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 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 1 ___________________________________

___________________________________
Technology and Written
Communication
___________________________________
Chapter 8

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 1

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 2 Learning Objectives ___________________________________

Lesson 8.1: Technology and Written
Communication
1. Define, spell, and pronounce the terms listed ___________________________________
in the vocabulary.
2. Explain what a personal computer is, and
identify input and output hardware for
personal computers. ___________________________________
3. Identify internal computer components,
secondary storage devices, and network and
Internet access devices.
4. Explain how to maintain computer hardware. ___________________________________
5. Identify principles of ergonomics that apply to
a computer workstation.
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 2

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 3 Learning Objectives ___________________________________

Lesson 8.1: Technology and Written
Communication (Cont.)
6. Differentiate between:
• System software and application software.
___________________________________
• Electronic medical records (EMRs) and a practice
management system.
Explain the importance of data backup and
7.
other computer network security activities ___________________________________
performed in the healthcare setting.
8. Discuss applications of electronic
technology.
___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 3

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 4 Learning Objectives ___________________________________

Lesson 8.1: Technology and Written
Communication (Cont.)
9. Recognize the elements of fundamental ___________________________________
writing skills.
10. Explain the guidelines for using capitalization,
numbers, and punctuation in business
communication. ___________________________________
11. Describe each component of a professional
business letter.
12. Summarize the formats for business letters
and memorandums. ___________________________________
13. Compose professional correspondence using
electronic technology.
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 4

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 5 Electronic Technology ___________________________________

in the Medical Office


Medical software
Reduced prices
___________________________________
 Time saved
 Understand the capabilities
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 5

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 6 ___________________________________
Personal Computer Hardware

 Personal computer: Relatively inexpensive

piece of hardware that is used by a single
___________________________________
person
 System hardware
 Electronic processing device that accepts, stores,
and processes data ___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 6

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 7 ___________________________________
Touch Screen Panel

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 7

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 8 ___________________________________
Input Devices



Keyboards
Mouse and other pointing devices
___________________________________
 Touch screens
 Webcams


Microphones
Scanners
___________________________________
 Signature pads

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 8

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 9 ___________________________________
Output Devices



Monitors
Printers
___________________________________
 Speakers

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 9

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 10 ___________________________________
Internal Components

The central processing unit is the “brains” of


the computer
___________________________________
 Random access memory (RAM) is the
working memory of the computer
 Hard disk drive (HDD) reads and writes on
the hard disk
___________________________________
 Solid-state drive (SSD) is more expensive than an
HDD; it is not affected by magnetism
 Most desktops and laptops have a number of
USB ports ___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 10

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 11 ___________________________________
Secondary Storage Devices

 Permanently store data until they are

replaced or deleted by the user
___________________________________
 Types:
 Magnetic (internal hard drive, portable hard drive)
 Optical (i.e., blue ray disc, compact disc, DVD)
 Flash (jump drive/USB drive, memory stick) ___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 11

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 12 ___________________________________
Network and Internet Access Devices

 All computers and output devices in a

healthcare facility are usually connected to
___________________________________
the clinic’s network (local area network [LAN])
 Router may be used to allow multiple devices


on the same network
Medical office must subscribe with an Internet
___________________________________
services provider (ISP) and be connected to a
modem
___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 12

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 13 ___________________________________
Maintaining Computer Hardware

 The MA must maintain the computer

hardware
___________________________________
 All computer and peripheral devices should
be located on a stable, even surface away


from heat sources
Liquids and food should be kept away from
___________________________________
devices
 To remove dirt from the keyboard, turn the
keyboard upside down and gently shake; use
compressed air dusters
___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 13

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 14 Computer Workstation ___________________________________

Ergonomics


Important to arrange the workstation correctly
Torso and neck should be vertical; in line
___________________________________
 For standing workstations, your legs, torso,
head, and neck should be vertical and in line
 Important to change position every 30
minutes
___________________________________
 Preventing repetitive stress injuries is
important for all computer users
___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 14

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 15 Computer Workstation ___________________________________

Ergonomics (Cont.)

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 15

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 16 Software Used in ___________________________________

the Medical Office
 Software
 Set of electronic instructions to operate and
___________________________________
perform different tasks
 Two main categories
• System software
• Application software
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 16

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 17 Software Used in ___________________________________

the Medical Office (Cont.)
 Electronic medical record (EMR) and EHR
are often used interchangeably
___________________________________
 When patients’ records became electronic (or
computerized), they were called “electronic
medical records”
 EHR allows sharing of information with other ___________________________________
providers outside the facility

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 17

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 18 ___________________________________
Computer Network Security

 Electronic security is becoming more

important in today’s society
___________________________________
 Most clinics also need to comply with
Meaningful Use requirements
 Administrators and employees must work
together to keep the computer network safe
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 18

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 19 ___________________________________
Computer Network Security (Cont.)

 Administrators have additional security

responsibilities
___________________________________
 Encryption software is used to encode or
change the information into nonreadable or


encrypted data
Healthcare agencies’ IT departments manage
___________________________________
audit trails
 IT departments also perform security risk


analysis
Perform backup procedures
___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 19

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 20 Technology Advances ___________________________________

in Healthcare

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 20

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 21 Technology Advances ___________________________________

in Healthcare (Cont.)
 Sign-in sheets are being replaced with sign-in
kiosks
___________________________________
 Clinics are using wristbands with bar codes
 Medical labs, ambulatory surgery centers, and
walk-in clinics are using patient tracking
systems
___________________________________
 Some clinics use wireless mobile workstations

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 21

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 22 Technology Advances ___________________________________

in Healthcare (Cont.)
 Point-of-care tools and apps are available for
providers to use in the exam rooms with
___________________________________
patients
 E-prescribing allows providers to send
prescriptions electronically
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 22

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 23 ___________________________________
Parts of Speech

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 23

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 24 ___________________________________
Appropriate Use of Words

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 24

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 25 ___________________________________
Appropriate Use of Words (Cont.)

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 25

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 26 Capitalization, Numbers, ___________________________________

and Punctuation
 First letter of the first word in a sentence or
question should be capitalized
___________________________________
 Pronoun “I” should be capitalized
 First letter of proper nouns should be


capitalized
Spell out all numbers at the beginning of a
___________________________________
sentence

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 26

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 27 Capitalization, Numbers, ___________________________________

and Punctuation (Cont.)


Commas are used in written punctuation
Semicolons are used before certain words
___________________________________
(e.g., however, therefore, for example) and
when separating two complete sentences in a


series
A colon is used to introduce a series of items
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 27

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 28 ___________________________________
Parts of a Professional Letter

Sender’s address

 Date
___________________________________
 Inside address
 Reference line
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 28

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 29 U.S. Postal Service Standard ___________________________________

Street Suffix Abbreviations

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 29

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 30 ___________________________________
Parts of a Professional Letter



Salutation
Subject line
___________________________________
 Body of the letter
 Closing


Signature block
End notations
___________________________________
 Continuation pages

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 30

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 31 ___________________________________
Parts of a Professional Letter (Cont.)

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 31

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 32 ___________________________________
Business Letter Formats

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 32

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 33 ___________________________________
Full Block Letter Format

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 33

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 34 ___________________________________
Modified Block Letter Format

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 34

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 35 ___________________________________
Semi–Block Letter Format

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 35

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 36 ___________________________________
Letter Templates

 Using one of the business letter formats, the

medical assistant can design a letter template
___________________________________
 Use the practice management software to merge
patient data into the letter template to create an
individualized letter
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 36

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 37 ___________________________________
Preparing Letter for Delivery

 Business letters should be enclosed in

business-sized envelopes
___________________________________
 To ensure timely delivery:
 Type envelope using simple black font of at least
10-point size
 Put one space between the city and state and two ___________________________________
spaces between state and ZIP code
 Use ZIP code + 4 code (e.g., 55555-1111) as
often as possible
 Use only approved U.S. Postal Service
abbreviations
___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 37

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 38 ___________________________________
Preparing Letter for Delivery (Cont.)

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 38

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 39 ___________________________________
Memorandums

 Use portrait orientation for the document and

1-inch margins
___________________________________
 Typically have four headings:
 To
 From
 Date ___________________________________
 Subject

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 39

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 40 ___________________________________
Memorandums (Cont.)

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 40

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 41 ___________________________________
Professional E-mails

 Medical assistants need to know how to

compose a professional e-mail
___________________________________
 Separate e-mail addresses with semicolons
 Start with a greeting


Refrain from using all caps
Always end with “Thank you” or “Sincerely”
___________________________________
 Zip large attachments
 Use the urgent feature only for crucial e-mails
___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 41

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________

Slide 42 ___________________________________
Closing Comments

 Medical assistants should proofread all

documents carefully before printing/sending
___________________________________
 Medical assistants should keep a copy of all
documents produced using word processing
 All patient-related documents are confidential
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 42

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
 Kinn’s The Administrative Medical Assistant: An Applied Learning Approach, 13th Edition
Chapter 8 Student Handout

Slide 43 ___________________________________

___________________________________

Questions?
___________________________________

___________________________________
Copyright © 2017, Elsevier Inc. All Rights Reserved. 43

___________________________________

___________________________________

___________________________________
Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
Moreto’s “Desden con el Desden”; a play as well known as any in Spanish
literature.

