Ghost_and_God_Some_Observations_on_a_Ba
Ghost_and_God_Some_Observations_on_a_Ba
EDITED BY
VOLUME XXII
.
EDITED BY
A.I. BAUMGARTEN
]. ASSMANN
G.G. STROUMSA
BRILL
LEIDEN · BOSTON · KON
1998
GHOST AND GOD: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON A
BABLONIAN UNDERSTANDING OF HUMAN NATURE1
TzviAbsch
1 Some of the ideas in his paper were worked out, and a draft for the conference
written, while I was a Fellow of the Netherlands Insitute for Advanced Study in the
Humaniies and Social Sciences, during the academic year 1994-95. I should like to
hnk Shaul Shaked, Karel van der Toon, and especially Frans Wiggermann for
discussing the topic with me while I was preparing that draft, and the whole NIAS
research heme group 'Magic �d Religion in he Ancient Near East' for discussing
the drat subsequent to its presentaion in Israel. I wish also to thank R. Abus�h, S.A.
Geller, L. Pearce, and especially K. Kraviz for criiquing drafts of this paper. I m
grateful to the Conference organizers for the oppornity to take up the problem,
and to the staf of NIAS for he wonderul working condiions that allowed me to
write this essay.
364 TI BUSCH
2 For ediions of Arabasis, see W.G. Lambert and A.R. Millard, Atra-bass: e
Babyonan Soy fhe Food (Oxford: Clarendon, 1 969) and W. von Soden, "Die erste
Tafel des altbabylonischen Arambasis-Mythus. 'Haupttext' und Parallelversionen,"
ZA 68 ( 1978) 50-94. For ranslaions, see lso S. Dalley, yhs rom Mesopoamia
(Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 1 989) 1-38; B.R. Foster, Bore e
Muses: An Anholoy ofAadan Lierature (2 vols.; Bethesda: CDL, 1993) 1 . 1 58-20 I, and
bibliography there, pp. 1 98-1 99; nd W. von Soden, "Der altbabylonische Aram
chasis-Mythos," n K. Hecker, et al., ytn und Epn I (0. Kaiser, ed., Texte aus
der Umwelt des Alten Testaments III/4; Giitersloh: Giitersloher Verlagshaus, 1 994)
612-645.
GHOST ND GOD 365
tain the human community and to uphold the temple regime. The
work was onerous and the mass of gods, the workers, rebelled, re
fused to coninue woring, and went out on strike. The social and
natural order was threatened. Finally, a soluion was worked out,
namely, to ll the god who had led the rebellion and to create
humanity from his body in order to provide a source of labor that
would free the gods from their toil.
Let us now examine porions I 192-226) of the passage that tells of
the killing of the god and the cre;ion of humanity. 3
3 For the text, see Lambert/Millard, Atra-Jas, pp. 56-59; for recent ranslaions,
see Foster, Bfore he Mss, 1 . 1 65 - 1 66 and S.A. Geller, "Some Sound and Word Plays
in the First Tablet of the Old Babylonian Ars Epic," in B. Walfish, ed., e Frank
Talmge Mmoal Volue (2 vols.; Haifa: Hifa University Press, 1 993) 1 .62-63. I omit
several lines which might confuse he issue and divert our attenion.
