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About the Authors
Stan Gibilisco , a full-time writer, is an electronics hobbyist
and engineer. He has been a ham radio operator since 1966.
Stan has authored several titles for the McGraw-Hill
Demystified and Know-It-All series, along with numerous
other technical books and dozens of magazine articles. His
Encyclopedia of Electronics (TAB Books, 1985) was cited
by the American Library Association as one of the “best
references of the 1980s.” Stan maintains a website at
www.sciencewriter.net .

Dr. Simon Monk has a degree in Cybernetics and Computer

Science and a PhD in Software Engineering. Dr. Monk spent
several years as an academic before he returned to industry,
co-founding the mobile software company Momote Ltd. He
has been an active electronics hobbyist since his early teens
and is a full-time writer on hobby electronics and open
source hardware. Dr. Monk is the author of numerous
electronics books, including Programming Arduino, Hacking
Electronics , and Programming the Raspberry Pi .
Copyright © 2016 by McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Except
as permitted under the United States Copyright Act of 1976, no part of this
publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means,
or stored in a data base or retrieval system, without the prior written
permission of the publisher.
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In Memory of Jack
 Contents

Preface

Part 1 Direct Current

1 Background Physics
Atoms
Protons, Neutrons, and Atomic Numbers
Isotopes and Atomic Weights
Electrons
Ions
Compounds
Molecules
Conductors
Insulators
Resistors
Semiconductors
Current
Static Electricity
Electromotive Force
Non-Electrical Energy
Quiz

2 Electrical Units
The Volt
Current Flow
The Ampere
 Resistance and the Ohm
Conductance and the Siemens
Power and the Watt
A Word about Notation
Energy and the Watt-Hour
Other Energy Units
Alternating Current and the Hertz
Rectification and Pulsating Direct Current
Stay Safe!
Magnetism
Magnetic Units
Quiz

3 Measuring Devices
Electromagnetic Deflection
Electrostatic Deflection
Thermal Heating
Ammeters
Voltmeters
Ohmmeters
Multimeters
FET Voltmeters
Wattmeters
Watt-Hour Meters
Digital Readout Meters
Frequency Counters
Other Meter Types
Quiz

4 Direct-Current Circuit Basics

Schematic Symbols
Schematic and Wiring Diagrams
 Circuit Simplification
Ohm’s Law
Current Calculations
Voltage Calculations
The Rule of Significant Figures
Resistance Calculations
Power Calculations
Resistances in Series
Resistances in Parallel
Division of Power
Resistances in Series-Parallel
Quiz

5 Direct-Current Circuit Analysis

Current through Series Resistances
Voltages across Series Resistances
Voltage across Parallel Resistances
Currents through Parallel Resistances
Power Distribution in Series Circuits
Power Distribution in Parallel Circuits
Kirchhoff’s First Law
Kirchhoff’s Second Law
Voltage Division
Quiz

6 Resistors
Purpose of the Resistor
Fixed Resistors
The Potentiometer
The Decibel
Resistor Specifications
Quiz
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 7 Cells and Batteries
Electrochemical Energy
“Grocery Store” Cells and Batteries
Miniature Cells and Batteries
Lead-Acid Batteries
Nickel-Based Cells and Batteries
Photovoltaic Cells and Batteries
Fuel Cells
Quiz

8 Magnetism
Geomagnetism
Magnetic Force
Magnetic Field Strength
Electromagnets
Magnetic Materials
Magnetic Machines
Quiz

Test: Part 1

Part 2 Alternating Current

9 Alternating-Current Basics
Definition of AC
Period and Frequency
The Sine Wave
Square Waves
Sawtooth Waves
Complex Waveforms
Frequency Spectrum
Fractions of a Cycle
 Expressions of Amplitude
The Generator
Why AC and Not DC?
Quiz

10 Inductance
The Property of Inductance
The Unit of Inductance
Inductors in Series
Inductors in Parallel
Interaction among Inductors
Air-Core Coils
Ferromagnetic Cores
Transmission-Line Inductors
Quiz

11 Capacitance
The Property of Capacitance
Simple Capacitors
The Unit of Capacitance
Capacitors in Series
Capacitors in Parallel
Fixed Capacitors
Variable Capacitors
Capacitor Specifications
Interelectrode Capacitance
Quiz

12 Phase
Instantaneous Values
Rate of Change
Circles and Vectors
 Expressions of Phase Difference
Vector Diagrams of Relative Phase
Quiz

13 Inductive Reactance
Inductors and Direct Current
Inductors and Alternating Current
Reactance and Frequency
The RXL Quarter-Plane
Current Lags Voltage
How Much Lag?
Quiz

14 Capacitive Reactance
Capacitors and Direct Current
Capacitors and Alternating Current
Capacitive Reactance and Frequency
The RXC Quarter-Plane
Current Leads Voltage
How Much Lead?
Quiz

15 Impedance and Admittance

Imaginary Numbers Revisited
Complex Numbers Revisited (in Detail)
The RX Half-Plane
Characteristic Impedance
Conductance
Susceptance
Admittance
The GB Half-Plane
Quiz
16 Alternating-Current Circuit Analysis
Complex Impedances in Series
Series RLC Circuits
Complex Admittances in Parallel
Parallel RLC Circuits
Putting It All Together
Reducing Complicated RLC Circuits
Ohm’s Law for Alternating Current
Quiz

17 Alternating-Current Power and Resonance

Forms of Power
Power Parameters
Power Transmission
Resonance
Resonant Devices
Quiz

18 Transformers and Impedance Matching

Principle of the Transformer
Transformer Geometry
Power Transformers
Isolation and Impedance Matching
Radio-Frequency Transformers
Quiz

Test: Part 2

Part 3 Basic Electronics

19 Introduction to Semiconductors
The Semiconductor Revolution
 Semiconductor Materials
Doping and Charge Carriers
The P-N Junction
Quiz

20 Diode Applications
Rectification
Detection
Frequency Multiplication
Signal Mixing
Switching
Voltage Regulation
Amplitude Limiting
Frequency Control
Oscillation and Amplification
Energy Emission
Photosensitive Diodes
Quiz

