This is a preprint version.

The publication is found here:

Vazquez-Calvo, B., Zhang, L.-T., & Shafirova, L. (2022). Language
Learning Hashtags on TikTok in Chinese, Italian, and Russian. In L.
Klimanova (Ed.), Identity, Multilingualism and CALL: Responding
to New Global Realities (pp. 104–134). Equinox Publishing Ltd.
https://doi.org/10.1558/equinox.43411

5 Language Learning Hashtags

on TikTok in Chinese, Italian,
and Russian

Boris Vazquez-Calvo, Liudmila Shafirova,

and Leticia-Tian Zhang

1 Introduction

Interest in how social media users learn language keeps growing. For in-
stance, in a revision on the use of social networking sites for language learn-
ing, Reinhardt (2019b) concludes that there is “evidence that social media
used informally can afford the development of intercultural, socio-pragmatic,
and audience awareness, language learner and user identities, and particu-
lar literacies (p. 31).” Let us also emphasize two aspects from Reinhardt’s
words: (1) the increasing prominence of the informal aspect of language
learning (Benson, 2011), and (2) the correlation between more digitally
mediated opportunities for social interaction and the subsequent informal
language learning. We refer to language learning informally and online as
language learning in the digital wilds.
Language learning in the digital wilds (Sauro & Zourou, 2019; Thorne et
al., 2015) makes up an unusual metaphor – digital wilds – accentuating the
informal and digital components of this type of learning under four prem-
ises: (1) it happens outside the classroom, (2) the learner’s actions originate
the learning, (3) learning or teaching is not the main or sole purpose of the
digital context or community in which the learning takes place (often inter-
locked with entertainment), and (4) learning is not mediated or directed by
curriculum, teacher guidelines, or any other document or policy (Sauro &
Zourou, 2019, pp. 2–3). Our exploration of TikTok falls within this emerg-
ing approach in CALL. Terms related to language learning in the digital
wilds include extramural language learning (Sundqvist, 2019; Sylvén &
Sundqvist, 2012), online informal language learning (Sockett, 2014), or
2 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

language learning beyond the classroom (Benson, 2011), among others.

While terminological profusion reflects diverse nuanced approaches to an
emerging subfield in CALL, it also shows the vitality of ongoing research
targeting how digitization and social media influence language learning in
multiple ways.
Novel social media emerge and propagate at great speed, and consequent-
ly provide new and alter past communicative affordances with uncharted
potential for language learning and identity building. In doing so, language
learning in the digital wilds and related approaches become the spearhead
of a collection of studies in CALL trying to keep up with the erratic and
often unpredictable nature of digital technologies and social media. Because
of their novelty, latest social media, such as TikTok, have attracted less at-
tention in CALL. In a recent commentary, Chik and Benson (2020, n.p.)
highlighted:

“The school-based online learning is also primarily text-based with a

lot less consideration for the visual mode of communication. Schools
have not caught on to Instagram and they certainly have not con-
sidered TikTok. Now that schools are online, literacy practices are
still being taught according to the genre theory of the late 1990s.”

Growing parallel to its Chinese sister app Douyin, TikTok is a social network
based on micro video-blogging – sharing and commenting on short videos
of normally 60 seconds at the maximum (TikTok is currently experiment-
ing with up to three-minute videos). In 2020, TikTok had become one of the
most popular social media platforms for young people, surpassing 2 billion
downloads (Kaye et al., 2020). Communicative affordances of TikTok in-
clude opportunities for users to upload, watch, share, and comment on videos
about TikTokers’ daily activities, to express their thoughts and opinions on
(current) topics of diverse nature, and collectivize other practices that go lo-
cally or globally “viral” in representation of some shared symbolism or just
for fun (social dances, challenges, etc.).
Our initial exploration of TikTok hashtags for language learning is op-
portune because it connects (1) the growing relevance of informal language
learning, including identity manifestations, through social media, and (2)
the evolving nature of social media and their affordances for language learn-
ing. Let us explore in more detail prior research at the intersection of social
media, language learning, and identification.
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 3

2 Literature Review

In a recent literature review, Reinhardt (2020) scoped historical trends to

study social media in language learning, which he categorized into four
metaphors: (1) social media as windows, (2) social media as mirrors, (3)
social media as doorways, and (4) social media as playgrounds. Reinhardt’s
proposal is reminiscent of the metaphors often used to explicate the role of
CALL as tutors, tools, and ecologies for language learning/teaching, and tries
to incorporate social media into the mapping of CALL.

1. Social media as windows. L2 users/learners can watch or observe

practices in the target language, which can be more naturalistic
or metalinguistic. Twitter users are exposed to meme use and cir-
culation daily, yet there are spaces online where more discussion
“about language learning” happens, as found by Isbell (2018) in his
exploration of subreddit interest-driven groups about the Korean
language.
2. Social media as mirrors. L2 users/learners can potentially present
themselves in some identity work and play or reflect on what others
portray as part of a purposefully reflective repertoire to “be online”
as an add-on to or part of their complex identities. An example can
be analyzing selfies online or other semiotic choices on YouTube
videos, introductory posts on Facebook, or, more advanced, how
author identity interplays in fanfiction writing (Chang and Chang,
2019; Vazquez-Calvo et al., 2020; Shafirova et al., 2020a).
3. Social media as doorways. L2 users/learners can participate in
communities and practices in the target language and culture or in
intercultural, hybrid contexts. Nanako is a fitting example of using
social media as a doorway or passage to participating in the tar-
get language community (Black, 2006). Chinese-speaking Nanako
moved to Canada with her family when she was 11. As she became
part of a new linguistic community, she used fanfiction sites to de-
velop written fluency, accuracy, and self-confidence. She found her
own voice and peer validation as an English-L2 speaker online.
Another interlinguistically and interculturally intensive example
is fan translation, where fan translators strive to mediate between
cultures to produce cultural products available to local communities,
often including minoritized languages like Catalan (Vazquez-Calvo,
2020) or off-stream cultural practices like playing retro video games
(Vazquez-Calvo, 2018; Vazquez-Calvo et al., 2019). Other examples
4 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

include watching and commenting on TV series with subsequent

subject positioning in relation to other cultures. For instance, Zhang
and Cassany (2019a,b) studied online interactions of Chinese fans in
the Spanish TV Series El Ministerio del Tiempo. Fans’ talk through
onscreen danmu1 comments induced distinctive subject position-
ing and meaning negotiation of several topics related to Spanish
language and culture.
4. Social media as playgrounds. L2 users/learners can construe social
media as safe, bounded spaces for play and autonomous and game-
ful learning. Social media are an extension to powerful, situated
practices of language learning through video games (Reinhardt,
2019a) and other popular culture-infused practices. In doing so,
paratextual practices in social media become texts worth exploring,
analyzing, and learning (Consalvo, 2017), such as creating, editing,
and publishing TikTok videos or creating, posting, and circulating
memes (Yus, 2018).

