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multitude of individual and insignificant demands for a whole range
of commodities, which will become effective at different times and
which might often be met just as well by simple commodity
production, is now replaced by a comprehensive and homogeneous
demand of the state. And the satisfaction of this demand
presupposes a big industry of the highest order. It requires the most
favourable conditions for the production of surplus value and for
accumulation. In the form of government contracts for army supplies
the scattered purchasing power of the consumers is concentrated in
large quantities and, free of the vagaries and subjective fluctuations
of personal consumption, it achieves an almost automatic regularity
and rhythmic growth. Capital itself ultimately controls this automatic
and rhythmic movement of militarist production through the
legislature and a press whose function is to mould so-called ‘public
opinion’. That is why this particular province of capitalist
accumulation at first seems capable of infinite expansion. All other
attempts to expand markets and set up operational bases for capital
largely depend on historical, social and political factors beyond the
control of capital, whereas production for militarism represents a
province whose regular and progressive expansion seems primarily
determined by capital itself.
In this way capital turns historical necessity into a virtue: the ever
fiercer competition in the capitalist world itself provides a field for
accumulation of the first magnitude. Capital increasingly employs
militarism for implementing a foreign and colonial policy to get hold
of the means of production and labour power of non-capitalist
countries and societies. This same militarism works in a like manner
in the capitalist countries to divert purchasing power away from the
non-capitalist strata. The representatives of simple commodity
production and the working class are affected alike in this way. At
their expense, the accumulation of capital is raised to the highest
power, by robbing the one of their productive forces and by
depressing the other’s standard of living. Needless to say, after a
certain stage the conditions for the accumulation of capital both at
home and abroad turn into their very opposite—they become
conditions for the decline of capitalism.
The more ruthlessly capital sets about the destruction of non-
capitalist strata at home and in the outside world, the more it lowers
the standard of living for the workers as a whole, the greater also is
the change in the day-to-day history of capital. It becomes a string
of political and social disasters and convulsions, and under these
conditions, punctuated by periodical economic catastrophes or
crises, accumulation can go on no longer.
But even before this natural economic impasse of capital’s own
creating is properly reached it becomes a necessity for the
international working class to revolt against the rule of capital.
Capitalism is the first mode of economy with the weapon of
propaganda, a mode which tends to engulf the entire globe and to
stamp out all other economies, tolerating no rival at its side. Yet at
the same time it is also the first mode of economy which is unable to
exist by itself, which needs other economic systems as a medium
and soil. Although it strives to become universal, and, indeed, on
account of this its tendency, it must break down—because it is
immanently incapable of becoming a universal form of production. In
its living history it is a contradiction in itself, and its movement of
accumulation provides a solution to the conflict and aggravates it at
the same time. At a certain stage of development there will be no
other way out than the application of socialist principles. The aim of
socialism is not accumulation but the satisfaction of toiling
humanity’s wants by developing the productive forces of the entire
globe. And so we find that socialism is by its very nature an
harmonious and universal system of economy.
 FOOTNOTES:
[1]For a totally different interpretation see Sweezy; The Theory of
Capitalist Development, chap. xi, Section 9.
[2]See p. 166.
[3]Cf. the quotation from Capital, vol. iii, p. 331.
[4]See p. 132.
[5]See p. 135.
[6]See p. 130.
[7]Exchanges between industries, however, must take place at
‘prices of production’ not at values. See below, p. 15, note.
[8]See p. 113.
[9]See p. 361.
[10]See p. 134.
[11]Later it is assumed that real wages can be depressed by
taxation (p. 455).
[12]See p. 116.
[13]See p. 85.
[14]See p. 355.
[15]See p. 76, note 355.
[16]See p. 79.
[17]In the numerical example quoted in chap. vi. (p. 117.) the
rate of profit is much higher in Department II than in I. Marx has
made the rate of exploitation equal in the two departments, and
the ratio of constant to variable capital higher in Department I.
This is evidently an oversight. The two departments must trade
with each other at market prices, not in terms of value. Therefore
s1 must represent the profits accruing to Department I, not a
proportion (half in the example) of the value generated in
Department I. s1/v should exceed s2⁄v to an extent
1 2
corresponding to the higher organic composition of capital in
Department I. The point is interesting, as it shows that when off
guard Marx forgot that he could make prices proportional to
values only when the organic composition of capital is the same
in all industries.
[18]See p. 129.
[19]See p. 130.
[20]Since, in this model, the organic composition of capital is the
same in the two departments, prices correspond to values.

[21]Of total gross output, 2⁄3 is replacement of constant capital;

surplus is 1⁄6 of gross output, and of surplus half is saved; thus
savings are 1⁄12 of gross output; of saving 4⁄5 is added to
constant capital; thus 1⁄15 of gross output is added to constant
capital. The output of Department I is therefore 2⁄3 + 1⁄15 or
11⁄
15 of total gross output. Similarly, the output of Department II
is 4⁄15 of total gross output.

[22]This model bears a strong family resemblance to Mr. Harrod’s

‘Warranted rate of growth’. Towards a Dynamic Economics,
lecture III.
[23]See p. 119.
[24]See p. 125.
[25]See p. 128.
[26]See p. 91.
[27]See p. 115.
[28]See p. 102. The phrase ‘zahlungsfähige nachfrage’, translated
‘effective demand’, is not the effective demand of Keynes
(roughly, current expenditure) but appears often to mean
demand for new capital, or, perhaps, prospective future demand
for goods to be produced by new capital.
[29]This assumption is made explicit later (p. 342).
[30]See pp. 131 et seq.
[31]See Sweezy, loc. cit.
[32]See p. 40.
[33]See p. 303.
[34]See p. 258.
[35]This point is, however, later admitted (p. 337).
