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 Summary of Contents
SECURITIES ACT OF 1933
Securities Act Rules
Securities Act—Selected Forms
REGULATION CROWDFUNDING
SECURITIES EXCHANGE ACT OF 1934—SELECTED
PROVISIONS
Exchange Act Rules—Selected Provisions
Securities Exchange Act of 1934—Selected Forms
REGULATION S-K—SELECTED PROVISIONS
REGULATION S-X—SELECTED PROVISIONS
REGULATION M
REGULATION SHO—REGULATION OF SHORT SALES
REGULATION M-A—SELECTED PROVISIONS
REGULATION AC
REGULATION FD
REGULATION G
RULES OF PRACTICE AND INVESTIGATIONS—SELECTED
PROVISIONS
STAFF ACCOUNTING BULLETINS—SELECTED RELEASE
SARBANES-OXLEY ACT OF 2002
INVESTMENT ADVISERS ACT OF 1940—SELECTED
PROVISIONS
ADVISERS ACT RULES—SELECTED PROVISIONS
INVESTMENT COMPANY ACT OF 1940—SELECTED
PROVISIONS
INVESTMENT COMPANY ACT RULES—SELECTED
PROVISIONS

8
 SECURITIES ACT OF 1933
15 U.S.C. §§ 77a et seq.

Section 15 Subject
U.S.C.
Section

1 77a Short title

2 77b Definitions
(1) Security
(2) Person
(3) Sale, sell, offer to sell, offer for sale
(4) Issuer
(5) Commission
(6) Territory
(7) Interstate commerce
(8) Registration statement
(9) Write, written
(10) Prospectus
(11) Underwriter
(12) Dealer
(13) Insurance company
(14) Separate account
(15) Accredited investor
(16) Security future; narrow-based security
index; security futures product
(17) Swap, security-based swap

9
 (18) Purchase, sale
(19) Emerging growth company
(b) Consideration of promotion of efficiency,
competition, and capital formation
2A 77b-1 Swap agreements
3 77c Exempted securities
4 77d Exempted transactions
4A 77e Requirements with Respect to Certain Small
Transactions
5 77e Prohibitions relating to interstate commerce and
the mails
6 77f Registration of securities and signing of
registration statement
7 77g Information required in registration statement
8 77h Taking effect of registration statements and
amendments thereto
8A 77h-1 Cease-and-desist proceedings
9 77i Court review of orders
10 77j Information required in prospectus
11 77k Civil liabilities on account of false registration
statement
12 77l Civil liabilities arising in connection with
prospectuses and communications
13 77m Limitation of actions
14 77n Contrary stipulations void
15 77o Liability of controlling persons
16 77p Additional remedies; limitations on remedies
17 77q Fraudulent interstate transactions
18 77r Exemption from state regulation of securities
offerings

10
19 77s Special powers of commission
20 77t Injunctions and prosecution of offenses
21 77u Hearings by commission
22 77v Jurisdiction of offenses and suits
23 77w Unlawful representations
24 77x Penalties
25 77y Jurisdiction of other government agencies over
securities
26 77z Separability of provisions
27 77z-1 Private securities litigation
27A 77z-2 Application of safe harbor for forward-looking
statements
27B Conflicts of Interest Relating to Certain
Securitizations
28 77z-3 General exemptive authority
77aa Schedule A
77aa Schedule B

Sec.1. SHORT TITLE

This title may be cited as the “Securities Act of 1933.”

Sec.2. DEFINITIONS
(a) When used in this title, unless the context otherwise
requires—
(1) [Security]
The term “security” means any note, stock, treasury stock, security
future, security-based swap, bond, debenture, evidence of indebtedness,
certificate of interest or participation in any profit-sharing agreement,
collateral-trust certificate, preorganization certificate or subscription,
transferable share, investment contract, voting-trust certificate, certificate
of deposit for a security, fractional undivided interest in oil, gas, or other
mineral rights, any put, call, straddle, option, or privilege on any security,
certificate of deposit, or group or index of securities (including any interest
therein or based on the value thereof), or any put, call, straddle, option, or

11
privilege entered into on a national securities exchange relating to foreign
currency, or, in general, any interest or instrument commonly known as a
“security,” or any certificate of interest or participation in, temporary or
interim certificate for, receipt for, guarantee of, or warrant or right to
subscribe to or purchase, any of the foregoing.
(2) [Person]
The term “person” means an individual, a corporation, a partnership,
an association, a joint-stock company, a trust, any unincorporated
organization, or a government or political subdivision thereof. As used in
this paragraph the term “trust” shall include only a trust where the interest
or interests of the beneficiary or beneficiaries are evidenced by a security.
(3) [Sale, Sell, Offer to Sell, Offer for Sale]
The term “sale” or “sell” shall include every contract of sale or
disposition of a security or interest in a security, for value. The term “offer
to sell”, “offer for sale”, or “offer” shall include every attempt or offer to
dispose of, or solicitation of an offer to buy, a security or interest in a
security, for value. The terms defined in this paragraph and the term “offer
to buy” as used in subsection (c) of section 5 shall not include preliminary
negotiations or agreements between an issuer (or any person directly or
indirectly controlling or controlled by an issuer, or under direct or indirect
common control with an issuer) and any underwriter or among
underwriters who are or are to be in privity of contract with an issuer (or
any person directly or indirectly controlling or controlled by an issuer, or
under direct or indirect common control with an issuer). Any security
given or delivered with, or as a bonus on account of, any purchase of
securities or any other thing, shall be conclusively presumed to constitute a
part of the subject of such purchase and to have been offered and sold for
value. The issue or transfer of a right or privilege, when originally issued
or transferred with a security, giving the holder of such security the right to
convert such security into another security of the same issuer or of another
person, or giving a right to subscribe to another security of the same issuer
or of another person, which right cannot be exercised until some future
date, shall not be deemed to be an offer or sale of such other security; but
the issue or transfer of such other security upon the exercise of such right
of conversion or subscription shall be deemed a sale of such other security.
Any offer or sale of a security futures product by or on behalf of the issuer
of the securities underlying the security futures product, an affiliate of the
issuer, or an underwriter, shall constitute a contract for sale of, sale of,
offer for sale, or offer to sell the underlying securities. Any offer or sale of
a security-based swap by or on behalf of the issuer of the securities upon
which such security-based swap is based or is referenced, an affiliate of

12
the issuer, or an underwriter, shall constitute a contract for sale of, sale of,
offer for sale,or offer to sell such securities. The publication or distribution
by a broker or dealer of a research report about an emerging growth
company that is the subject of a proposed public offering of the common
equity securities of such emerging growth company pursuant to a
registration statement that the issuer proposes to file, or has filed, or that is
effective shall be deemed for purposes of paragraph (10) of this subsection
and Section 5(c) not to constitute an offer for sale or offer to sell a
security, even if the broker or dealer is participating or will participate in
the registered offering of the securities of the issuer. As used in this
paragraph, the term ”research report” means a written, electronic, or oral
communication that includes information, opinions, or recommendations
with respect to securities of an issuer or an analysis of a security or an
issuer, whether or not it provides information reasonably sufficient upon
which to base an investment decision.
(4) [Issuer]
The term “issuer” means every person who issues or proposes to issue
any security; except that with respect to certificates of deposit, voting-trust
certificates, or collateral-trust certificates, or with respect to certificates of
interest or shares in an unincorported investment trust not having a board
of directors (or persons performing similar functions) or of the fixed,
restricted management, or unit type, the term “issuer” means the person or
persons performing the acts and assuming the duties of depositor or
manager pursuant to the provision of the trust or other agreement or
instrument under which such securities are issued; except that in the case
of an unincorporated association which provides by its articles for limited
liability of any or all of its members, or in the case of a trust, committee, or
other legal entity, the trustees or members thereof shall not be individually
liable as issuers of any security issued by the association, trust, committee,
or other legal entity; except that with respect to equipment-trust certificates
or like securities, the term “issuer” means the person by whom the
equipment or property is or is to be used; and except that with respect to
fractional undivided interest in oil, gas, or other mineral rights, the term
“issuer” means the owner of any such right or of any interest in such right
(whether whole or fractional) who creates fractional interests therein for
the purpose of public offering.
(5) [Commission]
The term “Commission” means the Securities and Exchange
Commission.
(6) [Territory]
The term “Territory” means Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, and the