4 With W.L. Moran, "The Creaion of Mn in Arahasis I 1 92- 248," BASOR 200
7 Or, "in."
8 Or, "a ghost came into eistence."
9 ines 2 14-2 1 7 (/I 227-230) pose some serious problems. I cannot take up ll of
them here. I would note, however, hat in my opinion, line 2 1 5 does not coninue
line 2 14, and line 2 1 7 does not coninue line 2 1 6; rather, 2 1 6 develops the thought
of 2 14, and 2 1 7 that of 2 1 5 . I arrived at this conclusion recendy while sruggling over
the pssage; I am herefore ll he more pleased to note that I.M. kawada already
arrived at a similar conclusion many years ago, for he "points out that the uppu line,
Arahasis I 2 1 4 (and 227) belongs to a quarain of the BB patten." (kawada,
apud A.D. Kilmer, "Notes on Akkadian uppu," in M. deJong Ellis, ed. ssays on he
nnt Near Est n Mmoy fJacob Joel Fnesn Memoirs of the Connecicut Acad
emy of s and Sciences 1 9; Hamden: Archon Books, 1 977] 1 30, n. 4, and earlier,
A.D. Kilmer, "The Mesopotamian Concept of Overpopulaion and Its Soluion as
Reflected in the Mythology," Or NS 41 [1972) 1 63, where Kilmer sets out the
interpreive context for that obsevaion.) I accept the suggesion that upu is the
heart(beat) ('drum' = 'beaing heart'--see Kilmer, "Mesopotamian Concept of
Ovepopulaion," 1 63, and "Notes on Akkadian uppu," and c. Th.Jacobsen, apud
Moran,"Creaion of Man," 5 6. The form here-Ar + B1; A2 + B2-may be
GHOST D GOD 367
eplained as either a conflaion, a mistake, or [since these lines difer in form from
the surounding ones, which re organized either in consecuive narraion and/ or
the poeic form AI I I A2: B1 I I B2] a change of form due to the incorporaion of a
radiional utternce from another context. Further support for his posiion may
perhaps be found in the o?ission of line 228 in one of the manuscripts, see Lambert/
Millard, Atra-s, 58, variant to line 228.) Thus, I understand lines 214 and 216 as
developing the issue of heart-blood and lines 215 and 217 as developing that of flesh.
10
See, e.g., J. Bottero, ';La creaion de l'homme et son nature dans le poeme
d'AtrlS," in M.A. Dandarayev, et al., eds., Soceties and angugs f e Ancent Near
East, Studs n Honour fLM. Dionff(Varminster: Aris & Phillips, 1982) 24-32, and
for a summary statement, idem, Mesopomia: Wti, Reasonn, nd e os (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1992) 241; Geller, "Some Sound and Word Plays";
ilmer, "Mesopotainian Concept of Overpopulaion," .163-165; Lambert/Millard,
Atra-s, 21-22 nd 153; K. Oberhuber, "Ein Versuch zum Verstindnis von Ara
Hasis I 223 und I 1," in G. n briel, et al., eds., Zkir Smm: Assyrioogcal Studes
rsened o .R. Kras on e Occaon f his Sveneh Bhday (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1982)
279-281.
It is apparent that I do not follow W. von Soden's reading Widimmu/Edimmu for
emmu, for which see his "Der Mensch bescheidet sich nicht: Obelegungen zu
Schopfungsezahlungen in Babylonien und Israel," in M.A. Beek, et al., eds., ymbo
e Biblcae et Mesopoamcae Francisco Maro heodoro e e Bhl Dedcaae (Leiden: EJ.
Bill, 1973) 350-353, and s more recent "Der Urmensch im Ara.asis-Mythos,"
in L. de Meyer and H. Gasche, eds., Mesopotame et Eam: Acs de a X!me
Rncontre Assyoogique Inemaonae (Mesopotaian History and Environment, Series
4: Occasional Publicaions 1; 1991) 4 7-51, "Die Igigu-Gitter in altbabylonischer Zeit
und Edimmu il Ara.asis-Mythos," in . Cagni and H.-P. Miller, eds., As
Sprache, Geschche und Relon Babyonens; Gesammele Asit.e (Series Minor 32; Naples:
Isituto Universitario Oientale, Diparimento di Studi Asiaici, 1989) 339-349, and
"Altbabylonische Aramchasis-Mythos," 614-615 and 623-624. Regrding von So-
368 TZI BUSCH
"we-e ila who possesses ma," on the one side, and the Babylonian
word eemmu, 'ghost', on the other. The text, thus, implicitly treats
eemmu, 'ghost', as having been fomed from (or in some way related
to) the combinaion of the We of the god's name and his mu. Thus,
because of man's origin from a particular divinity and the nature of
the god from whom he deives, mankind possesses not only intelli
gence but also a ghost and survives after death in the fom of that
ghost. And it is the mu, 'intelligence', that unites the two peiods of
human eistence, for it· is exercised during life in dily acions and is
present after death phonetically as part of eemmu.