While looking at things online, presenting themselves, participating in com-

munities, or playfully learning, social media users leave traceable marks.
They may push a like button, post a comment on Facebook, retweet a meme,
or upload a video on TikTok. With every interaction online, there is a record
of users’ interests, beliefs, routines, and ideologies. This record of traceable
marks online allows us to hypothesize how social media users, including L2
learners, portray and identify themselves. This is in specific reference to so-
cial media as mirrors. An interesting example is that of Aleksandar, a Serbian
hip-hop singer who purposefully motivates code meshing and translingual
practices (part English, part Serbian, specific hip-hop signs of meaning, links,
etc.) to create an easily recognizable online persona on Facebook (Schreiber,
2015). While Aleksandar shows a fluid, descriptive approach to (trans)lan-
guaging, online identity work can also unearth prescriptive language uses
and ideologies, as seen by Song’s exploration of a Korean blog (Song, 2019).
Song identified how Korean bloggers’ metacommentaries on language op-
posed to translanguaging on the grounds that (1) Korean speakers who mix
English were negatively perceived as “show-offs,” and (2) investing time
and effort to distinguish L1 and L2 codes and proper spelling was positively
valued as a sign of national, patriotic, and potentially anti-imperialist values.

1
Literally, “bullet screen,” danmu (or danmaku in Japanese) refers to a commentary tech-
nology originated in Japan, which superimposes comments onto the video frame, creating
a visual effect of barrage comments.
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 5

The two examples above offer detailed analyses on interest-driven lin-

guistic practices and identity work in framed contexts (semi-profession-
alization efforts of a hip-hop artist on Facebook; investment in language
learning which surfaced linguistic ideologies on a forum). However, TikTok
complexifies the context of analysis (micro videos, often edited videos with
multiple signs and symbols [gifs, superimposed text, etc.], open commen-
tary), both for analyzing the language learning potential of TikTok and for
analyzing identity work and performance through such special micro video
sharing. Given the lack of prior studies, we will try to produce a prelimi-
nary exploration of what happens on TikTok in relation to language learning
and especially identification. We propose an exploration of three hashtags
(#learnchinese, #learnitalian, #learnrussian) in hopes of answering two re-
search questions:

• RQ1. What type of video content do TikTokers upload in language

learning-related hashtags?
• RQ2. How do TikTokers identify linguistically and culturally
through their videos?

Our two domains of interest (TikTok as a space for language and potential
metalinguistic practice, and identification) lead us to try to clarify what we
mean by online discourse and identification, especially in online contexts as
these concepts will act as our conceptual framework.

3 Conceptual Framework: Identification in Online Discourse

To study how TikTok video content affects language learning and identi-
fication, we depart from a dialogical conception of discourse and identity
(Bakhtin, 1986), focusing on specific uses and choices of content, language,
and multimodal resources where subject positioning becomes more salient.
Here we understand the interrelation of discourse and identification from a
sociocultural linguistic perspective (Ivanič, 2006). Identity can be construed
as “a relational and sociocultural phenomenon that emerges and circulates in
local discourse contexts of interaction rather than as a stable structure located
primarily in the individual psyche or in fixed social categories” (Bucholtz &
Hall, 2005, pp. 585–586).
From this interactional and sociocultural interpretation of identification,
for practical analysis, we draw on Gee (1999), who also sees identification
as a dynamic, multilayered process materialized through social interaction
6 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

and discourse. Gee (1999) divides the notion of discourse into (1) the “big
D” Discourses – the broader picture of a social situation, the trajectory one
must follow to be identified in a certain way – and (2) the “little d” dis-
courses – specific language/discourse practices in situated social interactions
yielding nuanced details about the developing self. Consequently, individu-
als can exhibit, assume, or respond to rather prescribed identities (“big D”
Discourses), such as national or ethnic identity. Individuals can also develop
singular, operational, and negotiated identity ramifications (“little d” dis-
courses), which can be aligned with, reinforce, or oppose the “big D” Dis-
course identification. In our inductive approach, we look at the “little d” dis-
courses to make sense and (re-)frame the larger identification of individuals.
This interactional conceptualization of “identity as discourse” is practical
in a digitally hybrid context, too. Past accounts could connect the “identity
as discourse” framework to the evolving identification practices of adoles-
cent YouTubers from Catalonia (Vazquez-Calvo et al., 2020) or from Russia
(Shafirova et al., 2020a). Furthermore, the increasingly fluid nature of iden-
tity, particularly in online and hybrid contexts of social interaction, high-
light the complexity of identifying with fixed top-down categories, such as
ethnicity or nationality. Digitization turns identification into a process of ap-
propriating diverse multimodal, linguistic, and cultural resources (Higgins,
2011; Pennycook, 2007; Shafirova et al., 2020b). For instance, Chang and
Chang (2019) challenge the idea of prescribed national identities as they
saw how Taiwanese YouTubers opted to oppose their prescribed identities
as “foreigners/L2 speakers” by negotiating transnational identities. In other
words, they did not align themselves with people who lack knowledge about
the local culture or language, but they put themselves in a position of power
by showing their knowledge about the country and positioning themselves
as cultural mediators while introducing cultural practices from their home
countries or showing valuable information about Taiwan to travelers from
different countries.
As we see “identity as discourse,” we also see “discourse as identity.” In
the dialogical process of subject positioning and social interaction, TikTok
users make use of TikTok’s multiple affordances for meaning making, thus
appropriating a given discourse practice, shaping the discourse genre of tik-
toking and the subgenre of tiktoking for language learning. Users’ multifari-
ous choices hint at ways of performing the discourse practice of tiktoking
with varying interaction with others. Upon choosing what to tell and how
(the purposeful choice of semiotic resources), concomitant portions of the
TikTokers’ and other interlocutors’ identities emerge as part of the publi-
cation and interaction with an open audience. In other words, what they
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 7