13
insular possessions of the United States.
(7) [Interstate Commerce]
The term “interstate commerce” means trade or commerce in securities
or any transportation or communication relating thereto among the several
States or between the District of Columbia or any Territory of the United
States and any State or other Territory, or between any foreign country and
any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, or within the District of
Columbia.
(8) [Registration Statement]
The term “registration statement” means the statement provided for in
section 6, and includes any amendment thereto and any report, document,
or memorandum filed as part of such statement or incorporated therein by
reference.
(9) [Write, Written]
The term “write” or “written” shall include printed, lithographed, or
any means of graphic communication.
(10) [Prospectus]
The term “prospectus” means any prospectus, notice, circular,
advertisement, letter, or communication, written or by radio or television,
which offers any security for sale or confirms the sale of any security;
except that (a) a communication sent or given after the effective date of the
registration statement (other than a prospectus permitted under subsection
(b) of section 10) shall not be deemed a prospectus if it is proved that prior
to or at the same time with such communication a written prospectus
meeting the requirements of subsection (a) of section 10 at the time of
such communication was sent or given to the person to whom the
communication was made, and (b) a notice, circular, advertisement, letter,
or communication in respect of a security shall not be deemed to be a
prospectus if it states from whom a written prospectus meeting the
requirements of section 10 may be obtained and, in addition, does no more
than identify the security, state the price thereof, state by whom orders will
be executed, and contain such other information as the Commission, by
rules or regulations deemed necesssary or appropriate in the public interest
and for the protection of investors, and subject to such terms and
conditions as may be prescribed therein, may permit.
(11) [Underwriter]
The term “underwriter” means any person who has purchased from an
issuer with a view to, or offers or sells for an issuer in connection with, the
distribution of any security, or participates or has a direct or indirect
participation in any such undertaking, or participates or has a participation
in the direct or indirect underwriting of any such undertaking; but such

14
term shall not include a person whose interest is limited to a commission
from an underwriter or dealer not in excess of the usual and customary
distributors’ or sellers’ commission. As used in this paragraph the term
“issuer” shall include, in addition to an issuer, any person directly or
indirectly controlling or controlled by the issuer, or any person under
direct or indirect common control with the issuer.
(12) [Dealer]
The term “dealer” means any person who engages either for all or part
of his time, directly or indirectly, as agent, broker, or principal, in the
business of offering, buying, selling, or otherwise dealing or trading in
securities issued by another person.
(13) [Insurance Company]
The term “insurance company” means a company which is organized
as an insurance company whose primary and predominant business
activity is the writing of insurance or the reinsuring of risks underwritten
by insurance companies, and which is subject to supervision by the
insurance commissioner, or a similar official or agency, of a State or
territory or the District of Columbia; or any receiver or similar official or
any liquidating agent for such company, in his capacity as such.
(14) [Separate Account]
The term “separate account” means an account established and
maintained by an insurance company pursuant to the laws of any State or
territory of the United States, the District of Columbia, or of Canada or
any province thereof, under which income, gains and losses, whether or
not realized, from assets allocated to such account are, in accordance with
the applicable contract, credited to or charged against such account
without regard to other income, gains, or losses of the insurance company.
(15) [Accredited Investor]
The term “accredited investor” shall mean—
(i) a bank as defined in section 3(a)(2) whether acting in
its individual or fiduciary capacity; and insurance company as
defined in paragraph (13) of this subsection; an investment
company registered under the Investment Company Act of
1940 or a business development company as defined in
section 2 (a)(48) of that Act; a Small Business Investment
Company licensed by the Small Business Administration; or
an employee benefit plan, including an individual retirement
account, which is subject to the provisions of the Employee
Retirement Income Security Act of 1974, if the investment
decision is made by a plan fiduciary, as defined in section
3(21) of such Act, which is either a bank, insurance company,

15
 or registered investment adviser; or
(ii) any person who, on the basis of such factors as
financial sophistication, net worth, knowledge, and experience
in financial matters, or amount of assets under management
qualifies as an accredited investor under rules and regulations
which the Commission shall prescribe.
(16) [Security Future; Narrow-Based Security Index;
Security Futures Product]
The terms “security future,” “narrowbased security index,” and
“security futures product” have the same meanings as provided in section
3(a)(55) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934.
(17) [swap, security-based swap]
The terms “swap” and “security-based swap” have the same meanings
as in section 1a of the Commodity Exchange Act (7 U.S.C. 1a).
(18) [purchase, sale]
The terms “purchase” or “sale” of a security-based swap shall be
deemed to mean the execution, termination (prior to its scheduled maturity
date), assignment, exchange, or similar transfer or conveyance of, or
extinguishing of rights or obligations under, a security-based swap, as the
context may require.
(19) [emerging growth company]
The term “emerging growth company” means an issuer that had total
annual gross revenues of less than $1,000,000,000 (as such amount is
indexed for inflation every 5 years by the Commission to reflect the
change in the Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers published
by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, setting the threshold to the nearest
1,000,000) during its most recently completed fiscal year. An issuer that is
an emerging growth company as of the first day of that fiscal year shall
continue to be deemed an emerging growth company until the earliest of—
(A) The last day of the fiscal year of the issuer during
which it had total annual gross revenues of $1,000,000,000 (as
such amount is indexed for inflation every 5 years by the
Commission to reflect the change in the Consumer Price
Index for All Urban Consumers published by the Bureau of
Labor Statistics, setting the threshold to the nearest 1,000,000)
or more;
(B) The last day of the fiscal year of the issuer following
the fifth anniversary of the date of the first sale of common
equity securities of the issuer pursuant to an effective
registration statement under this title;
(C) The date on which such issuer has, during the previous

16
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 3-year period, issued more than $1,000,000,000 in non-
convertible debt; or
(D) The date on which such issuer is deemed to be a “large
accelerated filer,” as defined in Section 240.12b-2 of Title 17,
Code of Federal Regulations, or any successor thereto.
(b) [Efficiency, Competition and Capital Formation]
CONSIDERATION OF PROMOTION OF EFFICIENCY,
COMPETITION, AND CAPITAL FORMATION. Whenever pursuant
to this title the Commission is engaged in rulemaking and is
required to consider or determine whether an action is necessary
or appropriate in the public interest, the Commission shall also
consider, in addition to the protection of investors, whether the
action will promote efficiency, competition, and capital
formation.

Sec.2A. SWAP AGREEMENTS

(a) [Reserved.]
(b) SECURITY-BASED SWAP AGREEMENTS.—
(1) The definition of “security” in section 2(a)(1) of this
title does not include any security-based swap agreement (as
defined in section 3(a)(78) of the Securities Exchange Act of
1934).
(2) The Commission is prohibited from registering, or
requiring, recommending, or suggesting, the registration under
this title of any security-based swap agreement (as defined in
section 3(a)(78) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934). If
the Commission becomes aware that a registrant has filed a
registration statement with respect to such a swap agreement,
the Commission shall promptly so notify the registrant. Any
such registration statement with respect to such a swap
agreement shall be void and of no force or effect.
(3) The Commission is prohibited from—
(A) promulgating, interpreting, or enforcing rules; or
(B) issuing orders of general applicability;
under this title in a manner that imposes or specifies reporting
or recordkeeping requirements, procedures, or standards as
prophylactic measures against fraud, manipulation, or insider
trading with respect to any security-based swap agreement (as
defined in section 3(a)(78) of the Securities Exchange Act of
1934).
(4) References in this title to the “purchase” or “sale” of a

17
 security-based swap agreement shall be deemed to mean the
execution, termination (prior to its scheduled maturity date),
assignment, exchange, or similar transfer or conveyance of, or
extinguishing of rights or obligations under, a security-based
swap agreement (as defined in section 3 (a)(78) of the
Securities Exchange Act of 1934), as the context may require.