It. is ·possible that one manuscript (Lambert/Millard, Ms. E, lines
215 and 217) even renders the combinaion of the We of the god's
name and his fu explicit by represening the benng of the word
eemmu by means of the <we> sign instead of the nomal <e> of the
other manuscipts. Moreover, I should noice that although the god's
name and the menion of the eemmu are several lines apart, support
for the correctness of treaing we-e .... ma as an exegesis or eymol
ogy of eemmu is provided by a late commentary text, where in the
course of explicaing a magical text and eplaining and providing
etymologies for eemmu, the commentary states:
that also in our Atrabasis text, man is created from the flesh and
blood of a god. Divine and human are thus joined up in what we call
the human being.15
But our text s clear that mankind is created not only from a
mixture of the lesh and blood of the slain god, but also from the
mixture of these with clay. And with this observation we are immedi
ately sensiized to an apparent discrepancy in the account, one which
accentuates or highlights our text's understanding of aspects of the
human consituion or condiion that might otherwise have gone
unremarked. I note that either the flesh or the clay, one or the other,
would seem to be superluous, a point that is made abundanly clear
by a urther comparison with the related ealy Sumeian text Enki
and Ninmab, on the one side, and the later Babylonian text Enna
Elis, on the other. In the former, man is created from lay and water,
in the latter from the blood of a slain god who had incited a war
against Marduk's lineage ("he created manind from his blood").
Properly speaking, then, it would have suiced f there had been
no mention of the lesh and if the blood of the god had simply been
mixed with the clay, for the blood and clay are like the breath of God
and the clods of earth in Genesis, with the blood s�rely represening
the life principle, see, e.g., Genesis 9:4-5, Leviticus 17:11 and 14, and
Deuteronomy 12:23, where 'the life is in the blood'.
We thus see how very special the paricular ariculaion of our
passage is. (Here I underscore especially the fact that according to this
text the god's flesh seves as the source of the human ghost. Others
have already noted this derivaion; one of the goals of this paper is to
eplore further the sificance of the fact that the ghost adheres to the
human body and the paradox that the apparently insubstanial ghost
derives from flesh-even divine flesh.) Our passage represents a con
flaion o, or an overlay upon, an earlier craftsman story which told of
the creaion of man by the mixing of clay and water. But the conflaion
is more than just an historical vesige and accidental overlay; .ther it
serves a pronounced pupose, for it formulates nd presents a paricu-
''lesh and blood" nd conveys s n English a sense of kinship or faily, may well
have even conributed to the formulaion of our text.
GHOST D GOD 371
lar understanding of man. For while the clay retains the older funcion
of matter, the god's blood and flesh represent the divine sources from
which, respecively, the life force and nature of man, on the one side,
and the body and ghost, on the other, are created.16
The passage epresses the noion that the mind and body derive
from he god. As noted above, I understnd lines 214 and 216 s
developing the theme of heart-blood and lines 215 and 217 as devel
oping that of lesh. Assuming, then, that uppu refers to the heartbeat,
the BB structure of lines 214-217 (/I 227-230)17 allows us to
expand the amu-sfu pair nto the following structure:
16
See Lambert/Millard, Ara-bass, 22, for a discussion of the blood and flesh.
17 I ranslate line 216 s follows: To the living creature(or, While alive), let it(=
the heart/blood) make nown. to him(= the human being) his(= the human being's)
sign(= he personal god) /or his(= he god's) sign(= mu = personl god). For a
discussion of the blood/intelligence/personal god, see below, Part 3.
18 I owe the category inner/outer to an observaion by Julia Asher-Greve.
19 I regret that I cannot accept W.L. Moran's argument, "Creaion of Man," 54,
that the eemmu belongs to the god alone, though I do concede many of s objec
ions. The ghost may belong to both the god nd the human.
0 For the noion of person or sef, see especially M. Mauss, "A Categoy of the
Human Mind: The Noion of Person, The Noion of'Self," Socoloy and Psycholoy.
ssays(rans. B. B:ewster; ondon: Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 1979) 57-94.