21 Bipolar Transistors
NPN versus PNP
Biasing
Amplification
Gain versus Frequency
Common-Emitter Configuration
Common-Base Configuration
Common-Collector Configuration
Quiz

22 Field-Effect Transistors
Principle of the JFET
Amplification
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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before long. They had stopped at nothing in the way of calumny. They had
adopted the classic procedure, so well known to history, of striking the
monarch in the person of his consort. It is, of course, always easier to
damage the reputation of a woman, especially when she is a foreigner.
Realising all the advantages to be derived from the fact that the Czarina was
a German princess, they had endeavoured to suggest very cunningly that she
was a traitor to Russia. It was the best method of compromising her in the
eyes of the nation. The accusation had been favourably received in certain
quarters in Russia and had become a formidable weapon against the dynasty.
The Czarina knew all about the campaign in progress against her and it
pained her as a most profound injustice, for she had accepted her new
country, as she had adopted her new faith, with all the fervour of her nature.
She was Russian by sentiment as she was orthodox by conviction.[43]
My residence behind the front also enabled me to realise how much the
country was suffering from the war. The weariness and privations were
causing general discontent. As a result of the increasing shortage of rolling-
stock, fuel, which had been cruelly scarce in the winter, continued to be
unpurchasable. It was the same with food, and the cost of living continued to
rise at an alarming rate.

On August 11th I returned to G.H.Q. thoroughly perturbed at all I had

seen and heard. It was pleasant to find the atmosphere at Mohileff very
different from that at Petrograd, and to feel the stimulating influence of
circles which offered so stern a resistance to the “defeatist” spirit at work at
home. Yet the authorities there were very concerned at the political situation,
although that was not so obvious at first sight.
Alexis Nicolaïevitch gave me a very affectionate welcome when I came
back (he had written to me regularly while I was away), and the Czar
received me with exceptional kindness. I could thus congratulate myself on
the result of leaving my pupil for some time, especially as it might have been
a false step, and I took up my duties again with renewed energies. My
English colleague, Mr. Gibbes, had meanwhile joined us, and as M. Petroff
remained with us, the Czarevitch’s lessons could proceed practically
regularly.
At the front the fighting had gradually died down in the northern and
central sectors. It continued only in Galicia, where the Russians were still
driving the Austrians before them, and their defeat would long since have
become a flight if they had not been supported by a large number of German
regiments.
The campaign of 1916, however, had convinced the Russian General
Staff that they would never break the resistance of the enemy and secure
final victory so long as they suffered from so great a lack of artillery. Their
inferiority in that respect prevented a thorough exploitation of the successes
gained by the courage of the troops and their numerical superiority at the
beginning of each attack. There was nothing for it but to wait until the
material promised by the Allies, the delivery of which had been delayed by
difficulties of transport, was ready and available.
The Austrian defeats had had a very great effect on Rumania. She was
more and more inclined to associate herself with the cause of the Entente,
but she was still hesitating to enter the arena. The Russian Minister at
Bucharest had had to bring strong pressure to bear to induce her to make up
her mind.[44]
On August 27th Rumania at length declared war. Her position was very
difficult, as she was on the extreme left flank of the immense Russian front,
from which she was separated by the Carpathians. She was threatened with
an Austro-German attack from the north and west, and could be taken in rear
by the Bulgarians. That is exactly what happened, and the beginning of
October marked the beginning of the reverses which were to end only with
the occupation of almost the whole of Rumania.
As soon as the danger was apparent the Russian General Staff had taken
steps to send help to the Rumanian army, but the distances were great and
the communications extremely defective. Nor was Russia in a position to
reduce the effectives on her own front to any serious degree, for in case of
urgent necessity she would have found herself unable to retrieve the
divisions sent to Rumania in time. Under pressure from the Czar, however,
all the available reinforcements had been directed there. The question was
whether these troops would arrive in time to save Bucharest.
We returned to Tsarskoïe-Selo on November 1st. The impression made by
the Rumanian disaster had been great, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs
had been held responsible. At the beginning of the year Sturmer had
succeeded Goremykin as President of the Council of Ministers. His
appointment had been badly received, and he had simply made one fault
after another. It had been as the result of his intrigues that Sazonoff, who had
rendered such great services as Foreign Minister, had had to resign, and
Sturmer had hastened to take his place while remaining President of the
Council.
He was hated as much for his name as his acts. It was alleged that he only
kept himself in power thanks to the influence of Rasputin. Some even went
so far as to accuse him of pro-German sympathies, and to suspect him of
favouring a separate peace with Germany.[45] Nicholas II. compromised
himself by keeping for so long a Minister whom all suspected. It was hoped
that the Czar would ultimately realise that he had been deceived once more,
but we all feared that he would find out only too late, when the harm done
was irremediable.[46]
 CHAPTER XIV

POLITICAL TENSION—THE DEATH OF RASPUTIN

(DECEMBER, 1916)