do and say through TikTok reveals portions of who TikTok producers and
consumers are (or might be). An operational categorization here can be (1)
self-identity, (2) interactive identity, and (3) collective identity, which helps
to contextualize and analyze discourse performativity in shaping identity
(Yus, 2016). In relation to self-identity, how you choose to present yourself
(video image with self-concept, username), how you announce yourself to
others (identity announcement), or how you are placed or seen by others
(identity placement) may co-occur when posting a TikTok video. In relation
to interactive identity, users negotiate within videos and with commenters
the video content or derived content prompted by any aspect within video or
external to the video itself but potentially close to the imaginary shared cog-
nitive frame of all TikTok users. In relation to collective identity, discourse
markers help indicate some sort of affiliation or membership to broader col-
lectivities or communities.
In our study, we will try to connect self-, interactive, and collective iden-
tities of TikTokers to explicate the big and small discourses around the prac-
tice of tiktoking for language learning.

4 Methodology

This is a qualitative-interpretative study. It is a preliminary exploration of

TikTok as a space for informal language learning and identity work. Hence,
this exploratory study aims to open a new context of study and check fur-
ther research possibilities. The study is inspired by features of ethnographic/
autoethnographic research (Heigham & Sakui, 2009) and applies content
and thematic analysis (Saldaña, 2015). The methodological approach is ex-
plained below in (1) TikTok as the context of study, (2) our role as research-
ers, (3) the fieldwork, data instruments, and final corpus of data – imple-
menting online data collection techniques (Androutsopoulos, 2013) – (4) the
analysis and validity of data (see the eight steps in 4.4), and (5) the ethical
standards of the study. Our goal is to simulate TikTok users when accessing
hashtags for language learning to give plausible, close-to-reality answers to
the proposed RQs.

4.1 Context: TikTok Hashtags

TikTok is our context of study, and three popular hashtags represent our
field in the online observation. The inclusion/exclusion criteria were that
8 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

hashtags had to (1) refer to language learning, (2) be identical or similar to

one another, and (3) feature a minimum of 10 million views. After an initial
exploration in September 2020, we agreed that the most relevant hashtags
for our ethnographic approach to TikTok were (1) Chinese: #learnchinese,
109.7 million views, (2) Italian: #learnitalian, 14.2 million views, and (3)
Russian: #learnrussian, 10.5 million views.

4.2 Role of Researchers

We like to think of ourselves as scavengers of the digital wilds. We try to

search for and collect online oddities, normally in the form of linguistic prac-
tices, which frequently receive little or no attention in research but which, we
believe, are potential sources of inspiration for Applied Linguistics studies
from several perspectives and for language learning.
On this occasion, given the prominence of TikTok as a social media for
self and collective expression during confined periods, producing an explor-
atory study on how TikTok promotes language learning and related aspects
like identity seemed relevant. Such a study can be taken up by other schol-
ars to further research and conceptualize (or discard) micro vlogging as a
language learning practice.
In this study, we conducted a participant observation with an emic ap-
proach. We used TikTok in a way potential TikTok users would, adopting
the consumer’s point of view. In other words, inserting ourselves into this
learning situation helped us to approach the possible experience language
learners encounter while using TikTok. It meant that we imagined ourselves
and acted as TikTok users who would search for hashtags with the following
formulation #learn[language].
Each author-researcher chose an unfamiliar language. Author 1 (compe-
tent in Italian) followed the hashtag #learnrussian, author 2 (competent in
Russian) followed #learnchinese, and author 3 (competent in Chinese) fol-
lowed #learnitalian. All three authors share equivalent competence in Eng-
lish and Spanish. The researchers’ linguistic repertoire is meaningful for tri-
angulation and internal validation (see Section 4.4) because after the obser-
vation, each author-researcher could contrast their experience with another
author-researcher competent in the target language.
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 9

Table 5.1. Corpus of Data

#learnchinese #learnitalian #learnrussian Total

Diary (words) 3,724 3,041 3,966 10,731
Videos (watched 50 53 62 165
and stored)
Comments (stored) 250 265 310 825
Screenshots 203 153 128 484

4.3 Data Collection and Corpus

The data were collected from 4th to 11th of September. Every researcher
spent 30 minutes a day watching videos on TikTok. After each daily expo-
sure to TikTok, the researchers made immediate fieldnotes on the videos
with perceptions and learning experiences. The final corpus of data is sum-
marized in Table 5.1.
While our exposure to TikTok was limited timewise, it allowed us to
build a considerable corpus of data with an average (x̄ ) of 3,577 words in the
diaries, 55 videos per hashtag, 275 comments per video watched, and 161
screenshots taken during the observation. In what follows we explain how
we built our corpus and analyzed the data we collected.

4.4 Phases and Analysis

1. Each researcher was exposed to a hashtag of a language new to

them (first author, #learnrussian; second author, #learnchinese; third
author, #learnitalian) during 7 days for approximately 30 minutes
daily.
2. Before the observation, each researcher noted the start time of the
exposure.
3. During the observation, each researcher recorded identification and
numerical data for each video (number of the video observed; publi-
cation date; number of likes; comments and shares; author, title, and
main content). At this time, each researcher also stored each avail-
able video and took screenshots of what seemed interesting, such as
comments that reinforced or contradicted the content in the videos.
4. After the observation, each researcher noted the finish time of the
exposure and immediately wrote a reflection entry in the diary with
open-ended guiding questions such as “What did I watch that caught
10 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

my attention?” or “What did I learn of the Chinese/Italian/Russian

language or culture?”.
5. Once the field diary was completed, a researcher with competence
in the language of the hashtag (first author, Italian; second author,
Russian; third author, Chinese) checked the corresponding diary
drafted by the other researcher. After this verification, each checking
researcher built a preliminary categorization of each diary.
6. In a verification meeting, all three researchers collectively agreed
on a common categorization for the three diaries.
7. With the agreed categorization, each initial researcher could return
to their initial hashtag, diaries, videos, and comments to code and
categorize data. For the purposes of this chapter, two categorization
analyses were made in relation to (1) language-related content on
the TikTok videos observed, and (2) specific instances of identifica-
tion, especially linguistic and cultural identification, in videos or
comments.
8. Upon this individual analysis, all researchers collectively compared
the categorized videos for emerging, inter-hashtag themes, and to
ensure the internal validity of the analyses via ongoing triangulation
inter pares.

