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DSP Applications Using C and the TMS320C6x DSK 1st
Edition Chassaing Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Chassaing, Rulph
ISBN(s): 9780471207542, 0471207543
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 4.01 MB
Year: 2002
Language: english
DSP Applications Using C
and the TMS320C6x DSK
TOPICS IN DIGITAL SIGNAL PROCESSING

C. S. BURRUS and T. W. PARKS: DFT/FFT AND CONVOLUTION

ALGORITHMS: THEORY AND IMPLEMENTATION
JOHN R. TREICHLER, C. RICHARD JOHNSON, JR., and MICHAEL G.
LARIMORE: THEORY AND DESIGN OF ADAPTIVE FILTERS
T. W. PARKS and C. S. BURRUS: DIGITAL FILTER DESIGN
RULPH CHASSAING and DARRELL W. HORNING: DIGITAL SIGNAL
PROCESSING WITH THE TMS320C25
RULPH CHASSAING: DIGITAL SIGNAL PROCESSING WITH C AND
THE TMS320C30
RULPH CHASSAING: DIGITAL SIGNAL PROCESSING LABORATORY
EXPERIMENTS USING C AND THE TMS320C31 DSK
RULPH CHASSAING: DSP APPLICATIONS USING C AND THE
TMS320C6x DSK
DSP Applications Using C
and the TMS320C6x DSK

Rulph Chassaing

A Wiley–Interscience Publication
JOHN WILEY & SONS, INC.
Designations used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as trademarks. In all
instances where John Wiley & Sons, Inc., is aware of a claim, the product names appear in initial
capital or all capital letters. Readers, however, should contact the appropriate companies for more
complete information regarding trademarks and registration.

Copyright © 2002 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including uploading, downloading, printing, decompiling,
recording or otherwise, except as permitted under Sections 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States
Copyright Act, without the prior written permission of the Publisher. Requests to the Publisher for
permission should be addressed to the Permissions Department, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 605 Third
Avenue, New York, NY 10158-0012, (212) 850-6011, fax (212) 850-6008, E-Mail:
[email protected].

This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject
matter covered. It is sold with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering
professional services. If professional advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a
competent professional person should be sought.

ISBN 0-471-22112-0

This title is also available in print as ISBN 0-471-20754-3.

For more information about Wiley products, visit our web site at www.Wiley.com.
Contents

Preface xi
List of Examples xv
Programs/Files on Accompanying Disk xix

1 DSP Development System 1

1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 DSK Support Tools 2
1.2.1 DSK Board 4
1.2.2 TMS320C6711 Digital Signal Processor 4
1.3 Code Composer Studio 5
1.3.1 CCS Installation and Support 5
1.3.2 Useful Types of Files 6
1.4 Programming Examples to Test the DSK Tools 7
1.4.1 Quick Test of DSK 7
1.4.2 Support Files 8
1.4.3 Examples 8
1.5 Support Programs/Files Considerations 24
1.5.1 Initialization/Communication File 24
1.5.2 Vector File 26
1.5.3 Linker File 26
1.6 Compiler/Assembler/Linker Shell 26
1.6.1 Compiler 28
1.6.2 Assembler 29
1.6.3 Linker 29
References 30
v
vi Contents

2 Input and Output with the DSK 33

2.1 Introduction 33
2.2 TLC320AD535 (AD535) Onboard Codec for Input and Output 34
2.3 PCM3003 Stereo Codec for Input and Output 35
2.4 Programming Examples Using C Code 37
References 60

3 Architecture and Instruction Set of the C6x Processor 61

3.1 Introduction 61
3.2 TMS320C6x Architecture 63
3.3 Functional Units 65
3.4 Fetch and Execute Packets 66
3.5 Pipelining 67
3.6 Registers 68
3.7 Linear and Circular Addressing Modes 69
3.7.1 Indirect Addressing 69
3.7.2 Circular Addressing 70
3.8 TMS320C6x Instruction Set 71
3.8.1 Assembly Code Format 71
3.8.2 Types of Instructions 72
3.9 Assembler Directives 74
3.10 Linear Assembly 74
3.11 ASM Statement within C 76
3.12 C-Callable Assembly Function 76
3.13 Timers 76
3.14 Interrupts 77
3.14.1 Interrupt Control Registers 77
3.14.2 Selection of XINT0 79
3.14.3 Interrupt Acknowledgment 80
3.15 Multichannel Buffered Serial Ports 80
3.16 Direct Memory Access 81
3.17 Memory Considerations 82
3.17.1 Data Allocation 82
3.17.2 Data Alignment 82
3.17.3 Pragma Directives 83
3.17.4 Memory Models 83
3.18 Fixed- and Floating-Point Format 83
3.18.1 Data Types 83
3.18.2 Floating-Point Format 84
3.18.3 Division 85
 Contents vii

3.19 Code Improvement 85

3.19.1 Intrinsics 85
3.19.2 Trip Directive for Loop Count 86
3.19.3 Cross-Paths 86
3.19.4 Software Pipelining 86
3.20 Constraints 87
3.20.1 Memory Constraints 87
3.20.2 Cross-Paths Constraints 87
3.20.3 Load/Store Constraints 88
3.20.4 Pipelining Effects with More Than One EP
within an FP 88
3.21 TMS320C64x Processor 89
3.22 Programming Examples Using C, Assembly, and Linear
Assembly 90
References 100

4 Finite Impulse Response Filters 102

4.1 Introduction to the z-Transform 102

4.1.1 Mapping from s-Plane to z-Plane 105
4.1.2 Difference Equations 106
4.2 Discrete Signals 107
4.3 Finite Impulse Response Filters 108
4.4 FIR Implementation Using Fourier Series 110
4.5 Window Functions 114
4.5.1 Hamming Window 115
4.5.2 Hanning Window 115
4.5.3 Blackman Window 115
4.5.4 Kaiser Window 116
4.5.5 Computer-Aided Approximation 116
4.6 Programming Examples Using C and ASM Code 116
References 155

5 Infinite Impulse Response Filters 159

5.1 Introduction 159
5.2 IIR Filter Structures 160
5.2.1 Direct Form I Structure 160
5.2.2 Direct Form II Structure 161
5.2.3 Direct Form II Transpose 163
5.2.4 Cascade Structure 164
viii Contents

5.2.5 Parallel Form Structure 165

5.3 Bilinear Transformation 167
5.3.1 Bilinear Transformation Design Procedure 168
5.4 Programming Examples Using C Code 169
References 181

6 Fast Fourier Transform 182

6.1 Introduction 182
6.2 Development of the FFT Algorithm with Radix-2 183
6.3 Decimation-in-Frequency FFT Algorithm with Radix-2 184
6.4 Decimation-in-Time FFT Algorithm with Radix-2 191
6.5 Bit Reversal for Unscrambling 195
6.6 Development of the FFT Algorithm with Radix-4 195
6.7 Inverse Fast Fourier Transform 198
6.8 Programming Examples 199
6.8.1 Fast Convolution 206
References 214

7 Adaptive Filters 216

7.1 Introduction 216
7.2 Adaptive Structures 218
7.3 Programming Examples for Noise Cancellation and System
Identification 221
References 237

8 Code Optimization 239

8.1 Introduction 239
8.2 Optimization Steps 240
8.2.1 Compiler Options 240
8.2.2 Intrinsic C Functions 241
8.3 Procedure for Code Optimization 241
8.4 Programming Examples Using Code Optimization Techniques 241
8.5 Software Pipelining for Code Optimization 248
8.5.1 Procedure for Hand-Coded Software Pipelining 249
8.5.2 Dependency Graph 249
8.5.3 Scheduling Table 251
8.6 Execution Cycles for Different Optimization Schemes 258
References 259
 Contents ix

9 DSP Applications and Student Projects 260

9.1 Voice Scrambler Using DMA and User Switches 260
9.2 Phase-Locked Loop 261
9.2.1 RTDX for Real-Time Data Transfer 263
9.3 SB-ADPCM Encoder/Decoder: Implementation of
G.722 Audio Coding 263
9.4 Adaptive Temporal Attenuator 264
9.5 Image Processing 265
9.6 Filter Design and Implementation Using a Modified
Prony’s Method 266
9.7 FSK Modem 266
9.8 m-Law for Speech Companding 267
9.9 Voice Detection and Reverse Playback 268
9.10 Miscellaneous Projects 268
9.10.1 Acoustic Direction Tracker 268
9.10.2 Multirate Filter 269
9.10.3 Neural Network for Signal Recognition 270
9.10.4 PID Controller 270
9.10.5 Four-Channel Multiplexer for Fast Data Acquisition 270
9.10.6 Video Line Rate Analysis 270
References 272