[36]See p. 252.
[37]See p. 259. Marx himself failed to get this point clear. Cf. my
Essay on Marxian Economics, chap. v.
[38]Cf. Kalecki, Essays in the Theory of Economic Fluctuations,
pp. 14 et seq.
[39]See p. 323.
[40]See p. 314. Marx did not find himself in this dilemma because
he held that there is a fundamental ‘contradiction’ in capitalism
which shows itself in a strong tendency for the rate of profit on
capital to fall as technical progress takes place. But Rosa
Luxemburg sees that the tendency to a falling rate of profit is
automatically checked and may even be reversed if real-wage
rates are constant (p. 338).
[41]See p. 217, note.
[42]One passage suggests that she sees the problem, but thinks
it irrelevant to the real issue (p. 342).
[43]See p. 338.
[44]See p. 337.
[45]In this model the rate of exploitation is different in the two
departments. This means that the numbers represent money
value, not value.
[46]Rosa Luxemburg seems to regard this process as impossible,
but for what reason is by no means clear (p. 341).
[47]See p. 352.
[48]See p. 352.
[49]See p. 358.
[50]See p. 370.
[51]See p. 428.
[52]See p. 435.
[53]See p. 421.
[54]See p. 455.
[55]See p. 387.
[56]Hicks, Value and Capital, p. 302, note. Mr. Hicks himself,
however, regards the increase in population as the mainspring.
[57]Cf. A Survey of Contemporary Economics (ed. Ellis), p. 63.
[58]‘If production be capitalistic in form, so, too, will be
reproduction’ (Capital, vol. i, p. 578).
[59]Surplus value in our exposition is identical with profit. This is
true for production as a whole, which alone is of account in our
further observations. For the time being, we shall not deal with
the further division of surplus value into its component parts:
profit of enterprise, interest, and rent, as this subdivision is
immaterial to the problem of reproduction.
[60]‘Quesnay’s Tableau Économique shows ... how the result of
national production in a certain year, amounting to some definite
value, is distributed by means of the circulation in such a way,
that ... reproduction can take place.... The innumerable individual
acts of circulation are at once viewed in their characteristic social
mass movement—the circulation between great social classes
distinguished by their economic function’ (Capital, vol. ii, p. 414).
[61]Cf. Analyse du Tableau Économique, in Journal de
l’Agriculture, du Commerce et des Finances, by Dupont (1766),
pp. 305 ff. in Oncken’s edition of Œuvres de F. Quesnay. Quesnay
remarks explicitly that circulation as he describes it is based upon
two conditions: unhampered trade, and a system of taxation
applying only to rent: ‘Yet these facts have indispensable
conditions; that the freedom of commerce sustains the sale of
products at a good price, ... and moreover, that the farmer need
not pay any other direct or indirect charges but this income, part
of which, say two sevenths, must form the revenue of the
Sovereign’ (op. cit., p. 311).
[62]Adam Smith, An Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the
Wealth of Nations (ed. MacCulloch, Edinburgh London, 1828), vol.
i, pp. 86-8.
[63]Op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 17-18.
[64]Ibid., pp. 18-19.
[65]Ibid., p. 23.
[66]As to the concept of ‘national capital’ specific to Rodbertus,
see below, Section II.
[67]J. B. Say, A Treatise on Political Economy (transl. by C. R.
Prinsep, vol. ii, London, 1821); pp. 75-7.
[68]Attention must be drawn to the fact that Mirabeau in his
Explications on the Tableau Économique explicitly mentions the
fixed capital of the unproductive class: ‘The primary advances of
this class, for the establishment of manufactures, for instruments,
machines, mills, smithies (ironworks) and other factories ...
(amount to) 2,000 million livres’ (Tableau Économique avec ses
Explications, 1760, p. 82). In his confusing sketch of the Tableau
itself, Mirabeau, too, fails to take this fixed capital of the sterile
class into account.
[69]Smith accordingly arrives at this general formulation: ‘The
value which the workmen add to the materials, therefore,
resolves itself in this case into two parts, of which the one pays
their wages, the other the profits of their employer upon the
whole stock of materials and wages which he advanced’ (op. cit.,
vol. i, p. 83). Further, in Book II, chap. 8, on industrial labour in
particular: ‘The labour of a manufacturer adds generally to the
value of the materials which he works upon, that of his own
maintenance and of his master’s profit. The labour of a menial
servant, on the contrary, adds to the value of nothing. Though
the manufacturer has his wages advanced to him by his master,
he in reality costs him no expense, the value of those wages
being generally restored, together with a profit, in the improved
value of the subject upon which his labour is bestowed’ (op. cit.,
vol. ii, pp. 93-4).
[70]‘The labourers ... therefore, employed in agriculture, not only
occasion, like the workmen in manufactures, the reproduction of
a value equal to their own consumption, or to the capital which
employs them, together with its owner’s profit, but of a much
greater value. Over and above the capital of the farmer and all its
profits, they regularly occasion the reproduction of the rent of the
landlord’ (ibid., p. 149).
[71]Ibid., pp. 97-8. Yet already in the following sentence Smith
converts capital completely into wages, that is variable capital:
‘That part of the annual produce of the land and labour of any
country which replaces a capital, never is immediately employed
to maintain any but productive hands. It pays the wages of
productive labour only. That which is immediately destined for
constituting a revenue, either as profit or as rent, may maintain
indifferently either productive or unproductive hands’ (ibid., p.
98).
[72]Ibid., p. 19.
[73]Smith, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 19-20.
[74]Ibid., vol. i, pp. 21-2.
[75]Ibid., p. 22.
[76]Ibid.
[77]An Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of
Nations, vol. i, p. 19.