T HE political atmosphere became more and more heavy, and we could

feel the approach of the storm. Discontent had become so general that in
spite of the censorship the Press began to speak about it. Party feeling
ran ever higher, and there was only one point on which opinion was
unanimous—the necessity of putting an end to the omnipotence of Rasputin.
Everyone regarded him as the evil counsellor of the Court and held him
responsible for all the disasters from which the country was suffering. He
was accused of every form of vice and debauchery and denounced as a vile
and loathsome creature of fantastic habits, and capable of baseness and
ignominy of every kind. To many he was an emanation of the devil himself,
the anti-Christ whose dreaded coming was to be the signal for the worst
calamities.
The Czar had resisted the influence of Rasputin for a long time. At the
beginning he had tolerated him because he dare not weaken the Czarina’s
faith in him—a faith which kept her alive. He did not like to send him away,
for if Alexis Nicolaïevitch had died, in the eyes of the mother he would have
been the murderer of his own son. Yet he had maintained a cautious reserve,
and had only gradually been won over to the views of his wife. Many
attempts had been made to enlighten him as to the true character of Rasputin
and secure his dismissal. His confidence had been shaken, but the Czar had
never yet been convinced.[47]
On November 6th we left Tsarskoïe-Selo, and after a short stay at
Mohileff we left on the 9th for Kieff, where the Czar was to visit the
Dowager Empress. He stayed two days in the company of his mother and
some of his relations, who did their best to show him how serious the
situation was and persuade him to remedy it by energetic measures. The
Czar was greatly influenced by the advice which was given him. He had
never seemed to me so worried before. He was usually very self-controlled,
but on this occasion he showed himself nervous and irritable, and once or
twice he spoke roughly to Alexis Nicolaïevitch.
 We returned to G.H.Q. on the 12th, and a few days later Sturmer fell, to
the unconcealed relief of everyone. The Czar entrusted the office of
President of the Council to A. Trepoff, who was known as an advocate of
moderate and sane reforms. Hope revived. Unfortunately the intrigues
continued. The Germans flattered themselves that these were only the
prelude to grave troubles and redoubled their efforts, sowing the seeds of
doubt and suspicion everywhere and trying to compromise the Court beyond
repair in the eyes of the nation.
Trepoff had asked the Czar to dismiss the Minister of the Interior,
Protopopoff, whose utter inefficiency and the fact that he was a disciple of
Rasputin had made him bitterly unpopular. The President of the Council felt
that he would never be able to do anything useful so long as that Minister
remained at his post, for all the politicians of any standing proclaimed their
helplessness and were refusing to accept responsibility.
The courageous initiative of patriots such as Sazonoff, Krivoshin,
Samarin, Ignatieff, and A. Trepoff—to mention but a few—was not
supported as it might have been. If the intelligent masses of the nation had
grouped themselves round them the growing peril could have been averted
and in quite legal fashion. But these men did not receive the support they
were entitled to expect. Criticism and the intrigues and rivalries of
individuals and parties prevented that unity which alone could have saved
the situation.
If unity had been realised it would have represented a power such as
would have paralysed the evil influence of Rasputin and his adherents.
Unfortunately those who did realise it were the exception. The majority kept
out of a disagreeable conflict, and by retiring from the field left it free to
adventurers and the apostles of intrigue. They made no effort to lighten the
burden of the men who realised the danger and had undertaken to save the
Czar, in spite of himself, and to support the tottering régime until the end of
the war.
The Czar had originally acquiesced in Trepoff’s suggestion, but under the
influence of the Czarina he had changed his mind and remained irresolute,
not knowing what to decide. He had been deceived so often that he did not
know in whom he could have confidence. He felt himself alone and deserted
by all. He had spent himself without reflection since he had assumed the
Supreme Command, but the burden he had taken upon his shoulders was too
heavy and beyond his strength. He realised the fact himself. Hence his
weakness towards the Czarina, and the fact that he tended more and more to
yield to her will.
Yet many of the decisions he had taken in 1915 and his visit to the Duma
in February, 1916, show that till then, at any rate, he could resist her when he
was sure that it was for the good of the country. It was only in the autumn of
1916 that he succumbed to her influence, and then only because he was worn
out by the strain of his double functions as Czar and Commander-in-Chief,
and in his increasing isolation he did not know what to do to escape a
situation which was getting worse from day to day. If he had received better
support at that time from the moderate parties, who can say that he would
not have found the strength to continue his resistance!
The Czarina herself sincerely believed—on the strength of Rasputin’s
word—that Protopopoff was the man who could save Russia. He was kept in
office, and Trepoff, realising his impotence, lost no time in resigning his
post.

We returned to Tsarskoïe-Selo on December 8th. The situation was

becoming more strained every day. Rasputin knew that the storm of hatred
was gathering against him, and dare not leave the little flat he occupied in
Petrograd. Exasperation with him had reached fever-heat, and the country
was waiting for deliverance and fervently hoping that someone would
remove the man who was considered the evil genius of Russia. But Rasputin
was well guarded. He had the protection of the Imperial police, who watched
over his house night and day. He had also the protection of the
Revolutionary Socialists, who realised that he was working for them.
I do not think that Rasputin was an agent—in the usual sense of the word
—in Germany’s pay, but he was certainly a formidable weapon in the hands
of the German General Staff, which was vitally interested in the
prolongation of the life of so valuable an ally and had surrounded him with
spies who were also guards. The Germans had found him a splendid weapon
for compromising the Court, and had made great use of him.
Many attempts had been made, even by the Czarina’s greatest friends at
Court, to open her eyes to the true character of Rasputin. They had all
collapsed against the blind faith she had in him. But in this tragic hour the
Grand-Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna[48] wished to make one last effort to
save her sister. She came from Moscow, intending to spend a few days at
Tsarskoïe-Selo with the relations she loved so dearly. She was nine years
older than her sister, and felt an almost maternal tenderness for her. It was at
her house, it will be remembered, that the young princess had stayed on her
first visit to Russia. It was she who had helped Alexandra Feodorovna with
wise advice and surrounded her with every attention when she started her
reign. She had often tried to open her sister’s eyes before, but in vain. Yet
this time she hoped that God would give her the powers of persuasion which
had hitherto failed her, and enable her to avert the terrible catastrophe she
felt was imminent.
As soon as she arrived at Tsarskoïe-Selo she spoke to the Czarina, trying
with all the love she bore her to convince her of her blindness, and pleading
with her to listen to her warnings for the sake of her family and her country.
The Czarina’s confidence was not to be shaken. She realised the feelings
which had impelled her sister to take this step, but she was terribly grieved
to find her accepting the lying stories of those who desired to ruin the
staretz, and she asked her never to mention the subject again. As the Grand-
Duchess persisted, the Czarina broke off the conversation. The interview
was then objectless.
A few hours later the Grand-Duchess left for Moscow, death in her heart.
The Czarina and her daughters accompanied her to the station. The two
sisters took leave of each other. The tender affection which had associated
them since their childhood was still intact, but they realised that there was a
broken something lying between them.[49]
They were never to see each other again.
On December 18th we left for Mohileff again. The situation there had
taken a turn for the worse. The news of the capture of Bucharest had just
come in to depress everyone’s spirits. It seemed to justify the most gloomy
forebodings. Rumania appeared to be lost.
We were all oppressed and uneasy, a prey to that vague anxiety which
men experience at the approach of some danger or catastrophe. The
muttering of the gathering storm could be heard.
Suddenly the news of Rasputin’s death fell like a thunderbolt.[50] It was
December 31st, and the same day we left for Tsarskoïe-Selo.
I shall never forget what I felt when I saw the Czarina again. Her
agonised features betrayed, in spite of all her efforts, how terribly she was
suffering. Her grief was inconsolable. Her idol had been shattered. He who
alone could save her son had been slain. Now that he had gone, any
misfortune, any catastrophe, was possible. The period of waiting began—
that dreadful waiting for the disaster which there was no escaping....
 CHAPTER XV