[339] “Poesías de Don Vicente Garcia de la Huerta,” Madrid, 1778, 12mo, and a
second edition, 1786. “La Perromachia,” a mock-heroic on the loves and quarrels
of sundry dogs, by Francisco Nieto Molina, (Madrid, 1765, 12mo,) is too poor to
deserve notice, though it is an attempt to give greater currency to the earlier
national verse,—the redondillas.

[340] J. J. Lopez de Sedano, “Parnaso Español,” (Madrid, Sancha, 1768-78, 9

tom. 12mo,) was the subject, of a good deal of criticism soon after it appeared.
The club of the elder Moratin—to be noticed immediately—was much dissatisfied
with it (Obras Póstumas de N. F. Moratin, Londres, 1825, 12mo, p. xxv.);—Yriarte
in 1778 printed a dialogue on it, “Donde las dan las toman,” full of severity
(Obras, 1805, Tom. VI.);—and in 1785 Sedano replied, under the name of Juan
Maria Chavero y Eslava de Ronda, in four volumes, 12mo, published at Málaga
and called the “Colóquios de Espina.”

[341] T. A. Sanchez (born 1732, died 1798) published his “Poesías Anteriores al
Siglo XV.” at Madrid, in 4 tom. 8vo, 1779-90, but printed very little else.

[342] Martin Sarmiento, “Memorias para la Historia de la Poesía y Poetas

Españoles,” Madrid, 1775, 4to. He was born in 1692, and wrote a great deal, but
published little. His defence of his master, Feyjoó, (1732,) generally goes with the
“Teatro Crítico”; and some of his tracts are to be found in the Seminario Erudito,
Tom. V., VI., XIX., and XX. His “Historia de la Poesía,” printed as the first volume
of his Works, which were not further continued, is the more valuable, because,
making his inquiries quite independently of Sanchez, he often comes to the same
results.

[343] Besides the poems noted in the text, I have, by Moratin the elder, an Ode
on account of an act of mercy and pardon by Charles III., in 1762, and the
“Egloga á Velasco y Gonzalez,” printed on occasion of their portraits being placed
in the Academy, in 1770; both of little consequence, but not, I believe, noticed
elsewhere. His “Obras Póstumas” were printed at Barcelona, in 1821, 4to, and
reprinted at London, in 1825, 12mo. Moratin’s “Carta Sobre las Fiestas de Toros,”
(Madrid, 1777, 12mo,) which is a slight prose tract, is intended to prove
historically that the amusement of bull-fighting is Spanish in its origin and
character;—a point concerning which those who have read the Chronicles of
Muntaner and the Cid can have little doubt. Moratin had the power of
improvisating with great effect. Obras, 1825, pp. xxxiv.-xxxix.

[344] N. F. Moratin, Obras Póstumas, 1821, pp. xxiv.-xxxi.

[345] Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. II. p. 21. Puybusque, Tom. II. p. 493. His
name, I believe, was originally spelt Cadalso; but as that is a recognized word,
meaning “scaffold,” it is softened in the recent Madrid editions of his Works into
Cadahalso, which means “cottage” or “shanty.” Both these words, however, are
regarded as one and the same, in the first edition of the Dictionary of the
Academy, so that perhaps not much is gained by the change.

[346] His “Eruditos á la Violeta,” and his poetry, “Ocios de mi Juventud,” were
printed at Madrid, 1772 and 1773, 4to, under the assumed name of Joseph
Vasquez. An edition of his Works, with an excellent Life by Navarrete, appeared at
Madrid, in 1818, in 3 tom. 12mo, and has been reprinted more than once since.
For the contemporary opinion of Cadahalso, see Sempere, loc. cit.

[347] As a sort of counterpart to the poem on Music, by Yriarte, may be

mentioned one of less merit, published soon afterwards by Don Diego Antonio
Rejon de Silva, “La Pintura, Poema Didáctico en Tres Cantos,” (Segovia, 1786,
8vo,) the first canto being on Design, the second on Composition, and the third
on Coloring, with notes and a defence of Spanish artists. He was a gentleman of
Murcia, who indulged himself in poetry and painting as an amateur, but whose
serious occupations were in the Office of Foreign Affairs at Madrid. He died about
1796. Sempere y Guarinos (Biblioteca, Tom. V. pp. 1-6) gives an account of his
few and unimportant works, and Cean Bermudez (Diccionario, Tom. IV. p. 164)
has a short notice of his life.

[348] Obras de Thomas de Yriarte, Madrid, 1805, 8 tom. 12mo. Villanueva,

Memorias, Londres, 1825, 8vo, Tom. I. p. 27. Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. VI. p.
190. Llorente, Histoire, Tom. II. p. 449.

[349] Felix María de Samaniego, “Fábulas en Verso Castellano para el Uso del
Real Seminario Vascongado,” Nueva York, 1826, 18mo. There is a Life of the
author, by Navarrete, in the fourth volume of Quintana’s “Coleccion,” and a reply
to his attack on Yriarte in the sixth volume of Yriarte’s Works. For an account of
the “patriotic societies,” see Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. V. p. 135, and Tom. VI. p.
1.

[350] Parte II. Lib. II. Fab. 9. He gives, also, an expanded version of the same
fable, but the shortest is much the best, Πλέον ἥμισυ παντός.

[351] A few words should be added, on each of these last five authors.
1. “Las Odas de Leon de Arroyal,” Madrid, 1784, 12mo. At the end are a few
worthless Anacreontics by a lady, whose name is not given; and at the beginning
is a truly Spanish definition of lyrical poetry, namely, that “whose verses can be
properly played, sung, or danced.”
 2. Pedro de Montengon, “Eusebio,” Madrid, 1786-87, 4 tom. 8vo. The first two
volumes gave great offence by the absence of all injunctions to make religious
instruction a part of education; and, though the remaining two made up for this
deficiency, there is reason to believe that Montengon intended originally to follow
the theory of the “Emile.” “El Antenor” (Madrid, 1788, 2 tom. 8vo) is a prose
poem on the tradition of the founding of Padua by the Trojans. “El Rodrigo”
(Madrid, 1793, 8vo) is another prose epic, in one volume and twelve books, on
the “Last of the Goths.” “Eudoxia,” Madrid, 1793, 8vo; again, a work on
education; but on the education of women. “Odas,” Madrid, 1794, 8vo; very poor.
Montengon, of whom these are not all the works, was born at Alicante, in 1745,
and was alive in 1815. He was very young when he entered the Church, and lived
chiefly at Naples, where he threw off his ecclesiastical robes and devoted himself
to secular occupations.
3. Francisco Gregorio de Salas, “Coleccion de Epigramas,” etc., 1792, 4th
edition, Madrid, 1797, 2 tom. 12mo. His “Observatorio Rústico” (1770, tenth
edition 1830) is a long dull eclogue, divided into six parts, which has enjoyed an
unreasonable popularity. L. F. Moratin (Obras, 1830, Tom. IV. pp. 287 and 351)
gives an epitaph for Salas, with a pleasing prose account of his personal
character, which he well says was much more interesting than his poetry; and
Sempere (Biblioteca, Tom. V. pp. 69, etc.) gives a list of his works, all of which, I
believe, are in the collection printed at Madrid in 1797, ut sup. A small volume
entitled “Parabolas Morales,” etc., (Madrid, 1803, 12mo,) consisting of prose
apologues, somewhat better than any thing of Salas that preceded it, is, I
suppose, later, and probably the last of his works.
4. Ignacio de Meras, “Obras Poéticas,” (Madrid, 1797, 2 tom. 12mo,) contain a
stiff tragedy, called “Teonea,” in blank verse, and within the rules; a comedy
called “The Ward of Madrid,” in the old figuron style, but burlesque and dull; an
epic canto on “The Conquest of Minorca,” in 1782, to imitate Moratin’s “Ships of
Cortés”; a poem “On the Death of Barbarossa, in 1518”; and a number of sonnets
and odes, some of the last of which should rather be called ballads, and some of
them satires;—the whole very meagre.
5. Gaspar de Noroña, whose family was of Portuguese origin, was bred a
soldier and served at the siege of Gibraltar, where he wrote an elegy on the death
of Cadahalso (Poesías de Noroña, Madrid, 1799-1800, 2 tom. 12mo, Tom. II. p.
190). He rose in the army to be a lieutenant-general, and, while holding that
rank, published his Ode on the Peace of 1795, (Tom. I. p. 172,) by which he was
first publicly known as a poet, and which, except, perhaps, a few of his shorter
and lighter poems, is the best of his works. Afterwards he was sent as
ambassador to Russia, but returned to defend his country when it was invaded by
the French, and was made governor of Cadiz. He died in 1815, (Fuster, Biblioteca,
Tom. II. p. 381,) and in 1816 his epic, entitled “Ommiada,” was published at
Madrid, in two volumes, 12mo, containing above fifteen thousand verses; as dull,
perhaps, as any of the similar poems that abound in Spanish literature, but less
offensive to good taste than most of them. In 1833, there appeared at Paris his
“Poesías Asiáticas puestas en Verso Castellano,” translations from the Arabic,
Persian, and Turkish, made, as he says in the Preface, to give him poetical
materials for his epic. His “Quicaida,” a heroi-comic poem, in eight cantos, filled
with parodies, is very tedious. It is in his Poesías, printed in 1800.