Sec.3. EXEMPTED SECURITIES

(a) Except as hereinafter expressly provided the provisions of
this title shall not apply to any of the following classes of
securities:
(1) [Reserved.]
(2) Any security issued or guaranteed by the United States
or any territory thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or by
any State of the United States, or by any political subdivision
of a State or Territory, or by any public instrumentality of one
or more States or Territories, or by any person controlled or
supervised by and acting as an instrumentality of the
Government of the United States pursuant to authority granted
by the Congress of the United States; or any certificate of
deposit for any of the foregoing; or any security issued or
guaranteed by any bank; or any security issued by or
representing an interest in or a direct obligation of a Federal
Reserve bank; or any interest or participation in any common
trust fund or similar fund that is excluded from the definition
of the term “investment company” under section 3(c)(3) of the
Investment Company Act of 1940; or any security which is an
industrial development bond (as defined in section 103(c)(2)
of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954) the interest on which is
excludable from gross income under section 103(a)(1) of such
Code if, by reason of the application of paragraph (4) or (6) of
section 103(c) of such Code (determined as if paragraphs (4)
(A), (5), and (7) were not included in such section 103(c)),
paragraph (1) of such section 103(c) does not apply to such
security; or any interest or participation in a single trust fund,
or in a collective trust fund maintained by a bank, or any
security arising out of a contract issued by an insurance
company, which interest, participation, or security is issued in
connection with (A) a stock bonus, pension, or profit-sharing
plan which meets the requirements for qualification under
section 401 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, (B) an

18
annuity plan which meets the requirements for the deduction
of the employer’s contributions under section 404(a)(2) of
such Code, or (C) a governmental plan as defined in section
414(d) of such Code which has been e stablished by an
employer for the exclusive benefit of its employees or their
beneficiaries for the purpose of distributing to such employees
or their beneficiaries the corpus and income of the funds
accumulated under such plan, if under such plan it is
impossible, prior to the satisfaction of all liabilities with
respect to such employees and their beneficiaries, for any part
of the corpus or income to be used for, or diverted to,
purposes other than the exclusive benefit of such employees
or their beneficiaries, other than any plan described in clause
(A), (B), or (C) of this paragraph (i) the contributions under
which are held in a single trust fund or in a separate account
maintained by an insurance company for a single employer
and under which an amount in excess of the employer’s
contribution is allocated to the purchase of securities (other
than interests or participations in the trust or separate account
itself) issued by the employer or any company directly or
indirectly controlling, controlled by, or under common control
with the employer, (ii) which covers employees some or all of
whom are employees within the meaning of section 401(c)(1)
of such Code, (other than a person participating in a church
plan who is described in section 414(e)(3)(B) of the Internal
Revenue Code of 1986), or (iii) which is a plan funded by an
annuity contract described in section 403(b) of such Code
(other than a retirement income account described in section
403(b)(9) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, to the extent
that the interest or participation in such single trust fund or
collective trust fund is issued to a church, a convention or
association of churches, or an organization described in
section 414(e)(3)(A) of such Code establishing or maintaining
the retirement income account or to a trust established by any
such entity in connection with the retirement income account).
The Commission, by rules and regulations or order, shall
exempt from the provisions of section 5 of this title any
interest or participation issued in connection with a stock
bonus, pension, profit-sharing, or annuity plan which covers
employees some or all of whom are employees within the
meaning of section 401(c)(1) of the Internal Revenue Code of

19
1954, if and to the extent that the Commission determines this
to be necessary or appropriate in the public interest and
consistent with the protection of investors and the purposes
fairly intended by the policy and provisions of this title. For
the purposes of this paragraph, a security issued or guaranteed
by a bank shall not include any interest or participation in any
collective trust fund maintained by a bank; and the term
“bank” means any national bank, or any banking institution
organized under the laws of any State, Territory, or the
District of Columbia, the business of which is substantially
confined to banking and is supervised by the State or
territorial banking commission or similar official; except that
in the case of a common trust fund or similar fund, or a
collective trust fund, the term “bank” has the same meaning as
in the Investment Company Act of 1940;
(3) Any note, draft, bill of exchange, or banker’s
acceptance which arises out of a current transaction or the
proceeds of which have been or are to be used for current
transactions, and which has a maturity at the time of issuance
of not exceeding nine months, exclusive of days of grace, or
any renewal thereof the maturity of which is likewise limited;
(4) Any security issued by a person organized and
operated exclusively for religious, educational, benevolent,
fraternal, charitable, or reformatory purposes and not for
pecuniary profit, and no part of the net earnings of which
inures to the benefit of any person, private stockholder, or
individual, or any security of a fund that is excluded from the
definition of an investment company under section 3(c)(10)
(B) of the Investment Company Act of 1940;
(5) Any security issued (A) by a savings and loan
association, building and loan association, cooperative bank,
homestead association, or similar institution, which is
supervised and examined by State or Federal authority having
supervision over any such institution; or (B) by (i) a farmer’s
cooperative organization exempt from tax under section 521
of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, (ii) a corporation
described in section 501(c)(16) of such Code and exempt from
tax under section 501 (a) of such Code, or (iii) a corporation
described in section 501(c)(2) of such Code which is exempt
from tax under section 501 (a) of such Code and is organized
for the exclusive purpose of holding title to property,

20
collecting income therefrom, and turning over the entire
amount thereof, less expenses, to an organization or
corporation described in clause (i) or (ii);
(6) Any interest in a railroad equipment trust. For purposes
of this paragraph “interest in a railroad equipment trust”
means any interest in an equipment trust, lease, conditional
sales contract or other similar arrangement entered into,
issued, assumed, guaranteed by, or for the benefit of a
common carrier to finance the acquisition of rolling stock
including motive power;
(7) Certificates issued by a receiver or by a trustee or
debtor in possession in a case under title 11 of the United
States Code, with the approval of the court;
(8) Any insurance or endowment policy or annuity
contract or optional annuity contract, issued by a corporation
subject to the supervision of the insurance commissioner,
bank commissioner, or any agency or officer performing like
functions, of any State or Territory of the United States or the
District of Columbia;
(9) Except with respect to a security exchanged in a case
under title 11 of the United States Code, any security
exchanged by the issuer with its existing security holders exlu
sively where no commission or other remuneration is paid or
given directly or indirectly for soliciting such exchange;
(10) Except with respect to a security exchanged in a case
under title 11 of the United States Code, any security which is
issued in exchange for one or more bona fide outstanding
securities, claims or property interests, or partly in such
exchange and partly for cash, where the terms and conditions
of such issuance and exchange are approved, after a hearing
upon the fairness of such terms and conditions at which all
persons to whom it is proposed to issue securities in such
exchange shall have the right to appear, by any court, or by
any official or agency of the United States, or by any State or
Territorial banking or insurance commission or other
governmental authority expressly authorized by law to grant
such approval;
(11) Any security which is a part of an issue offered and
sold only to persons resident within a single State or Territory,
where the issuer of such security is a person resident and
doing business within, or, if a corporation, incorporated by