4.5 Ethics

While content on TikTok is publicly available, we understand potential

concerns about the “sense of privacy” when actively participating in social
media. In keeping with the principles of the Association of Internet Research-
ers (AoIR) (Markham & Buchanan, 2012), we strived to safeguard the im-
mediate identification of TikTok users analyzed here via anonymization and
photo editing.

5 Findings

The findings section is organized to answer the two RQs regarding the ty-
pology of language learning video content on TikTok and derived identity
work. Section 5.1 includes a categorization of the collected TikTok videos,
explaining predominant topics in relation to language learning. Section 5.2
describes TikTokers’ identity negotiation, including how they self-present
(Section 5.2.1), how they choose strategies to reach wider audiences leaving
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 11

traces of cultural and linguistic identification (Section 5.2.2), or how the

comments section affords interactional and collective cultural identity ne-
gotiation (Section 5.2.3).

5.1 Language Learning-related Content on TikTok Videos

Table 5.2 shows the main themes identified in the videos in our dataset.
First, a predominant number of videos are centered on linguistic features
of the target language. Twelve videos introduced basic notions on writing,
including the alphabet and specific uses of punctuation. This category is par-
ticularly evident in #learnrussian videos, as the Cyrillic script proves distant
and unfamiliar to the English-speaking audience on TikTok. For instance,
using a whiteboard, a TikToker contrasted letters with those in the Latin al-
phabet, distinguishing homographs and homophones in Russian and English,
to emphasize the aesthetics of writing, while another TikToker showed origi-
nal calligraphy of individual letters.
Second, the most frequent subcategory – containing more than 90 vid-
eos – is focused on lexical knowledge, including basic phrases for daily in-
teraction (greetings, self-introduction), common objects (numbers, colors),
and idiosyncratic expressions or proverbs. Besides, some distinct topics
emerged in each hashtag, such as phrases for relationships and flirting in
#learnchinese videos (how to say “can I kiss you”), gastronomy in #learni-
talian videos (place an order and pay the bill, pasta names explained), and
swear words in #learnrussian videos. Vocabulary suggesting cross-linguistic

Table 5.2. Topics Discussed in Language Learning Videos on TikTok

Video content Topic Examples Videos (n)

Language- Alphabet, punctuation RusD1V5 How to write and 127
focused read the Russian alphabet
Vocabulary, collocations, ChiD2V1 Numbers in
expressions Chinese
Pronunciation, speech ItaD3V4 Quick tips to sound
like an Italian
Grammar RusD7V7 Verb conjugation
in Russian
Culture-focused Cultural practices and ChiD7V3 Social 28
beliefs expectations for Chinese
women
Learner TikToker as language ItaD2V4 A Chinese girl 10
experience learner trying to pronounce rr
12 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

influence, loanwords, or shared etymology was also a popular topic (Words

you didn’t know came from Italy, English words popular in Russian). It is
noteworthy how TikTokers drew on multimodal aids (songs, subtitles, au-
thentic settings, colors, emojis) to help viewers’ comprehension. For exam-
ple, a common way of presenting new vocabulary was direct translation.
Through direct translation, the TikToker utters a word or phrase in the target
language, which they follow with a close translation in English (or in the
reverse order), accompanied by bilingual or multi-alphabetic transcriptions
(original language, English translation, Romanized transliteration for Chi-
nese and Russian).
Third, more than 20 videos were related to pronunciation and speech.
This is a recurrent theme in #learnitalian videos, where video topics ranged
from pronunciation tips (pronounce words as they are written; roll your “r”s;
be loud), the humorous imitation of the Italian accent when speaking Eng-
lish, to the (mis)pronunciation of Italian loanwords (pizza, cheese, pasta) in
American English or the comparison of Italian and Spanish accents. In terms
of Chinese, TikTokers made fun with the tones and tongue twisters, while
#learnrussian videos stressed the normative pronunciation (intonation, soft/
hard sound) with special attention on homophones, with English as a com-
parison point most of the time. Finally, three #learnrussian videos featured
grammatical rules as a main topic (grammatical gender, adjective agreement,
verb conjugation).
In the dataset, nearly 40 videos went beyond micro-linguistic features to
discuss culture-related topics or share language learning experience. This
subset of videos is closely related to RQ2 on TikTokers’ linguistic and cul-
tural identification through their videos. Let us explore some common iden-
tities and practices.

5.2 Identity Negotiation Through TikTok Videos and Comments

TikTokers presented themselves in the videos and thus prompted opportuni-

ties for identity negotiation with the TikTok community, in relation to the
target languages and cultures. Their self-presentation falls well under “self-
identity,” and the more culture-related videos foregrounded interactive and
collective identity development and negotiation. We could locate interactive
and collective accounts of identification through the strategies implemented
by TikTokers to grab viewers’ attention. Our findings in this section are:
(1) self-identification and presentation, (2) strategies in language learning
hashtags on TikTok, and (3) interactive and collective identification.
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 13

5.2.1 Self-identification and Presentation

An interesting finding is that self-identity often relates to the linguistic rep-
ertoire of the TikToker. Explicitly or implicitly, each TikToker referred to
the target language in the hashtag as their L1 or L2 or to themselves as bi-
lingual/bicultural speakers. All TikTokers are plurilingual and use different
languages (at least, English as an intermediary language and the target lan-
guage). However, they explicitly or implicitly identify as L1, L2 or bilingual
speakers to signal expertise and advanced knowledge in the target language
(L1 speakers), intercultural competence (bicultural speaker), or minimize
potential criticism as developing L2 learners who show progress in their
linguistic development and some expertise, too, in the language they learn.