[352] Considerable improvement took place at Salamanca in some departments

of study while Melendez was there. But still things remained in a very torpid
state.

[353] Whether the “Caida de Luzbel” was written because a prize was offered by
the Spanish Academy, in 1785, for a poem on that subject, which was to consist
of not more than one hundred octave stanzas, I do not know; but I have a poor
attempt with the same title, professing to be the work of Manuel Perez
Valderrabano, (Palencia, 1786, 12mo,) and to have been written for such a prize,
to all the conditions of which the poem of Melendez seems conformed. No
adjudication of the prize, however, took place.

[354] The death of Melendez was supposed by his physician to have been
occasioned by the vegetable diet to which he was driven, for want of means to
purchase food more substantial; and, from the same poverty, his burial was so
obscure that the Duke of Frias and the poet Juan Nicasio Gallego with difficulty
discovered his remains, in 1828, and caused them to be respectfully interred, in
one of the principal cemeteries of Montpellier, with an appropriate monument to
mark the spot. Semanario Pintoresco, 1839, pp. 331-333; a striking and sad
history.

[355] Juan Melendez Valdes, “Poesías,” Madrid, 1785, 12mo; 1797, 3 tom.
18mo; 1820, 4 tom. 8vo; the last with a Life, by Quintana. (Puybusque, Tom. II.
p. 496.) I have seen it stated, that three counterfeit editions of the first small
volume, printed in 1785, appeared almost at the same time with the true one; so
great was the first outbreak of his popularity. The first volume of Hermosilla
(Juicio Crítico de los Principales Poetas Españoles de la Ultima Era, Paris, 1840, 2
tom. 12mo) contains a criticism of the poems of Melendez, so severe that I find it
difficult to explain its motive. The judgment of Martinez de la Rosa, in the notes
to his didactic poem on Poetry, is much more faithful and true. Melendez
corrected his verse with great care; sometimes with too much, as may be seen by
comparing some of the poems as he first published them, in 1785, with their last
revision, in the edition of his Works, 1820.

[356] “Poesías de M. T. Diego de Gonzalez,” Madrid, 1812, 12mo. He was a

native of Ciudad Rodrigo, and was born in 1733. If he had been a little less
modest, and a little less connected with Jovellanos and Melendez, we might have
had a modern school of Seville as well as of Salamanca.
[357] Juan Pablo Forner, “Oracion Apologética por la España y su Mérito
Literario,” Madrid, 1786, 12mo. His critical controversies and discussions were
chiefly under assumed names,—Tomé Cecial, Varas, Bartolo, etc. His poetry is
best found in the “Biblioteca” of Mendibil y Silvela, (Burdeos, 1819, 4 tom. 8vo,)
and in the fourth volume of Quintana’s “Poesías Selectas”;—an attempt to publish
a collection of all his works, edited by Luis Villanueva, having stopped after
issuing the first volume, Madrid, 1843, 8vo.

[358] “Poesías de Don Josef Iglesias de la Casa,” Salamanca, 1798, 2 tom.

18mo, Segunda Edicion; forbidden by the Inquisition, Index Expurg., 1805, p. 27.
The best editions are those of Barcelona, 1820, and Paris, 1821; but there are
several others, and among them one in four small volumes, 1840, the last of
which contains a considerable number of poems not before published, some of
which, and perhaps all, are not by Iglesias.

[359] “Obras Poéticas de Nicasio Alvarez de Cienfuegos,” Madrid, 1816, 2 tom.

12mo. His style is complained of, both for neologisms and archaisms, the last of
which have been made, though without sufficient reason, a ground of complaint
against Melendez.

[360] “Coleccion de las Obras de Don Gaspar Melchior de Jovellanos,” Madrid,

1830-32, 7 tom. 8vo. A declamatory prose satire on the state of Spain in the time
of Charles IV., supposed to have been delivered in the Amphitheatre of Madrid, in
1796, has been attributed to Jovellanos. It is entitled “Pan y Toros,” or Bread and
Bull-fights, from the old Roman cry of “Panem et Circenses,” and was suppressed
as soon as it was published, but has often been printed since. Among other
distinctions, it enjoyed the singular one of being translated and privately printed,
in 1813, on board a British man-of-war, stationed in the Mediterranean. But it is
not the work of Jovellanos, though it has almost always borne his name on the
successive editions. Jovellanos was familiar with English literature, and translated
the first book of the “Paradise Lost,” but not very successfully. For notices of him,
see Memorias de Jovellanos, por Don Agustin Cean Bermudez, Madrid, 1814,
12mo; the Life at the end of his collected Works; Lord Holland’s Life of Lope de
Vega, 1817, Tom. II., where is a beautiful tribute to him, worthy of Mr. Fox’s
nephew; and Llorente, Tom. II. p. 540, and Tom. IV. p. 122, where are recorded
some of his shameful persecutions. The name of Jovellanos is sometimes written
Jove Llanos; and, I believe, was always so written by his ancestors.

[361] “Historia del Nuevo Mundo, por Don Juan Bautista Muñoz,” Madrid, 1793,
small folio. Fuster, Bib., Tom. II. p. 191. Memorias de la Acad. de la Historia, Tom.
I. p. lxv. The eulogy of Lebrixa, by Muñoz, in the third volume of the Memoirs of
the Academy, a defence of his History, and two or three Latin treatises, are all
that I know of his works, except the History.
[362] “Mexico Conquistada, Poema Heróico, por Don Juan de Escoiquiz,” Madrid,
1798, 3 tom. 8vo. A still more unhappy epic attempt on the subject of the
Conquest of Mexico preceded that of Escoiquiz by about forty years. It was by
Francisco Ruiz de Leon, and is entitled “La Hernandia, Triunfos de la Fé” (Madrid,
1755, 4to); a poem making nearly four hundred pages, and sixteen hundred
octave stanzas.

[363] “Obras de L. F. Moratin,” Madrid, 1830-31, four vols. 8vo, divided into six,
prepared by himself, and published by the Academy of History after his death. His
Life is in Vol. I., and his miscellaneous poems are in the last volume, where the
remarks on the Prince of the Peace occur, at p. 335, and a notice of his relations
with Conti at p. 342. An unreasonably laudatory criticism of his works is to be
found in the first volume of Hermosilla’s “Juicio.”

[364] “Poesías de M. J. Quintana,” Madrid, 1821, 2 tom. 8vo. The lyrical portion
has been often reprinted since 1802, when the first collection of his Poems
appeared at Madrid, in a thin beautiful volume of only 170 pages, 12mo. His life is
in Wolf’s excellent Floresta, in Ochoa, Ferrer del Rio, etc.

[365] Montiano y Luyando, Discurso de la Tragedia, Madrid, 1750, 12mo, p. 66.

[366] He says, near the end, that his purpose was “to show how plays are
written in the French style.” Plays arising from the circumstances of the times,
and more in the forms and character of the preceding century, were sometimes
represented, but soon forgotten. Of these, two may be mentioned as curious. The
first is called, like one of Lope’s, “Sueños hay que son Verdades,” an anonymous
drama, beginning with a dream of the king of Portugal and ending with its partial
fulfilment in the capture of Monsanto, by the forces of Philip V., in 1704. The
other is by Rodrigo Pero de Urrutia, entitled “Rey decretado en Cielo,” and covers
a space of above six years, from the annunciation by Louis XIV. to the Duke of
Anjou, in the first scene, that the will of Charles II. had made him king of Spain,
down to the victory of Almansa, in 1707, which is its catastrophe. Both are of no
value, and represent fairly, I believe, the merit of the few historical plays
produced in the beginning of the eighteenth century, in Spain.

[367] Accounts of the theatre during this sort of interregnum, from about 1700
to about 1790, are found in Signorelli (Storia Critica dei Teatri, Napoli, 1813, 8vo,
Tom IX. pp. 56-236); L. F. Moratin (Obras, 1830, Tom. II. Parte I., Prólogo); and
four papers by Blanco White (in Vols. X. and XI. of the New Monthly Magazine,
London, 1824). The facts and opinions in Signorelli are important, because from
1765 to 1783 he lived in Madrid, (Storia, Tom. IX. p. 189,) and belonged to the
club of the Fonda de San Sebastian, noticed, ante, p. 274, several of whose
members were dramatic writers, and one of the standing subjects for whose
discussions was the theatre. Obras Póstumas de N. F. Moratin, Londres, 1825, p.
xxiv.