21
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overtook them near Ephesus, and defeated them completely.
Eualkidês, the Eretrian general, a man of eminence and a celebrated
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commencement, the Athenians betook themselves to their vessels
and sailed home, in spite of pressing instances on the part of
Aristagoras to induce them to stay. They took no farther part in the
struggle;[539] a retirement at once so sudden and so complete, that
they must probably have experienced some glaring desertion on the
part of their Asiatic allies, similar to that which brought so much
danger upon the Spartan general Derkyllidas, in 396 B. C. Unless such
was the case, they seem open to censure rather for having too soon
withdrawn their aid, than for having originally lent it.[540]
The burning of a place so important as Sardis, however, including
the temples of the local goddess Kybêbê, which perished with the
remaining buildings, produced a powerful effect on both sides,—
encouraging the revolters, as well as incensing the Persians.
Aristagoras despatched ships along the coast, northward as far as
Byzantium, and southward as far as Cyprus. The Greek cities near
the Hellespont and the Propontis were induced, either by force or by
inclination, to take part with him: the Karians embraced his cause
warmly; even the Kaunians, who had not declared themselves
before, joined him as soon as they heard of the capture of Sardis;
while the Greeks in Cyprus, with the single exception of the town of
Amathûs, at once renounced the authority of Darius, and prepared
for a strenuous contest. Onesilus of Salamis, the most considerable
city in the island,—finding the population willing, but his brother, the
despot Gorgus, reluctant,—shut the latter out of the gates, took the
command of the united forces of Salamis and other revolting cities,
and laid siege to Amathûs. These towns of Cyprus were then, and
seem always afterwards to have continued, under the government of
despots; who, however, unlike the despots in Ionia generally, took
part along with their subjects in the revolt against Persia.[541]
 The rebellion had now assumed a character more serious than
ever, and the Persians were compelled to put forth their strongest
efforts to subdue it. From the number of different nations comprised
in their empire, they were enabled to make use of the antipathies of
one against the other; and the old adverse feeling of Phenicians
against Greeks was now found extremely serviceable. After a year
spent in getting together forces,[542] the Phenician fleet was
employed to transport into Cyprus the Persian general Artybius with
a Kilikian and Egyptian army,[543]—while the force under Artaphernês
at Sardis was so strengthened as to enable him to act at once
against all the coast of Asia Minor, from the Propontis to the Triopian
promontory. On the other side, the common danger had for the
moment brought the Ionians into a state of union foreign to their
usual habit, and we hear now, for the first and the last time, of a
tolerably efficient Pan-Ionic authority.[544]
Apprized of the coming of Artybius with the Phenician fleet,
Onesilus and his Cyprian supporters solicited the aid of the Ionic
fleet, which arrived shortly after the disembarkation of the Persian
force in the island. Onesilus offered to the Ionians their choice,
whether they would fight the Phenicians at sea or the Persians on
land. Their natural determination was in favor of the seafight, and
they engaged with a degree of courage and unanimity which
procured for them a brilliant victory; the Samians being especially
distinguished.[545] But the combat on land, carried on at the same
time, took a different turn. Onesilus and the Salaminians brought
into the field, after the fashion of Orientals rather than of Greeks, a
number of scythed chariots, destined to break the enemy’s ranks;
while on the other hand the Persian general Artybius was mounted
on a horse, trained to rise on his hind legs and strike out with his
fore legs against an opponent on foot. In the thick of the fight,
Onesilus and his Karian shield-bearer came into personal conflict
with this general and his horse; and by previous concert, when the
horse so reared as to get his fore legs over the shield of Onesilus,
the Karian with a scythe severed the legs from his body, while
Onesilus with his own hand slew Artybius. But the personal bravery
of the Cypriots was rendered useless by treachery in their own
ranks. Stêsênor, despot of Kurium, deserted in the midst of the
battle, and even the scythed chariots of Salamis followed his
example. The brave Onesilus, thus weakened, perished in the total
rout of his army, along with Aristokyprus despot of Soli, on the north
coast of the island: this latter being son of that Philokyprus who had
been immortalized more than sixty years before, in the poems of
Solon. No farther hopes now remained for the revolters, and the
victorious Ionian fleet returned home. Salamis relapsed under the
sway of its former despot Gorgus, while the remaining cities in
Cyprus were successively besieged and taken: not without a resolute
defence, however, since Soli alone held out five months.[546]
Meanwhile the principal force of Darius having been assembled at
Sardis,—Daurisês, Hymeas, and other generals who had married
daughters of the Great King, distributed their efforts against different
parts of the western coast. Daurisês attacked the towns near the
Hellespont,[547]—Abydus, Perkôtê, Lampsakus, and Pæsus,—which
made little resistance. He was then ordered southward into Karia,
while Hymeas, who, with another division, had taken Kios on the
Propontis, marched down to the Hellespont and completed the
conquest of the Troad as well as of the Æolic Greeks in the region of
Ida. Artaphernês and Otanês attacked the Ionic and Æolic towns on
the coast,—the former taking Klazomenæ,[548] the latter Kymê.
There remained Karia, which, with Milêtus in its neighborhood,
offered a determined resistance to Daurisês. Forewarned of his
approach, the Karians assembled at a spot called the White Pillars,
near the confluence of the rivers Mæander and Marsyas. Pixodarus,
one of their chiefs, recommended the desperate expedient of
fighting with the river at their back, so that all chance of flight might
be cut off; but most of the chiefs decided in favor of a contrary
policy,[549]—to let the Persians pass the river, in hopes of driving
them back into it and thus rendering their defeat total. Victory,
however, after a sharp contest, declared in favor of Daurisês, chiefly
in consequence of his superior numbers: two thousand Persians, and
not less than ten thousand Karians, are said to have perished in the
battle. The Karian fugitives, reunited after the flight, in the grove of
noble plane-trees consecrated to Zeus Stratius, near Labranda,[550]
were deliberating whether they should now submit to the Persians or
emigrate forever, when the appearance of a Milesian reinforcement
restored their courage. A second battle was fought, and a second
time they were defeated, the loss on this occasion falling chiefly on
the Milesians.[551] The victorious Persians now proceeded to assault
Karian cities, but Herakleidês of Mylasa laid an ambuscade for them
with so much skill and good fortune, that their army was nearly
destroyed, and Daurisês with other Persian generals perished. This
successful effort, following upon two severe defeats, does honor to
the constancy of the Karians, upon whom Greek proverbs generally
fasten a mean reputation. It saved for the time the Karian towns,
which the Persians did not succeed in reducing until after the
capture of Milêtus.[552]
On land, the revolters were thus everywhere worsted, though at
sea the Ionians still remained masters. But the unwarlike Aristagoras
began to despair of success, and to meditate a mean desertion of
the companions and countrymen whom he had himself betrayed into
danger. Assembling his chief advisers, he represented to them the
unpromising state of affairs, and the necessity of securing some
place of refuge, in case they were expelled from Milêtus. He then
put the question to them, whether the island of Sardinia, or
Myrkinus in Thrace, near the Strymon (which Histiæus had begun
some time before to fortify, as I have mentioned in the preceding
chapter), appeared to them best adapted to the purpose. Among the
persons consulted was Hekatæus the historian, who approved
neither the one nor the other scheme, but suggested the erection of
a fortified post in the neighboring island of Leros; a Milesian colony,
wherein a temporary retirement might be sought, should it prove
impossible to hold Milêtus, but which permitted an easy return to
that city, so soon as opportunity offered.[553] Such an opinion must
doubtless have been founded on the assumption, that they would be
able to maintain superiority at sea. And it is important to note such
confident reliance upon this superiority in the mind of a sagacious
man, not given to sanguine hopes, like Hekatæus,—even under