[78]Theorien über den Mehrwert (Stuttgart, 1905), vol. i, pp.
179-252.
[79]Capital, vol. ii, p. 435.
[80]Smith, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 148.
[81]Ibid., p. 149.
[82]Op. cit., vol. i, pp. 86-7.
[83]In this connection, we have disregarded the contrary
conception which also runs through the work of Smith. According
to that, the price of the commodity cannot be resolved into v + s,
though the value of commodities consists in v + s. This
distinction, however, is more important with regard to Smith’s
theory of value than in the present context where we are mainly
interested in his formula v + s.
[84]For the sake of simplicity, we shall follow general usage and
speak here and in the following of annual production, though this
term, strictly speaking, applies in general to agriculture only. The
periods of industrial production, or of the turnover of capitals,
need not coincide with calendar years.
[85]The distinction between intellectual and material labour need
not involve special categories of the population in a planned
society, based on common ownership of the means of production.
It will always find expression in the existence of a certain number
of spiritual leaders who must be materially maintained. The same
individuals may exercise these various functions at different
times.
[86]Capital, vol. ii, p. 459.
[87]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 544-7. Cf. also p. 202 on the necessity of
enlarged reproduction under the aspect of a reserve fund.
[88]Marx’s italics.
[89]Theorien über den Mehrwert, vol. ii, part 2, p. 248.
[90]In his seventh note to the Tableau Économique, following up
his arguments against the mercantilist theory of money as
identical with wealth, Quesnay says: ‘The bulk of money in a
nation cannot increase unless this reproduction itself increases;
otherwise, an increase in the bulk of money would inevitably be
prejudicial to the annual production of wealth.... Therefore we
must not judge the opulence of states on the basis of a greater or
smaller quantity of money: thus a stock of money, equal to the
income of the landowners, is deemed much more than enough
for an agricultural nation where the circulation proceeds in a
regular manner, and where commerce takes place in confidence
and full liberty’ (Analyse du Tableau Économique, ed. Oncken, pp.
324-5).
[91]Marx (Capital, vol. ii, p. 482) takes the money spent directly
by the capitalists of Department II as the starting point of this act
of exchange. As Engels rightly says in his footnote, this does not
affect the final result of circulation, but the assumption is not the
correct condition of circulation within society. Marx himself has
given a better exposition in Capital, vol. ii, pp. 461-2.
[92]Capital, vol. ii, p. 548.
[93]Capital, vol. ii, p. 550.
[94]Ibid., p. 551.
[95]Ibid., p. 572.
[96]‘The premise of simple reproduction, that I(v + s) is equal to
IIc, is irreconcilable with capitalist production, although this does
not exclude the possibility that a certain year in an industrial cycle
of ten or eleven years may not show a smaller total production
than the preceding year, so that there would not have been even
a simple reproduction, compared to the preceding year. Indeed,
considering the natural growth of population per year, simple
reproduction could take place only in so far as a correspondingly
larger number of unproductive servants would partake of the
1,500 representing the aggregate surplus-product. But
accumulation of capital, actual capitalist production, would be
impossible under such circumstances’ (Capital, vol. ii, p. 608).
[97]Ricardo, Principles, chap. viii, ‘On Taxes’. MacCulloch’s edition
of Ricardo’s Works, p. 87, note. (Reference not given in original.)
[98]‘The specifically capitalist mode of production, the
development of the productive power of labour corresponding to
it, and the change thence resulting in the organic composition of
capital, do not merely keep pace with the advance of
accumulation, or with the growth of social wealth. They develop
at a much quicker rate, because mere accumulation, the absolute
increase of the total social capital, is accompanied by the
centralisation of the individual capitals of which that total is made
up; and because the change in the technological composition of
the additional capital goes hand in hand with a similar change in
the technological composition of the original capital. With the
advance of accumulation, therefore, the proportion of constant to
variable capital changes. If it was originally say 1 : 1, it now
becomes successively 2 : 1, 3 : 1, 4 : 1, 5 : 1, 7 : 1, etc., so that,
as the capital increases, instead of 1⁄2 of its total value, only 1⁄3,
1⁄ , 1⁄ , 1⁄ , 1⁄ , etc., is transformed into labour-power, and, on
4 5 6 8
the other hand, 2⁄3, 3⁄4, 4⁄5, 5⁄6, 7⁄8 into means of production.
Since the demand for labour is determined not by the amount of
capital as a whole, but by its variable constituent alone, that
demand falls progressively with the increase of the total capital,
instead of, as previously assumed, rising in proportion to it. It falls
relatively to the magnitude of the total capital, and at an
accelerated rate, as this magnitude increases. With the growth of
the total capital, its variable constituent or the labour
incorporated in it, also does increase, but in a constantly
diminishing proportion. The intermediate pauses are shortened, in
which accumulation works as simple extension of production, on
a given technical basis. It is not merely that an accelerated
accumulation of total capital, accelerated in a constantly growing
progression, is needed to absorb an additional number of
labourers, or even, on account of the constant metamorphosis of
old capital, to keep employed those already functioning. In its
turn, this increasing accumulation and centralisation becomes a
source of new changes in the composition of capital, of a more
accelerated diminution of its variable, as compared with its
constant constituent’ (Capital, vol. i, pp. 642-3).
[99]‘The course characteristic of modern industry, viz., a
decennial cycle (interrupted by smaller oscillations), of periods of
average activity, production at high pressure, crisis and
stagnation, depends on the constant formation, the greater or
less absorption, and the re-formation of the industrial reserve
army or surplus population. In their turn, the varying phases of
the industrial cycle recruit the surplus population, and become
one of the most energetic agents of its reproduction’ (ibid., pp.
646-7).
[100]Capital, vol. i. pp. 593-4.