1. L1 TikTokers
Across our dataset related to the hashtags in Chinese, Italian, and Russian,
most TikTokers were L1 speakers who often presented themselves as teach-
ers/experts of the target language and culture (see Figure 5.1).
In Figure 5.1, all three hashtags represent the prominent tendency of in-
fluencers who are L1 speakers and present themselves as teachers/experts in
the language. The self-presentation of being an L1 expert speaker is negoti-
ated through the intention of the video – to show some basic vocabulary with
multimodal and multilingual aids for comprehension, such as writing in Chi-
nese and Cyrillic characters, transliteration into Latin alphabets (Romaniza-
tion), or translation into English as a lingua franca. Also, these plurilingual
L1-TikTokers would normally repeat the utterances they teach, transcribe,

Figure 5.1. Self-positioning of TikTokers as L1 Expert Speakers

14 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

transliterate, and translate. Repetition often occurs at slower and faster paces
to facilitate comprehension for viewers.

2. L2 TikTokers
With 7 out of 53 videos, L2 speakers who talked about their experience
of learning or showed and/or taught some bits of the target language were
most frequent in #learnitalian. Fewer examples (2) were seen in #learn-
russian and in #learnchinese (1). In this #learnchinese, an L2 speaker who
taught how to curse in Chinese was heavily criticized in the comments for
mispronunciation.
In #learnrussian, one of the videos included a dramatization of imaginary
thoughts of a Russian L2 learner by @milena. Here the TikToker does not
talk, only shows letter correspondences between the Latin and Cyrillic al-
phabets and the complexity of the Cyrillic alphabet with letters which have
no clear correspondence to the Latin counterpart. She purposefully selected
the background song (Human by Christina Perri) and orchestrated the over-
lapping of lyrics so that, at the end of her playful dramatization, she could
mimic and sing along with the chorus of the song, “But I am only human,”
to signal the complexity of learning a new alphabet which leaves her “hand-
gesturing” in awe (Figure 5.2).
The appropriation of the song’s lyrics, the purposeful use of graphic affor-
dances in TikTok video editing, and the playful dramatization enhanced by
both multimodal resources produced a humorous video that tries to connect
emotionally with other language learners worldwide (@milena deliberately
chose only English hashtags as an access point to a global audience) who go
through similar trans-alphabetic experiences.
One of the most viewed #learnitalian video showed a Chinese girl in-
troducing herself with the utterance “Io mi chiamo Azzurra” [My name is
Azzurra]. In Figure 5.3, she tries to pronounce her chosen Western name,
mispronouncing the /r/ as /l/. After several unfruitful attempts forcing herself
to pronounce the /r/ in Azzurra, she alters her name and provides alternative
nicknames by producing the following deliberate translanguaged utterance
(Li, 2018): “Va bene, mi chiamo Blu or just call me Bella” [Alright, my name
is Blue or just call me Bella]. Note that azzurra and blu in Italian both mean
“blue,” and bella means “beautiful.”
With mispronunciation, translanguaging, and providing three alternative
names for her (Azzurra, Blu, Bella), the TikToker masters self-deprecating
humor with problematic phonetic realizations such as the rolled “r” for Chi-
nese/Asian people learning Italian as a foreign language, negotiating her
identity as a language learner and ensuring potential interlocutors’ attention
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 15

Figure 5.2. #learnrussian L2 TikToker

Figure 5.3. #learnitalian L2 TikToker

and comprehension: if potential interlocutors do not understand “Azzurra” in

the first utterances, they will understand “Blu,” and even if they do not make
the direct semantic connection between a mispronounced Azzurra and Blu,
they can simply call the TikToker “Bella,” that is, beautiful.
16 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

Figure 5.4. learnitalian Videos of L2 Speakers

Through the hashtag, we accessed more of her videos sharing her experi-
ence living in Italy, as well as customs and traditions of her home country.
In those videos, she presented herself as an expert in Chinese culture and
shared her knowledge with her Italian followers. In Figure 5.4, she explained
superstitions associated with sneezing in China (left) and showed how to
distinguish Chinese from other Asians as the former prefer hot water (right).
We can see that the other hashtags she uses are written in Italian, such as
#perte, #cinese, #asiatici, and are clearly directed at Italian-speaking view-
ers interested in videos of people from China living in Italy, learning Ital-
ian, and experiencing the Italian culture. With these hashtags, the TikToker
also positions herself according to her prescribed identity as a foreigner or
migrant. Similar to the study on Taiwanese YouTubers (Chang & Chang,
2019), Azzurra negotiated her identity as a foreigner and L2 speaker from a
position of power – of expertise in source culture traditions and knowledge
of Italian as a target language.

3. Bilingual TikTokers
TikTokers who self-identified as bilinguals were found only in #learnrus-
sian videos, with 10 out of 62 videos (9 of which were made by TikToker @
Alina). These videos were made by heritage Russian speakers in the US and
focused on experiences growing up in a Russian-speaking family, and on
Russian traditions, culture, and language in contrast with American English.
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 17

Figure 5.5. Russian-English Bilinguals in the US

In the example in Figure 5.5, @Alina comically describes her personal

experience of growing up as a bilingual speaker in the US while impersonat-
ing her mother lying to her about not speaking English. She quickly switch-
es from English to Russian and vice versa, creating a comical effect. Apart
from teaching Russian, @Alina presents herself as a cultural broker, show-
ing her US viewers glimpses of her upbringing as an ethnic minority and as
a bilingual in the US. Like the previous TikToker (Figures 5.3 and 5.4), she
negotiates her prescribed identity of a minority from a position of power of
her expertise as a cultural broker between two cultural systems (US-North
American, Russian) and as a TikTok “teacher” or rather “presenter/commen-
tator” of the Russian language.