THE REVOLUTION—THE ABDICATION OF NICHOLAS II.

(MARCH, 1917)

R ASPUTIN was no more and the nation was avenged. A few brave men
had taken upon themselves to secure the disappearance of the man who
was execrated by one and all.[51] It might be hoped that after this
explosion of wrath faction would die down. Unfortunately it was not so. On
the contrary, the struggle between the Czar and the Duma became more
bitter than ever.
The Czar was convinced that in existing circumstances all concessions on
his part would be regarded as a sign of weakness which, without removing
the causes of the discontent which resulted from the miseries and privations
of the war, could only diminish his authority and possibly accelerate a
revolution. The opposition of the Duma revealed the incapacity and
impotence of the Government and in no way improved the situation. Faction
became more intense, intrigue multiplied at a time when nothing but the
presentation of a united front by all the intelligent classes of the nation could
have paralysed the evil influence of Protopopoff. A universal effort would
have been required to avert the catastrophe which was rapidly approaching.
It was true that this meant asking the upper classes to prove that they could
show as much self-denial as enlightened patriotism, but in the tragic
circumstances through which the country was passing such action might
have been expected of them.
How is it that in Russia no one realised what everyone in Germany knew
—that a revolution would inevitably deliver up the country to its enemies? “I
had often dreamed,” writes Ludendorff in his War Memories, “of the
realisation of that Russian revolution which was to lighten our military
burden. A perpetual illusion! We had the revolution to-day quite
unexpectedly. I felt as if a great weight had fallen from my shoulders.”[52]
The Germans were the only people in Europe who knew Russia. Their
knowledge of it was fuller and more exact than that of the Russians
themselves. They had known for a long time that the Czarist régime, with all
its faults, was the only one capable of prolonging the Russian resistance.
They knew that with the fall of the Czar Russia would be at their mercy.
They stopped at nothing to procure his fall. That is why the preservation of
the existing system should have been secured at any cost. The revolution
was inevitable at that moment, it was said. It could only be averted by the
immediate grant of a constitution. And so on! The fact is that the perverse
fate which had blinded the sovereigns was to blind the nation in turn.
Yet the Czar was inspired by two dominant sentiments—his political
enemies themselves knew it—to which all Russia could rally. One of them
was his love for his country and the other his absolute determination to
continue the war to the bitter end. In the universal blindness which was the
result of party passion men did not realise that, in spite of all, a Czar pledged
to the cause of victory was an immense moral asset for the Russian people.
They did not see that a Czar who was what he was popularly supposed to be
could alone lead the country to victory and save it from bondage to
Germany.
The position of the Czar was extraordinarily difficult. To the Extremists
of the Right, who regarded a compromise with Germany as their only road to
salvation, he was the insurmountable obstacle, who had to make way for
another sovereign. To the Extremists of the Left who desired victory, but a
victory without a Czar, he was the obstacle which the revolution would
remove. And while the latter were endeavouring to undermine the
foundations of the monarchy by intensive propaganda at and behind the front
—thus playing Germany’s game—the moderate parties adopted that most
dangerous and yet characteristically Russian course of doing nothing. They
were victims of that Slav fatalism which means waiting on events and
hoping that some providential force will come and guide them for the public
good. They confined themselves to passive resistance because they failed to
realise that in so acting they were paralysing the nation.
The general public had unconsciously become the docile tool of German
intrigue. The most alarming rumours, accepted and given the widest
currency, created an anti-monarchist and defeatist atmosphere behind the
front—an atmosphere of distrust and suspicion which was bound to have a
speedy effect upon the men in the firing-line themselves. Everyone hacked at
the central pillar of the tottering political edifice, and no one thought of
attempting to shore it up while still there was time. Everything was done to
accelerate the revolution; nothing to avert its consequences.
 It was forgotten that Russia did not consist merely of fifteen to twenty
million human beings ripe for parliamentary government, but that it had one
hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty million peasants, most of them
rude and uneducated, to whom the Czar was still the Lord’s Anointed, he
whom God had chosen to direct the destinies of Great Russia. Accustomed
from his earliest youth to hear the priest invoke the name of the Czar in the
offertory, one of the most solemn moments in the Orthodox liturgy, the
moujik in his mystical exaltation was bound to attribute to him a character
semi-divine.[53]
The Czar was not the head of the Russian Church. He was its protector
and defender. But after Peter the Great abolished the patriarchate the people
were inclined to regard him as the incarnation of both spiritual and temporal
authority. It was an error, of course, but it survived. It was this double aspect
of the person of the sovereign which made Czarism mean so much to the
masses, and as the Russian people are essentially mystic, the second factor
was not a whit less important than the first. For in the mind of the moujik,
autocracy could not be separated from Orthodoxy.
The Russian revolution could not be exclusively a political revolution. It
must necessarily have a religious character. When the old system fell it was
bound to create such a void in the political and religious conscience of the
Russian people that unless care were taken it would involve the whole of the
social organism in its fall. To the humble peasant the Czar was both the
incarnation of his mystic aspirations and in a sense a tangible reality,
impossible to replace by a political formula, which would be an
incomprehensible abstraction to him. Into the vacuum created by the
collapse of the Czaristic régime the Russian revolution—in view of the
passion of the absolute and the proneness to extremes which are
characteristic of the Slav nature—was certain to hurl itself with a violence
that no government could control. There was a fatal risk that it would all end
in political and religious chaos or sheer anarchy.
As the revolution was desired, preparations should have been made to
avert this eventuality. Even in times of peace it would have been a
formidable risk: to venture upon such a step in war was simply criminal. We
Westerners are apt to judge Russian affairs by the governing classes with
which we have come in contact—classes which have attained a degree of
culture and civilisation equal to our own. We too often forget the millions of
semi-barbarous and ignorant beings who understand the simplest and most
primitive sentiments alone. Of these the Czarist fetish was one of the most
striking examples.
The British Ambassador, getting his information from Russian politicians
whose patriotism was above suspicion, but who saw their country as they
wanted it to be and not as it really was, allowed himself to be led astray.
Insufficient account was taken of the special conditions which made Russia
a religious, political, and social anachronism to which none of the formulæ
or panaceas of Western Europe would apply. They forgot that in any country
at war the early stages of a revolution almost always produce a weakening of
the national effort and adversely affect the fighting power of the army. In a
country like Russia this would be true to a far greater extent. The Entente
made a mistake[54] in thinking that the movement which the beginning of
February, 1917, revealed was of popular origin. It was nothing of the kind,
and only the governing classes participated in it. The great masses stood
aloof. It is not true that it was a fundamental upheaval which overturned the
monarchy. It was the fall of the monarchy itself which raised that formidable
wave which engulfed Russia and nearly submerged the neighbouring states.