[368] L. F. Moratin, Prólogo, ut sup.; and Pellicer, Orígen del Teatro, 1802, Tom.
I. p. 264.

[369] “Alegría Cómica,” (Zaragoza, Tom. I., 1700, Tom. II., 1702,) and “Cómico
Festejo,” (Madrid, 1742,) are three small volumes of entremeses, by Francisco de
Castro; the last being published after the author’s death. They are not entirely
without wit, regarded as caricatures; but they are coarse, and, in general,
worthless.

[370] Thomas de Añorbe y Corregel published his “Virtud vence al Destino” in

Madrid, 1735, and his “Paolino” in 1740. He calls himself “Capellan del Real
Monasterio de la Incarnacion” on the title of the first of these plays, and inserts
two absurd entremeses of his own composition between its acts.

[371] “Discurso sobre las Comedias Españolas de Don Agustin de Montiano y

Luyando,” Madrid, 1750, 12mo; Discurso Segundo, Madrid, 1753, 12mo. They
were translated into French by Hermilly, and an account of them and their author
is given in Lessing’s Werke, (Berlin, 1794, 18mo, Band XXIII. p. 95,) where we
learn, that Montiano was born in 1697, and that he published, in 1729, “El Robo
de Dina,” which seems to have been so much in the tone of a play with the same
title, in the seventeenth volume of Lope de Vega’s “Comedias,” that I cannot help
thinking Montiano, following the fashion of Cañizares and the other plunderers of
the time, was indebted largely to his great predecessor, the enemy of whose
reputation he afterwards became. The story of Athaulpho is from the Corónica
General, Parte II. c. 22. The “Virginia,” both in its attempt to exhibit Roman
manners and in its poetical power, suffers severely when compared with Alfieri’s
tragedy on the same subject. But the truth is, Montiano was a slavish imitator of
the French school, which he admired so much as to be unable to comprehend
and feel what was best in his own Castilian. In the “Aprobacion,” which he
prefixed to the edition of Avellaneda, published in 1732, he says, comparing the
second part of Don Quixote, by this pretender, with the true one by Cervantes,
—“I think no man of judgment will give an opinion in favor of Cervantes, if he
compares the two parts together.”

[372] “La Razon contra la Moda” (Madrid, 12mo, 1751) appeared without the
name of the translator, and contains a modest defence of the French rules, in the
form of a Dedication to the Marchioness of Sarria. Utility is much insisted upon;
and the immorality of the elder drama is vigorously, but covertly, attacked.

[373] I know the plays of Moratin, the elder, only in the pamphlets in which they
were originally published, and I believe they have never been collected. The “Don
Sancho Garcia” was first printed in 1771, with the name of Juan del Valle, and in
1804 with the name of its author, accompanied the last time by some unfortunate
prose imitations of Young’s “Night Thoughts,” and other miscellanies, which follow
it into the third volume of their author’s works, 1818. Latre’s rifacimenti are
printed in a somewhat showy style, probably at the expense of the minister of
state, Aranda, under the title of “Ensayo sobre el Teatro Español,” Madrid, 1773,
small folio. Latassa (Bib. Nueva, Tom. V. p. 513) gives some account of their
author, who died in 1792. The “Anzuelo de Fenisa” and the “Estrella de Sevilla,” as
set to the three unities by Trigueros, were printed both in Madrid and London. Of
the last person, Candido M. Trigueros, it may be added, that he enjoyed a
transient reputation in the latter part of the eighteenth century, and that his
principal work, “La Riada,” in four cantos of irregular verse, (Sevilla, 1784, 8vo,)
on a disastrous inundation of Seville that had just occurred, was demolished by a
letter of Vargas, and a satirical tract which Forner published under the name of
Antonio Varas. I do not know when he died, but an account of most of his life and
many of his works may be found in the Biblioteca of Sempere y Guarinos, Tom.
VI.

[374] The “Obras de Yriarte” (Madrid, 1805, 8 tom. 12mo) contain all his plays,
except the first one, written when he was only eighteen years old, and called
“Hacer que Hacemos,” or Much Cry and Little Wool. The play of Melendez Valdes
is in the second volume of his Works, 1797.

[375] Ayala’s tragedy has been often printed. The “Raquel” is in Huerta’s Works,
(Tom. I., 1786,) with his translations of the “Electra” of Sophocles, and the “Zaïre”
of Voltaire. The original edition of the Raquel is anonymous, and without date or
place of publication.

[376] I have the eighth edition of the “Delinquente Honrado,” 1803; still printed
without its author’s name. It was so popular that it was several times published
surreptitiously, from notes taken in the theatre, and was once turned into bad
verse, before Jovellanos permitted it to appear from his own manuscript. (See
Vol. VII. of his Works, edited by Cañedo.) It is somewhat singular, that, just about
the time the “Delinquente Honrado” appeared in Spain, Fenouillet published in
France a play, yet found in the “Théatre du Second Ordre,” with the exactly
corresponding title of “L’Honnête Criminel.” But there is no resemblance in the
plots of the two pieces.

[377] “Desengaño al Teatro Español,” three tracts, s. l. 12mo., pp. 80. Huerta,
Escena Española Defendida, Madrid, 1786, 12mo, p. xliii. How long autos
maintained their place in Spain may be seen from the fact, that very few are
forbidden in the amplest Index Expurgatorius,—that of 1667, (p. 84,)—and that
those few are, I believe, all Portuguese.
[378] Ramon de la Cruz y Cano, Teatro, Madrid, 1786-91, 10 tom. 12mo, Tom.
IX. p. 3.

[379] L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. II. Parte I., Prólogo.

[380] Teatro de Don Ramon de la Cruz. In the Preface, he replies to Signorelli,

who, in the seventh chapter of the ninth book of his “Storia dei Teatri,” makes a
rude attack upon him, chiefly for sundry translations, which La Cruz does not
seem to have printed. The “Coleccion de Sainetes tanto impresos como inéditos
de Don Ramon de la Cruz, con un Discurso Preliminar de Don Agustin Duran,”
etc., was printed at Madrid in 1843, 2 tom. 8vo. A notice of the life of the author
is in Baena, Hijos, etc., Tom. IV., p. 280.
At about the same time that Ramon de la Cruz was amusing the society of
Madrid with his popular dramas and farces, Juan Ignacio Gonzalez del Castillo
was equally successful in the same way at Cadiz. He was, however, little known
beyond the limits of Andalusia till 1845, when Don Adolfo de Castro published, in
his native city, a collection of his “Saynetes,” filling two volumes, 12mo. In the
variety of their tone, in their faithfulness to the national manners, and in the
gayety of their satire, they resemble those of La Cruz; but they are a little more
carefully finished than his, and somewhat less rich and genial.

[381] Obras de Cienfuegos, Madrid, 1798, 2 tom. 12mo;—the only edition

published by himself.

[382] Vicente Garcia de la Huerta was born in 1734, and died in 1787. A notice
of his life, which was not without literary and social success,—though much
disturbed by a period of exile and disgrace,—is to be found in the Semanario
Pintoresco, (1842, p. 305,) and some intimation of the various literary quarrels in
which he was engaged with his contemporaries may be seen in the next note. His
general character is not ill summed up in the following epitaph on him, said to
have been written by Yriarte, one of his opponents, which should be read,
recollecting that Saragossa was famous for a hospital for the insane,—the mad-
house that figures so largely in Avellaneda’s “Don Quixote.”

De juicio sí; mas no de ingenio escaso,

Aqui Huerta el audaz descanso goza;
Deja un puesto vacante en el Parnaso,
Y una jaula vacia en Zaragoza.

In judgment,—yes,—but not in genius weak,

Here fierce Huerta tranquil sleeps and well;
A vacant post upon Parnassus leaves,
In Saragossa, too, an empty cell.
[383] Don Jaime Doms attacked Montiano in a Letter, without date or name of
place or printer, and was answered by Domingo Luis de Guevara in three Letters,
(Madrid, 1753, 18mo,) to which a rejoinder by Faustino de Quevedo appeared at
Salamanca in 1754, 18mo;—all the names being pseudonymes, and all the
discussions more angry than wise. The publication of the “Teatro” of La Huerta
excited still more discussion. He himself speaks (Escena Hespañola Defendida,
Madrid, 1786, 12mo, p. cliii.) of the “enorme número de folletos” that appeared in
reply to his “Prólogo,” many of which were probably only circulated in manuscript,
according to the fashion of the times, while others, like those of Cosme Damian,
Tomé Cecial (i. e. J. P. Forner), etc., were printed in 1786, and La Huerta replied
to them in his angry “Leccion Crítica” of the same year. (Sempere, Bib., Tom. III.
p. 88.) The whole of this period of Spanish literature is filled with the quarrels of
Sedano, Forner, Huerta, Yriarte, and their friends and rivals.