5.2.2 Strategies as Influencers on TikTok

Once we were able to explore how TikTokers self-identified, we moved on
to their strategies to capture viewers’ attention. These strategies provided us
with an access point to more interactional and collective identities.
Most videos are selfie-like video commentary in our video dataset from
the three hashtags. TikTokers often record themselves with the selfie option
on their phones and later edit the video with TikTok and/or other video-ed-
iting options. Following this selfie approach, content selection was promi-
nent in how they tried to catch viewers’ attention. We identified three main
strategies: (1) classroom simulation, (2) flirting and sexualization, and (3)
comedy content.
18 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

Figure 5.6. TikTokers in #learnrussian Simulating a Physical Classroom Session (Top)

and a One-to-One Session with Handwritten Notes (Bottom)

1. Classroom simulation. Some TikTokers, especially in #learnrussian,

identified as language teachers, which manifested in the disposi-
tion and arrangement of videos. These TikTokers tried to replicate
a classroom setting with whiteboards or a typical one-on-one lan-
guage teaching explanation aided by notes. These videos represent
that more formal language learning opportunities are available on
TikTok in the form of learning pills or formalized micro-teaching
sessions. In Figure 5.6, we see instances of this classroom simula-
tion in two formats: whiteboard disposition and a one-on-one les-
son with a notebook. Here the material and multimodal conditions
of TikTok are not appropriated (for instance, captioning and other
video-editing techniques), instead it is used as a platform to engage
with audiences.
2. Flirting and sexualization. Drenten et al. (2020) found that sexu-
alization is common among female influencers on Instagram for
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 19

marketing and widespread attention. Similarly, on TikTok hashtags

#learnrussian and #learnchinese, female TikTokers often drew on
flirting vocabulary, revealing clothes, or beautifying filters (“Can I
kiss you” in #learnchinese or “I am yours” in #learnrussian). Figure
5.1 exemplifies flirting and sexualization as a strategy for influencer
identification, where the TikToker teaches how to say “You are pret-
ty” in Chinese. Such TikTokers also present themselves as language
teachers, so they rely on both sources (knowledge and a flirtatious
demeanor) to attract more viewers.
3. Comedy content. Prominent in most videos was comedy content.
TikTokers for language learning aspire to entertain while teaching
a language, in similar ways to generic influencers (Gross & Wan-
genheim, 2018). Including comedic language and content through
several strategies allows TikTok users to lower the learning anxiety
level and construe TikTok as a space to have fun while accompany-
ing their language learning efforts. As an example, we can use the
video discussed in the previous section (Figure 5.5). @Alina gives
a comedic impersonation of a mother and a daughter in a Russian-
heritage household in the US. Mother and daughter negotiated the
home language, either Russian or English. The dramatization ended
up with Alina’s statement in a written comment that heritage lan-
guages should be preserved.
4. Additional comedic instances included using stereotypical cultural
comparisons (dramatization of Italians’ hand gestures, obsession
with certain gastronomic habits in Italy, stereotypical comments
and behaviors received by students of Russian ancestry in US
classrooms), learning situations (self-deprecating videos complain-
ing about or stating the complexity of languages or comparing the
linguistic diasystems, funny moments in the language classroom in
#learnrussian), or discussion of learners’ mistakes (mispronuncia-
tion in #learnchinese).

Next, we will discuss these strategies in connection with opportunities for

developing interactive and collective linguistic and cultural identities.

5.2.3 Interactive and Collective Cultural Identification

We identified instances of identity negotiation through interactions with the
followers in the comment section and how TikTok allowed for collective
20 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

identification in terms of membership or allegiance to ethnic, national, lin-

guistic, or cultural groupings.
Some of the L1, L2, and bilingual TikTokers created content around cul-
tural traditions, customs, or rituals of their target language. The TikTokers
presented themselves as experts in the target culture, playing the role of cul-
tural brokers or mediators. Nevertheless, sometimes such cultural interpre-
tations led to cultural generalizations and the reinforcement of stereotypes,
which even if used humorously, provide a restrictive vision of the target
culture.
In #learnchinese videos, there were only two videos tagged as overgener-
alizations. In the example presented in Figure 5.7, the TikToker relates her
personal experience of being raised as a girl in China; however, she presents
with the overgeneralizing phrase “As a girl growing up in China, your Chi-
nese mom be like....” She describes what behaviors, norms, and ideas a ste-
reotypical Chinese mother embodies towards girls (no interaction with boys
in school, marrying soon after university). She also wears a traditional Chi-
nese dress and earrings, underlining her collective identification as a native
Chinese speaker and a cultural expert. Also, similar to the comedic content
mentioned above, it is possible that the cultural overgeneralization and pres-
entation are part of the marketing strategy to attract an audience.

Figure 5.7. #learnchinese Collective and Interactional Identification

Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 21

Interestingly, in the comments section (Figure 5.7), the video was not per-
ceived as a cultural generalization but as a space to discuss similarities of
female upbringing in different countries. Even though the commenters did
not completely agree with this cultural generalization being attributed only
to Chinese mothers (“I’m not Chinese tho”), they feel encouraged to share
their individual experiences of the similar gender-centered restrictions and
expectations. In the excerpt, the TikToker validates all comments without fo-
cusing on the contradictions spotted in the comments; hence, she continues
negotiating her interactive identity as an expert in Chinese culture together
with her gender identity.
In #learnitalian videos, a popular trend was the exaggerated performance
of Italian stereotypes to make funny videos. An example is produced by the
couple of Italian TikTokers shown in Figure 5.8.
In Figure 5.8 (left), Italian TikTokers present three steps on being Italian:
(1) dress well, (2) use your hands, and (3) be loud. Similar to the #learnchi-
nese example, their national collective identification as Italians is clearly
pronounced with the use of Italian flags and the topic of the video. This cul-
tural generalization is also discussed in the comments, in which commenters

Figure 5.8. #learnitalian Collective and Interactive Identification

22 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

do not always agree with the generalization but do not challenge the exper-
tise of the TikTokers in any way. In the first comment in Figure 5.8, the com-
menter ironically asks the TikTokers whether he is automatically Italian as
he is all those things mentioned in the video, which challenges the cultural
overgeneralization. The TikTokers respond with a funny comment that of
course he is Italian. In this case, “being Italian” is presented as something
desirable and something other people want to identify with. The discourse
in the comments seems part of the video’s entertainment and reiterates its
entertaining purpose. Interactively these TikTokers present themselves as
experts on the Italian culture as well as entertainers.
In #learnrussian videos, collective identification was also frequently pre-
sented by cultural generalizations. The TikToker who identifies as a Russian
teacher makes a comparison between how Russians count numbers and how
Americans count numbers on the palm of their hand (Figure 5.9).
In this comparison, she identifies herself collectively with Russian na-
tion using the hashtag #Russian girl. She also presents herself as an expert
in both US and Russian cultures. However, her audience disagree with her
information. In the first comment in Figure 5.9 (left), we can see how a user
with Russian-American heritage does not count in either way presented in

Figure 5.9. #learnrussian Collective and Interactional Identification

Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 23

the video, not fitting into the duality of the comparison just between Rus-
sians and Americans. In the second comment, users from the US also debunk
the counting system proposed by the TikToker, which she accepts, respond-
ing to the comment, “Maybe there is more to this story.” Here her identity
as an expert in Russian culture is being challenged in the comments, while
the discourse of cultural generalization is partially debunked.
The common denominator here is for the TikTokers to use signs of col-
lective identification with the country of their target language in the form of
flags, clothes, and cultural generalizations. Cultural generalizations are often
challenged in the comments, as the videos about cultural differences seem to
encourage other users to talk and discuss their firsthand experiences, which
frequently are contradictory to the TikTokers’ generalizations.