Appendix A TMS320C6x Instruction Set 276

A.1 Instructions for Fixed- and Floating-Point Operations 276
A.2 Instructions for Floating-Point Operations 276
References 276

Appendix B Registers for Circular Addressing and Interrupts 278

Reference 278

Appendix C Fixed-Point Considerations 281

C.1 Binary and Two’s-Complement Representation 281
C.2 Fractional Fixed-Point Representation 284
C.3 Multiplication 285
Reference 287

Appendix D Matlab Support Tools 288

D.1 MATLAB GUI Filter Designer SPTOOL for FIR Filter Design 288
D.2 MATLAB GUI Filter Designer SPTOOL for IIR Filter Design 290
x Contents

D.3 MATLAB for FIR Filter Design Using the Student Version 292
D.4 MATLAB for IIR Filter Design Using the Student Version 294
D.5 Bilinear Transformation Using MATLAB and Support Programs
on Disk 295
D.6 FFT and IFFT 302
References 302

Appendix E Additional Support Tools 303

E.1 Goldwave Shareware Utility as Virtual Instrument 303
E.2 Filter Design Using DigiFilter 304
E.2.1 FIR Filter Design 304
E.2.2 IIR Filter Design 305
E.3 FIR Filter Design Using Filter Development Package 306
E.3.1 Kaiser Window 306
E.3.2 Hamming Window 306
E.4 Visual Application Builder 306
E.5 Miscellaneous Support 308
References 309

Appendix F Input and Output with PCM3003 Stereo Codec 310

F.1 PCM3003 Audio Daughter Card 310
F.2 Programming Examples Using the PCM3003 Stereo Codec 315
References 324

Appendix G DSP/BIOS and RTDX for Real-Time Data Transfer 325

References 327

Index 329
Preface

Digital signal processors, such as the TMS320 family of processors, are used in a
wide range of applications, such as in communications, controls, speech processing,
and so on. They are used in fax transmission, modems, cellular phones, and other
devices. These devices have also found their way into the university classroom,
where they provide an economical way to introduce real-time digital signal pro-
cessing (DSP) to the student.
Texas Instruments recently introduced the TM320C6x processor, based on the
very-long-instruction-word (VLIW) architecture. This newer architecture supports
features that facilitate the development of efficient high-level language compilers.
Throughout the book we refer to the C/C++ language simply as C. Although
TMS320C6x/assembly language can produce fast code, problems with documenta-
tion and maintenance may exist. With the available C compiler, the programmer
must consider to “let the tools do the work.” After that, if the programmer is
not satisfied, Chapters 3 and 8 and the last few examples in Chapter 4 can be very
useful.
This book is intended primarily for senior undergraduate and first-year graduate
students in electrical and computer engineering and as a tutorial for the practicing
engineer. It is written with the conviction that the principles of DSP can best be
learned through interaction in a laboratory setting, where students can appreciate
the concepts of DSP through real-time implementation of experiments and projects.
The background assumed is a course in linear systems and some knowledge of C.
Most chapters begin with a theoretical discussion, followed by representative
examples that provide the necessary background to perform the concluding experi-
ments. There are a total of 76 solved programming examples, most using C code,
with a few in assembly and linear assembly code. A list of these examples appears
on page xv. Several sample projects are also discussed.
xi
xii Preface

Programming examples are included throughout the text. This can be useful to
the reader who is familiar with both DSP and C programming but who is not
necessarily an expert in both.
This book can be used in the following ways:

1. For a DSP course with a laboratory component, using Chapters 1 to 7 and

Appendices D to F. If needed, the book can be supplemented with some addi-
tional theoretical materials, since the book’s emphasis is on the practical
aspects of DSP. It is possible to cover Chapter 7 on adaptive filtering, follow-
ing Chapter 4 on FIR filtering (since there is only one example in Chapter 7
that uses material from Chapter 5). It is my conviction that adaptive filtering
(Chapter 7) should be incorporated into an undergraduate course in DSP.
2. For a laboratory course using many of the examples and experiments from
Chapters 1 to 7. The beginning of the semester can be devoted to short pro-
gramming examples and experiments and the remainder of the semester used
for a final project.
3. For a senior undergraduate or first-year graduate design project course, using
Chapters 1 to 5, selected materials from Chapters 6 to 9, and Appendices D
to F.
4. For the practicing engineer as a tutorial, and for workshops and seminars,
using selected materials throughout the book.

In Chapter 1 we introduce the tools through three programming examples.

These tools include the powerful Code Composer Studio (CCS) provided with
the TMS320C6711 DSP starter kit (DSK). It is essential to perform these three
examples before proceeding to subsequent chapters. They illustrate the capabilities
of CCS for debugging, plotting in both the time and frequency domains, and other
matters.
In Chapter 2 we illustrate input and output (I/O) with the codec on the DSK
board through many programming examples. Alternative I/O with a stereo audio
codec that interfaces with the DSK is described. Chapter 3 covers the architecture
and the instructions available for the TMS320C6x processor. Special instructions
and assembler directives that are useful in DSP are discussed. Programming exam-
ples using both assembly and linear assembly are included in this chapter.
In Chapter 4 we introduce the z-transform and discuss finite impulse response
(FIR) filters and the effect of window functions on these filters. Chapter 5 covers
infinite impulse response (IIR) filters. Programming examples to implement real-
time FIR and IIR filters are included.
Chapter 6 covers the development of the fast Fourier transform (FFT). Pro-
gramming examples on FFT are included. In Chapter 7 we demonstrate the use-
fulness of the adaptive filter for a number of applications with least mean squares
(LMS). Programming examples are included to illustrate the gradual cancellation
of noise or system identification. Chapter 8 illustrates techniques for code opti-
 Preface xiii

mization. In Chapter 9 we discuss a number of DSP applications and student

projects.
A disk included with this book contains all the programs discussed. See page xix
for a list of the folders that contain the support files for all the examples.
Over the last six years, faculty members from over 150 institutions have taken
my “DSP and Applications” workshops. These workshops were supported for three
years by grants from the National Science Foundation (NSF) and subsequently, by
Texas Instruments. I am thankful to NSF, Texas Instruments, and the participating
faculty members for their encouragement and feedback. I am grateful to Dr. Donald
Reay of Heriot-Watt University, who contributed several examples during his
review of the book. I appreciate the many suggestions made by Dr. Robert Kubichek
of the University of Wyoming during his review of the book. I also thank Dr. Darrell
Horning of the University of New Haven, with whom I coauthored the text Digital
Signal Processing with the TMS320C25, for introducing me to “book writing.” I
thank all the students (at Roger Williams University, University of Massachusetts,
Dartmouth, and Worcester Polytechnic Institute) who have taken my real-time DSP
and senior design project courses, based on the TMS320 processors, over the last
16 years. I am particularly indebted to two former students, Bill Bitler and Peter
Martin, who have worked with me over the years. The laboratory assistance of
Walter J. Gomes III in several workshops and during the development of many
examples has been invaluable. The continued support of many people from Texas
Instruments is also very much appreciated: Maria Ho and Christina Peterson, in
particular, have been very supportive of this book. I would be remiss if I did not
mention the librarians in Herkimer, New York (where I was stranded for two weeks)
for the use of their facility to write Chapter 8.