372 TI BUSCH
And one is thus tempted to equate the lesh and ghost with the
physical image of God (of Genesis) and the blood and intelligence
with the soul. But, in any case, it would be remiss of me to pass on to
the next part of my eposiion without relaing our discussion, if only
cursoily, to a different approach to, or perhaps just a diferent termi
nology for, he concept of the soul(s) in some primiive and ealy
societies. We might say that the god in Atrabasis serves, irst of ll, as
the source of that soul which elsewhere has been described as the
body soul, a soul which is often divided into such parts as the life soul.
and the ego soul; in a Semiic context, it is perhaps best treated as a
soul that imbues the individual with life and consciousness, or, in
modem terminology, with 'ego' or the 'se'. But the god is also the
source of the other soul, the death soul, the soul of the individual
after death, a soul that gradually loses individuality unil it becomes
part of the collecivity of the ancestors. 21
We have seen in the Atrabasis creaion account, irstly, that the god
who has imu serves as the source of the human life force or idenity.
This point, namely that the aforemenioned god imparts and defines
human life, ll eventually be our jumping of point for a discussion
of the self and of the personal god. But we have also seen that the
flesh of the god who has mu is the source of the human ghost. And
here we shall start with this latter poi.t and elaborate, if only briefly,
on the 'ghost', eemmu, 22 in order to noice some of the implicaions of
the creation account's contenion that the god's flesh is the source of
the human ghost.
21 F
or a recent discussion of some of these concepts and especially their applica
ion to ancient Greek understanding, seeJ.N. Bremmer, e EarJ reek Concept ofhe
Soul(Princeton: inceton University Press, 1983) and idem, " the Soul, Death and
he terlife n Early and Classical Greece," n J.M. Bremer, Th.PJ. van den Hout,
and R. Peters, eds., Hdn Futures: Deah and lmmortaliJ in Ancient ypt, Anaolia, he
Casscal, Biblcal and Arabc-Isamc World(sterdam: Amsterdam University Press,
1994) 77-106. The limits of this paper do not allow a discussion of the conceptually
related terms napftu(Hebrew nephesh) I zaqfqu I ll breath, wind. Thus, I have also
=
not discussed the relaionship of the ree or dream soul to the death soul.
22
For the Mesopotamian concepion of eemmu,'ghost' and he care of the dead,
see my " Etemmu," in K. van der Toon, B. Becking, and P.W. vn der Horst, eds.,
Dctonay fDeites and Demons n he Bibe DDD)(Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1995) 588-594 and
bibliography there, 593-594(to the bibliography, add Trapper, Nekromnte, 47-109).
GHOST D GOD 373
23 Note also that wind imagery is associated with the ghost---cf. simply the use of
l, wind, for 'ghost'. The associaion of ghost and wind in Mesopotamia nay be
reminiscent of the associaion of nephsh and breah in the Hebrew Bible especially if
we accept the view hat West Semiic nephesh may someimes be the equivalent of
eemmu, ghost(seeJ.C. Greenield, "Un rite religieux arameen et ses paralleles," oJ
BibliqJ 80 [1973] 46-50). And we may wonder whether like the nephesh in the live
humn, the eemmu may not also exist during life. I note here only that it is certainly
possible to intepret Ara.asis, I, 215-216//228-229 in this manner.
374 TI BUSCH
ued existence, for its relationship and place, that is, among he living
and the dead.