[101]Ibid., p. 594.
[102]Op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 596-601.
[103]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 598-9.
[104]Ibid., p. 599.
[105]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 600-1.
[106]Surplus consumption.
[107]Capital, vol. ii, p. 429.
[108]Ibid., pp. 531-2.
[109]Op. cit., vol. i, p. 594, note 1.
[110]Ibid., p. 594.
[111]Here we can leave out of account instances of products
capable in part of entering the process of production without any
exchange, such as coal in the mines. Within capitalist production
as a whole such cases are rare (cf. Marx, Theorien ..., vol. ii, part
2, pp. 255 ff.).
[112]Capital, vol. ii, p. 503.
[113]Capital, vol. ii, p. 571.
[114]Ibid., p. 572.
[115]Ibid., pp. 573-4.
[116]Capital, vol. ii, p. 375.
[117]Ibid., pp. 575-6.
[118]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 579-81.
[119]Ibid., p. 581.
[120]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 583-4.
[121]Ibid., p. 584.
[122]Capital, vol. ii, p. 585.
[123]Ibid., pp. 586-7.
[124]Ibid., pp. 588-9.
[125]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 590-1.
[126]Ibid., p. 593.
[127]Capital, vol. ii, p. 594.
[128]Ibid., p. 595.
[129]Ibid., p. 595.
[130]Ibid., p. 596.
[131]Ibid., p. 601.
[132]Capital, vol. ii, p. 610.
[133]Capital, vol. ii, p. 572.
[134]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 380-1.
[135]Ibid., p. 381.
[136]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 381-3.
[137]Ibid., p. 383.
[138]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 384-5.
[139]Ibid., p. 385.
[140]Capital, vol. ii, p. 387.
[141]Ibid., p. 397.
[142]Ibid., p. 397.
[143]Ibid., pp. 397-8.
[144]Capital, vol. ii, p. 401.
[145]Capital, vol. ii, pp. 8 ff.
[146]Cf. e.g. Capital, vol. ii, pp. 430, 522, and 529.
[147]In the review of an essay on Observations on the injurious
Consequences of the Restrictions upon Foreign Commerce, by a
Member of the late Parliament, London, 1820 (Edinburgh Review,
vol. lxvi, pp. 331 ff.). This interesting document, from which the
following extracts are taken, an essay with a Free Trade bias,
paints the general position of the workers in England in the most
dismal colours. It gives the facts as follows: ‘The manufacturing
classes in Great Britain ... have been suddenly reduced from
affluence and prosperity to the extreme of poverty and misery. In
one of the debates in the late Session of Parliament, it was stated
that the wages of weavers of Glasgow and its vicinity which,
when highest, had averaged about 25s. or 27s. a week, had been
reduced in 1816 to 10s.; and in 1819 to the wretched pittance of
5-6s. or 6s. They have not since been materially augmented.’ In
Lancashire, according to the same evidence, the direct weekly
wage of the weavers was from 6s. to 12s. a week for 15 hours’
labour a day, whilst half-starved children worked 12 to 16 hours a
day for 2s. or 3s. a week. Distress in Yorkshire was, if possible,
even greater. As to the address by the frame-work knitters of
Nottingham, the author says that he himself investigated
conditions and had come to the conclusion that the declarations
of the workers ‘were not in the slightest degree exaggerated’.
[148]Ibid., p. 334.
[149]Paris, 1827.
[150]Preface to the second edition. Translation by M. Mignet, in
Political Economy and the Philosophy of Government (London,
1847), pp. 114 ff.
[151]Nouveaux Principes ... (2nd ed.), vol. i, p. 79.
[152]Nouveaux Principes ... (2nd ed.), vol. i, p. xv.
[153]Ibid., p. 92.
[154]Ibid., pp. 111-12.
[155]Ibid., p. 335.
[156]Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 435.
[157]Ibid., p. 463.
[158]Op. cit., vol. i, p. xiii (pp. 120-1 of Mignet’s translation).
[159]Nouveaux Principes ... (2nd ed.), vol. i, p. 84.
[160]Ibid., p. 85.
[161]Ibid., p. 86.
[162]Ibid., pp. 86-7.
[163]Nouveaux Principes ..., vol. i, p. 87.
[164]Ibid., pp. 87-8.
[165]Ibid., pp. 88-9.
[166]Nouveaux Principes ..., vol. i, pp. 108-9.
[167]Ibid., pp. 93-4.
[168]Ibid., p. 95.
[169]Nouveaux Principes ..., vol. i, pp. 95-6.
[170]Ibid., pp. 104-5.
[171]Ibid., p. 105.
[172]Ibid., pp. 105-6.
[173]Ibid., pp. 113, 120.
[174]Nouveaux Principes ..., vol. i, p. 121.
[175]Vladimir Ilyich [Lenin], Economic Studies and Essays, St.
Petersburg, 1899.