Rulph Chassaing
[email protected]
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
levying tariff duties so high as almost to exclude foreign competition.
It was in this law, undoubtedly, that most of the great trusts and
monopolies since formed read their birthright.
Mr. Bryan, naturally, as a Democrat and a firm believer in the
principles of government laid down by Thomas Jefferson, was
vigorously opposed to the theory of a high protective tariff. The
Congress in which he served his first term was Democratic, the
result of the enactment of the trust-breeding McKinley tariff law. The
Ways and Means Committee, of which Mr. Springer of Illinois was
chairman, decided that relief might best be effected by the
introduction of a series of bills, transferring certain commodities to
the free list.
It was in support of one of these—a bill placing wool on the free list
and reducing the duties on woolen goods—that Mr. Bryan delivered
his maiden speech in the House. This was on Wednesday, March 16,
1892. Like Byron, he awoke the next morning and found himself
famous. The speech had attracted the admiring attention of the
whole country. The young orator’s logic, acute reasoning, powers of
broad generalization, and apt and homely illustration, not less than
his genuine eloquence, incisive wit, and brilliant repartee, had, in
one speech, won him a place at the head of the list of American
parliamentary orators.
In his speech Mr. Bryan thus effectually punctured with his ridicule
the Republican argument generally advanced that a high tariff makes
low prices:
“Now, there are two arguments which I have never heard advanced
in favor of protection; but they are the best arguments. They admit
a fact and justify it, and I think that is the best way to argue, if you
have a fact to meet. Why not say to the farmer, ‘Yes, of course you
lose; but does not the Bible say, “It is more blessed to give than to
receive”—[laughter]—and if you suffer some inconvenience, just look
back over your life and you will find that your happiest moments
were enjoyed when you were giving something to somebody, and
the most unpleasant moments were when you were receiving.’
These manufacturers are self-sacrificing. They are willing to take the
lesser part, and the more unpleasant business of receiving, and
leave to you the greater joy of giving. [Loud laughter and applause
on the Democratic side.]
“Why do they not take the other theory, which is borne out by
history—that all nations which have grown strong, powerful, and
influential, just as individuals, have done it through hardship, toil,
and sacrifice, and that after they have become wealthy they have
been enervated, they have gone to decay through the enjoyment of
luxury, and that the great advantage of the protective system is that
it goes around among the people and gathers up their surplus
earnings so that they will not be enervated or weakened, so that no
legacy of evil will be left to their children. Their surplus earnings are
collected up, and the great mass of our people are left strong,
robust, and hearty. These earnings are garnered and put into the
hands of just as few people as possible, so that the injury will be
limited in extent. [Great laughter and applause on the Democratic
side.] And they say, ‘Yes, of course, of course; it makes dudes of our
sons, and it does, perhaps, compel us to buy foreign titles for our
daughters [laughter], but of course if the great body of the people
are benefited, as good, patriotic citizens we ought not to refuse to
bear the burden.’ [Laughter.]
“Why do they not do that? They simply come to you and tell you
that they want a high tariff to make low prices, so that the
manufacturer will be able to pay large wages to his employees.
[Laughter.] And then, they want a high tariff on agricultural products
so that they will have to buy what they buy at the highest possible
price. They tell you that a tariff on wool is for the benefit of the
farmer, and goes into his pocket, but that the tariff on manufactured
products goes into the farmer’s pocket, too, ‘and really hurts us, but
we will stand it if we must.’ They are much like a certain maiden lady
of uncertain age, who said, ‘This being the third time that my beau
has called, he might make some affectionate demonstration’; and,
summing up all her courage, she added, ‘I have made up my mind
that if he does I will bear it with fortitude.’” [Great laughter and
applause.]
He thus pleaded for the protection of the greatest of “home
industries,”—the home-building of the common people:
“I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that this Republican party, which is
responsible for the present system, has stolen from the vocabulary
one of its dearest words and debased its use. Its orators have prated
about home industries while they have neglected the most important
of home industries—the home of the citizen. The Democratic party,
so far from being hostile to the home industries, is the only
champion, unless our friends here, the Independents, will join with
us, of the real home industry of this country.
“When some young man selects a young woman who is willing to
trust her future to his strong right arm, and they start to build a little
home, that home which is the unit of society and upon which our
Government and our prosperity must rest—when they start to build
this little home, and the man who sells the lumber reaches out his
hand to collect a tariff upon that; the man who sells paints and oils
wants a tariff upon them; the man who furnishes the carpets,
tablecloths, knives, forks, dishes, furniture, spoons, everything that
enters into the construction and operation of that home—when all
these hands, I say, are stretched out from every direction to lay their
blighting weight upon that cottage, and the Democratic party says,
‘Hands off, and let that home industry live,’ it is protecting the
grandest home industry that this or any other nation ever had. [Loud
applause on the Democratic side.]
“And I am willing that you, our friends on the other side, shall have
what consolation you may gain from the protection of those ‘home
industries’ which have crowned with palatial residences the hills of
New England, if you will simply give us the credit of being the
champions of the homes of this land. [Applause on the Democratic
side.] It would seem that if any appeal could find a listening ear in
this legislative hall it ought to be the appeal that comes up from
those co-tenants of earth’s only paradise; but your party has
neglected them; more, it has spurned and spit upon them. When
they asked for bread you gave them a stone, and when they asked
for a fish you gave them a serpent. You have laid upon them
burdens grievous to be borne. You have filled their days with toil and
their nights with anxious care, and when they cried aloud for relief
you were deaf to their entreaties.”
The conclusion of Mr. Bryan’s speech is here reproduced. It is of
greater length than would ordinarily justify its incorporation in a
volume of this size, but the objection is outweighed by the fact, that,
in most beautiful English, it outlines the idea of government which
has since been the beacon light that has guided Mr. Bryan’s career:
“We can not afford to destroy the peasantry of this country. We can
not afford to degrade the common people of this land, for they are
the people who in time of prosperity and peace produce the wealth
of the country, and they are also the people who in time of war bare
their breasts to a hostile fire in defense of the flag. Go to Arlington
or to any of the national cemeteries, see there the plain white
monuments which mark the place ‘where rest the ashes of the
nation’s countless dead,’ those of whom the poet has so beautifully
written:
‘On Fame’s eternal camping ground
Their silent tents are spread.’

Who were they? Were they the beneficiaries of special legislation?

Were they the people who are ever clamoring for privileges? No, my
friends; those who come here and obtain from Government its aid
and help find in time of war too great a chance to increase their
wealth to give much attention to military duties. A nation’s extremity
is their opportunity. They are the ones who make contracts, carefully
drawn, providing for the payment of their money in coin, while the
government goes out, if necessary, and drafts the people and makes
them lay down upon the altar of their country all they have. No; the
people who fight the battles are largely the poor, the common
people of the country; those who have little to save but their honor,
and little to lose but their lives. These are the ones, and I say to
you, sir, that the country can not afford to lose them. I quote the
language of Pericles in his great funeral oration. He says:
‘It was for such a country, then, that these men, nobly resolving not
to have it taken from them, fell fighting; and every one of their
survivors may well be willing to suffer in its behalf.’
That, Mr. Chairman, is a noble sentiment and points the direction to
the true policy for a free people. It must be by beneficent laws; it
must be by a just government which a free people can love and
upon which they can rely that the nation is to be preserved. We can
not put our safety in a great navy; we can not put our safety in
expensive fortifications along a seacoast thousands of miles in
extent, nor can we put our safety in a great standing army that
would absorb in idleness the toil of the men it protects. A free
government must find its safety in happy and contented citizens,
who, protected in their rights and free from unnecessary burdens,
will be willing to die that the blessings which they enjoy may be
transmitted to their posterity.
“Thomas Jefferson, that greatest of statesmen and most successful
of politicians, tersely expressed the true purpose of government
when he said:
“’With all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a
happy and prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens: a
wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring
one another; shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own
pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the
mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good
government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.’
“That is the inspiration of the Democratic party; that is its aim and
object. If it comes, Mr. Chairman, into power in all of the
departments of this government it will not destroy industry; it will
not injure labor; but it will save to the men who produce the wealth
of the country a larger portion of that wealth. It will bring prosperity
and joy and happiness, not to a few, but to every one without
regard to station or condition. The day will come, Mr. Chairman—the
day will come when those who annually gather about this Congress
seeking to use the taxing power for private purposes will find their
occupation gone, and the members of Congress will meet here to
pass laws for the benefit of all the people. That day will come, and
in that day, to use the language of another, ‘Democracy will be king!
Long live the king!’” [Prolonged applause on the Democratic side.]
 THE RISE OF THE SILVER ISSUE