Thus, when one wishes to depive the recent dead of the possibility
of retaining their individual and/or social idenity, one must destroy
their body/corpse. n light of our discussion of fu, 'flesh', in
Atrabasis and our recogiion that the eemmu is in the flesh of the
dead, it comes as no surpise that the destrucion of the dead is
someimes descibed in terms of the destrucion of their lesh: the
lesh is fed to amals and, thereby, both the individuality and even
the very humanity of the dead are destroyed. There are many exam
ples of this ind of treatment in histoical texts,24 but one of the most
evocaive examples that I know comes from the world of itual. The
concluding secion of the ani-witchcraft itual Maql25 indicates that
the witch's body is not to be buried; rather her copse is to be de
voured by animals. The penulimate incantaion and itual in Maqlu
VIII 81-89 II X 183-187) describe how the witch is fed to eagles,
vultures, and dogs. Note the reference there, in line 88, to the de
struction of the witch's flesh, her fu. ·A porion of the incantaion
VIII 85-88) reads:
24 See, e.g., A. Westenholz, "blm, mtm, and Old Akkadian I.GAL: Burial
Moreover, the body may also be bunt, for buning the body
makes it impossible to give it proper buial ites, and its ghost ll not
be found in the netheworld: thus, fitingly, in Gilgamesh, Enkidu,
and the Netherworld, Gilgamesh asks, "Did you see him who was set
on fire?" And Enidu answers, "I did not see him. His smoke went
up to the sky and his ghost does not live in the netheworld."26
Normally, then, the dead body was buied. But when a copse was
left unbuied and/or was destroyed by animals, fire, or the like, the
dead person would lose his human idenity and human community.
He could no longer be integrated into the structured community of
the dead and thereby into the ongoing and continuous community of
the living and the dead. In some cases, the remains are so totally
transfomed and disintegrated that the dead lose all vesiges of hu
man idenity. Some texts suggest that those dead who were left
unburied and had their corpses destroyed are relegated to the form
less and chaoic world someimes associated with steppe and winds,
may even become part of the demonic world that is neither human
nor god, male nor female, and/or may even lose ll semblance of
eistence and be transformed into fomlessness and even nothing
ness. ut differently, even the actual ghost thus loses its human iden
ity and eistenceY
criminal who had died prior to being punished for his crimes may be deprived of
mortuary rites; moreover, his buial may be reversed by exhumaion and, occasion
ally, his remains desroyed. His ghost, too, is thus excluded rom the community of
the dead. Even the actual ghost, then, does not escape punishment and may even
lose its human idenity.
28
To be sure, the flesh os after buial. At that point, the idenity of the indi
vidual is associated with his skeleton or bones. The desucion of the bones, then,
consitutes the complete desrucion of the individual (see, e.g., Gassin, "e mort"
and Venant "India, Mesopotamia, Greece," 77-79). Here, therefore, we may won
der how the Babylonians understood or consued he relaionship of the flesh and
bones of the dead. Perhaps immediately after death, the flesh or resh corpse repre
sented the individual but, at a later stage in the process of disintegraion, it was the
bones that came to represent the individual. Rening to our Ara}sis text, we may
expand the quesion and suggest the following scheme, one which ·is rather obvious
and is made up of three stages-blood represents the life force of the live individual,
flesh (and bodily shape) the individul at death, and bones the penent dead
GHOST ND GOD 377
What does it mean to enter into the furthest reaches of death? The fatal
blow that skes the hero liberates his puch, which lees the limbs,
leaving behind its srength and youth. Yet for ll that, it has not passed
through the gates of death. Death is not a simple demise, a privaion of
life; it is a transformaion of which the corpse is both the insument
and the object, a ransmutaion of the subject that funcions in and
through the body. Funerary rites actualize s change of condiion; at
their conclusion, the individual has left the realm of the living, in the
same way as is cremated bory has vanished into the hereafter, and as
s puchi has reached the shores of Hades, never to return. .... fhere]
he coninues to exist ... in a form of being that is released from the
atriion of ime and destrucion. 29
The fire of the funerary pyre, by contrast, consumes and sends into the
realm of the invisible, along with the perishable lesh and blood, a
person's enire physical appearance and the attributes that can be seen
on the body .... The visible form of the body, such as is displayed when
it is laid out for viewing at the beginning of the funeral rites, can only be
saved from corrupion by disappearing into the invisible. 30
But the ghost retains the visible form of the body. 31 And we would
conclude this secion by emphasizing again that for the Mesopo
tamians (as semeimes for ourselves) the body itself gives form to the
percepion of the self and of the other and provides the image under
which the deceased and his ghost remain in the mind of the living: a
Immos, 68.