[384] The popularity of Antonio Valladares de Sotomayor, of Gaspar Zavala y

Zamora, and of Luciano Francisco Comella, did not last long enough to cause
their works to be collected. But I have many separate plays of each of them, and
of other forgotten authors of this period, such as Luis Moncin, Vicente Rodriguez
de Arellano, José Concha, etc. Of Comella alone I have thirty, and I am ashamed
to say how many of them I have read for the pleasure their mere stories gave
me.

[385] Obras Póstumas de N. F. Moratin, 1825, p. xvi.

[386] From a letter of Moratin, published in the Semanario Pintoresco, (1844, p.

43,) it seems that Comella and his friends prevented for some time the
representation of the “Comedia Nueva,” and that the permission to act it was not
granted till it had undergone five different examinations, and not till the very day
for which it had been announced was come. The applause of the public, however,
made amends to Moratin for the trouble which the intrigues of his rivals and
enemies had given him.

[387] Every thing relating to Moratin the younger is to be found in the excellent
edition of his Works, published by the Academy of History. Larra (Obras, Madrid,
1843, 12mo, Tom. II. pp. 183-187) intimates that the “Mogigata” had been
proscribed anew, and that the “Sí de las Niñas” had been mutilated, but that both
were brought out again, in their original form, about 1838.

[388] C. Pellicer, Orígen, Tom. II. p. 41. Signorelli, Storia, Lib. IX. cap. 8. R.
Cumberland (Memoirs of Himself, London, 1807, 8vo, Tom. II. p. 107) speaks of
the Tirana as “at the very summit of her art,” and adds that on one occasion,
when he was present, her tragic powers proved too much for the audience, at
whose cries the curtain was lowered before the piece was ended. Maiquez was
the friend of Blanco White, of Moratin the younger, etc. (New Monthly Mag., Tom.
XI. p. 187, and L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. IV. p. 345). His best character was that
of Garcia de Castañar, in Roxas, which I have seen him play with admirable power
and effect.

[389] The war between the Church and the theatre was kept up during the
whole of the eighteenth century, and till the end of the reign of Ferdinand VII., in
the nineteenth. Not that plays were at any time forbidden effectually throughout
the kingdom, or silenced in the capital, except during some short period of
national anxiety or mourning; but that, at different intervals,—and especially
about the year 1748, when, in consequence of earthquakes at Valencia, and
under the influence of the Archbishop of that city, its theatre was closed, and
remained so for twelve years, (Luis Lamarca, Teatro de Valencia, Valencia, 1840,
12mo, pp. 32-36,) and about the year 1754, when Father Calatayud preached as
a missionary and published a book against plays,—there was great excitement on
the subject in the provinces. Ferdinand VI. issued severe decrees for their
regulation, which were little respected, and in different cities and dioceses, like
Lérida, Palencia, Calahorra, Saragossa, Alicant, Córdova, etc., they were from
time to time, and as late as 1807, under ecclesiastical influence, and, with the
assent of the people, suppressed, and the theatres shut up. In Murcia, where
they seem to have been prohibited from 1734 to 1789, and then permitted again,
the religious authorities openly resisted their restoration, and not only denied the
sacraments to actors, but endeavoured to deprive them of the enjoyment of some
of the common rights of subjects, such as that of receiving testamentary legacies.
This, however, was an anomalous and absurd state of things, making what was
tolerated as harmless in the capital of the kingdom a sin or a crime in the
provinces. It was a sort of war of the outposts, carried on after the citadel had
been surrendered. Still it had its effect, and its influence continued to be felt till a
new order of things was introduced into the state generally. Many singular facts in
relation to it may be found scattered through a very ill-arranged book, written
apparently by an ecclesiastic of Murcia, in two volumes quarto, at different times
between 1789 and 1814, in which last year it was published there, with the title
of “Pantoja, ó Resolucion Histórica, Teológica de un Caso Prático de Moral sobre
Comédias”;—Pantoja being the name of a lady, real or pretended, who had asked
questions of conscience concerning the lawfulness of plays, and who received her
answers in this clumsy way.
The state of the theatre, at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the
nineteenth century, can be well seen in the “Teatro Nuevo Español,” (Madrid,
1800-1, 5 tom. 12mo,) filled with the plays, original and translated, that were
then in fashion. It contains a list of such as were forbidden; imperfect, but still
embracing between five and six hundred, among which are Calderon’s “Life is a
Dream,” Alarcon’s “Weaver of Segovia,” and many more of the best dramas of the
old school. Duran, in a note to his Preface to Ramon de la Cruz, (Tom. I. p. v.,)
intimates that this ostracism was in some degree the result of the influence of
those who sustained the French doctrines.
The number of plays acted or published between 1700 and 1825, if not to be
compared with that of the corresponding period preceding 1700, is still large. I
think that, in the list given by Moratin, there are about fourteen hundred; nearly
all after 1750.

[390] The last Index Expurgatorius is that of Madrid, 1790, (4to, pp. 305,) to
which should be added a Supplement of 55 pages, dated 1805; both very
meagre, compared with the vast folios of the two preceding centuries, of which
that of 1667 fills, with its Supplement, above 1200 pages. But the last of the race
is as bitter as its predecessors, and, by the great number of French books it
includes, shows the quarter from which danger was chiefly apprehended. To
prevent any of this class from escaping, it is ordered that “all papers, tracts, and
books, on the disturbances in France, which can inspire a spirit of seduction, shall
be delivered to some servant of the Holy Office.” Supplement of 1805, p. 3.
Burke’s “Reflections” are forbidden in the same Index.

[391] One of the most odious of the acts that marked the restoration of
Ferdinand VII. related to the war of the Comuneros, nearly three centuries
before. After the execution of Juan de Padilla and the exile of his noble wife, in
1521, their house was razed to the ground, and an inscription reproachful to their
memory placed on the spot where it had stood. This the Cortes removed, and
erected in its stead a simple monument in honor of the martyrs. In 1823,
Ferdinand ordered the simple monument of the Cortes to be destroyed, and
replaced the old inscription! But, since that time, Martinez de la Rosa has erected
a nobler monument to their memory in his “Viuda de Padilla.” See Henri Ternaux,
Les Comuneros, Paris, 1834, 8vo, p. 208; an interesting work and a work of
authority, relying, in part, on unpublished materials.

[392] Llorente, Hist. de l’Inquisition, Tom. IV. pp. 145-154. Southey’s History of
the Peninsular War, London, 1823, 4to, Tom. I. The Inquisition was again
abolished by the revolution or change of 1820, and when the counterchange
came, in 1823, failed to find its place in the restored order of things. It may be
hoped, therefore, that this most odious of the institutions, that have sheltered
themselves under the abused name of Christianity, will never again darken the
history of Spain.

[393] This movement, so honorable to the Spanish character, can be seen in the
“Ocios de Españoles Emigrados,” a Spanish periodical work, full of talent and
national feeling, published at London, in 7 vols. 8vo, between April, 1824, and
October, 1827, by the exiles, who were then chiefly gathered in the capitals of
France and England.
[394] Spain, Espagne, España, Hispania, are evidently all one word. Its
etymology cannot, in the opinion of W. von Humboldt, (Prüfung der
Untersuchungen über die Urbewohner Hispaniens, 4to, 1821, p. 60,) be
determined. The Spanish writers are full of the most absurd conjectures on the
subject. See Aldrete, Orígen de la Lengua Castellana, ed. 1674, Lib. III. c. 2, f.
68; Mariana, Hist., Lib. I. c. 12; and Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, ed. 1776, Lib.
IV., p. 295.

