämättä siitä, että minua, minua yksin, saatiin kiittää
Carthorisin, Dejah Thorisin, Mors Kajakin ja Tardos Morsin
pelastumisesta?

En voinut uskoa sitä. Mutta mitä muuta varten olisi minut voitu
kutsua Palkkion ja Koston temppeliin heti Tardos Morsin palattua
valtaistuimelleen?

Astuessani temppeliin ja lähestyessäni Oikeamielisyyden

armoistuinta ihmetytti minua ensiksikin tuomioistuimen kokoonpano.
Siellä oli Kulan Tith, Kaolin jeddak, josta olimme vain muutamia
päiviä sitten eronneet hänen omassa palatsissaan; siellä oli Thuvan
Dihn, Ptarthin jeddak — kuinka oli hän saapunut Heliumiin yhtä pian
kuin mekin?

Siellä oli Tharkin jeddak Tars Tarkas ja ensisyntyisten jeddak

Xodar; siellä oli Pohjolan jeddakien jeddak Talu, jonka olisin voinut
vannoa vielä olevan jäiden saartamassa lämpiökaupungissaan
pohjoisen jäämuurin tuolla puolen; ja heidän joukossaan olivat
myöskin Tardos Mors ja Mors Kajak sekä lisäksi tarvittava määrä
vähäarvoisempia jedejä ja jeddakeja täydentämässä tuomarien
lukua, jonka tulee olla kolmekymmentä yksi.

Olipa tuomioistuin todella kuninkaallinen, ja voin taata, että

sellaista ei ikinä ollut sitä ennen ollut koolla koko Marsin pitkän
historian aikana.

Tullessani sisään syntyi hiljaisuus yleisön paikoilla, jotka olivat

ääriään myöten täynnä tiheään sulloutunutta kansaa. Sitten nousi
Tardos Mors puhumaan.

"John Carter", hän lausui syvällä marsilaisäänellään, "astu

Totuuden jalustalle, sillä asiasi joutuu säätyveljistäsi kokoonpannun
oikeudenmukaisen ja puolueettoman tuomioistuimen ratkaistavaksi!"

Katse varmana ja pää pystyssä tein kuten hän oli käskenyt, mutta
kun sitten katsahdin ympärilläni olevien henkilöiden kasvoja, joiden
hetki sitten olisin voinut vannoa olevan parhaita ystäviäni koko
Barsoomissa, en kohdannut ainoatakaan ystävällistä katsetta — he
olivat kaikki jäykkiä, järkkymättömiä tuomareita valmiina täyttämään
velvollisuutensa.

Eräs sihteeri nousi seisomaan ja alkoi lukea paksusta kirjasta

pitkää luetteloa huomatuimmista teoistani, joita olin pitänyt
ansionani ja jotka olin suorittanut kahdenkymmenenkahden vuoden
aikana, siitä hetkestä lähtien, jolloin ensimmäisen kerran poljin
keltaista meren pohjaa tharkien hautomalaitoksen luona. Muiden
muassa hän mainitsi kaikki, mitä olin tehnyt Otz-vuorten toisella
puolen, pyhien thernien ja ensisyntyisten valta-alueella.
 Barsoomissa on tapana luetella syytettyjen penkille joutuneen
miehen ansiot samoin kuin hänen rikkomuksensakin. Sen vuoksi ei
minua vähääkään kummastuttanut, että kaikki ansiokseni luettavat
seikat luettiin nyt tuomareilleni — jotka tiesivät ne kaikki varsin hyvin
— aina viimeisiin tapahtumiin saakka. Lukemisen päätyttyä nousi
Tardos Mors taaskin puhumaan.

"Kaikkein oikeamielisimmät tuomarit", hän huudahti, "olette

kuulleet kaikki, mitä John Carterista, Heliumin prinssistä tiedetään —
sekä hyvän että pahan. Minkä tuomion langetatte?"

Silloin nousi Tars Tarkas hitaasti pystyyn, ojentaen suoraksi

valtaisen kookkaan vartalonsa, kunnes hän vihreätä pronssipatsasta
muistuttavana näkyi kaikkien muiden ylitse. Hän loi minuun synkeän
silmäyksen — hän, Tars Tarkas, jonka rinnalla olin otellut
lukemattomissa taisteluissa ja jota rakastin kuin veljeä.

Olisin voinut itkeä, jollen olisi ollut niin vimmaisen raivon vallassa,
että vähällä olin vetäistä miekkani ja käydä heti paikalla heidän
kaikkien kimppuun.

"Tuomarit", lausui Tars Tarkas. "Vain yksi päätös on mahdollinen.

Älköön John Carter enää olko Heliumin prinssi" — hän pysähtyi —
"vaan olkoon hän sensijaan jeddakien jeddak, Barsoomin
sotavaltias!"

Kun kaikki yksineljättä tuomaria hypähtivät seisaalleen tempaisten

miekkansa ja ojentaen ne pystyyn, osoittaen siten yksimielisesti
hyväksyvänsä tämän tuomion, puhkesi kautta valtavan rakennuksen
sellainen äänten myrsky, että luulin katon kohoavan siioiltaan
hurjasti jyrisevistä huudoista.
 Vasta nyt oivalsin, että he olivat päättäneet tällä juron leikillisellä
tavalla valmistaa minulle näin suuren kunnianosoituksen. Ja
vilpittömät onnittelut, joita minulle sateli ensin tuomareilta ja sitten
ylimyksiltä, osoittivat selvästi, ettei minulle annettu arvonimi ollut
suinkaan pilaa.

Pitkin leveätä Toivon kuoria marssi meitä kohti viisikymmentä

Marsin suurimpien hovien mahtavinta ylimystä kantaen loistavia
vaunuja olkapäillään. Ja kun kansa näki, kuka vaunuissa istui, niin
avara temppeli tärisi suosionosoituksista, joiden rinnalla äsken
minulle raikuneet huudot tuntuivat mitättömältä ynisemiseltä, sillä
ylimysten kantamana saapui Dejah Thoris, Heliumin rakastettu
prinsessa.

He veivät hänet suoraan Oikeamielisyyden armoistuimelle, ja siellä

Tardos Mors auttoi hänet vaunuista, taluttaen hänet sitten viereeni.

"Jakakoon maailman kaunein nainen kunnian puolisonsa kanssa!"

sanoi hän.

Kaikkien nähden suljin vaimoni syliini ja painoin suudelman hänen

huulilleen.
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