6 Discussion and Conclusion

Through our shared exploration on TikTok, we have navigated three linguis-

tic and culturally diverse hashtags: #learnchinese, #learnitalian, and #learn-
russian. Overall, TikTok proved to be an active medium and platform for
conveying language learning-related content in relation to multiple domains:
(1) linguistic features (alphabet, vocabulary, pronunciation, grammar), (2)
cultural practices and beliefs (customs, traditions), and (3) learner experienc-
es (difficulties, humorous interpretation) (RQ1). More than half of the videos
were focused on lexical and phraseological content, constituting by far the
most frequent category. The selection of topics varied, and many seemed
to be directed at attracting viewers’ attention (flirting, cursing) or displayed
cultural generalizations (pasta, vodka). Learner experiences also stood out
as a particular category, where some TikTokers adopted a self-deprecating
position (Lee, 2013) and downplayed their own sophisticated translanguag-
ing capabilities (Figure 5.3).
Consistent with the platform positioning, English was the main language
for communication and point of comparison, and many TikTokers provided
cross-linguistic and cultural reflections, and animated such discussions in the
comments (Figures 5.7 and 5.8). Prolific user-generated and authentic lan-
guage content exemplifies the view of folk linguistics (Jaworski et al., 2004).
In other words, lay people participate in metalinguistic talk, engaging in the
representation and evaluation of language. Metalanguage on TikTok was not
always accurate, nor linguistically informed (Figure 5.9), but these videos
provide a fertile ground for extramural participation and informal learning
through discussion of real-world language uses. That participation allowed
24 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

us to discover contextual and textual practices that challenge a traditional,

restrictive notion of multilingualism that construes languages as concrete,
segmented, and separate entities even when in contact (see Canagarajah,
2011, Kelly-Holmes, 2019, or Li, 2018 for more dynamic accounts on multi-
lingualism and related concepts). The findings on TikTok for language learn-
ing supersede such a restricted view on multilingualism by highlighting fluid
dynamics of L1/L2 interaction and translingual practices.
Code meshing as the “materialization of translanguaging in texts” (Cana-
garajah, 2011, p. 403) was commonplace in all TikTok videos and com-
ment sections, signifying the nature of digitally mediated communication
that (1) blurs distinctions between L1 and L2 languages and (2) promotes
spaces prone to mediating and intercultural skills. For example, as we ac-
cessed hashtags with the English formulation #learn[language], the interme-
diate lingua franca was mostly English. However, all TikTokers mediated
across different languages and varieties with verbal (their utterance, super-
imposed text on videos such as captions or explanations, transliterations,
translations), paralinguistic (emoticons), and non-verbal resources (mim-
icking, hand gestures, gazes) to configure a coherent polysemiotic assem-
blage (Canagarajah, 2018; Li, 2018). Some videos and/or comments includ-
ed other linguistic systems as points of comparison because they were part
of the proximate environment and serve a purpose to display distinction and
genuineness (Italian versus Spanish or Russian versus Cyrillic). Transling-
ual practices and the multimodal orchestration in most TikTok videos rein-
force the idea that to educate in translanguaging, understood as “the general
communicative competence of multilinguals” (Canagarajah, 2011, p. 403),
educators ought to shy away from a “lingual bias” (Block, 2014, p. 54) that
treats words as the primary analytical focus deserving attention in commu-
nication. In fact, many videos were carefully designed with multimodal aids
and dynamic configurations (changing color, moving subtitles), revealing
a surprising level of multimodal literacies (Eisenlauer, 2020) by TikTokers
from the younger generation. The most evident drawback for language learn-
ing we discovered was probably the video’s length, which limited in-depth
description and contextualization of the content, thus complicating learners’
comprehension or memorization – TikTok normally affords 60-second vid-
eos although it is now experimenting with videos up to 3 minutes.
On TikTok as a space where translingual practice flourished through lan-
guage learning hashtags, we identified three main identities TikTokers asso-
ciated with: L1 speakers, L2 speakers, or bilingual speakers (RQ2). Regard-
less of their identities explicitly mentioned or implicitly ascribed, all Tik-
Tokers showed plurilingual, transcultural and fluid abilities to move across
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 25