circumstances very unprosperous on land. Emigration to Myrkinus,
as proposed by Aristagoras, presented no hope of refuge at all; since
the Persians, if they regained their authority in Asia Minor, would not
fail again to extend it to the Strymon. Nevertheless, the consultation
ended by adopting this scheme, since, probably, no Ionians could
endure the immeasurable distance of Sardinia as a new home.
Aristagoras set sail for Myrkinus, taking with him all who chose to
bear him company; but he perished not long after landing, together
with nearly all his company, in the siege of a neighboring Thracian
town.[554] Though making profession to lay down his supreme
authority at the commencement of the revolt, he had still contrived
to retain it in great measure; and on departing for Myrkinus, he
devolved it on Pythagoras, a citizen in high esteem. It appears
however that the Milesians, glad to get rid of a leader who had
brought them nothing but mischief,[555] paid little obedience to his
successor, and made their government from this period popular in
reality as well as in profession. The desertion of Aristagoras, with the
citizens whom he carried away, must have seriously damped the
spirits of those who remained: nevertheless, it seems that the cause
of the Ionic revolters was quite as well conducted without him.
Not long after his departure, another despot—Histiæus of
Milêtus, his father-in-law, and jointly with him the fomenter of the
revolt—presented himself at the gates of Milêtus for admission. The
outbreak of the revolt had enabled him, as he had calculated, to
procure leave of departure from Darius. That prince had been
thrown into violent indignation by the attack and burning of Sardis,
and by the general revolt of Ionia, headed (so the news reached
him) by the Milesian Aristagoras, but carried into effect by the active
coöperation of the Athenians. “The Athenians (exclaimed Darius),
who are they?” On receiving the answer, he asked for his bow,
placed an arrow on the string, and shot as high as he could towards
the heavens, saying: “Grant me, Zeus, to revenge myself on the
Athenians.” He at the same time desired an attendant to remind him
thrice every day at dinner: “Master, remember the Athenians;” for as
to the Ionians, he felt assured that their hour of retribution would
come speedily and easily enough.[556]
This Homeric incident deserves notice as illustrating the epical
handling of Herodotus. His theme is, the invasions of Greece by
Persia: he has now arrived at the first eruption, in the bosom of
Darius, of that passion which impelled the Persian forces towards
Marathon and Salamis,—and he marks the beginning of the new
phase by act and word both alike significant. It may be compared to
the libation and prayer addressed by Achilles in the Iliad to Zeus, at
the moment when he is sending forth Patroklus and the Myrmidons
to the rescue of the despairing Greeks.
At first, Darius had been inclined to ascribe the movement in
Ionia to the secret instigation of Histiæus, whom he called into his
presence and questioned. But the latter found means to satisfy him,
and even to make out that no such mischief would have occurred, if
he, Histiæus, had been at Milêtus instead of being detained at Susa.
“Send me down to the spot, he asseverated, and I engage not
merely to quell the revolt, and put into your hands the traitor who
heads it, but also, not to take off this tunic from my body, before I
shall have added to your empire the great island of Sardinia.” An
expedition to Sardinia, though never realized, appears to have been
among the favorite fancies of the Ionic Greeks of that day.[557] By
such boasts and assurances he obtained his liberty, and went down
to Sardis, promising to return as soon as he should have
accomplished them.[558]
But on reaching Sardis he found the satrap Artaphernês better
informed than the Great King at Susa. Though Histiæus, when
questioned as to the causes which had brought on the outbreak,
affected nothing but ignorance and astonishment, Artaphernês
detected his evasions, and said: “I will tell you how the facts stand,
Histiæus: it is you that have stitched this shoe, and Aristagoras has
put it on.”[559] Such a declaration promised little security to the
suspected Milesian who heard it; and accordingly, as soon as night
arrived, he took to flight, went down to the coast, and from thence
passed over to Chios. Here he found himself seized on the opposite
count, as the confidant of Darius and the enemy of Ionia: he was
released, however, on proclaiming himself not merely a fugitive
escaping from Persian custody, but also as the prime author of the
Ionic revolt. And he farther added, in order to increase his
popularity, that Darius had contemplated the translation of the
Ionian population to Phenicia, as well as that of the Phenician
population to Ionia,—to prevent which translation he, Histiæus, had
instigated the revolt. This allegation, though nothing better than a
pure fabrication, obtained for him the good-will of the Chians, who
carried him back to Milêtus. But before he departed, he avenged
himself on Artaphernês by despatching to Sardis some false letters,
implicating many distinguished Persians in a conspiracy jointly with
himself: these letters were so managed as to fall into the hands of
the satrap himself, who became full of suspicion, and put to death
several of the parties, to the great uneasiness of all around him.[560]
On arriving at Milêtus, Histiæus found Aristagoras no longer
present, and the citizens altogether adverse to the return of their old
despot. Nevertheless, he tried to force his way by night into the
town, but was repulsed and even wounded in the thigh. He returned
to Chios, but the Chians refused him the aid of any of their ships: he
next passed to Lesbos, from the inhabitants of which island he
obtained eight triremes, and employed them to occupy Byzantium,
pillaging and detaining the Ionian merchant-ships as they passed
into or out of the Euxine.[561] The few remaining piracies of this
worthless traitor, mischievous to his countrymen down to the day of
his death, hardly deserve our notice, amidst the last struggles and
sufferings of the subjugated Ionians, to which we are now
hastening.
A vast Persian force, both military and naval, was gradually
concentrating itself near Milêtus, against which city Artaphernês had
determined to direct his principal efforts. Not only the whole army of
Asia Minor, but also the Kilikian and Egyptian troops fresh from the
conquest of Cyprus, and even the conquered Cypriots themselves,
were brought up as reinforcements; while the entire Phenician fleet,
no less than six hundred ships strong, coöperated on the coast.[562]
To meet such a land-force in the field, being far beyond the strength
of the Ionians, the joint Pan-Ionic council resolved that the Milesians
should be left to defend their own fortifications, while the entire
force of the confederate cities should be mustered on board the
ships. At sea they had as yet no reason to despair, having been
victorious over the Phenicians near Cyprus, and having sustained no
defeat. The combined Ionic fleet, including the Æolic Lesbians,
amounting in all to the number of three hundred and fifty-three
ships, was accordingly mustered at Ladê,—then a little island near
Milêtus, but now joined on to the coast, by the gradual accumulation
of land in the bay at the mouth of the Mæander. Eighty Milesian
ships formed the right wing, one hundred Chian ships the centre,
and sixty Samian ships the left wing; while the space between the
Milesians and the Chians was occupied by twelve ships from Priênê,
three from Myus, and seventeen from Teôs,—the space between the
Chians and Samians was filled by eight ships from Erythræ, three
from Phôkæa, and seventy from Lesbos.[563]
The total armament thus made up was hardly inferior in number
to that which, fifteen years afterwards, gained the battle of Salamis
against a far larger Persian fleet than the present. Moreover, the
courage of the Ionians, on ship-board, was equal to that of their
contemporaries on the other side of the Ægean; while in respect of
disagreement among the allies, we shall hereafter find the
circumstances preceding the battle of Salamis still more menacing
than those before the coming battle of Ladê. The chances of
success, therefore, were at least equal between the two; and indeed
the anticipations of the Persians and Phenicians on the present
occasion were full of doubt, so that they thought it necessary to set
on foot express means for disuniting the Ionians,—it was fortunate
for the Greeks that Xerxês at Salamis could not be made to conceive
the prudence of aiming at the same object. There were now in the
Persian camp all those various despots whom Aristagoras, at the
beginning of the revolt, had driven out of their respective cities. At
the instigation of Artaphernês, each of these men despatched secret
communications to their citizens in the allied fleet, endeavoring to