After his return from G.H.Q. the Czar had remained at Tsarskoïe-Selo for
the months of January and February. He felt that the political situation was
more and more strained, but he had not yet lost all hope. The country was
suffering: it was tired of the war and anxiously longing for peace. The
opposition was growing from day to day, and the storm was threatening, but
in spite of everything Nicholas II. hoped that patriotic feeling would carry
the day against the pessimism which the trials and worries of the moment
made general, and that no one would risk compromising the results of a war
which had cost the nation so much by rash and imprudent action.
His faith in his army was also unshaken. He knew that the material sent
from France and England was arriving satisfactorily and would improve the
conditions under which it had to fight. He had the greatest hopes of the new
formations which had been created in the course of the winter.[55] He was
certain that his army would be ready in the spring to join in that great
offensive of the Allies which would deal Germany her death-blow and thus
save Russia: a few weeks more and victory would be his.
Yet the Czar hesitated to leave Tsarskoïe-Selo, such was his anxiety about
the political situation. On the other hand, he considered that his departure
could not be deferred much longer, and that it was his duty to return to
G.H.Q. He ultimately left for Mohileff on Thursday, March 8th, arriving
there next morning.
He had hardly left the capital before the first symptoms of insurrection
began to be observable in the working-class quarters. The factories went on
strike, and the movement spread rapidly during the days following. The
population of Petrograd had suffered great privations during the winter, for
owing to the shortage of rolling-stock the transport of food and fuel had
become very difficult, and there was no sign of improvement in this respect.
The Government could think of nothing likely to calm the excitement, and
Protopopoff merely exasperated everyone by the measures of repression—as
stupid as criminal—taken by the police. Troops also had been employed. All
the regiments being at the front, the only troops at Petrograd were units
under instruction, whose loyalty had been thoroughly undermined by
organised propaganda in the barracks in spite of counter-measures. There
were cases of defection, and after three days of half-hearted resistance unit
after unit went over to the insurgents. By the 13th the city was almost
entirely in the hands of the revolutionaries, and the Duma proceeded to form
a provisional government.
At first we at Mohileff had no idea of the scale of the events which had
occurred at Petrograd. Yet after Saturday, March 10th, General Alexeieff and
some officers of the Czar’s suite had tried to open his eyes and persuade him
to grant the liberties the nation demanded immediately. But once more
Nicholas II. was deceived by the intentionally incomplete and inaccurate
statements of a few ignorant individuals in his suite[56] and would not take
their advice.
By the 12th it was impossible to conceal the truth from the Czar any
longer; he understood that extraordinary measures were required, and
decided to return to Tsarskoïe-Selo at once.
The Imperial train left Mohileff on the night of the 12th, but on arriving
at the station of Malaia-Vichera twenty-four hours later it was ascertained
that the station of Tosno, thirty miles south of Petrograd, was in the hands of
the insurgents, and that it was impossible to get to Tsarskoïe-Selo. There was
nothing for it but to turn back.
The Czar decided to go to Pskoff to General Russky, the Commander-in-
Chief of the Northern Front. He arrived there on the evening of the 14th.
When the General had told him the latest developments in Petrograd the
Czar instructed him to inform M. Rodzianko by telephone that he was ready
to make every concession if the Duma thought that it would tranquillise the
nation. The reply came: “It is too late.”
Was it really so? The revolutionary movement was confined to Petrograd
and its suburbs; in spite of propaganda, the Czar still enjoyed considerable
prestige in the army, and his authority with the peasants was intact. Would
not the grant of a Constitution and the help of the Duma have been enough
to restore to Nicholas II. the popularity he had enjoyed at the beginning of
the war?
The reply of the Duma left the Czar with the alternatives of abdicating or
marching on Petrograd with the troops which remained faithful to him: the
latter would mean civil war in the presence of the enemy. Nicholas II. did
not hesitate, and on the morning of the 15th he handed General Russky a
telegram informing the President of the Duma that he intended to abdicate in
favour of his son.
A few hours later he summoned Professor Fiodorof to his carriage and
said:
“Tell me frankly, Sergius Petrovitch. Is Alexis’s malady incurable?”
Professor Fiodorof, fully realising the importance of what he was going
to say, answered:
“Science teaches us, sire, that it is an incurable disease. Yet those who are
afflicted with it sometimes reach an advanced old age. Still, Alexis
Nicolaïevitch is at the mercy of an accident.”
The Czar hung his head and sadly murmured:
“That’s just what the Czarina told me. Well, if that is the case and Alexis
can never serve his country as I should like him to, we have the right to keep
him ourselves.”
His mind was made up, and when the representatives of the Provisional
Government and the Duma arrived from Petrograd that evening he handed
them the Act of Abdication he had drawn up beforehand and in which he
renounced for himself and his son the throne of Russia in favour of his
brother, the Grand-Duke Michael Alexandrovitch.
I give a translation of this document which, by its nobility and the
burning patriotism in every line, compelled the admiration of even the
Czar’s enemies:
 The Act of Abdication of the Czar Nicholas II.
By the grace of God, We, Nicholas II., Emperor of all the Russias, Tsar
of Poland, Grand-Duke of Finland, etc., etc.... to all Our faithful subjects
make known:

In these days of terrible struggle against the external enemy who has
been trying for three years to impose his will upon Our Fatherland, God
has willed that Russia should be faced with a new and formidable trial.
Troubles at home threaten to have a fatal effect on the ultimate course of
this hard-fought war. The destinies of Russia, the honour of Our heroic
army, the welfare of the people and the whole future of Our dear country
demand that the war should be carried to a victorious conclusion at any
price.
Our cruel foe is making his supreme effort, and the moment is at hand
in which Our valiant army, in concert with Our glorious allies, will
overthrow him once and for all.
In these days, which are decisive for the existence of Russia, We think
We should follow the voice of Our conscience by facilitating the closest
co-operation of Our people and the organisation of all its resources for the
speedy realisation of victory.
For these reasons, in accord with the Duma of the Empire, We think it
Our duty to abdicate the Crown and lay down the supreme power.
Not desiring to be separated from Our beloved son, We bequeath Our
heritage to Our brother, the Grand-Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, and
give him Our blessing. We abjure him to govern in perfect accord with
the representatives of the nation sitting in the legislative institutions, and
to take a sacred oath in the name of the beloved Fatherland.
We appeal to all the loyal sons of the country, imploring them to fulfil
their patriotic and holy duty of obeying their Czar in this sad time of
national trial. We ask them to help him and the representatives of the
nation to guide the Russian state into the path of prosperity and glory.
God help Russia.
The Czar had fallen. Germany was on the point of winning her greatest
victory, but the fruits might still escape her. They would have escaped her if
the intelligent section of the nation had recovered itself in time and had
gathered round the Grand-Duke Michael, who, by his brother’s desire—the
Act of Abdication said so in terms—was to be a constitutional sovereign in
the full sense of the word. Nothing prevented so desirable a consummation,
for Russia was not yet in the presence of one of those great popular
movements which defy all logic and hurl nations into the gulf of the
unknown. The revolution had been exclusively the work of the Petrograd
population, the majority of which would not have hesitated to rally round the
new ruler if the Provisional Government and the Duma had set the example.
The army, which was still a well-disciplined body, represented a serious
force. As for the great bulk of the nation, it had not the slightest idea that
anything had passed.
This last chance of averting the catastrophe was lost through thirst for
power and fear of the Extremists. The day after the Czar’s abdication the
Grand-Duke Michael, acting on the advice of all save two of the members of
the Provisional Government, renounced the throne in turn and resigned to a
constituent assembly the task of deciding what the future form of
government should be.
The irreparable step had been taken. The removal of the Czar had left in
the minds of the masses a gaping void it was impossible for them to fill.
They were left to their own devices—a rudderless ship at the mercy of the
waves—and searching for an ideal, some article of faith which might replace
what they had lost, they found nothing but chaos around them.
To finish her work of destruction, Germany had only to give Lenin and
his disciples a plentiful supply of money and let them loose on Russia. Lenin
and his friends never dreamed of talking to the peasants about a democratic
republic or a constituent assembly. They knew it would have been waste of
breath. As up-to-date prophets, they came to preach the holy war and to try
and draw these untutored millions by the attraction of a creed in which the
finest teaching of Christ goes hand in hand with the worst sophisms—a
creed which, thanks to the Jews, the adventurers of Bolshevism, was to be
translated into the subjection of the moujik and the ruin of the country.
 CHAPTER XVI

THE CZAR NICHOLAS II.

N ICHOLAS II., desiring to say farewell to his troops, left Pskoff on

March 16th and returned to G.H.Q. He stayed there until the 21st, living
in the Governor’s house as before and receiving General Alexeieff’s
report every day. The Dowager Empress, Marie Feodorovna, had come from
Kieff to join the Czar, and she remained with him until the day he left for
Tsarskoïe-Selo.
On the 21st the Commissioners sent by the Provisional Government and
the Duma arrived at Mohileff. They instructed General Alexeieff to tell the
Czar that on the orders of the Provisional Government he was under arrest,
and that their duty was to conduct him to Tsarskoïe-Selo. The
Commissioners’ carriage was attached to the Czar’s train and they all left
together the same evening.
Before leaving G.H.Q, Nicholas II. insisted on taking leave of his troops
by addressing to them the following Order of the Day:
Prikaze of the Chief of Staff to the Commander-in-Chief.
8 (21) March, 1917. No. 371.
I address my soldiers, who are dear to my heart, for the last time. Since
I have renounced the Throne of Russia for myself and my son, power has
been taken over by the Provisional Government which has been formed
on the initiative of the Duma of the Empire.
May God help it to lead Russia into the path of glory and prosperity!
May God help you, my glorious soldiers, to defend our Fatherland against
a cruel enemy! For two and a half years you have endured the strain of
hard service; much blood has been shed, great efforts have been made,
and now the hour is at hand in which Russia and her glorious Allies will
break the enemy’s last resistance in one common, mightier effort.
 This unprecedented war must be carried through to final victory.
Anyone who thinks of peace or desires it at this moment is a traitor to his
country and would deliver her over to the foe. I know that every soldier
worthy of the name thinks as I do.
Do your duty, protect our dear and glorious country, submit to the
Provisional Government, obey your leaders, and remember that any
failure in duty can only profit the enemy.
I am firmly convinced that the boundless love you bear our great
country is not dead within you. God bless you, and may St. George, the
great martyr, lead you to victory!
Nicholas.