[395] On the subject of the Biscayans and the descent of their language from
the ancient Iberian, two references are sufficient for the present purpose. First,
“Über die Cantabrische oder Baskische Sprache,” by Wilhelm von Humboldt,
published as an Appendix to Adelung and Vater’s “Mithridates,” Theil IV., 1817,
8vo, pp. 275-360. And, second, “Prüfung der Untersuchungen über die
Urbewohner Hispaniens vermittelst der Vaskischen Sprache,” etc., von W. von
Humboldt, 4to, Berlin, 1821. The admirable learning, philosophy, and acuteness
which this remarkable man brought to all his philological discussions are apparent
in these treatises, both of which are rendered singularly satisfactory by the
circumstance, that, being for some time Prussian Minister at Madrid, he visited
Biscay and studied its language on the spot. The oldest fragment of Basque
poetry which he found, and which is given in the “Mithridates,” (Theil IV. pp. 354-
356,) is held by the learned of Biscay to be nearly or quite as old as the time of
Augustus, to whose Cantabrian war it refers; but this can hardly be admitted,
though it is no doubt earlier than any thing else we have of the Peninsular
literature. It is an important document, and is examined with his accustomed
learning and acuteness by Fauriel, “Hist. de la Gaule Méridionale,” 1836, 8vo,
Tom. II. App. iii. I do not speak of a pleasant treatise, “De la Antiguedad y
Universalidad del Bascuense en España,” which Larramendi published in 1728, nor
of the Preface and Appendix to his “Arte de la Lengua Bascongada,” 1729; nor of
Astarloa’s “Apologia,” 1803; nor of Erro’s “Lengua Primitiva,” 1806, and his
“Mundo Primitivo,” an unfinished work, 1815; for they all lack judgment and
precision. If, however, any person is anxious to ascertain their contents, a good
abstract of the last two books, with sufficient reference to the first, was published
in Boston, by Mr. G. Waldo Erving, formerly American Minister at Madrid, with a
preface and notes, under the title of “The Alphabet of the Primitive Language of
Spain,” 1829. But Humboldt is to be considered the safe and sufficient authority
on the whole subject, for though Astarloa’s work is not without learning and
acuteness, yet, as both he and his follower, Erro, labor chiefly to prove, as
Larramendi had done long before, that the Basque is the original language of the
whole human race, they are led into a great many whimsical absurdities, and
must be considered, on the whole, any thing but safe guides.
[396] The remarkable passage in Diodorus Siculus, Bib. Hist., Lib. V. c. 33, is well
known; but the phraseology should be noted for our purpose when he speaks of
the union of the people as δυοῖν ἐθνῶν ἀλκίμων μιχθέντων. The fortieth section
of Humboldt’s “Prüfung” should also be read; and the beginning of the Third Book
of Strabo, in which he gives, as usual, a good deal that is curious about history
and manners, as well as geography, and a good deal that is incredible, such as
that the Turdetani had poetry and poetical laws six thousand years old. Ed.
Casaub., 1720, p. 139. C.

[397] In speaking of the two earliest languages of the Spanish Peninsula, I have
confined myself to the known facts of the case, without entering into the curious
speculations to which these facts have led inquisitive and philosophical minds. But
those who are interested in such inquiries will find abundant materials for their
study in the remarkable “Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, by Dr.
J. C. Prichard,” 5 vols. 8vo, London, 1836-47; and in the acute “Report” of the
Chevalier Bunsen to the Seventeenth Meeting of the British Association, London,
1848, pp. 254-299. If we follow their theories, the Basque may be regarded as
the language of a race that came originally from the northern parts of Asia and
Europe, and to which Prichard gives the name of Ugro-Tartarian, while the Celtic
language is that of the oldest of the great emigrations from the more southern
portions of Asia, which Bunsen calls the Japhetic.

[398] The general statement may, perhaps, be taken from Mariana, (Lib. I. c.
15,) who gives the story as it has come down through tradition, fable, and
history, with no more critical acumen than is common with the Spanish historians.
But such separate facts as are mentioned by Livy (Lib. XXXIV. c. 10, 46, Lib. XL. c.
43, with the notes in Drakenborch) bring with them a more distinct impression of
the immense wealth obtained anciently from Spain than any general statements
whatever; even more than those of Strabo, Diodorus, etc. It has been supposed
by Heeren, and by others before and since, (Ideen, 1824, Band I. Theil ii. p. 68,)
that the Tarshish of the Prophets Ezekiel (xxvii. 12) and Isaiah (lx. 8, 9) was in
Spain, and was, in fact, the ancient Tartessus; but this is denied, (Memorias de la
Academia de la Historia, Tom. III. p. 320,) and, no doubt, if the Tarshish of the
Prophets were in Spain, there must have been another Tarshish in Cilicia, that is
mentioned in other parts of Scripture.

[399] See Heeren’s Ideen, Band I. Theil ii. pp. 24-71, 4th edit., 1824, where the
whole subject is discussed.
[400] A sufficient account of the Carthaginians in Spain may be found in
Heeren’s Ideen, Band II. Theil i. pp. 85-99, and 172-199. But Mariana contains
the more national ideas and traditions, (Lib. I. c. 19, etc.,) and Depping is more
ample (Hist. Générale de l’Espagne, 1811, Tom. I. pp. 64-96).

[401] Of the Greeks in Spain, it has not been thought necessary here to speak.
Their few establishments were on the southern coast, and rather on the eastern
part of it; but they were of little consequence, and do not seem to have produced
any lasting effect on the character or language of the country. They were, in fact,
rather a result of the influence of the rich and cultivated Greek colony in the
South of France, whose capital seat was Marseilles, or of the spirit which in
Rhodes and elsewhere sent out adventurers to the far west. (See Benedictins,
Hist. Litt. de la France, 1733, 4to, Tom. I. pp. 71, etc.) For those who are curious
about the Greeks in Spain, more than they will probably desire will be found in
the elaborate and clumsy work of Masdeu, Hist. Crit. de España, Tom. I. p. 211,
Tom. III. pp. 76, etc. Aldrete (Orígen de la Lengua Española, 1674, f. 65) has
collected about ninety Spanish words to which he attributes a Greek origin; but
nearly all of them may be easily traced through the Latin, or else they belong to
the Northern invaders or to Italy. Marina, a good authority on this particular point,
says: “I do not deny, nor can it be doubted, that, in the Spanish language, are
found many words purely Greek, and occasional phrases and turns of expression
that are in Attic taste; but this is because they had first been adopted by the Latin
language, which is the mother of ours.” Mem. de la Real Acad., Tom. IV., Ensayo,
etc., p. 47. There is a curious inscription in Nunes de Lião, (Origem da Lingoa
Portugesa, Lisboa, 1784, p. 32,) from a temple erected by Greeks at Ampurias to
Diana of Ephesus, which states, that “nec relicta Græcorum lingua, nec idiomate
patriæ Iberæ recepto, in mores, in linguam, in jura, in ditionem cessere
Romanam, M. Cathego et L. Apronio Coss.” No doubt, these Greeks came from
Marseilles, or were connected with it; and no doubt they spoke Latin. But the
ancient Iberian language seems to be recognized as existing, also, among them.
Ampurias, however, was generally in Spain held to be of Greek origin, as we may
see in different ways, and among the rest in the following lines of Espinosa, who,
when Alambron comes there with the Infanta Fenisa, says:—

Juntan á la ciudad, que fué fundada

De cautos Griegos, rica y bastecida.
Segunda Parte de Orlando, ed. 1556, Canto xxxi.

[402] Livius, Hist. Rom., Lib. XXVIII. c. 12. The words are remarkable. “Itaque
ergo prima Romanis inita provinciarum, quæ quidem continentis sint, postrema
omnium, nostrâ demum ætate, ductu auspicioque Augusti Cæsaris, perdomita
est.”
[403] Livius, Hist. Rom., Lib. XLIII. c. 3.

[404] Strabo, Lib. III., especially pp. 168, 169, ed. Casaubon, fol., 1620; and
Plin., Hist. Nat., Lib. III. §§ 2-4, but particularly Vol. I., ed. Franzii, 1778, p. 547. A
striking proof of the importance of Spain, in antiquity generally, may be found in
the fact incidentally stated by W. von Humboldt, (Prüfung, etc., § 2, p. 3,) that
“ancient writers have left us a great number of Spanish names of places;—in
proportion, a greater number than of any other country except Greece and Italy.”

[405] Plin., Hist. Nat., Lib. VII. c. 44, where the distinction is spoken of as
something surprising, since Pliny adds, that it was “an honor which our ancestors
refused even to those of Latium.”

[406] Plin., Hist. Nat., Lib. V. c. 5, with the note of Hardouin, and with Antonio,
Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus, fol., 1787, Lib. I. c. ii.

[407] Plutarchus in Sertorium, c. 14.

[408] Pro Archiâ, § 10. It should be noted especially, that Cicero makes them
natives of Córdova,—“Cordubæ natis poetis.”

[409] Some excellent and closely condensed remarks on this subject may be
found in the Introduction to Amédée Thierry’s “Histoire de la Gaule sous
l’Administration Romaine,” 8vo, 1840, Tom. I. pp. 211-218; a work which leaves
little to be desired, as far as it goes.

[410] Of Roman writers in Spain, the accounts are abundant. The first book,
however, of Antonio’s “Bibliotheca Vetus” is sufficient. But, after all that has been
written, it has always seemed singular to me that Horace should have used
exactly the word peritus, when intending specifically to characterize the Spaniards
of his time, (II. Od. xx. 19,) unless peritus is used with reference to its relations
with experior, rather than in its usual sense of learned. Sir James Mackintosh,
speaking of the Latin writers produced by Spain, says they were “the most
famous of their age.” Hist. Eng., Vol. I. p. 21, London, 1830.