In every national campaign since the time silver was demonetized in

1873 the demand for bimetallism has been a platform plank always
of one and frequently of both of the two great political parties. The
first unequivocal renunciation of the policy and theory of bimetallism
on the part of any important national convention occurred in June,
1900, at Philadelphia. In 1896 the Republican party, in its platform
adopted at St. Louis, pledged itself to the promotion of bimetallism
by international agreement. The Democratic party, both in 1896 and
1900, expressed its conviction that bimetallism could be secured by
the independent action of the United States, and to that end
demanded “the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver, at
the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or
consent of any other nation.”
Previous to 1896 each of the great political parties made quadrennial
expressions of faith in the bimetallic theory, frequently demanded its
enactment into law, and generally condemned the opposing party for
“hostility to silver.” And yet, despite the universal belief in
bimetallism on the part of the American people; despite the general
demands for bimetallism made by both political parties; despite the
many and eloquent speeches for bimetallism delivered in Congress
and out of it by party leaders of all complexions, the hope of its
becoming an actuality seemed to wither and wane in inverse ratio to
the fervency of the expressions of friendship on the part of the
politicians. Sometimes those who were most vehement in their
demands were most instrumental in the passage of that series of
legislative enactments that inevitably broadened and deepened the
gulf between gold and silver.
In explanation of this phenomenon it may be said that of all the
functions of government none is more important than the power to
regulate the quality and quantity of its circulating medium; none
more freighted either with prosperity or disaster to its people; and
none more liable to make demagogues of statesmen and knaves and
hypocrites of those in authority.
The first overt act in the fight against bimetallism, which theretofore
had been insidious, was the demand of the Cleveland administration
and the powers that were behind it for the repeal of the purchasing
clause of the Sherman Act. The clause which was aimed at provided
for the purchase by the government of bar silver sufficient for the
annual coinage of $54,000,000. With its repeal would disappear from
the Federal statute books the last vestige of authority for the
coinage of silver money other than subsidiary coins.
In the fight against the administration over this measure Mr. Bryan
took a leading part. He was one of the public men whose professions
and practices in the matter of financial legislation were not at
variance. In his first campaign for Congress, in 1890, he had
inserted in his platform this plank, written by himself:
“We demand the free coinage of silver on equal terms with gold and
denounce the efforts of the Republican party to serve the interest of
Wall Street as against the rights of the people.”
In 1891 he had secured the adoption of a free silver plank in the
Nebraska Democratic platform. In 1892 he made a hard fight for a
similar plank in the state platform, but lost by a very close vote. On
the day before the national convention which nominated Mr.
Cleveland for president, Mr. Bryan was renominated for Congress on
a platform in which free coinage was made the paramount issue,
and throughout the campaign he devoted to it the major portion of
his time. In this way, from free choice and impelling conviction, Mr.
Bryan had committed himself to the doctrine of bimetallism and had
declared his plan for putting it into practice.
Mr. Bryan made his first speech in Congress against unconstitutional
repeal on February 9, 1893. In it he said:
“I call attention to the fact that there is not in this bill a single line or
sentence which is not opposed to the whole history of the
Democratic party. We have opposed the principle of the national
bank on all occasions, and yet you give them by this bill an
increased currency of $15,000,000. You have pledged the party to
reduce the taxation upon the people, and yet, before you attempt to
lighten this burden, you take off one-half million of dollars annually
from the national banks of the country; and even after declaring in
your national platform that the Sherman act was a ‘cowardly
makeshift’ you attempt to take away the ‘makeshift’ before you give
us the real thing for which the makeshift was substituted.... Mr.
Speaker, consider the effect of this bill. It means that by suspending
the purchase of silver we will throw fifty-four million ounces on the
market annually and reduce the price of silver bullion. It means that
we will widen the difference between the coinage and bullion value
of silver and raise a greater obstacle in the way of bimetallism. It
means to increase by billions of dollars the debts of our people. It
means a reduction in the price of our wheat and our cotton. You
have garbled the platform of the Democratic party. You have taken
up one clause of it, and refused to give us a fulfilment of the other
and more important clause, which demands that gold and silver shall
be coined on equal terms without charge for mintage.
“Mr. Speaker, this can not be done. A man who murders another
shortens by a few brief years the life of a human being; but he who
votes to increase the burden of debts upon the people of the United
States assumes a graver responsibility. If we who represent them
consent to rob our people, the cotton-growers of the South and the
wheat-growers of the West, we will be criminals whose guilt can not
be measured by words, for we will bring distress and disaster to our
people.”
In thus boldly and positively aligning himself against the policy of
the dominant wing of his own party, which would soon be backed by
the incoming Cleveland administration, Mr. Bryan acted with his
characteristic devotion to principle. He could not help seeing that all
the odds were apparently against that faction of his party with which
he threw in his fortunes. Mr. Cleveland and most of the old, honored,
and powerful leaders of democracy, it was known, would join in the
fight against silver. They would have the powerful aid of the great
Republican leaders and be backed by the almost united influence of
the hundreds of daily newspapers in all the large cities. Wealth,
influence, experience, and so-called “respectability” were all to be
the property of the Cleveland wing. Many trusted leaders of the old-
time fight for silver succumbed to the temptation and identified
themselves with the dominant faction. Not so Mr. Bryan. On the
failure of the bill to pass he returned home and devoted all his time
to a thorough study of finance and of money, making the most
careful and complete preparation for the fight which he saw
impending.
The great struggle, which Mr. Bryan has termed “the most important
economic discussion which ever took place in our Congress” was
precipitated by President Cleveland when he called Congress to meet
in special session on August 7, 1893. Mr. Wilson, of West Virginia,
Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, introduced in the
House the administration measure for the unconditional repeal of the
purchasing clause of the Sherman Act.
 CHAS. A. TOWNE

The debate that ensued was one of the most brilliantly and ably
conducted in the annals of Congress. On August 16, near the close
of the debate, Mr. Bryan delivered an extended argument against the
bill. His speech in point of profound reasoning and moving oratory
stands prominent in the list of congressional deliverances. It
concluded with the following magnificent appeal:
“To-day the Democratic party stands between two great forces, each
inviting its support. On the one side stand the corporate interests of
the nation, its moneyed institutions, its aggregations of wealth and
capital, imperious, arrogant, compassionless. They demand special
legislation, favors, privileges, and immunities. They can subscribe
magnificently to campaign funds; they can strike down opposition
with their all-pervading influence, and, to those who fawn and
flatter, bring ease and plenty. They demand that the Democratic
party shall become their agent to execute their merciless decrees.
“On the other side stands that unnumbered throng which gave a
name to the Democratic party, and for which it has assumed to
speak. Work-worn and dust-begrimed they make their sad appeal.
They hear of average wealth increased on every side and feel the
inequality of its distribution. They see an overproduction of
everything desired because of an underproduction of the ability to
buy. They can not pay for loyalty except with their suffrages, and
can only punish betrayal with their condemnation. Although the ones
who most deserve the fostering care of Government, their cries for
help too often beat in vain against the outer wall, while others less
deserving find ready access to legislative halls.
“This army, vast and daily growing, begs the party to be its
champion in the present conflict. It can not press its claims mid
sounds of revelry. Its phalanxes do not form in grand parade, nor
has it gaudy banners floating on the breeze. Its battle hymn is
‘Home, Sweet Home,’ its war cry ‘equality before the law.’ To the
Democratic party, standing between these two irreconcilable forces,
uncertain to which side to turn, and conscious that upon its choice
its fate depends, come the words of Israel’s second law-giver:
‘Choose you this day whom ye will serve.’ What will the answer be?
Let me invoke the memory of him whose dust made sacred the soil
of Monticello when he joined
‘The dead but sceptered sovereigns who still rule
Our spirits from their urns.’