detach them severally from the general body, by promises of gentle
treatment in the event of compliance, and by threats of extreme
infliction from the Persians if they persisted in armed efforts. Though
these communications were sent to each without the knowledge of
the rest, yet the answer from all was one unanimous negative.[564]
And the confederates at Ladê seemed more one, in heart and spirit,
than the Athenians, Spartans, and Corinthians will hereafter prove to
be at Salamis.
But there was one grand difference which turned the scale,—the
superior energy and ability of the Athenian leaders at Salamis,
coupled with the fact that they were Athenians,—that is, in
command of the largest and most important contingent throughout
the fleet.
At Ladê, unfortunately, this was quite otherwise: each separate
contingent had its own commander, but we hear of no joint
commander at all. Nor were the chiefs who came from the larger
cities—Milesian, Chian, Samian, or Lesbian—men like Themistoklês,
competent and willing to stand forward as self-created leaders, and
to usurp for the moment, with the general consent and for the
general benefit, a privilege not intended for them. The only man of
sufficient energy and forwardness to do this, was the Phôkæan
Dionysius,—unfortunately, the captain of the smallest contingent of
the fleet, and therefore enjoying the least respect. For Phôkæa, once
the daring explorer of the western waters, had so dwindled down
since the Persian conquest of Ionia, that she could now furnish no
more than three ships; and her ancient maritime spirit survived only
in the bosom of her captain. When Dionysius saw the Ionians
assembled at Ladê, willing, eager, full of talk and mutual
encouragement, but untrained and taking no thought of discipline,
or nautical practice, or coöperation in the hour of battle,—he saw
the risk which they ran for want of these precautions, and
strenuously remonstrated with them: “Our fate hangs on the razor’s
edge, men of Ionia: either to be freemen or slaves,—and slaves too,
caught after running away. Set yourself at once to work and duty,—
you will then have trouble indeed at first, with certain victory and
freedom afterwards. But if you persist in this carelessness and
disorder, there is no hope for you to escape the king’s revenge for
your revolt. Be persuaded and commit yourself to me; and I pledge
myself, if the gods only hold an equal balance, that your enemies
either will not fight, or will be severely beaten.”[565]
The wisdom of this advice was so apparent, that the Ionians,
quitting their comfortable tents on the shore of Ladê and going on
board their ships, submitted themselves to the continuous nautical
labors and manœuvres imposed upon them by Dionysius. The
rowers, and the hoplites on the deck, were exercised in their
separate functions, and even when they were not so employed, the
ships were kept at anchor, and the crews on board, instead of on
shore; so that the work lasted all day long, under a hot summer’s
sun. Such labor, new to the Ionian crews, was endured for seven
successive days, after which they broke out with one accord into
resolute mutiny and refusal: “Which of the gods have we offended,
to bring upon ourselves such a retribution as this? madmen as we
are, to put ourselves into the hands of this Phôkæan braggart, who
has furnished only three ships![566] He has now got us, and is ruining
us without remedy: many of us are already sick, many others are
sickening; we had better make up our minds to Persian slavery, or
any other mischiefs, rather than go on with these present sufferings.
Come, we will not obey this man any longer.” And they forthwith
refused to execute his orders, resuming their tents on shore, with
the enjoyments of shade, rest, and inactive talk, as before.
I have not chosen to divest this instructive scene of the dramatic
liveliness with which it is given in Herodotus,—the more so as it has
all the air of reality, and as Hekatæus, the historian, was probably
present in the island of Ladê, and may have described what he
actually saw and heard. When we see the intolerable hardship which
these nautical manœuvres and labors imposed upon the Ionians,
though men not unaccustomed to ordinary ship-work,—and when
we witness their perfect incapacity to submit themselves to such a
discipline, even with extreme danger staring them in the face,—we
shall be able to appreciate the severe and unremitting toil whereby
the Athenian seaman afterwards purchased that perfection of
nautical discipline which characterized him at the beginning of the
Peloponnesian war. It will appear, as we proceed with this history,
that the full development of the Athenian democracy worked a
revolution in Grecian military marine, chiefly by enforcing upon the
citizen seaman a strict continuous training, such as was only
surpassed by the Lacedæmonian drill on land,—and by thus
rendering practicable a species of nautical manœuvring which was
unknown even at the time of the battle of Salamis. I shall show this
more fully hereafter: at present, I contrast it briefly with the
incapacity of the Ionians at Ladê, in order that it may be understood
how painful such training really was. The reader of Grecian history is
usually taught to associate only ideas of turbulence and anarchy
with the Athenian democracy; but the Athenian navy, the child and
champion of that democracy, will be found to display an
indefatigable labor and obedience nowhere else witnessed in Greece,
and of which even the first lessons, as in the case now before us,
prove to others so irksome as to outweigh the prospect of extreme
and imminent peril. The same impatience of steady toil and
discipline, which the Ionians displayed to their own ruin before the
battle of Ladê, will be found to characterize them fifty years
afterwards as allies of Athens, as I shall have occasion to show when
I come to describe the Athenian empire.
Ending in this abrupt and mutinous manner, the judicious
suggestions of the Phôkæan leader did more harm than good.
Perhaps his manner of dealing may have been unadvisedly rude, but
we are surprised to see that no one among the leaders of the larger
contingents had the good sense to avail himself of the first readiness
of the Ionians, and to employ his superior influence in securing the
continuance of a good practice once begun. Not one such superior
man did this Ionic revolt throw up. From the day on which the
Ionians discarded Dionysius, their camp became a scene of disunion
and mistrust. Some of them grew so reckless and unmanageable,
that the better portion despaired of maintaining any orderly battle;
and the Samians in particular now repented that they had declined
the secret offers made to them by their expelled despot,[567]—
Æakês, son of Sylosôn. They sent privately to renew the negotiation,
received a fresh promise of the same indulgence, and agreed to
desert when the occasion arrived. On the day of battle, when the
two fleets were on the point of coming to action, the sixty Samian
ships all sailed off, except eleven, whose captains disdained such
treachery. Other Ionians followed their example; yet amidst the
reciprocal crimination which Herodotus had heard, he finds it difficult
to determine who was most to blame, though he names the
Lesbians as among the earliest deserters.[568] The hundred ships
from Chios, constituting the centre of the fleet—each ship carrying
forty chosen soldiers fully armed—formed a brilliant exception to the
rest; they fought with the greatest fidelity and resolution, inflicting
upon the enemy, and themselves sustaining, heavy loss. Dionysius,
the Phôkæan, also behaved in a manner worthy of his previous
language,—capturing with his three ships the like number of
Phenicians. But these examples of bravery did not compensate the
treachery or cowardice of the rest, and the defeat of the Ionians at
Ladê was complete as well as irrecoverable. To the faithful Chians,
the loss was terrible, both in the battle and after it. For though some
of their vessels escaped from the defeat safely to Chios, others were
so damaged as to be obliged to run ashore close at hand on the
promontory of Mykalê, where the crews quitted them, with the
intention of marching northward, through the Ephesian territory, to
the continent opposite their own island. We hear with astonishment
that, at that critical moment, the Ephesian women were engaged in
solemnizing the Thesmophoria,—a festival celebrated at night, in the
open air, in some uninhabited portion of the territory, and without
the presence of any male person. As the Chian fugitives entered the
Ephesian territory by night, their coming being neither known nor
anticipated,—it was believed that they were thieves or pirates
coming to seize the women, and under this error they were attacked
by the Ephesians and slain.[569] It would seem from this incident that
the Ephesians had taken no part in the Ionic revolt, nor are they
mentioned amidst the various contingents. Nor is anything said
either of Kolophon, or Lebedus, or Eræ.[570]