30 Ibid., 70.
31 C£, e.g., Venant agin, but this ime in the essay ''Psuche: Simulacrum of the
Body or Image of the Divine?": "The psuce s like a body; as shown on works of t,•
on vases, it is represented like a niature body, a corpusculum; it is the double of the
living body, a replica hat can be taken for the body itself that has the same appear
ance, clothing, gestures, and voice." (Moas and Immoas, 189.)
378 TI BUSCH
human fom or body. The eemmu derives from the body and pre
serves the body image.
We noiced that the ghost is of divine origin and derives from the
god's flesh; accordingly, we discussed the flesh, the copse, and the
ghost. We noiced, in addiion, that also the life force is divine or of
divine origin. Thus, we should now tum to a consideraion of the
human being during his lifeime.
The god's blood is the source of man's life force; it is the channel
through which certain divine qualities enter into man. s noted ear
lier, it is of paricular interest that the god to be slain is characterized
as one who possesses mu and that his blood (damu) is the channel
through which intelligence (mu) is imparted to humanity. Therefore,
we should here pay some attention to the intellectual quality of the
slain god. The possession of mu is crucial for this god and for hu
manity. So before even eploring any further the concepts about this
god that define the human (or, rather, the reverse, the concepts about
the human that define the god), we should say a word or two about
mu. mu is plan, inspiraion, or inteligence as well as the verbal
fomulation that conveys or expresses these. In the context of
Atrabasis, the use of mu is the act of deiberaion about the slave
condiion of the �orker gods in an irigaion economy, the formula
ion of a plan o( rebellion, and its execuion. 32 The god who hit upon
and developed the idea of the rebellion and who worked out the plan
of execuion serves as the progenitor of humanity.
The early Mesopotamian is an organizer, an innovator, who strug
gles to understand and control his environment and must put his
mind to the future in order to create and maintain a system of in
tense irrigaion. The concept of mu is an important component in
that ciization's understanding of man and in the Mesopotamian
concept of the personal god, who is, I believe, a personificaion of the
self.
Mesopotamian mu is strikingly similar to John Dewey's under
standing of mind (which influenced American Interacionism and,
paricularly, the thought of George Herbert Mead and thereby the
concept of the 'self in the social sciences):
33 J.H. Tuner, 1he Structure f Socoocal 1heoy Homewood: Dorsey, 1 978, rev.
edit.) 3 1 4.
4 Perhaps indirecdy it also provides an aeiology for the relaionship of n to his
personal god.
3> h. Jacobsen, 1he Tresurs f Darknss: A Hsoy f Mesopotaman Relon (New
Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1 976) 1 56. For Jacobsen's understnding of
he personal god, see his "Mesopotamia," n H. Franfort, et al., 1he Intelectual
Advnture fAncent Man. An ssay on Specuatoe hoght n e Ancnt Near ast (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1 946) 202-208, s well s Tresures fDarness, 1 52- 1 64.
36 For the text of the proverb, see W. G. Lambert, Babyonan Wsom Lerature
(Oxford: Clrendon, 1 960) 227: 23-26; for its interpretaion, see Jacobsen, ''Mesopo
taia," 204, and idem, Tresures f Darness, 1 56.
380 TI BUSCH
Here, I should perhaps place the concept of the personal god into a
clearer Mesopotamian context. The Mesopotamian did not formu
late his own personal psychology pimarily n the form of intenal
categoies; rather he objectified and extenalized major aspects of
sel£ He could thus be surrounded by a series of divine beings38 who
represented aspects of self or perhaps even diferent life- or body
souls. 39 Among these divine beings are the ilu and ftam, the personal
god and goddess.0 One may surmise that this god and goddess are
no more than psychologically intenalized father and mother figures
that ind epression among the Babylonians in the form of extenal
ized, divinized iguresY Here, I limit myself to the ilu. It is possible
mother a force for socializaion, it is perhaps not a coincidence that a late commen
tary text (AT. Clay, Epcs, Hmns, ms, nd Or Txs Babylonian Records in the
Library of]. Pierpont Morgan, vol. 4 ; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1923] no.