“He was called a demagogue and his followers a mob, but the
immortal Jefferson dared to follow the best promptings of his heart.
He placed man above matter, humanity above property, and,
spurning the bribes of wealth and power, pleaded the cause of the
common people. It was this devotion to their interests which made
his party invincible while he lived, and will make his name revered
while history endures.
“And what message comes to us from the Hermitage? When a crisis
like the present arose and the national bank of the day sought to
control the politics of the nation, God raised up an Andrew Jackson,
who had the courage to grapple with that great enemy, and by
overthrowing it he made himself the idol of the people and
reinstated the Democratic party in public confidence. What will the
decision be to-day?
“The Democratic party has won the greatest success in its history.
Standing upon this victory-crowned summit, will it turn its face to
the rising or the setting sun? Will it choose blessings or cursings—life
or death—Which? Which?”
The bill passed the House by a considerable majority and went to
the Senate. In two months it came back with Senate amendments.
So earnest and determined was Mr. Bryan in his opposition to the
measure that he resorted to dilatory tactics, employing every
legitimate parliamentary weapon to obstruct its progress. When
finally even the enemies of the bill would no longer assist him in the
fight for delay, Mr. Bryan determined to abandon the fight in
Congress to carry it before the Democracy of the nation. In
concluding his last speech on the bill he said:
“You may think that you have buried the cause of bimetallism; you
may congratulate yourselves that you have laid the free coinage of
silver away in a sepulchre, newly made since the election, and
before the door rolled the veto stone. But, sirs, if our cause is just,
as I believe it is, your labor has been in vain: no tomb was ever
made so strong that it could imprison a righteous cause. Silver will
lay aside its grave clothes and its shroud. It will yet rise and in its
rising and its reign will bless mankind.”
Though defeated in the first great contest, the silver advocates were
far from dismayed. They began at once a systematic fight to wrest
from the administration the control of the party organization. The
factional fight within the ranks of Democracy gave early promise of
becoming exceedingly bitter. The feeling was accentuated from the
start by the personal efforts of President Cleveland in behalf of the
repeal bill. In the Senate the silver men had what was considered a
safe majority, and it was to overcome this and secure the passage of
the bill that the President had directed his energies. His great
weapon was Federal patronage, and he used it as a club. Never
before in the history of popular government in the United States had
the executive so boldly and so openly exerted the tremendous
influence of his position in an attempt to force a coordinate branch
of government into unwilling compliance with his wishes. Mr.
Cleveland’s interference, which finally accomplished its purpose, was
angrily resented by the Silver Democrats, and the lines between
administration and anti-administration were early closely drawn.
Mr. Bryan, while the repeal bill was still under discussion in the
Senate, attended the Nebraska State Democratic convention as a
delegate, on October 4, 1893. In the convention the administration
wing of the party was regnant, imperious, and arrogant. A platform
endorsing the President and his fight against silver was adopted by a
large majority. Bryan was even denied a place on the resolutions
committee, although endorsed therefor by his Congressional district,
which almost alone had sent silver delegates. His course in Congress
was repudiated and himself personally received with but scant
courtesy or consideration on the part of the great majority of the
delegates. When the gold men, flushed with victory, were about to
complete their conquest, the discredited young Congressman sprang
to the platform to address the convention. His whole person was
quivering with emotion, and as he spoke he strode up and down the
platform with a mien of unconcealed anger and defiance. Never was
he more truly the orator, and never was tame beast so abject and so
pitiful under the scourge of the master as was that convention, mute
and defenseless, under his scathing excoriation. The following
extract will give an idea of the substance of the speech, though the
flashing eyes of the orator, the tense and quivering frame, the voice
now ringing with defiance, now trembling with emotion,—these may
never be described.
“Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention—We are confronted to-
day by as important a question as ever came before the Democracy
of the state of Nebraska. It is not a personal question. It is a
question that rises above individuals. So far as I am personally
concerned it matters nothing whether you vote this amendment up
or down; it matters nothing to me whether you pass resolutions
censuring my course or endorsing it. If I am wrong in the position I
have taken on this great financial question, I shall fall though you
heap your praises upon me; if I am right, and in my heart, so help
me God, I believe I am, I shall triumph yet, although you condemn
me in your convention a hundred times. Gentlemen, you are playing
in the basement of politics; there is a higher plane. You think you
can pass resolutions censuring a man, and that you can humiliate
him. I want to tell you that I still ‘more true joy in exile feel’ than
those delegates who are afraid to vote their own sentiments or
represent the wishes of the people, lest they may not get Federal
office. Gentlemen, I know not what others may do, but duty to
country is above duty to party, and if you represent your
constituents in what you have done and will do—for I do not
entertain the fond hope that you who have voted as you have to-day
will change upon this vote—if you as delegates properly represent
the sentiment of the Democratic party which sent you here; if the
resolutions which have been proposed and which you will adopt
express the sentiments of the party in this state; if the party
declares in favor of a gold standard, as you will if you pass this
resolution; if you declare in favor of the impoverishment of the
people of Nebraska; if you intend to make more galling than the
slavery of the blacks the slavery of the debtors of this country; if the
Democratic party, after you go home, endorses your action and
makes your position its permanent policy, I promise you that I will
go out and serve my country and my God under some other name,
even if I must go alone.”
But Mr. Bryan was not destined to be driven from the Democratic
party. He returned to Washington to persistently fight the financial
policy of the administration until the Fifty-third Congress had
adjourned. The withdrawal of the greenbacks, the granting of
additional privileges to national banks, the Rothschild-Morgan gold-
bond contract—these he opposed with the full measure of his mental
and physical powers. In the meantime the Silver Democrats began
the work of organization and propaganda in every state in the
Union. In 1894 Bryan triumphed over his enemies in Nebraska in a
convention whose platform declared, “We favor the immediate
restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at the
present ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any
other nation on earth.” The Gold Democrats bolted the platform and
the ticket. And until the last delegate was elected to the National
convention which was to meet at Chicago in July, 1896, the Silver
Democrats continued everywhere their efforts. They fought boldly
and outspokenly against the administration they had helped to elect,
and which was nominally Democratic. The result of their fight was
the instruction of almost two-thirds of the delegates for an
unambiguous free silver plank, with a certainty that the Gold
Democrats, headed by President Cleveland, Secretary of the
Treasury Carlisle, and hundreds of the leaders of the party, would
bolt the action of the convention.
Thus torn and rent by dissentions, with little hope or prospect for
success, the Democracy faced that remarkable convention which
was to repudiate the administration itself had placed in power.
 THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE
(1896)