[411] The story told by Aulus Gellius, (NN. AA., Lib. XIX. c. 9,) about Antoninus
Julianus, a Spaniard, who exercised the profession of a rhetorician at Rome,
shows pleasantly that there was no Spanish language at that time (circa A. D.
200) except the Latin; for when the “Greci plusculi” at table reproached Antoninus
with the poverty of Latin literature, they reproached him as one who was a party
concerned, and he defended himself just as a Roman would have done, by
quotations from the Latin poets. His patriotism was evidently Roman, and the
patria lingua which he vindicated was the Latin.
[412] In the beautiful fragment of a History of England by Sir J. Mackintosh, he
says, ut supra, with that spirit of acute and philosophical generalization for which
he was so remarkable: “The ordinary policy of Rome was to confine the
barbarians within their mountains.” The striking poem in Basque, given by W. von
Humboldt, (Mithridates, Band IV. p. 354,) shows the same fact in relation to
Biscay.

[413] Depping, Tom. II. pp. 118, etc. But those who wish to see how absurdly
even grave historians can write on the gravest subjects may find all sorts of
inconsistencies, on the early history of Christianity in Spain, in the fourth book of
Mariana, as well as in most of the other national writers who have occasion to
touch upon it.

[414] On the subject of early Christianity in Spain, the third chapter of the fourth
book of Depping contains enough for all but those who wish to make the subject
a separate and especial study. Such persons will naturally look to Florez and
Risco, “España Sagrada,” and their authorities, which, however, must be consulted
with great caution, as they are full of the inconsistencies alluded to in the last
note.

[415] One reason why the clergy did little to preserve the purity of the Latin,
and much to corrupt it, in the South of Europe, was, that they were obliged to
hold their intercourse with the common people in the degraded Latin. And this
intercourse, which consisted chiefly of instructions given to the common people,
was a large part of all the clergy did in the early ages of the Church. For the
Christian clergy in Spain, as elsewhere, addressed themselves, for a long period,
to the lower and more ignorant classes of society, because the refined and the
powerful refused to listen to them. But the Latin spoken by those classes in
Spain, whether it were what was called the “lingua rustica” or not, was
undoubtedly different from the purer Latin spoken by the more cultivated and
favored classes, just as it was in Italy, and even much more than it was there. In
addressing the common people, their Christian teachers in Spain, therefore, very
early found it expedient, and probably necessary, to use the degraded Latin,
which the common people spoke. At last, as we learn, no other was intelligible to
them; for the grammatical Latin, even of the office of the Mass, ceased to be so.
In this way, Christianity must have contributed directly and materially to the
degradation of the Latin, and to the formation of the new dialects, just as it
contributed to form the modern character, as distinguished from the ancient.
Indeed, without entering into the much vexed questions concerning the lingua
rustica or quotidiana, its origin, character and prevalence, I cannot help saying,
that I am persuaded the modern languages and their dialects in the South of
Europe were, so far as the Latin was concerned, formed out of the popular and
vulgar Latin found in the mouths of the common people; and that Christianity,
more than any other single cause, was the medium and means by which this
change from one to the other was brought about. For the lingua rustica, see
Morhof, De Patavinitate Livianâ, capp. vi., vii., and ix.; and Du Cange, De Causis
Corruptæ Latinitatis, §§ 13-25, prefixed to his Glossarium.

[416] The passage from Licinian is given in a note to Eichhorn’s “Allgemeine

Geschichte der Cultur,” 1799, 8vo, Band II. p. 467. See, also, Castro, Biblioteca
Española, 1786, folio, Tom. II. p. 275.

[417] Isidore, as cited at length in Eichhorn’s “Cultur,” Band II. p. 470, note (I).

[418] For Isidorus Hispalensis, see Antonio, Bib. Vet., Lib. V. capp. iii., iv.; and
Castro, Bib. Esp., Tom. II. pp. 293-344. I judge Isidore’s Latinity chiefly from his
“Etymologiarum Libri XX.,” and his “De Summo Bono, Libri III.,” fol., 1483, lit.
Goth. No doubt, there are many words in Isidore of Seville, that are not of
classical authority, some of which he marks as such, and others not; but, on the
whole, his Latinity is respectable. Among the corrupt words he uses are a few
that are curious, because they have descended into the modern Castilian; such
as, “astrosus, ab astro dictus, quasi malo sidere natus,” (Etymol., 1483, fol. 50.
a,) which appears in the present astroso, the familiar term for unhappy,
disastrous, and permitted by the Spanish Academy;—cortina, of which Isidore
says, “Cortinæ sunt aulæa, id est, vela de pellibus, qualia in Exodo leguntur,”
(Etym., f. 97. b,) which appears in the modern Spanish cortina, for curtain;
—”camisias vocamus, quod in his dormimus in camis,” (Etym., f. 96. b,) which last
word, cama, is explained afterwards to be “lectus brevis et circa terram,” (Etym.,
f. 101. a,) and both of which are now Spanish, camisa being the proper word for
shirt, and cama for bed;—”mantum Hispani vocant quod manus tegat tantum, est
enim brevis amictus,” (Etym., f. 97. a,) which is the Spanish manto;—and so on
with a few others. They are, however, only curious as corrupted Latin words,
which happened to continue in use, till the modern Spanish arose several
centuries later.

[419] See Eichhorn’s Cultur, Band II. pp. 472, etc.;—or, for more ample
accounts, Antonio, Bib. Vet., Lib. V. and VI.; and Castro, Bib. Esp., Tom. II.

[420] Gibbon, Chap. XXX.

[421] Lib. V. c. 1.

[422] Mariana, Lib. V. c. 2.

[423] Gibbon, Chap. XXXVII.; an article in the Edinburgh Review, Vol. XXXI., on
the Gothic Laws of Spain; and Depping, Tom. II. pp. 217, etc.
[424] In the earliest Gothic that remains to us, (the Gospels of Ulfilas, circa A. D.
370,) there is no indefinite article; and the definite does not always occur where it
is used in the original Greek, from which, it is worthy of notice, the venerable
Bishop made his version, and not from the Latin. But there is no reason, I think,
to suppose that the articles of both sorts were not used by the Goths, as well as
by the other Northern tribes, in the fifth century, as they have been ever since.
See Ulfilas, Gothische Bibelübersetzung, ed. Zahn, 1805, 4to, and, especially,
Einleitung, pp. 28-37.

[425] Raynouard, Troubadours, Tom. I. pp. 39, 43, 48, etc., and Diez,
Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen, 1838, 8vo, Band II. pp. 13, 14, 98-100,
144, 145.

[426] Raynouard, Troubadours, Tom. I. pp. 76-85.

[427] See, on the whole of this subject,—the formation of the modern dialects of
the South of Europe,—the excellent “Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen von
Fried. Diez,” Bonn, 1836-38, 2 vols. 8vo. For examples of corruptions of the
Spanish language, such as are above referred to, take the following:—Frates,
orate pro nos, instead of Fratres, orate pro nobis;—Sedeat segregatus a corpus et
sanguis Domini, instead of corpore et sanguine. (Marina, Ensayo, p. 22, note, in
Memorias de la Academia de la Hist., Tom. IV.) The changes in spelling are
innumerable, but are less to be trusted as proofs of change in the language,
because they may have arisen from the carelessness or ignorance of individual
copyists. Specimens of every sort of them may be found in the “Coleccion de
Cédulas,” etc., referred to in Vol. I. p. 47, note, and in the “Coleccion de Fueros
Municipales,” by Don Tomas Muñoz y Romero, Madrid, 1847, fol., Tom. I.

[428] See some striking remarks on the adventures of Mohammed, in Prof.

Smyth’s genial Lectures on Modern History, Vol. I. pp. 66, 67, 8vo, London, 1840.

[429] They were so called from their African abode, Mauritania, where they
naturally inherited the name of the ancient Mauri.

[430] See Huet, “Origine des Romans,” (ed. 1693, p. 24,) but especially Warton,
in his first Dissertation, for the Oriental and Arabic origin of romantic fiction. The
notes to the octavo edition, by Price, add much to the value of the discussions on
these questions. Warton’s Eng. Poetry, 1824, 8vo, Vol. I.; Massieu (Hist. de la
Poésie Françoise, 1739, p. 82) and Quadrio (Storia d’ Ogni Poesia, 1749, Tom. IV.
pp. 299, 300) follow Huet, but do it with little skill.

[431] The opinion of Father Andres is boldly stated by him in the following
words: “Quest’ uso degli Spagnuoli di verseggiare nella lingua, nella misura, e
nella rima degli Arabi, può dirsi con fondamento la prima origine della moderna
poesia.” (Storia d’ Ogni Lett., Lib. I. c. 11, § 161; also pp. 163-272, ed. 1808,
4to.) The same theory will be found yet more strongly expressed by Ginguené
(Hist. Litt. d’Italie, 1811, Tom. I. pp. 187-285); by Sismondi (Litt. du Midi, 1813,
Tom. I. pp. 38-116; and Hist. des Français, 8vo, Tom. IV., 1824, pp. 482-494);
and in the Hist. Litt. de la France (4to, 1814, Tom. XIII. pp. 42, 43). But these
last authors have added little to the authority of Andres’s opinion, the very last
being, I think, Ginguené.