[176]The article in the Edinburgh Review was really directed
against Owen, sharply attacking on 24 pages of print the latter’s
four treatises: (1) ‘A New View of Society, or Essays on the
formation of Human Character’, (2) ‘Observations on the Effects
of the Manufacturing System’, (3) ‘Two Memorials on Behalf of the
Working Classes, Presented to the Governments of America and
Europe’, and finally (4) ‘Three Tracts’ and ‘An Account of Public
Proceedings relative to the Employment of the Poor’. ‘Anonymous’
here attempts a detailed proof that Owen’s reformist ideas by no
means get down to the real causes of the misery of the English
proletariat, these causes being: the transition to the cultivation of
barren land (Ricardo’s theory of ground rent!), the corn laws and
high taxation pressing upon farmer and manufacturer alike. Free
trade and laissez-faire thus is his alpha and omega. Given
unrestricted accumulation, all increase in production will create
for itself an increase in demand. Owen is accused of ‘profound
ignorance’ as regards Say and James Mill.—‘In his reasonings, as
well as in his plans, Mr. Owen shows himself profoundly ignorant
of all the laws which regulate the production and distribution of
wealth.’—From Owen, the author proceeds to Sismondi and
formulates the point of contention as follows: ‘He [Owen]
conceives that when competition is unchecked by any artificial
regulations, and industry permitted to flow in its natural channels,
the use of machinery may increase the supply of the several
articles of wealth beyond the demand for them, and by creating
an excess of all commodities, throw the working classes out of
employment. This is the position which we hold to be
fundamentally erroneous; and as it is strongly insisted on by the
celebrated M. de Sismondi in his Nouveaux Principes d’Économie
Politique, we must entreat the indulgence of our readers while we
endeavour to point out its fallacy, and to demonstrate, that the
power of consuming necessarily increases with every increase in
the power of producing’ (Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1819, p. 470).
[177]The original title is: Examen de cette question: Le pouvoir
de consommer s’accroît-il toujours dans la société avec le pouvoir
de produire? We have not been able to obtain a copy of Rossi’s
Annales, but the essay as a whole was incorporated by Sismondi
in the second edition of his Nouveaux Principes.
[178]At the time of writing, Sismondi was still in the dark as to
the identity of ‘Anonymous’ in the Edinburgh Review.
[179]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 376-8.
[180]MacCulloch, loc. cit., p. 470.
[181]Incidentally, Sismondi’s Leipsic Book Fair, as a microcosm of
the capitalist world, has staged a come-back after 55 years—in
Eugen Duehring’s ‘system’. Engels, in his devastating criticism of
that unfortunate ‘universal genius’ adduces this idea as proof that
Duehring, by attempting to elucidate a real industrial crisis by
means of an imaginary one on the Leipsic Book Fair, a storm at
sea by a storm in a teacup, has shown himself a ‘real German
literatus’. But, as in many other instances exposed by Engels, the
great thinker has simply borrowed here from someone else on the
sly.
[182]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 381-2.
[183]MacCulloch, loc. cit., p. 470.
[184]Sismondi, op. cit, vol. ii, p. 384.
[185]MacCulloch, loc. cit., p. 471.
[186]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 394-5.
[187]Ibid., pp. 396-7.
[188]Ibid., pp. 397-8.
[189]MacCulloch, loc. cit., pp. 471-2.
[190]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 400-1.
[191]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 401.
[192]Ibid., pp. 405-6.
[193]It is typical that on his election to Parliament in 1819, when
he already enjoyed the highest reputation on account of his
economic writings, Ricardo wrote to a friend: ‘You will have seen
that I have taken my seat in the House of Commons. I fear I shall
be of little use there. I have twice attempted to speak but I
proceeded in the most embarrassed manner, and I have no hope
of conquering the alarm with which I am assailed the moment I
hear the sound of my own voice’ (Letters of D. Ricardo to J. R.
MacCulloch, N.Y., 1895, pp. 23-4). Such diffidence was quite
unknown to the gasbag MacCulloch.
[194]Nouveaux Principes ..., book iv, chap. vii.
[195]Ibid., book vii, chap. vii.
[196]D. Ricardo, On the Principles of Political Economy and
Taxation (3rd edition, London, 1821), p. 474.
[197]Ibid., p. 478.
[198]This essay, Sur la Balance des Consommations avec les
Productions, is reprinted in the second edition of Nouveaux
Principes, vol. ii, pp. 408 ff. Sismondi tells us about this
discussion: ‘M. Ricardo, whose recent death has been a profound
bereavement not only to his friends and family but to all those
whom he enlightened by his brilliance, all those whom he inspired
by his lofty sentiments, stayed for some days in Geneva in the
last year of his life. We discussed in two or three sessions this
fundamental question on which we disagreed. To this enquiry he
brought the urbanity, the good faith, the love of truth which
distinguished him, and a clarity which his disciples themselves
had not heard, accustomed as they were to the efforts of abstract
thought he demanded in the lecture room.’
[199]Ricardo. op. cit., p. 339.
[200]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 361.
[201]Nouveaux Principes ..., book iv, chap, iv: ‘Comment la
Richesse commerciale suit l’Accroissement du Revenu’ (vol. i, p.
115).
[202]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 412.
[203]Ibid., p. 416.
[204]Ibid., p. 424.
[205]Ibid., p. 417.
[206]Sismondi, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 425-6.
[207]Ibid., p. 429.
[208]Ibid., pp. 434-5.
[209]Thus, if Tugan Baranovski, championing Say-Ricardo’s views,
tells us about the controversy between Sismondi and Ricardo
(Studies on the Theory and History of Commercial Crises in
England, p. 176), that Sismondi was compelled ‘to acknowledge
as correct the doctrine he had attacked and to concede his
opponent all that is necessary’; that Sismondi himself ‘had
abandoned his own theory which still finds so many adherents’,
and that ‘the victory in this controversy lies with Ricardo’, this
shows a lack of discrimination—to put it mildly—such as is
practically unheard-of in a work of serious scientific pretensions.
[210]‘L’argent ne remplit qu’un office passager dans ce double
échange. Les échanges terminés, il se trouve qu’on a payé des
produits avec des produits. En conséquence, quand une nation a
trop de produits dans un genre, le moyen de les écouler est d’en
créer d’un autre genre’ (J. B. Say, Traité d’Économie Politique,
Paris, 1803, vol. i, p. 154).