The Chief of the General Staff, Alexeieff.

In this sad and tragic hour the Czar had only one desire—to make the task
of the Government which had dethroned him easier. His only fear was that
the events which had happened might have an evil effect on the army which
the enemy could turn to his own advantage.
On the orders of the Minister of War this Order of the Day was never
brought to the knowledge of the troops!

Why did Fate decree that the Czar Nicholas II. should reign at the
beginning of the twentieth century and in one of the most troublous periods
of history? Endowed with remarkable personal qualities, he was the
incarnation of all that was noblest and most chivalrous in the Russian nature.
But he was weak. The soul of loyalty, he was the slave of his pledged word.
His fidelity to the Allies, which was probably the cause of his death, proves
it beyond doubt. He despised the methods of diplomacy and he was not a
fighter. He was crushed down by events.
Nicholas II. was modest and timid; he had not enough self-confidence:
hence all his misfortunes. His first impulse was usually right. The pity was
that he seldom acted on it because he could not trust himself. He sought the
counsel of those he thought more competent than himself; from that moment
he could no longer master the problems that faced him. They escaped him.
He hesitated between conflicting causes and often ended by following that to
which he was personally least sympathetic.
 The Czarina knew the Czar’s irresolute character. As I have said, she
considered she had a sacred duty to help him in his heavy task. Her influence
on the Czar was very great and almost always unfortunate; she made politics
a matter of sentiment and personalities, and too often allowed herself to be
swayed by her sympathies or antipathies, or by those of her entourage.
Impulsive by nature, the Czarina was liable to emotional outbursts which
made her give her confidence unreservedly to those she believed sincerely
devoted to the country and the dynasty. Protopopoff was a case in point.
The Czar was always anxious to be just and to do the right thing. If he
sometimes failed, the fault lies at the door of those who did their utmost to
hide the truth from him and isolate him from his people. All his generous
impulses were broken against the passive resistance of an omnipotent
bureaucracy or were wilfully frustrated by those to whom he entrusted their
realisation. He thought that personal initiative, however powerful and well
meant, was nothing compared to those higher forces which direct the course
of events. Hence that sort of mystical resignation in him which made him
follow life rather than try to lead it. It is one of the characteristics of the
Russian nature.
An essentially reflective man, he would have been perfectly happy to live
as a private individual, but he was resigned to his lot, and humbly accepted
the superhuman task which God had given him. He loved his people and his
country with all the force of his nature; he had a personal affection for the
least of his subjects, those moujiks whose lot he earnestly desired to better.
What a tragic fate was that of this sovereign whose only desire during his
reign was to be close to his people and who never succeeded in realising his
wish. The fact is that he was well guarded, and by those whose interest it
was that he should not succeed.[57]
 CHAPTER XVII

THE REVOLUTION SEEN FROM THE ALEXANDER PALACE—THE

CZAR’S RETURN TO TSARSKOÏE-SELO

W HILE the dramatic events I have described in the preceding chapters

were in progress at Pskoff and Mohileff the Czarina and her children,
who had remained behind at the Alexander Palace, were passing
through days of the most poignant anguish.
As we have seen, it was only after long hesitation that the Czar, in his
anxiety, had decided on March 8th, 1917, to leave Tsarskoïe-Selo and go to
G.H.Q.
His departure was a great blow to the Czarina, for to the fears aroused in
her breast by the political situation had been added her anxiety about Alexis
Nicolaïevitch. The Czarevitch had been in bed with measles for several days,
and his condition had been aggravated by various complications. To crown
everything, three of the Grand-Duchesses had also been taken ill, and there
was no one but Marie Nicolaïevna to help the mother.
On March 10th we learned that trouble had broken out in Petrograd and
that bloody collisions had taken place between police and demonstrators.
The fact was that for several days the shortage of food had produced
feelings of bitter discontent in the poorer quarters of the city. There had been
processions, and mobs had appeared in the streets demanding bread.
I realised that Her Majesty had a good deal on her mind, for, contrary to
her usual habit, she spoke freely about political events, and told me that
Protopopoff had accused the Socialists of conducting an active propaganda
among railway employees with a view to preventing the provisioning of the
city, and thus precipitating a revolution.
On the 11th the situation suddenly became very critical and the most
alarming news arrived without warning. The mob made its way into the
centre of the town, and the troops, who had been called in the previous
evening, were offering but slight resistance.
 I heard also that an Imperial ukase had ordered the sittings of the Duma
to be suspended, but that, in view of the grave events in progress, the
Assembly had disregarded the decree for its prorogation and decided to form
an executive committee charged with the duty of restoring order.
The fighting was renewed with greater violence the next morning, and the
insurgents managed to secure possession of the arsenal. Towards the evening
I was told on the telephone from Petrograd that reserve elements of several
regiments of the Guard—e.g., the Paul, Preobrajensky, and other regiments
—had made common cause with them. This piece of news absolutely
appalled the Czarina. She had been extremely anxious since the previous
evening, and realised that the peril was imminent.
She had spent these two days between the rooms of the Grand-Duchesses
and that of Alexis Nicolaïevitch, who had taken a turn for the worse, but she
always did her utmost to conceal her torturing anxiety from the invalids.
At half-past ten on the morning of the 13th the Czarina beckoned me to
step into an adjoining room just as I was entering the Czarevitch’s bedroom.
She told me that the capital was actually in the hands of the revolutionaries
and that the Duma had just set up a Provisional Government with Rodzianko
at its head.
“The Duma has shown itself equal to the occasion,” she said. “I think it
has realised the danger which is threatening the country, but I’m afraid it is
too late. A Revolutionary-Socialist Committee has been formed which will
not recognise the authority of the Provisional Government. I have just
received a telegram from the Czar saying he will be here at six in the
morning, but he wants us to leave Tsarskoïe-Selo for Gatchina,[58] or else go
to meet him. Please make all arrangements for Alexis’s departure.”
The necessary orders were given. Her Majesty was a prey to terrible
doubt and hesitation. She informed Rodzianko of the serious condition of the
Czarevitch and the Grand-Duchesses, but he replied: “When a house is
burning the invalids are the first to be taken out.”
At four o’clock Dr. Derevenko came back from the hospital and told us
that the whole network of railways round Petrograd was already in the hands
of the revolutionaries, so that we could not leave, and it was highly
improbable that the Czar would be able to reach us.
About nine in the evening Baroness Buxhœveden entered my room. She
had just heard that the garrison of Tsarskoïe-Selo had mutinied and that there
was firing in the streets. She was going to tell the Czarina, who was with the
Grand-Duchesses. As a matter of fact, she came into the corridor at that
moment and the Baroness told her how things stood. We went to the
windows. We saw General Reissine, who had taken up position outside the
palace at the head of two companies of the composite regiment. I also saw
some marines of the bodyguard and cossacks of the escort. The park gates
had been occupied in special strength, the men being drawn up in four ranks,
ready to fire.
At that moment we heard on the telephone that the rebels were coming in
our direction and had just killed a sentry less than five hundred yards from
the palace. The sound of firing came steadily nearer and a fight seemed
inevitable. The Czarina was horrorstruck at the idea that blood might be shed
under her very eyes; she went out with Marie Nicolaïevna and exhorted the
men to keep cool. She begged them to parley with the rebels. It was a
terrible moment, and our hearts almost stopped beating with suspense. A
single mistake and there would have been a hand-to-hand fight followed by
bloodshed. However, the officers stepped in and a parley began. The rebels
were impressed by the words of their old leaders and the resolute attitude of
the troops which remained faithful.
The excitement gradually subsided and a neutral zone was fixed between
the two camps.
Thus was the night passed, and in the morning formal orders from the
Provisional Government arrived which put an end to the dreadful situation.
In the afternoon Her Majesty sent for the Grand Duke Paul and asked him
if he knew where the Czar was. The Grand Duke did not know. When the
Czarina questioned him about the situation he replied that in his opinion the
grant of a constitution at once could alone avert the peril. The Czarina shared
that view, but could do nothing, as she had been
 IN THE CHAIR, THE GRAND-DUCHESS MARIE RECOVERING FROM HER ILLNESS. ON
THE LEFT, ANASTASIE NICOLAÏEVNA. ON THE RIGHT, TATIANA NICOLAÏEVNA. APRIL,
1917.