In the fall of 1896, within the period of one hundred days, William J.
Bryan traveled eighteen thousand miles. He delivered over six
hundred speeches to crowds aggregating five millions of people.
Reduced to figures more readily comprehended, he averaged each
day one hundred and eighty miles of railroad travel, interrupted by
the stops necessary for the delivery of six speeches to crowds of
over eight thousand each and fifty thousand in all. This was his
personal service in the “first battle” for the restoration of
bimetallism, acting as the standard bearer of three political parties.
The great presidential campaign of 1896 was in many respects the
most remarkable in the history of the United States. It turned upon
an issue which was felt to be of transcending importance, and which
aroused the elemental passions of the people in a manner probably
never before witnessed in this country save in time of war. It was an
issue forced by the voters themselves despite the unceasing efforts
of the leading politicians of both great parties to keep it in the
background. Beneath its shadow old party war cries died into
silence; old party differences were forgotten; old party lines were
obliterated. As it existed in the hearts of men the issue had no
name. Bimetallism was discussed; monometallism was discussed;
these were the themes of public speakers, editors, and street corner
gatherings when recourse was had to facts and argument. But when
one partisan called his friend the enemy an “Anarchist!” and when
the latter retorted with the cry of “Plutocrat,” then there spoke in
epithets the feelings which were stirring the American people, and
which made the campaign significant. For the terms indicated that
for the first time in the Republic founded on the doctrine of equality,
Lazarus at Dives’ gate had raised the cry of injustice, whereat the
rich man trembled.
The Republican National convention met at St. Louis on June 16.
William McKinley, of Ohio, was nominated for President and Garret
A. Hobart, of New Jersey, for Vice-President. A platform was adopted
declaring for the maintenance of “the existing gold standard” until
bimetallism could be secured by international agreement, which the
party was pledged to promote. The doctrine of a high protective
tariff was strongly insisted on.
Against the financial plank of the platform there was waged a bitter,
if hopeless, fight by the silver men of the West, under the honored
leadership of United States Senator Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. On
the adoption of the platform Senators Teller, Dubois, of Idaho,
Pettigrew, of South Dakota, Cannon, of Utah, and Mantle, of
Montana, with three congressmen and fifteen other delegates,
walked out of the convention. They issued an address to the people
declaring monetary reform to be imperative, that the deadly curse of
falling prices might be averted. The dominant figure of this
convention was Marcus A. Hanna, of Ohio, a millionaire coal and
shipping magnate with large industrial and commercial interests in
various sections of the country. In taking charge of the campaign
that resulted in McKinley’s nomination he introduced his business
methods into politics. He had conducted the canvass throughout
along commercial lines. “He has been as smooth as olive oil and as
stiff as Plymouth Rock,” said the New York Sun, since recognized as
President McKinley’s personal organ. “He is a manager of men, a
manipulator of events, such as you more frequently encounter in the
back offices of the headquarters of financial and commercial centers
than at district primaries or in the lobbies of convention halls. There
is no color or pretense of statesmanship in his efforts; he seems
utterly indifferent to political principles, and color-blind to policies,
except as they figure as counters in his game. He can be extremely
plausible and innocently deferential in his intercourse with others, or
can flame out on proper occasion in an outburst of well-studied
indignation. He is by turns a bluffer, a compromiser, a conciliator, and
an immovable tyrant. Such men do not enter and revolutionize
national politics for nothing. Now, what is Mark Hanna after?”
The question was soon answered. Mark Hanna became chairman of
the National Republican committee, United States senator from Ohio,
and the most powerful, if not the all-powerful, influence behind the
McKinley administration. His rapid rise to commanding position and
the unyielding manner in which he has utilized his power have
furnished much argument to such as are inclined to be pessimistic
regarding the enduring qualities of republics.
Early in July the Democratic National convention assembled in
Chicago. Mr. Bryan, who had attended the St. Louis convention as
editor-in-chief of the Omaha World-Herald, was here present as a
delegate-at-large from Nebraska. Since the expiration of his second
congressional term he had been active and unwearying in the fight
to capture the convention for free silver. As editor of the World-
Herald he had contributed numerous utterances that were widely
quoted by the silver press, and much of his time had been devoted
to delivering speeches and lectures in the interests of bimetallism in
almost every section of the country. He came to Chicago fresh from
a Fourth of July debate at the Crete, Neb., Chautauqua, with Hon.
John P. Irish, of California, Cleveland’s collector of the port at San
Francisco. Except a few intimate friends in Nebraska, who knew
Bryan’s capacities and ambitions, no man dreamed of the possibility
of his nomination for the presidency. There were available, tried, and
time-honored silver leaders, men who had been fighting the white
metal’s battles for a score of years, notable among whom were
Richard P. Bland, of Missouri, and Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. One
of these, it was generally believed, would be chosen to lead the
forlorn hopes of a regenerated but disrupted democracy.
Mr. Bryan’s nomination was the spontaneous tribute of the
convention to those qualities that since have made him not famous
only, but well-beloved. These qualities are honesty, courage,
frankness, and sincerity. They had veritable life in every line and
paragraph of his great speech defending the free silver plank of the
platform, delivered in reply to the crafty-wise David B. Hill, of New
York. Hill, skilled and experienced practical politician, had pleaded
with the convention that it pay the usual tribute at the shrine of
Janus. He had begged that the ignus fatuus “international
bimetallism” be used to lure the friends of silver into voting the
Democratic ticket. Nurtured and trained in the same school of
politics as William McKinley,—the school whose graduates had for
many years dominated all party conventions,—Hill started back in
affright from the prospect of going before the people on a platform
that was straightforward and unequivocal, with its various planks
capable of but one construction.
Mr. Bryan’s speech was as bold and ringing as the platform which he
spoke to defend, with its plank, written by himself, and twice utilized
in Nebraska, demanding “the free and unlimited coinage of both
gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting
for the aid or consent of any other nation.”
The letter and spirit of that plank were such as the great majority of
the convention were thoroughly in sympathy with. The result of the
great silver propaganda of the two years preceding had been to
send to the convention honest and sincere men with profound
convictions and the courage to express them. To do this, they knew,
would be revolutionary, even as had been the platforms on which
the Pathfinder, Fremont, and the Liberator, Lincoln, ran. But the spirit
of revolution from cant and equivoque was rife in that convention.
Of that spirit William Jennings Bryan was the prophet. In a speech
that thrilled into men’s minds and hearts his defiance and contempt
of the opportunists’ policy, his own fearless confidence in the all-
conquering power of truth, he stirred into an unrestrained tempest
the long pent emotions of the delegates. When he had finished not
only was the adoption of the platform by a vote of two to one
assured, but the convention had found its leader whom it would
commission to go forth to preach the old, old gospel of democracy,
rescued from its years of sleep. The nature of Mr. Bryan’s speech
may be gained from these brief extracts:
“When you (turning to the gold delegates) come before us and tell
us we are about to disturb your business interests, we reply that you
have disturbed our business interests by your course. We say to you
that you have made the definition of a business man too limited in
its application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a
business man as his employer; the attorney in a country town is as
much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great
metropolis; the merchant at a cross-roads store is as much a
business man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes
forth in the morning and toils all day, who begins in the spring and
toils all summer, and who, by the application of brain and muscle to
the natural resources of the country, creates wealth, is as much a
business man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and
bets upon the price of grain: the miners who go down a thousand
feet into the earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and
bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured
into the channels of trade are as much business men as the few
financial magnates who, in a back room, corner the money of the
world. We come to speak for this broader class of business men.
“Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon
the Atlantic Coast, but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the
dangers of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as
the rose,—the pioneers away out there (pointing to the west), who
rear their children near to Nature’s heart, where they can mingle
their voices with the voices of the birds, out there where they have
erected schoolhouses for the education of their young, churches
where they praise their Creator, and cemeteries where rest the ashes
of their dead—these people, we say, are as deserving of the
consideration of our party as any people in this country. It is for
these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not
a war of conquest; we are fighting in defense of our homes, our
families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions have
been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been
disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our
calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition
no more. We defy them....
“You come and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold
standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and
fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your
cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and
the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country....
“My friends, we declare that this nation is able to legislate for its
own people on every question, without waiting for the aid or consent
of any other nation on earth.... It is the issue of 1776 over again.
Our ancestors, when but three millions in number, had the courage
to declare their political independence of every other nation. Shall
we, their descendants, when we have grown to seventy millions,
declare that we are less independent than our forefathers? No, my
friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we
care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism
is good, but that we can not have it until other nations help us, we
reply that, instead of having a gold standard because England has,
we will restore bimetallism, and then let England have bimetallism
because the United States has it. If they dare come out in the open
field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight
them to the uttermost. Having behind us the producing masses of
this nation and the world, supported by the commercial interests,
the laboring interest, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer
their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: You shall not
press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns; you shall
not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.”
 SENATOR J. K. JONES