[211]In fact, here again, Say’s only achievement lies in having
given a pompous and dogmatic form to an idea that others had
expressed before him. As Bergmann points out, in his Theory of
Crises (Stuttgart, 1895), the work of Josiah Tucker (1752),
Turgot’s annotations to the French pamphlets, the writings of
Quesnay, Dupont de Nemours, and of others contain quite similar
observations on a natural balance, or even identity, between
demand and supply. Yet the miserable Say, as Marx once called
him, claims credit as the evangelist of harmony for the great
discovery of the ‘théorie des débouchés’, modestly comparing his
own work to the discovery of the principles of thermo-dynamics,
of the lever, and of the inclined plane. In the preface and table of
contents, e.g. to the 6th edition of his Traité (1841, pp. 51, 616)
he says: ‘The theory of exchange and of vents, such as it is
developed in this work, will transform world politics.’ The same
point of view is also expounded by James Mill in his ‘Commerce
Defended’ of 1808, and it is he whom Marx calls the real father of
the doctrine of a natural equilibrium between production and
demand.
[212]Say in Revue Encyclopédique, vol. 23, July 1824, pp. 20 f.
[213]Nouveaux Principes ..., vol. i, p. 117.
[214]Say, loc. cit., p. 21.
[215]Say, loc. cit., p. 29. Say indicts Sismondi as the arch-enemy
of bourgeois society in the following ranting peroration: ‘It is
against the modern organisation of society, an organisation
which, by despoiling the working man of all property save his
hands, gives him no security in the face of a competition directed
towards his detriment. What! Society despoils the working man
because it ensures to every kind of entrepreneur free disposition
over his capital, that is to say his property! I repeat: there is
nothing more dangerous than views conducive to a regulation of
the employment of property’ for ‘hands and faculties ... are also
property’ (ibid., p. 30).
[216]Sismondi, op. cit., pp. 462-3.
[217]Ibid., p. 331.
[218]Sismondi, op. cit., p. 432-3.
[219]Ibid., p. 449.
[220]Ibid., p. 448.
[221]Marx, in his history of the opposition to Ricardo’s school and
its dissolution, makes only brief mention of Sismondi, explaining:
‘I leave Sismondi out of this historical account, because the
criticism of his views belongs to a part with which I can deal only
after this treatise, the actual movement of capital (competition
and credit)’ (Theorien über den Mehrwert, vol. iii, p. 52). Later
on, however, in connection with Malthus, he also deals with
Sismondi in a passage that, on the whole, is comprehensive:
‘Sismondi is profoundly aware of the self-contradiction of capitalist
production; he feels that its forms, its productive conditions, spur
on an untrammelled development of the productive forces and of
wealth on the one hand, yet that these conditions, on the other,
are only relative; that their contradictions of value-in-use and
value-in-exchange, of commodity and money, of sale and
purchase, of production and consumption, of capital and wage-
labour, and so on, take on ever larger dimensions, along with the
forward strides of the productive forces. In particular, he feels the
fundamental conflict: here the untrammelled development of
productive power and of a wealth which, at the same time,
consists in commodities, must be monetised; and there the basis
—restriction of the mass of producers to the necessary means of
subsistence. He therefore does not, like Ricardo, conceive of the
crises as merely incidental, but as essential, as eruptions of the
immanent conflicts on ever grander scale and at determinate
periods. Which faces him with the dilemma: is the state to put
restrictions on the productive forces to adapt them to the
productive conditions, or upon the productive conditions to adapt
them to the productive forces? Frequently he has recourse to the
past, becomes laudator temporis acti, and seeks to master the
contradictions by a different regulation of income relative to
capital, or of distribution relative to production, quite failing to
grasp that the relations of distribution are nothing but the
relations of production sub alia specie. He has a perfect picture of
the contradictions immanent in bourgeois production, yet he does
not understand them, and therefore fails also to understand the
process of their disintegration. (And indeed, how could he, seeing
this production was still in the making?—R.L.) And yet, his view is
in fact grounded in the premonition that new forms of
appropriating wealth must answer to the productive forces,
developed in the womb of capitalist production, to the material
and social conditions of creating this wealth; that the bourgeois
forms of appropriation are but transitory and contradictory,
wealth existing always with contrary aspects and presenting itself
at once as its opposite. Wealth is ever based on the premises of
poverty, and can develop only by developing poverty’ (ibid., p.
55).
In The Poverty of Philosophy, Marx opposes Sismondi to
Proudhon in sundry passages, yet about the man himself he only
remarks tersely: ‘Those, who, like Sismondi, wish to return to the
true proportions of production, while preserving the present basis
of society, are reactionary, since, to be consistent, they must also
wish to bring back all the other conditions of industry of former
times’ (The Poverty of Philosophy, London, 1936, p. 57). Two
short references to Sismondi are in On the Critique of Political
Economy: once he is ranked, as the last classic of bourgeois
economics in France, with Ricard in England; in another passage
emphasis is laid on the fact that Sismondi, contrary to Ricardo,
underlined the specifically social character of labour that creates
value.—In the Communist Manifesto, finally, Sismondi is
mentioned as the head of the petty-bourgeois school.
[222]Nouveaux Principes ..., vol. ii, p. 409.
[223]Cf. Marx, Theorien über den Mehrwert, vol. iii, pp. 1-29,
which gives a detailed analysis of Malthus’ theory of value and
profits.
[224]Dedicated to James Mill and published in 1827.
[225]James Mill, Elements of Political Economy (3rd edition,
London, 1826), pp. 239-40.
[226]Malthus. Definitions in Political Economy (London, 1827), p.
51.
[227]Ibid., p. 64.
[228]Malthus, Definitions in Political Economy (London, 1827),
pp. 53-4.
[229]Ibid., pp. 62-3.
[230]Die Forderungen der arbeitenden Klassen.
[231]Die Handelskrisen und die Hypothekennot der
Grundbesitzer.