languages and varieties (Pennycook, 2007). TikTokers modulated and nego-

tiated their identities through their linguistic and semiotic choices, purposes,
and contexts (Higgins, 2011). The common denominator among L1, L2, and
bilingual TikTokers has been interlinguistic/intercultural mediation and in-
fluencer strategies for attracting viewers.
Interlinguistic/intercultural mediation meant that almost every TikToker
put themselves into the position of the expert of some cultural reality rela-
tively unknown to viewers. The most frequent group of TikTokers, L1 speak-
ers with a multilingual repertoire, presented themselves as experts of the
culture/language they were raised in; meanwhile, L2 speakers often showed
the reality of being a foreigner in the target country in a similar fashion to
L2 YouTubers in Taiwan (Chang & Chang, 2019). The last group were bilin-
gual/bicultural individuals of heritage homes who shared the reality of being
raised as an ethnic/linguistic minority. Such mediation was more comedic
and less linguistically intensive, and a less formalized way of approaching
cultural distance than that found in fan translation contexts (Shafirova et al.,
2020b; Vazquez-Calvo et al., 2019).
Video categorization of popular TikTokers may be relevant for language
educators as it indicates what language learners seek outside the classroom.
Cultural aspects of language learning are among the most popular themes.
Almost every TikToker in the dataset described their cultural experiences of
upbringing or living in a territory/community where the L2 in hashtags is
used. Through those experiences as L1, L2, or bilingual speakers, they offer
a transcultural account for individuals online. TikTokers’ stories and strug-
gles seem to be of interest to language learners, and such experiences are
rarely presented in traditional language curricula and materials, as many as-
pects in relation to emotivity or identity.
Nevertheless, TikTokers also presented some cultural generalizations.
Mostly based on individual experiences or traits, these generalizations re-
ferred to social segments in the home context/country (Chinese mothers are
controlling – Figure 5.7), or to a unitary set of population (every Italian is
loud – Figure 5.8). Such generalizations presented the target culture in con-
nection to the nation-state rather than fluid countries/territories. Culture was
frequently presented as univocal rather than exploring minority, ethnic, gen-
der, or class intersectionalities. In other words, culture was unified to work
as a marketing strategy, simplified and presented in headlines, hashtags, and
emojis. Such a compartmented view of culture was part of the jocosity of
videos. However, these videos incited responses from TikTok viewers, who
occasionally opposed the monotonal perspective. TikTokers also supported
alternative views and encouraged people to share their experiences. Such an
26 Identity, Multilingualism and CALL

amicable disposition created a space of trust and afforded intercultural iden-

tity negotiation. Hence it would be interesting to explore the possibility of
the use of such short videos in the classroom to promote intercultural and
metalinguistic discussion.
The intercultural mediation on TikTok may serve as an inspiring point of
departure for more complex mediating activities where language learners in
formal education engage in the real practice of mediating between their cul-
tures/languages and the target culture/language with a real TikTok audience
in mind (Council of Europe, 2020).
Among the multiple influencer strategies, let us stress one that might be
relevant for language educators: L2 TikTokers’ appropriation of comedic
content. TikTokers frequently used self-deprecating humor while sharing the
difficulty of learning a foreign language, such as trans-alphabetic learning
(Figure 5.2) or complex phonetic realizations, /r/ (Figure 5.3). These Tik-
Tokers negotiated their identities as learners and foreigners, which attracted
other language learners in similar situations. The collective identification
as learners who share their emotions in language learning and point at dif-
ficult linguistic features or aspects in relation to the language system and L2
literacy (for instance, acquiring trans-alphabetic literacy) might be an indi-
cator of TikTok being a space not only for language learning but for safe,
emotional support for L2 learners’ practice. Sharing emotions and struggles
in the language-learning process seldom forms part of language curricula,
though it is relevant in the language learning for the digital wilds.
Our contribution pushes the boundaries of past research in social media
for language learning and identity development, since it considers a novel
discourse practice: tiktoking with brief, humorous and multimodally rich
videos and direct response messages. Tiktoking might not be as prone to ac-
curacy as other practices in the digital wilds such as fanfiction or fan trans-
lation, and so is to be used with caution by beginners. The practice of tik-
toking foregrounds a fecund field of socialization opportunities to (1) lower
the affective filter of L2 learning (Krashen, 1982), (2) develop an enhanced
intercultural identity (by analyzing and exploring stereotyping and cultural
generalizations through humor or challenging biased preconceptions about
the target language and culture), and (3) practice and develop multimodal
and translingual literacy practices.
While our exposure to TikTok was limited, we could depict a panoramic
snapshot of language learning through the social sharing of micro video.
The dataset still bears potential to focus on related topics such as specific
linguistic ideologies and language awareness in connection with the differ-
ent linguistic domains explored in videos. For example, a further exploration
Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 27

of data may lead to analyses of folk linguistic perceptions around linguistic

complexity, language distance, linguistic purism, or pan-cultural feelings
around linguistic features. Future directions also include focusing on the
multimodal orchestration of TikTok videos and plausible ties with L2/pluri-
lingual identification, as with prior research on Flickr-mediated language
learning (Lee, 2013). More broadly, future studies may want to theorize how
informal language learning changes as textualization and meaning-making
practices decenter traditional conceptions of writing/language, and wheth-
er and how formal language education settings resist or appropriate such
changes. Despite our limitations and the numerous avenues yet unexplored
with TikTok and analogous social media, the fact that multimodally inten-
sive social media are influencing language learning continues to be a major
topic in CALL and language learning in the digital wilds (Sauro & Zourou,
2019).

Acknowledgments

The study was partly supported by the publicly funded research project
ForVid: Video as a language learning format in and outside the classroom
(RT2018-100790-B-100; 2019–2021), “Research Challenges” R+D+i Pro-
jects, Ministry of Science and Innovation, Spain. Liudmila Shafirova re-
ceived financial support from National Funds through FCT – Fundação para
a Ciência e a Tecnologia, I.P., under the project UIDB/00194/2020 (CIDTFF)
and of the postdoctoral research grant with the reference 9651/BIPD/CI-
DTFF/2021, Portugal. Leticia-Tian Zhang also received support for this
study from the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities
(2020QD036), China.

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Vazquez-Calvo, Shafirova, & Zhang Language Learning Hashtags 31

About the Authors

Boris Vazquez-Calvo is an assistant professor at the Department of Lan-

guage Education at the School of Education at the University of Málaga,
Spain, where he teaches foreign language education to pre-service teach-
ers of English. His research interests include formal and informal language
learning, technology-mediated language learning, digital discourse and new
literacies, and fandom communities. His most recent publications appear in
CALL, ReCALL, Language Learning & Technology, and Educational Tech-
nology & Society.
Liudmila Shafirova is a postdoctoral researcher at the research center CI-
DTFF, University of Aveiro, Portugal. Her research interests include infor-
mal language learning (Russian, English), multilingual computer-mediated
interactions, and multiliteracies. Her recent publications on informal lan-
guage learning appear in journals such as Language Learning & Technology,
Learning, Culture and Social Interaction, and Language and Intercultural
Communication.
Leticia-Tian Zhang is a lecturer at the Department of Hispanic and Portu-
guese Studies at Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, where she teach-
es Spanish. She is interested in digital discourse, especially novel genres
such as danmu commenting and vlogging, and language learning in the fan-
dom. Her recent publications appear in journals including Discourse Studies,
Multilingua, and Comunicar.