Mr. Bryan was nominated for President on the fifth ballot by a well-
nigh unanimous vote, save for the 162 eastern delegates who, while
holding their seats, sullenly refused to take any part in the
proceedings. The demonstration following the nomination was even
wilder and more prolonged than the memorable scene that marked
the conclusion of his speech.
For Vice-President Arthur Sewall, of Maine, was nominated. With this
ticket, on a platform declaring for free silver, opposing the issue of
bonds and national bank currency, denouncing “government by
injunction,” declaring for a low tariff, the Monroe doctrine, an income
tax, and election of senators by a direct vote of the people, the
democracy went before the country with a confidence and
exuberance little anticipated before the convention met, and scarcely
justified, as later proven, by the outcome.
The Populist and Silver Republican conventions met in St. Louis late
in July. The latter endorsed the nominees of the Chicago platform
and made them their own. The populists, however, while nominating
Mr. Bryan, refused to nominate Mr. Sewall, naming for vice-president
Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia.
The gold democrats met at Indianapolis on September 2, and
nominated John M. Palmer, of Illinois, and Simon Buckner, of
Kentucky, adopting the first gold standard platform ever presented
to the people of the United States for endorsement. They called
themselves “National Democrats,” but in the outcome carried but
one voting precinct in the nation, and that in Kansas. Four votes
were cast in the precinct, two for Palmer, and one each for Bryan
and McKinley. In the precinct in Illinois where Mr. Palmer himself,
with his son and coachman, voted, not a single ballot was cast for
the nominee of the “National Democracy.” The fact was that a new
party alignment was the inevitable result of the Chicago convention,
the reorganized democracy gaining largely beyond the Missouri, but
losing heavily east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio.
Hundreds of thousands of gold Democrats in the populous states,
under the leadership of Grover Cleveland and John G. Carlisle, while
pretending to support Palmer and Buckner, voted secretly for
McKinley, whose platform was a virtual endorsement of the
Cleveland administration, as Bryan’s platform repudiated and
condemned it.
The campaign was remarkable not only for Bryan’s wonderful
campaigning, but for the bitter feeling that pervaded both
organizations. The Republicans particularly excelled in vituperative
abuse. They began the use of billingsgate immediately after the
Chicago convention had adjourned, applying to it such terms as
“rabble,” “wild Jacobins,” “anarchists” and “repudiators,” while Bryan
was characterized as a “boy orator” “a demagogue” and “an ass.”
The Cleveland Leader said:
“Bryan, with all his ignorance, his cheap demagogy, his intolerable
gabble, his utter lack of common sense, and his general incapacity in
every direction, is a typical Democrat of the new school. His weapon
is wind. His stock in trade is his mouth. Mr. McKinley’s election—and
we apologize to Mr. McKinley for printing his name in the same
column with that of Bryan—is no longer in any doubt whatever. We
salute the next President. As for Bryan, he is a candidate for the
political ash-heap.”
For efficient campaigning the two party organizations were most
unevenly matched. The Republican National committee, under the
directing genius of Mark Hanna, assisted liberally by the thoroughly
affrighted financial and corporation magnates of the East, had at its
disposal millions of dollars with which to organize, pay for speakers
and literature, reward the efforts of newspapers and party workers,
and debauch the electorate in states thought to be doubtful. It had
the assistance of almost the entire metropolitan press—with the
notable exception of the New York Journal—and the nearly united
influence of the large employers of labor. And even further, it had the
pulpit and the religious press. As the ministers of Christ’s gospel, in
1856, denounced and vilified Garrison and Phillips, so in 1896 they
hurled anathema maranatha at Bryan and Altgeld. Grave and
reverend preachers of national fame fulminated from their pulpits
against “the accursed and treasonable aims” of Bryan and his
supporters, and denounced them as “enemies of mankind.” Bishop
John P. Newman, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, denounced
Bryan as an “anarchist,” and in the church conferences over which
he presided urged the clergy to use their influence to defeat the
Democratic nominees. The Rev. Cortland Myers, in the Baptist
Temple at Brooklyn, said that “the Chicago platform was made in
hell.” Rev. Thomas Dixon, Jr., at the Academy of Music, New York,
called Bryan “a mouthing, slobbering demagogue, whose patriotism
is all in his jaw bone.”
Such were the cultured and scholarly contributions made by the
noblest of professions to the discussion of an academic question of
finance in the year of our Lord 1896.
The Democratic committee had little money. It had the support of
but few large newspapers. It was fighting the battles of a party that
had been disrupted and rent in twain at the Chicago convention. In
every state and almost every county of the Union the old local and
national leaders of the party had deserted, and the faithful but
disorganized followers of Bryan had to be moulded anew into the
likeness of an army.
The one inspiration of the party was in its leader. The embodiment
of faith, hope, and courage, tireless, indomitable, undismayed by the
fearful odds against him, with the zeal of a crusader he undertook
his mission of spreading the message of democracy through the
length and breadth of the land. For three months, accompanied
most of the time by Mrs. Bryan, he sped to and fro across the
American continent, an army of newspaper correspondents in his
train, resting little and sleeping less, preaching the Chicago platform.
His earnestness, his candor, his boldness, the simplicity of his style,
the homeliness of his illustrations, the convincing power of his
argument, the eloquence of his flights of oratory, and, above all, the
pure and lovable character of the man as it impressed itself on those
who met with him—these were the sparks that fired the hearts of
men and left in his wake conviction fanned into enthusiasm all
aflame.
Yet, with all his efforts, despite a record of personal campaigning
such as never before was seen in the recorded history of man, Mr.
Bryan was defeated. The tremendous influence wielded by the great
corporate interests, both by persuasion and by coercion, were such
as no man and no idea could overcome.
The popular vote stood 7,107,822 for McKinley and 6,511,073 for
Bryan. Of the electoral votes McKinley received 271 and Bryan 176,
the solid South and almost solid West going Democratic, while every
state north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi went Republican.
Immediately after the result was assured Mr. Bryan telegraphed Mr.
McKinley as follows: “Hon. Wm. McKinley, Canton, Ohio—Senator
Jones has just informed me that the returns indicate your election,
and I hasten to extend my congratulations. We have submitted the
issue to the American people and their will is law.—W. J. Bryan.”
Mr. McKinley responded: “Hon. W. J. Bryan, Lincoln, Neb.—I
acknowledge the receipt of your courteous message of
congratulation with thanks, and beg you will receive my best wishes
for your health and happiness.—William McKinley.”
While Mr. Bryan and his party accepted defeat thus gracefully, victory
seemed to have redoubled the venom of the opposition. This post-
election utterance of the New York Tribune, founded by Horace
Greeley, and then and now edited by ex-Vice-President Whitelaw
Reid, will serve to close this chapter in the same gentle spirit which
marked the close of that memorable campaign:

“GOOD RIDDANCE

“There are some movements so base, some causes so depraved, that neither
victory can justify them nor defeat entitle them to commiseration. Such a cause
was that which was vanquished yesterday, by the favor of God and the ballots of
the American people. While it was active and menacing, it was unsparingly
denounced and revealed as what it was, in all its hideous deformity. Now that it is
crushed out of the very semblance of being, there is no reason why such
judgment of it should be revised. The thing was conceived in iniquity and was
brought forth in sin. It had its origin in a malicious conspiracy against the honor
and integrity of the nation. It gained such monstrous growth as it enjoyed from an
assiduous culture of the basest passions of the least worthy members of the
community. It has been defeated and destroyed, because right is right and God is
God. Its nominal head was worthy of the cause. Nominal, because the wretched,
rattle-pated boy, posing in vapid vanity and mouthing resounding rottenness, was
not the real leader of that league of hell. He was only a puppet in the blood-
imbued hands of Altgeld, the anarchist, and Debs, the revolutionist, and other
desperados of that stripe. But he was a willing puppet, Bryan was, willing and
eager. Not one of his masters was more apt at lies and forgeries and blasphemies
and all the nameless iniquities of that campaign against the Ten Commandments.
He goes down with the cause, and must abide with it in the history of infamy. He
had less provocation than Benedict Arnold, less intellectual force than Aaron Burr,
less manliness and courage than Jefferson Davis. He was the rival of them all in
deliberate wickedness and treason to the Republic. His name belongs with theirs,
neither the most brilliant nor the least hateful in the list.
“Good riddance to it all, to conspiracy and conspirators, and to the foul menace of
repudiation and anarchy against the honor and life of the Republic. The people
have dismissed it with no uncertain tones. Hereafter let there be whatever
controversies men may please about the tariff, about the currency, about the
Monroe doctrine, and all the rest. But let there never again be a proposition to
repeal the moral law, to garble the Constitution, and to replace the Stars and
Stripes with the red rag of anarchy. On those other topics honest men may
honestly differ, in full loyalty to the Republic. On these latter there is no room for
two opinions, save in the minds of traitors, knaves, and fools.”
 NEW ISSUES