[232]Zur Erkenntnis unserer staatswirtschaftlichen Zustände.
[233]Über die Grundrente in sozialer Beziehung.
[234]Die Tauschgesellschaft.
[235]Soziale Briefe.
[236]Rodbertus quotes v. Kirchmann’s arguments explicitly and in
great detail. But according to his editors, no complete copy of
Demokratische Blätter with the original essay is obtainable.
[237]To v. Kirchmann, in 1880.
[238]Dr. Carl Rodbertus-Jagetzow, Schriften (Berlin, 1899), vol. iii,
pp. 172-4, 184.
[239]Op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 104 f.
[240]Op. cit., vol. i, p. 99.
[241]Ibid., p. 173.
[242]Ibid., p. 176.
[243]Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 65.
[244]Schriften, vol. i, pp. 182-4.
[245]Ibid., pp. 182-4.
[246]Ibid., p. 72.
[247]Schriften, vol. iii, pp. 110-11.
[248]Ibid., p. 108.
[249]Op. cit., vol. i, p. 62.
[250]Schriften, vol. iv, p. 226.
[251]In Towards the Understanding of Our Politico-Economic
Conditions, part ii, n. 1.
[252]In On Commercial Crises and the Mortgage Problem of the
Landowners, quoted above (op. cit., vol. iii, p. 186).
[253]Op. cit., vol. iv, p. 233. It is interesting to note in this
connection how Rodbertus appears in practice as an extremely
sober and realistically-minded prophet of capitalist colonial policy,
in the manner of the present-day ‘Pan-Germans’, his moral ranting
about the unhappy fate of the working classes notwithstanding.
In a footnote to the above quotation, he writes: ‘We can go on to
glance briefly at the importance of the opening up of Asia, in
particular of China and Japan, the richest markets in the world,
and also of the maintenance of English rule in India. It is to defer
the solution of the social problem.’ (The eloquent avenger of the
exploited ingenuously discloses the means by which the
profiteering exploiters can continue ‘their stupid and criminal
error’, their ‘flagrant injustice’ for as long as possible.) ‘For the
solution of this problem, the present lacks in unselfishness and
moral resolution no less than in intelligence.’ (Rodbertus’
philosophical resignation is unparalleled!) ‘Economic advantage
cannot, admittedly, constitute a legal title to intervention by force,
but on the other hand, a strict application of modern natural and
international law to all the nations of the world, whatever their
state of civilisation, is quite impracticable.’ (A comparison with
Dorine’s words in Molière’s Tartuffe is irresistible: ‘Le ciel défend,
de vraie, certains contentements, mais il y a avec lui des
accommodements.’)—‘Our international law has grown from a
civilisation of Christian ethics, and since all law is based upon
reciprocity, it can only provide the standard for relations between
nations of the same civilisation. If it is applied beyond these
limits, it is sentiment rather than natural and international law
and the Indian atrocities should have cured us of it. Christian
Europe should rather partake of the spirit which made the Greeks
and the Romans regard all the other peoples of the world as
barbarians. The younger European nations might then regain the
drive for making world history which impelled the Ancients to
spread their native civilisation over the countries of the globe.
They would reconquer Asia for world history by joint action. Such
common purpose and action would in turn stimulate the greatest
social progress, a firm foundation of peace in Europe, a reduction
of armies, a colonisation of Asia in the ancient Roman style—in
other words, a genuine solidarity of interests in all walks of social
life.’ The vision of capitalist colonial expansion inspires the
prophet of the exploited and oppressed to almost poetical flights,
all the more remarkable for coming at a time when a civilisation
of Christian ethics accomplished such glorious exploits as the
Opium Wars against China and the Indian atrocities—that is to
say, the atrocities committed by the British in their bloody
suppression of the Indian Mutiny.—In his second Letter on Social
Problems, in 1850, Rodbertus had expressed the conviction that if
society lacks the ‘moral resolution’ necessary to solve the social
question, in other words, to change the distribution of wealth,
history would be forced to ‘use the whip of revolution against it’
(op. cit., vol. ii, p. 83). Eight years later, however, the stalwart
Prussian prefers to crack the whip of a colonial policy of Christian
ethics over the natives of the colonial countries. It is, of course,
what one might expect of the ‘original founder of scientific
socialism in Germany’ that he should also be a warm supporter of
militarism, and his phrase about the ‘reduction of armies’ is but
poetic licence in his verbal fireworks. In his essay On the
Understanding of the Social Question he explains that the ‘entire
national tax burden is perpetually gravitating towards the bottom,
sometimes in form of higher prices for wage goods, and
sometimes in form of lower money wages’. In this connection, he
considers conscription ‘under the aspect of a charge on the state’,
explaining that ‘as far as the working classes are concerned, it is
nothing like a tax but rather a confiscation of their entire income
for many years’. He adds immediately: ‘To avoid
misunderstanding I would point out that I am a staunch
supporter of our present military constitution (i.e. the military
constitution of counter-revolutionary Prussia)—although it may be
oppressive to the working classes and demand great financial
sacrifices from the propertied classes’ (op. cit., vol. iii, p. 34).
That does not even sound like a lion’s roar!
[254]Schriften, vol. iii, p. 182.
[255]Published already in 1845.
[256]Schriften, vol. iv, p. 231.
[257]Schriften, vol. iii, p. 176.
[258]Op. cit., vol. i, pp. 53, 57.
[259]Schriften, vol. i, p. 206.
[260]Ibid., vol. i, p. 19.
[261]Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 110.
[262]Ibid., p. 144.
[263]Schriften, vol. ii, p. 146.
[264]Ibid., p. 155.
[265]Ibid., p. 223.
[266]Schriften, vol. ii, p. 226.