The Phôkæan Dionysius, perceiving that the defeat of Ladê was
the ruin of the Ionic cause, and that his native city was again
doomed to Persian subjection, did not think it prudent even to return
home. Immediately after the battle he set sail, not for Phôkæa, but
for the Phenician coast, at this moment stripped of its protecting
cruisers. He seized several Phenician merchantmen, out of which
considerable profit was obtained: then setting sail for Sicily, he
undertook the occupation of a privateer against the Carthaginians
and Tyrrhenians, abstaining from injury towards Greeks.[571] Such an
employment seems then to have been perfectly admissible. A
considerable body of Samians also migrated to Sicily, indignant at
the treachery of their admirals in the battle, and yet more indignant
at the approaching restoration of their despot Æakês. How these
Samian emigrants became established in the Sicilian town of Zanklê,
[572] I shall mention as a part of the course of Sicilian events, which
will come hereafter.
The victory of Ladê enabled the Persians to attack Milêtus by sea
as well as by land; they prosecuted the siege with the utmost vigor,
by undermining the walls, and by various engines of attack: in which
department their resources seem to have been enlarged since the
days of Harpagus. In no long time the city was taken by storm, and
miserable was the fate reserved to it. The adult male population was
chiefly slain; while such of them as were preserved, together with
the women and children, were sent in a body to Susa, to await the
orders of Darius,—who assigned to them a residence at Ampê, not
far from the mouth of the Tigris. The temple at Branchidæ was
burned and pillaged, as Hekatæus had predicted at the beginning of
the revolt: the large treasures therein contained must have gone far
to defray the costs of the Persian army. The Milesian territory is said
to have been altogether denuded of its former inhabitants,—the
Persians retaining for themselves the city with the plain adjoining to
it, and making over the mountainous portions to the Karians of
Pedasa. Some few of the Milesians found a place among the Samian
emigrants to Sicily.[573] It is certain, however, that new Grecian
inhabitants must have been subsequently admitted into Milêtus; for
it appears ever afterwards as a Grecian town, though with
diminished power and importance.
The capture of Milêtus, in the sixth year from the commencement
of the revolt,[574] carried with it the rapid submission of the
neighboring towns in Karia.[575] During the next summer,—the
Phenician fleet having wintered at Milêtus,—the Persian forces by
sea and land reconquered all the Asiatic Greeks, insular as well as
continental. Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos,—the towns in the
Chersonese,—Selymbria and Perinthus in Thrace,—Prokonnêsus and
Artakê in the Propontis,—all these towns were taken or sacked by
the Persian and Phenician fleet.[576] The inhabitants of Byzantium
and Chalkêdôn fled for the most part, without even awaiting its
arrival, to Mesembria, and the Athenian Miltiadês only escaped
Persian captivity by a rapid flight from his abode in the Chersonese
to Athens. His pursuers were indeed so close upon him, that one of
his ships, with his son Metiochus on board, fell into their hands. As
Miltiadês had been strenuous in urging the destruction of the bridge
over the Danube, on the occasion of the Scythian expedition, the
Phenicians were particularly anxious to get possession of his person,
as the most acceptable of all Greek prisoners to the Persian king;
who, however, when Metiochus the son of Miltiadês was brought to
Susa, not only did him no harm, but treated him with great
kindness, and gave him a Persian wife with a comfortable
maintenance.[577]
Far otherwise did the Persian generals deal with the reconquered
cities on and near the coast. The threats which had been held out
before the battle of Ladê were realized to the full. The most
beautiful Greek youths and virgins were picked out, to be distributed
among the Persian grandees as eunuchs, or inmates of the harems;
the cities with their edifices, sacred as well as profane, were made a
prey to the flames; and in the case of the islands, Herodotus even
tells us, that a line of Persians was formed from shore to shore,
which swept each territory from north to south, and drove the
inhabitants out of it.[578] That much of this hard treatment is well
founded, there can be no doubt. But it must be exaggerated as to
extent of depopulation and destruction, for these islands and cities
appear ever afterwards as occupied by a Grecian population, and
even as in a tolerable, though reduced, condition. Samos was made
an exception to the rest, and completely spared by the Persians, as a
reward to its captains for setting the example of desertion at the
battle of Ladê; at the same time, Æakês the despot of that island
was reinstated in his government.[579] It appears that several other
despots were also replaced in their respective cities, though we are
not told which.
Amidst the sufferings endured by so many innocent persons, of
every age and of both sexes, the fate of Histiæus excites but little
sympathy. Having learned, while carrying on his piracies at
Byzantium, the surrender of Milêtus, he thought it expedient to sail
with his Lesbian vessels to Chios, where admittance was refused to
him. But the Chians, weakened as they had been by the late battle,
were in little condition to resist, so that he defeated their troops and
despoiled the island. During the present break-up of the Asiatic
Greeks, there were doubtless many who, like the Phôkæan
Dionysius, did not choose to return home to an enslaved city, yet
had no fixed plan for a new abode: of these exiles, a considerable
number put themselves under the temporary command of Histiæus,
and accompanied him to the plunder of Thasos.[580] While besieging
that town, he learned the news that the Phenician fleet had quitted
Milêtus to attack the remaining Ionic towns; and he left his designs
on Thasos unfinished, in order to go and defend Lesbos. But in this
latter island the dearth of provisions was such, that he was forced to
cross over to the continent to reap the standing corn around
Atarneus and in the fertile plain of Mysia near the river Kaïkus. Here
he fell in with a considerable Persian force under Harpagus,—was
beaten, compelled to flee, and taken prisoner. On his being carried
to Sardis, Artaphernês the satrap caused him to be at once crucified:
partly, no doubt, from genuine hatred, but partly also under the
persuasion that, if he were sent up as a prisoner to Susa, he might
again become dangerous,—since Darius would even now spare his
life, under an indelible sentiment of gratitude for the maintenance of
the bridge over the Danube. The head of Histiæus was embalmed
and sent up to Susa, where Darius caused it to be honorably buried,
condemning this precipitate execution of a man who had once been
his preserver.[581]
We need not wonder that the capture of Milêtus excited the
strongest feeling, of mixed sympathy and consternation, among the
Athenians. In the succeeding year (so at least we are led to think,
though the date cannot be positively determined), it was selected as
the subject of a tragedy,—The Capture of Milêtus,—by the dramatic
poet Phrynichus; which, when performed, so painfully wrung the
feelings of the Athenian audience, that they burst into tears in the
theatre, and the poet was condemned to pay a fine of one thousand
drachmæ, as “having recalled to them their own misfortunes.”[582]
The piece was forbidden to be afterwards acted, and has not come
down to us. Some critics have supposed that Herodotus has not
correctly assigned the real motive which determined the Athenians
to impose this fine.[583] For it is certain that the subjects usually
selected for tragedy were portions of heroic legend, and not matters
of recent history; so that the Athenians might complain of
Phrynichus on the double ground,—for having violated an
established canon of propriety, as well as for touching their
sensibilities too deeply. Still, I see no reason for doubting that the
cause assigned by Herodotus is substantially the true one; but it is
very possible that Phrynichus, at an age when tragic poetry had not
yet reached its full development, might touch this very tender
subject with a rough and offensive hand, before a people who had
fair reason to dread the like cruel fate for themselves. Æschylus, in
his Persæ, would naturally carry with him the full tide of Athenian
sympathy, while dwelling on the victories of Salamis and Platæa. But
to interest the audience in Persian success and Grecian suffering,
was a task in which much greater poets than Phrynichus would have
failed,—and which no judicious poet would have undertaken. The
sack of Magdeburg, by Count Tilly, in the Thirty Years’ war, was not
likely to be endured as the subject of dramatic representation in any
Protestant town of Germany.
 CHAPTER XXXVI.
FROM THE IONIC REVOLT TO THE BATTLE OF
MARATHON.