THE FOUR GRAND-DUCHESSES IN THE PARK AT TSARSKOÏE-SELO. MAY, 1917.

[Facing page 212.
unable to communicate with the Czar since the previous evening.
The day of the 15th passed in an oppressive suspense. At 3.30 a.m. next
morning Dr. Botkin was called to the telephone by a member of the
Provisional Government, who asked him for news of Alexis Nicolaïevitch.
(We heard subsequently that a report of his death had been circulating in the
city.)
The Czarina’s ordeal was continued the next day. It was three days since
she had had any news of the Czar and her forced inaction made her anguish
all the more poignant.[59]
Towards the end of the afternoon the news of the Czar’s abdication
reached the palace. The Czarina refused to believe it, asserting it was a
canard. But soon afterwards the Grand Duke Paul arrived to confirm it. She
still refused to believe it, and it was only after hearing all the details he gave
her that Her Majesty yielded to the evidence. The Czar had abdicated at
Pskoff the previous evening in favour of his brother, the Grand Duke
Michael.
The Czarina’s despair almost defied imagination, but her great courage
did not desert her. I saw her in Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s room that same
evening. Her face was terrible to see, but, with a strength of will which was
almost superhuman, she had forced herself to come to the children’s rooms
as usual so that the young invalids, who knew nothing of what had happened
since the Czar had left for G.H.Q., should suspect nothing.
Late at night we heard that the Grand Duke Michael had renounced the
throne, and that the fate of Russia was to be settled by the Constituent
Assembly.
Next morning I found the Czarina in Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s room. She
was calm, but very pale. She looked very much thinner and ever so much
older in the last few days.
In the afternoon Her Majesty received a telegram from the Czar in which
he tried to calm her fears, and told her that he was at Mohileff pending the
imminent arrival of the Dowager Empress.
Three days passed. At half-past ten on the morning of the 21st Her
Majesty summoned me and told me that General Korniloff had been sent by
the Provisional Government to inform her that the Czar and herself were
under arrest and that all those who did not wish to be kept in close
confinement must leave the palace before four o’clock. I replied that I had
decided to stay with them.
“The Czar is coming back to-morrow. Alexis must be told everything.
Will you do it? I am going to tell the girls myself.”
It was easy to see how she suffered when she thought of the grief of the
Grand-Duchesses on hearing that their father had abdicated. They were ill,
and the news might make them worse.
I went to Alexis Nicolaïevitch and told him that the Czar would be
returning from Mohileff next morning and would never go back there again.
“Why?”
“Your father does not want to be Commander-in-Chief any more.”
He was greatly moved at this, as he was very fond of going to G.H.Q.
After a moment or two I added:
“You know your father does not want to be Czar any more, Alexis
Nicolaïevitch.”
He looked at me in astonishment, trying to read in my face what had
happened.
“What! Why?”
“He is very tired and has had a lot of trouble lately.”
“Oh yes! Mother told me they stopped his train when he wanted to come
here. But won’t papa be Czar again afterwards?”
I then told him that the Czar had abdicated in favour of the Grand Duke
Michael, who had also renounced the throne.
“But who’s going to be Czar, then?”
“I don’t know. Perhaps nobody now....”
Not a word about himself. Not a single allusion to his rights as the Heir.
He was very red and agitated.
There was a silence, and then he said:
“But if there isn’t a Czar, who’s going to govern Russia?”
I explained that a Provisional Government had been formed and that it
would govern the state until the Constituent Assembly met, when his uncle
Michael would perhaps mount the throne.
Once again I was struck by the modesty of the boy.
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