32, obv. 2-3, ranslaion: M. Stol, Epiep� n Babyona [Cuneiform Monographs 2;
GHOST D GOD 381
that the god (ilu) originally represented the family or clan, but per
haps because of the individual's close connecion to his group, the
god also became the personal god of the individual, especially as that
individual related to the world, to the present, and to the future.
Most of all, the god was evident in social success and in the ability to
have children.42
It should now be recalled that god and ghost serve many of the
same funcions. First of all, the personal god and the ghosts of the
family belong together in the sense that they both represent parents:
the one represents and preserves the norms of the family among the
living; the other represents and preserves the norms of the famly
among and from the dead. Human beings attain their idenity in no
small measure from their social contexts; these connecions extend
over both space and time, i.e., over the here-and-now and through
ime. Idenity is derived from the contemporary living context but
also from ancestors and progeny. n both dimensions, the Meso
potamians encounter the numinous other, the divine. The ghost rep
resents the ancestral kinship group, while the god who inhabits the
living body-the personal god-represents the living family and the
actual or daily social world. Ghost and personal god represent aspects
of both individual and group ego and superego.
The ancestral ghost requires coninued honor and care and may
become a hosile presence if disregarded. Not only the ghost but also
the personal god may make demands of the living person and punish
or reward him, accordingly, so that this god is undoubtedly an aspect
Groningen: Styx, 1993] 25) explains the illness 'hand of the god' as "he curses the
gods, he speaks insolence, he hits whom(ever) he sees," and the illness 'hand of he
goddess' as ''he has ... of heart-break, ime and again, nd forgets his (own) words,
ime and again." For the illness 'hand of the god' sees to be the ransformaion of
energy that cannot be ned to consrucive purposes into anger and aggression
against others, while he illness 'hand of the goddess' seems to represent the tung
of a feeling of not belonging, or of not being cared for, into anger against the self and
thereby into a state of anxiety and depression. he loss of the father is he loss of a
sense of consrucive acion in society, the lbss of the mother is the loss of a social
sense of belonging and feeling that others care for one.
42 Again to quote Jacobsen: "n a sense, and probaly his is the original aspect,
the personal god appears as the personificaion of a man's luck and success. Success
is interpreted as an outside power which infuses itself into a man's doings and makes
them produce results." ("Mesopotamia," 203) "s a diine power dwelling in the
man and causing him to succeed, he god would naturally be present and acive in
he most decisive nd necessary achievement of llment for the ancient Mesopota
mian, hat of engendering a son." (Treasures f Darnss, 1 58)
382 TZI BUSCH
n Atra.asis the lesh defines physicl idenity, the body, and there
with the ghost, and places the human being in relaionship to the
past, while the blood, and therewith the intelligence, defines the per
sonality or living idenity and coninues into the future through the
blood (seed). Thus, the personal god and ghost may be drawn to
gether for puposes of understanding a Mesopotamian construcion
of human nature. 47
escaped my attenion duing the wriing of this essay, see now W.G. Lambert, "he
Relaionship of Sumerian nd Babylonian Myth as Seen in Accounts of Creaion,"
in D. Charpin and F. Joannes, eds., a circuaton ds bns, s personnes et des ies dJS
e roche-Ornt nn, XII' R.A.l (Paris: Ediions Recherche sur les Ciilisaions,
1992) 129- 135. Basing himself upon a bilingual version, Lambert argues that Eni
created man by mixing clay and blood (Lambert leaves open the quesion whether it
is Eni's blood or his mother's). If correct, this contenion (which difers in its con
srucion of the text fom previous ranslaions) would rquire that the statement
(above, p. 370) hat man was created rom clay and water in Enki and Ninma. be
modified; but it in no way disqualiies he argument (above, p. 370) that the menion
Qf flesh alongside clay in Ara.asis was significant, for that argument depends not on
the absence of blood in Eni and Ninmab, but rather on the presence of flesh and
clay in Ara.asis and the absence of the former in Enki and Ninma..