In the preceding chapter, I indicated the point of confluence

between the European and Asiatic streams of Grecian history,—the
commencement of a decided Persian intention to conquer Attica;
manifested first in the form of a threat by Artaphernês the satrap,
when he enjoined the Athenians to take back Hippias as the only
condition of safety, and afterwards converted into a passion in the
bosom of Darius in consequence of the burning of Sardis. From this
time forward, therefore, the affairs of Greece and Persia came to be
in direct relation one with the other, and capable of being embodied,
much more than before, into one continuous narrative.
The reconquest of Ionia being thoroughly completed,
Artaphernês proceeded to organize the future government of it, with
a degree of prudence and forethought not often visible in Persian
proceedings. Convoking deputies from all the different cities, he
compelled them to enter into a permanent convention, for the
amicable settlement of disputes, so as to prevent all employment of
force by any one against the others. Moreover, he caused the
territory of each city to be measured by parasangs (each parasang
was equal to thirty stadia, or about three miles and a half), and
arranged the assessments of tribute according to this measurement,
without any material departure, however, from the sums which had
been paid before the revolt.[584]
Unfortunately, Herodotus is unusually brief in his allusion to this
proceeding, which it would have been highly interesting to be able to
comprehend perfectly. We may, however, assume it as certain, that
both the population and the territory of many among the Ionic cities,
if not of all, were materially altered in consequence of the preceding
revolt, and still more in consequence of the cruelties with which the
suppression of the revolt had been accompanied. In regard to
Milêtus, Herodotus tells us that the Persians retained for themselves
the city with its circumjacent plain, but gave the mountain portion of
the Milesian territory to the Karians of Pêdasa.[585] Such a
proceeding would naturally call for a fresh measurement and
assessment of tribute; and there may have been similar transfers of
land elsewhere. I have already observed that the statements which
we find in Herodotus, of utter depopulation and destruction falling
upon the cities, cannot be credited in their full extent; for these
cities are all peopled, and all Hellenic, afterwards. But there can be
no doubt that they are partially true, and that the miseries of those
days, as stated in the work of Hekatæus, as well as by contemporary
informants with whom Herodotus had probably conversed, must
have been extreme. New inhabitants would probably be admitted in
many of them, to supply the loss sustained; and such infusion of
fresh blood would strengthen the necessity for the organization
introduced by Artaphernês, in order to determine clearly the
obligations due from the cities both to the Persian government and
towards each other. Herodotus considers that the arrangement was
extremely beneficial to the Ionians, and so it must unquestionably
have appeared, coming as it did immediately after so much previous
suffering. He farther adds, that the tribute then fixed remained
unaltered until his own day,—a statement requiring some comment,
which I reserve until the time arrives for describing the condition of
the Asiatic Greeks after the repulse of Xerxês from Greece proper.
Meanwhile, the intentions of Darius for the conquest of Greece
were now effectively manifested: Mardonius, invested with the
supreme command, and at the head of a large force, was sent down
in the ensuing spring for the purpose. Having reached Kilikia in the
course of the march, he himself got on ship-board and went by sea
to Ionia, while his army marched across Asia Minor to the
Hellespont. His proceeding in Ionia surprises us, and seems to have
appeared surprising as well to Herodotus himself as to his readers.
Mardonius deposed the despots throughout the various Greek cities,
[586] and left the people of each to govern themselves, subject to the
Persian dominion and tribute. This was a complete reversal of the
former policy of Persia, and must be ascribed to a new conviction,
doubtless wise and well founded, which had recently grown up
among the Persian leaders, that on the whole their unpopularity was
aggravated, more than their strength was increased, by employing
these despots as instruments. The phenomena of the late Ionic
revolt were well calculated to teach such a lesson; but we shall not
often find the Persians profiting by experience, throughout the
course of this history.
Mardonius did not remain long in Ionia, but passed on with his
fleet to the Hellespont, where the land-force had already arrived. He
transported it across into Europe, and began his march through
Thrace; all of which had already been reduced by Megabazus, and
does not seem to have participated in the Ionic revolt. The island of
Thasus surrendered to the fleet without any resistance, and the
land-force was conveyed across the Strymon to the Greek city of
Akanthus, on the western coast of the Strymonic gulf. From hence
his land-force marched into Macedonia, and subdued a considerable
portion of its inhabitants, perhaps some of those not comprised in
the dominion of Amyntas, since that prince had before submitted to
Megabazus. Meanwhile, he sent his fleet to double the promontory
of Mount Athos, and to join the land-force again at the gulf of
Therma, with a view of conquering as much of Greece as he could,
and even of prosecuting the march as far as Athens and Eretria;[587]
so that the expedition afterwards accomplished by Xerxês would
have been tried at least by Mardonius, twelve or thirteen years
earlier, had not a terrible storm completely disabled the fleet. The
sea near Athos was then, and is now, full of peril to navigators. One
of the hurricanes, so frequent in its neighborhood, overtook the
Persian fleet, destroyed three hundred ships, and drowned or cast
ashore not less than twenty thousand men: of those who reached
the shore, many died of cold, or were devoured by the wild beasts
on that inhospitable tongue of land. This disaster checked altogether
the farther progress of Mardonius, who also sustained considerable
loss with his land-army, and was himself wounded, in a night attack
made upon him by the tribe of Thracians called Brygi. Though strong
enough to repel and avenge this attack, and to subdue the Brygi, he
was yet in no condition to advance farther. Both the land-force and
the fleet were conveyed back to the Hellespont, and from thence
across to Asia, with all the shame of failure. Nor was Mardonius
again employed by Darius, though we cannot make out that the fault
was imputable to him.[588] We shall hear of him again under Xerxês.
The ill-success of Mardonius seems to have inspired the
Thasians, so recently subdued, with the idea of revolting. At least,
they provoked the suspicion of Darius by making active preparations
for defence, building war-ships, and strengthening their
fortifications. The Thasians were at this time in great opulence,
chiefly from their gold and silver mines, both in their island and in
their mainland territory opposite. Their mines at Skaptê Hylê, in
Thrace, yielded to them an annual income of eighty talents; and
altogether their surplus revenue—after defraying all the expenses of
government, so that the inhabitants were entirely untaxed—was two
hundred talents (forty-six thousand pounds, if Attic talents; more, if
either Euboic or Æginæan). With these large means, they were
enabled soon to make preparations which excited notice among their
neighbors, many of whom were doubtless jealous of their prosperity,
and perhaps inclined to dispute with them possession of the
profitable mines of Skaptê Hylê. As in other cases, so in this: the
jealousies among subject neighbors often procured revelations to
the superior power: the proceedings of the Thasians were made
known, and they were forced to raze their fortifications as well as to
surrender all their ships to the Persians at Abdêra.[589]
Though dissatisfied with Mardonius, Darius was only the more
eagerly bent on his project of conquering Greece, and Hippias was
at his side to keep alive his wrath against the Athenians.[590] Orders
were despatched to the maritime cities of his empire to equip both
ships of war and horse-transports for a renewed attempt. His
intentions were probably known in Greece itself by this time, from
the recent march of his army to Macedonia; but he thought it
advisable to send heralds round to most of the Grecian cities, in
order to require from each the formal token of submission,—earth
and water; and thus to ascertain what extent of resistance his
intended expedition was likely to experience. The answers received
were to a high degree favorable. Many of the continental Greeks
sent their submission, as well as all those islanders to whom
application was made. Among the former, we are probably to reckon
the Thebans and Thessalians, though Herodotus does not
particularize them. Among the latter, Naxos, Eubœa, and some of
the smaller islands, are not included; but Ægina, at that time the
first maritime power of Greece, is expressly included.[591]
Nothing marks so clearly the imminent peril in which the liberties
of Greece were now placed, and the terror inspired by the Persians
after their reconquest of Ionia, as this abasement on the part of the
Æginetans, whose commerce with the Asiatic islands and continent
doubtless impressed them strongly with the melancholy
consequences of unsuccessful resistance to the Great King. But on
the present occasion, their conduct was dictated as much by
antipathy to Athens as by fear, so that Greece was thus threatened
with the intrusion of the Persian arm as ally and arbiter in her
internal contests: a contingency which, if it had occurred now in the
dispute between Ægina and Athens, would have led to the certain
enslavement of Greece,—though when it did occur nearly a century
afterwards, towards the close of the Peloponnesian war, and in
consequence of the prolonged struggle between Lacedæmon and
Athens, Greece had become strong enough in her own force to
endure it without the loss of substantial independence. The war
between Thebes and Ægina on one side, and Athens on the other,—
begun several years before, and growing out of the connection
between Athens and Platæa,—had never yet been terminated. The
Æginetans had taken part in that war from gratuitous feeling, either
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