The half decade between 1895 and 1900 may justly be considered
one of the most important in American history. It witnessed the
fiercest battle between political parties ever fought over the question
of finance,—a contest exceeding in bitterness and the general
participation of the people of the United States therein even the
great struggle in which Andrew Jackson and Nicholas Biddle were
the opposing leaders. And, further, as the outcome of the war with
Spain, it saw the birth and growth of an issue theretofore alien to
American soil and portentous for its ultimate influence over the form
and structure of our government. It was at once recognized as an
issue overshadowing in its importance, and in the face of the greater
danger the mutual fears of the friends of gold and the friends of
silver were laid away in one common sepulchre.
On the part of the Democratic party the wraith of imperialism
hovering over the Republic was recognized as the hideous and
supreme exhalation from the poison swamp of plutocracy from
which high tariff, trusts, and a gold standard had already sprung.
Through all these policies, asserted the Democracy, through its
recognized leader, Mr. Bryan, ran the common purpose of exalting
the dollar and debasing the man. The Republican party hesitated
long to recognize and admit the new issue, and when it finally took
up the gage of battle it was on the declaration that a colonial policy,
with alien and subject races under its dominion, had become the
“manifest destiny” of the United States.
The cruelties and severities of General Weyler, the commander of the
Spanish forces in Cuba, toward the insurrectionists who were in
arms against Spain’s authority, early in Mr. McKinley’s administration
aroused the indignation of the American people. The fact that the
Cubans were bravely fighting for liberty, that their rebellion was
against the exactions of an old world monarchy, even as ours had
been, won them an instinctive sympathy that grew stronger each
day and that finally swept like a tidal wave into the cabinet meetings
at Washington, bearing the demands of the people of the United
States for the intervention of our government in Cuba’s behalf.
On December 6, 1897, in his message to Congress, the President
discussed the Cuban question at some length, arguing against any
interference by the United States, on the ground that “a hopeful
change has supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba.”
Speaking of the possible future relations between this country and
Cuba, the President used the words since so widely quoted against
his subsequent policy in the Philippines: “I speak not of forcible
annexation, for that is not to be thought of. That, by our code of
morality, would be criminal aggression.”
The evident reluctance of the administration to recognize Cuban
independence was shortly after forced to give way to the compelling
power of public opinion. On February 15, 1898, by the explosion of a
submarine mine, the Maine, a first-class United States battleship,
was destroyed in Havana harbor, with a loss of 248 officers and men.
A fierce hatred for Spain was thereby added to the sympathy for
Cuba, and war, or the abandonment of Cuba by Spain, became
inevitable. A month after the destruction of the Maine Congress
voted the President $50,000,000 to be used in the National defense.
On April 11, President McKinley, in a message to Congress
exhaustively reviewed the Cuban complications, disclaiming a policy
of annexation and arguing for neutral intervention to enforce peace
and secure for the Cubans a stable government. On the 20th,
Congress declared Cuba to be free and independent, demanded that
Spain relinquish her claim of authority, and authorized the President
to use the land and naval forces of the United States to enforce the
demand.
Congress expressly declared: “The United States hereby disclaims
any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or
control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and
asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the
government and control of the island to its people.”
From such a lofty plane the United States entered into that brief but
glorious combat with Spain that has rightly been called “the war for
humanity.” On April 23, the President called for 125,000 volunteers.
One of the first who offered the President his services in the war for
“Cuba libre” was William J. Bryan. Long before, Mr. Bryan had
declared for intervention, saying, “Humanity demands that we shall
act. Cuba lies within sight of our shores and the sufferings of her
people can not be ignored unless we, as a nation, have become so
engrossed in money-making as to be indifferent to distress.” Mr.
Bryan’s proffer was ignored by the President. He was later
commissioned by Governor Holcomb, of Nebraska, to raise the Third
Nebraska regiment of volunteers. This he did, becoming the colonel
of the regiment. General Victor Vifquain, of Lincoln, a gallant and
distinguished veteran of the Civil war was made lieutenant-colonel.
In the meantime Admiral George Dewey commanding the United
States Asiatic fleet, had set forth from Hong Kong, engaged the
Spanish fleet in Manila bay on May 1, and completely demolished it.
Manila was the capital of the entire Philippine archipelago, with its
eight to ten million inhabitants, then nominally under Spanish
sovereignty. The Filipinos themselves, of whom Admiral Dewey said,
“these people are far superior in their intelligence and more capable
of self-government than the natives of Cuba,” were already in
successful revolt against Spain, battling bravely for their
independence. Under the leadership of General Aguinaldo, and at
the invitation of Dewey and the representatives of the United States
state department, the insurgents cooperated as allies with the
American forces from the time of Dewey’s victory until the surrender
of Manila. They were furnished arms and ammunition by Dewey, and
were led to believe that their own independence would be assured
on the expulsion of Spain from the archipelago. During this time
they established a successful and orderly civil government
throughout the greater part of the islands. But at home the United
States government was already beginning to indicate its intention
not to grant to the Filipinos, at the conclusion of the war, the same
liberty and self-government as had been promised the Cubans.
Rather, it was becoming evident it was the purpose of Mr. McKinley
and his advisers to hold the islands as tributary territory, subject to
United States’ jurisdiction, while, at the same time, the inhabitants
should be denied the “inalienable rights” proclaimed by the
Declaration of Independence and guaranteed by our Constitution.
The American people were at a loss what to make of the situation.
Their eyes dazzled by the glories of war and conquest, their cupidity
appealed to by the vaunted richness of the “new possessions,” there
still was latent in their hearts the love for liberty as “the heritage of
all men in all lands everywhere,” and an unspoken fear of
incorporating the government of alien and subject races as an
integral portion of the scheme of American democracy.
Such was the situation when, at Omaha, Neb., on June 14, 1898,
Colonel W. J. Bryan, shortly before the muster-in of his regiment into
the service of the government, sounded the first note of warning
against the insidious dangers of imperialism; the first ringing appeal
to the Republic to remain true to its principles, its traditions, and its
high ideals. In taking his stand on this great question Mr. Bryan
acted with the boldness that has ever characterized him when
matters of principle were at stake. He spoke against the earnest
advice of numerous political friends, who warned him he was taking
the unpopular side, and that his mistake would cost him his political
life. Mr. Bryan, because he believed the policy of the administration
to be radically wrong, paid no heed to all the well-meant
protestations, but earnestly warned the people against the
abandonment of the doctrines of the fathers of the Republic. These
were his words:
“History will vindicate the position taken by the United States in the
war with Spain. In saying this I assume that the principles which
were invoked in the inauguration of the war will be observed in its
prosecution and conclusion. If a war undertaken for the sake of
humanity degenerates into a war of conquest we shall find it difficult
to meet the charge of having added hypocrisy to greed. Is our
national character so weak that we can not withstand the temptation
to appropriate the first piece of land that comes within our reach?
“To inflict upon the enemy all possible harm is legitimate warfare,
but shall we contemplate a scheme for the colonization of the Orient
merely because our fleet won a remarkable victory in the harbor at
Manila?
“Our guns destroyed a Spanish fleet, but can they destroy that self-
evident truth that governments derive their just powers—not from
force—but from the consent of the governed?
“Shall we abandon a just resistance to European encroachment upon
the western hemisphere, in order to mingle in the controversies of
Europe and Asia?
“Nebraska, standing midway between the oceans, will contribute her
full share toward the protection of our sea coast; her sons will
support the flag at home and abroad, wherever the honor and the
interests of the nation may require. Nebraska will hold up the hands
of the government while the battle rages, and when the war clouds
roll away her voice will be heard pleading for the maintenance of
those ideas which inspired the founders of our government and gave
the nation its proud eminence among the nations of the earth.
“If others turn to thoughts of aggrandizement, and yield allegiance
to those who clothe land covetousness in the attractive garb of
‘national destiny,’ the people of Nebraska will, if I mistake not their
sentiments, plant themselves upon the disclaimer entered by
Congress, and expect that good faith shall characterize the making
of peace as it did the beginning of war.
“Goldsmith calls upon statesmen:
 ‘To judge how wide the limits stand
Betwixt a splendid and a happy land.’

If some dream of the splendors of a heterogeneous empire

encircling the globe, we shall be content to aid in bringing enduring
happiness to a homogeneous people, consecrated to the purpose of
maintaining ‘a government of the people, by the people, and for the
people.’”
Shortly after this speech Colonel Bryan left Nebraska with his
regiment to go into camp at Tampa, Florida, awaiting orders to Cuba
or Porto Rico. Like most of the other regiments called out by
President McKinley, Colonel Bryan’s was not destined ever to come in
sight of a battlefield. The amazing fact is that while the enormous
number of 274,717 soldiers were mustered into service, only 54,000
ever left American soil up to the time the protocol was signed,
August 12, 1898. The 220,000 were left through the sweltering
summer months in unsanitary camps to broil under a southern sun.
From May 1 to September 30, but 280 American soldiers were killed
in battle, while 2,565 died in fever-stricken camps pitched in malarial
swamps. The entire nation was aroused to the highest pitch of
indignation, and the press, without regard to party, joined in
denouncing the careless, cruel, and incompetent treatment of the
volunteer soldier.
The New York Herald voiced the general feeling when it said:
“’Infamous’ is the only word to describe the treatment that has been
inflicted upon our patriotic soldiers, and under which, despite the
indignant outbursts of a horror-stricken people, thousands of them
are still suffering to-day.” The Herald further declared the soldiers to
be “the victims of job-and-rob politicians and contractors, and of
criminally incompetent and heartlessly indifferent officials.”
For almost six months Colonel Bryan remained with his regiment in
camp. The quarters, the sanitative conditions, and the general
arrangements of the “Third Nebraska” were the pride of the army.
Colonel Bryan was at once “guide, counselor, and friend” to his men,
winning the almost idolatrous love of each and all of them. He gave
lavishly of his meager funds to secure the comfort of the sick and
maintain the health of the strong. His days and nights were devoted
to the service of the regiment, and more than one poor boy, dying of
fever far from the wind-swept Nebraska prairies, passed away
holding his Colonel’s hand and breathing into his Colonel’s ear the
last faltering message of farewell to loved ones at home.

CHAS. POYNTER SENATOR ALLEN ADLAI STEVENSON

MRS. POYNTER MISS POYNTER C. A. TOWNE
LEWIS G. STEVENSON WEBSTER DAVIS MRS. W. C.
POYNTER W. J. BRYAN GOV. POYNTER

AT THE GOVERNOR’S MANSION, LINCOLN

In joining the volunteer army, as when he delivered the first anti-

imperialist speech, Colonel Bryan had acted against the advice of
many of his closest personal and political friends. Despite his
decisive defeat for the presidency in 1896, he had not only
maintained but even strengthened his position as the recognized
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