[267]Ibid., p. 156.
[268]Schriften, vol. i, p. 40.
[269]Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 25.
[270]Schriften, vol. i, p. 250.
[271]Ibid., p. 295. Rodbertus reiterates during a lifetime the ideas
he had evolved as early as 1842 in his Towards the
Understanding of Our Politico-Economic Conditions. ‘Under
present conditions, we have, however, gone so far as to consider
not only the wage of labour part of the costs of the goods, but
also rents and capital profits. We must therefore refute this
opinion in detail. It has a twofold foundation: (a) a wrong
conception of capital which counts the wage of labour as part of
the capital just like materials and tools, while it is on the same
level as rent and profit; (b) a confusion of the costs of the
commodity and the advances of the entrepreneur or the costs of
the enterprise’ (Towards the Understanding of Our Politico-
Economic Conditions, Neubrandenburg & Friedland, G. Barnovitz,
1842, p. 14).
[272]Schriften, vol. i, p. 304. Just so already in Towards the
Understanding of Our Politico-Economic Conditions, ‘We must
distinguish between capital in its narrow or proper sense, and the
fund of enterprise, or capital in a wider sense. The former
comprises the actual reserves in tools and materials, the latter the
fund necessary for running an enterprise under present conditions
of division of labour. The former is capital absolutely necessary to
production, and the latter achieves such relative necessity only by
force of present conditions. Hence only the former is capital in the
strict and proper meaning of the term; this alone is completely
congruent with the concept of national capital’ (ibid., pp. 23-4).
[273]Schriften, vol. i, p. 292.
[274]Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 136.
[275]Ibid., p. 225.
[276]A memorial of the worst kind, by the way, was that of the
editors who published his works after his death. These learned
gentlemen, Messrs. Wagner, Kozak, Moritz Wuertz & Co.,
quarrelled in the prefaces to his posthumous writings like a rough
crowd of ill-mannered servants in an antechamber, fighting out
publicly their petty personal feuds and jealousies, and slanging
one another. They did not even bother in common decency to
establish the dates for the individual manuscripts they had found.
To take an instance, it needed Mehring to observe that the oldest
manuscript of Rodbertus that had been found was not published
in 1837, as laid down autocratically by Prof. Wagner, but in 1839
at the earliest, since it refers in its opening paragraphs to
historical events connected with the Chartist movement
belonging, as a professor of economics really ought to know, in
the year 1839. In Professor Wagner’s introduction to Rodbertus
we are constantly bored by his pomposity, his harping on the
‘excessive demands on his time’; in any case Wagner addresses
himself solely to his learned colleagues and talks above the heads
of the common crowd; he passes over in silence, as befits a great
man, Mehring’s elegant correction before the assembled experts.
Just as silently, Professor Diehl altered the date of 1837 to 1839
in the Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, without a word
to say when and by whom he had been thus enlightened.
But the final touch is provided by the ‘popular’, ‘new and
inexpensive’ edition of Puttkamer and Muehlbrecht (1899). Some
of the quarrelling editors collaborated on it but still continue their
disputes in the introductions. Wagner’s former vol. ii has become
vol. i in this edition, yet Wagner still refers to vol. ii in the
introduction to vol. i. The first Letter on Social Problems is placed
in vol. iii, the second and third in vol. ii and the fourth in vol. i.
The order of the Letters on Social Problems, of the Controversies,
of the parts of Towards the Understanding ..., chronological and
logical sequence, the dates of publication and of writing are
hopelessly mixed up, making a chaos more impenetrable than the
stratification of the soil after repeated volcanic eruptions. 1837 is
maintained as the date of Rodbertus’ earliest MS., probably out of
respect to Professor Wagner—and this in 1899, although
Mehring’s rectification had been made in 1894. If we compare
this with Marx’s literary heritage in Mehring’s and Kautsky’s
edition, published by Dietz, we see how such apparently
superficial matters but reflect deeper connections: one kind of
care for the scientific heritage of the authority of the class-
conscious proletariat, and quite another in which the official
experts of the bourgeoisie squander the heritage of a man who,
in their own self-interested legends, had been a first-rate genius.
Suum cuique—had this not been the motto of Rodbertus?
[277]An essay in Patriotic Memoirs, May 1883.
[278]An essay in the review Russian Thought, September 1889.
[279]A book published in 1893.
[280]A book published in 1895.
[281]Patriotic Memoirs, vol. v: ‘A Contemporary Survey’, p. 4.
[282]Ibid., p. 10.
[283]Patriotic Memoirs, vol. v: ‘A Contemporary Survey’, p. 14.
[284]Outlines of Economic Theory (St. Petersburg, 1895), pp. 157
ff.
[285]‘Militarism and Capitalism’ in Russian Thought (1889), vol.
ix, p. 78.
[286]‘Militarism and Capitalism’ in Russian Thought (1889), vol.
ix, p. 80.
[287]Ibid., p. 83. Cf. Outlines, p. 196.
[288]Cf. Outlines of Our Social Economy, in particular pp. 202-5,
338-41.
[289]Vladimir Ilyich [Lenin] has given detailed proof of the
striking similarity between the position of the Russian ‘populists’
and the views of Sismondi in his essay On the Characteristics of
Economic Romanticism (1897).
[290]Outlines of Our Social Economy, p. 322. Friedrich Engels
appraises the Russian situation differently. He repeatedly tries to
convince Nikolayon that Russia cannot avoid a high industrial
development, and that her sufferings are nothing but the typical
capitalist contradictions. Thus he writes on September 22, 1892:
‘I therefore hold that at present industrial production necessarily
implies big industry, making use of steam power, electricity,
mechanical looms and frames, and lastly the manufacture of the
machines themselves by mechanical means. From the moment
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