[432] Andres, Storia, Tom. I. p. 273. Ginguené, Tom. I. pp. 248-250, who says:
“C’est à cette époque (1085) que remontent peut-être les premiers essais
poétiques de l’Espagne, et que remontent sûrement les premiers chants de nos
Troubadours.”

[433] Fragment d’un Poème en Vers Romans sur Boèce, publié par M.
Raynouard, etc., Paris, 8vo, 1817. Also in his Poésies des Troubadours, Tom. II.
Consult, further, Grammaire de la Langue Romane, in the same work, Tom. I.

[434] I refer to “Observations sur la Langue et la Littérature Provençales, par A.

W. Schlegel,” Paris, 1818, 8vo, not published. See, especially, pp. 73, etc., in
which he shows how completely anti-Arabic are the whole tone and spirit of the
early Provençal, and still more those of the early Spanish poetry. And see, also,
Diez, Poesie der Troubadours, 8vo, 1826, pp. 19, etc.; an excellent book.

[435] Conde, Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes en España, Madrid, 1820-

21, 4to, Tom. I. and II., but especially Tom. I. pp. 158-226, 425-489, 524-547.

[436] Sylvester II. (Gerbert) was Pope from 999 to 1003, and was the first head
France gave to the Church. I am aware that the Benedictines (Hist. Litt. de la
France, Tom. VI. p. 560) intimate that he did not pass, in Spain, beyond Córdova,
and I am aware, too, that Andres (Tom. I. pp. 175-178) is unwilling to allow him
to have studied at any schools in Seville and Córdova except Christian schools.
But there is no pretence that the Christians had important schools in Andalusia at
that time, though the Arabs certainly had; and the authorities on which Andres
relies assume that Gerbert studied with the Moors, and prove more, therefore,
than he wishes to be proved. Like many other men skilled in the sciences during
the Middle Ages, Gerbert was considered a necromancer. A good account of his
works is in the Hist. Litt. de la France, Tom. VI. pp. 559-614.

[437] The condition of the Christians under the Moorish governments of Spain
may be learned, sufficiently for our purpose, from many passages in Conde, e. g.
Tom. I. pp. 39, 82, etc. But after all, perhaps, the reluctant admissions of Florez,
Risco, etc., in the course of the forty-five volumes of the “España Sagrada,” are
quite as good a proof of the tolerance exercised by the Moors, as the more direct
statements taken from the Arabian writers. See, for Toledo, Florez, Tom. V. pp.
323-329; for Complutum or Alcalá de Henares, Tom. VII. p. 187; for Seville, Tom.
IX. p. 234; for Córdova and its martyrs, Tom. X. pp. 245-471; for Saragossa,
Risco, Tom. XXX. p. 203, and Tom. XXXI. pp. 112-117; for Leon, Tom. XXXIV. p.
132; and so on. Indeed, there is something in the accounts of a great majority of
the churches, whose history these learned men have given in so cumbrous a
manner, that shows the Moors to have practised a toleration which, mutatis
mutandis, they would have been grateful to have found among the Christians in
the time of Philip III.

[438] The meaning of the word Mozárabe was long doubtful; the best opinion
being that it was derived from Mixti-arabes, and meant what this Latin phrase
would imply. (Covarrubias, Tesoro, 1674, ad verb.) That this was the common
meaning given to it in early times is plain from the “Chrónica de España,” (Parte
II., at the end,) and that it continued to be so received is plain, among other
proofs, from the following passage in “Los Muçárabes de Toledo,” (a play in the
Comedias Escogidas, Tom. XXXVIII., 1672, p. 157,) where one of the Muzárabes,
explaining to Alfonso VII. who and what they are, says, just before the capture of
the city,—

Muçárabes, Rey, nos llamamos,

Porque, entre Arabes mezclados,
Los mandamientos sagrados
De nuestra ley verdadera,
Con valor y fé sincera
Han sido siempre guardados.
Jornada III.

But, amidst the other rare learning of his notes on “The Mohammedan Dynasties
of Spain,” (4to, London, 1840, Vol. I. pp. 419, 420,) Don Pascual de Gayangos has
perhaps settled this vexed, though not very important, question. Mozárabe, or
Muzárabe, as he explains it, “is the Arabic Musta’rab, meaning a man who tries to
imitate or to become an Arab in his manners and language, and who, though he
may know Arabic, speaks it like a foreigner.” The word is still used in relation to
the ritual of some of the churches in Toledo. (Castro, Biblioteca, Tom. II. p. 458,
and Paleographía Esp., p. 16.) On the other hand, the Moors who, as the Christian
conquests were advanced towards the South, remained, in their turn, inclosed in
the Christian population and spoke or assumed its language, were originally called
Moros Latinados. See “Poema del Cid,” v. 266, and “Crónica General,” (ed. 1604,
fol. 304. a,) where, respecting Alfaraxi, a Moor, afterwards converted, and a
counsellor of the Cid, it is said he was “de tan buen entendimento, e era tan
ladino que semejava Christiano.”

[439] Conde, Tom. I. p. 229.

[440] Florez, España Sagrada, Tom. XI. p. 42.

[441] The “Indiculus Luminosus” is a defence of the fanatical martyrs of

Córdova, who suffered under Abderrahman II. and his son. The passage referred
to, with all its sins against pure Latinity and good taste, is as follows:—“Heu, proh
dolor! linguam suam nesciunt Christiani, et linguam propriam non advertunt
Latini, ita ut omni Christi collegio vix inveniatur unus in milleno hominum numero,
qui salutatorias fatri possit rationabiliter dirigere literas. Et reperitur absque
numero multiplex turba, qui eruditè Caldaicas verborum explicet pompas. Ita ut
metricè eruditiori ab ipsis gentibus carmine et sublimiori pulchritudine,” etc. It is
found at the end of the treatise, which is printed entire in Florez (Tom. XI. pp.
221-275). The phrase omni Christi collegio is, I suppose, understood by Mabillon,
“De Re Diplomaticâ,” (fol., 1681, Lib. II. c. 1, p. 55,) to refer to the clergy, in
which case the statement would be much stronger, and signify that “not one
priest in a thousand could address a common letter of salutation to another”
(Hallam, Middle Ages, London, 8vo, 1819, Vol. III. p. 332);—but I incline to think
that it refers to the whole body of Christians in and about Córdova.

[442] The time when John of Seville lived is not settled (Florez, Tom. IX. pp.
242, etc.); but that is not important to our purpose. The fact of the translation is
in the Crónica General (Parte III. c. 2, f. 9, ed. 1604): “Trasladó las sanctas
Escripturas en Arávigo e fizó las exposiciones dellas segun conviene a la sancta
Escriptura.” And Mariana gives the true reason for it: “A causa que la lengua
Arábiga se usaba mucho entre todos; la Latina ordinariamente ni se usaba, ni se
sabia.” (Lib. VII. c. iii., prope finem.) See, also, Antonio, Bib. Vet., Lib. VI. c. 9;
Castro, Bib. Esp., Tom. II. pp. 454, etc.

[443] Paleographía Española, p. 22.

[444] Memorias de la Real Acad. de la Hist., Tom. IV., Ensayo de Marina, pp. 40-
43.

[445] Mondejar, Memorias de Alonso el Sabio, fol., 1777, p. 43. Ortiz y Zuñiga,
Anales de Sevilla, fol., 1677, p. 79.

[446] Mem. de la Real Acad. de la Hist., Tom. IV., Ensayo de Marina, p. 40.

[447] For the great Arabic infusion into the language of Spain, see Aldrete,
Orígen, Lib. III. c. 15; Covarrubias, Tesoro, passim; and the catalogue, of 85
pages, in the fourth volume of the Memorias de la Academia de Historia. To these
may be well added the very curious “Vestigios da Lingua Arábica em Portugal per
João de Sousa,” Lisboa, 1789, 4to. A general notice of the whole subject, but one
that gives too much influence to the Arabic, may be found in the “Ocios de
Españoles Emigrados,” Tom. II. p. 16, and Tom. III. p. 291.
[448] The common and characteristic phrase, from a very early period, for the
Moorish conquest of Spain, was “la pérdida de España,” and that for its
reconquest, “la restauracion de España.”

[449] The Arabic accounts, which are much to be relied on, because they are
contemporary, give a shocking picture of the Christians at the North in the eighth
century. “Viven como fieras, que nunca lavan sus cuerpos ni vestidos, que no se
las mudan, y los llevan puestas hasta que se les caen despedezados en andrajos,”
etc. (Conde, Dominacion, etc., Parte II. c. 18.) The romantic and uncertain
accounts, in the beginning of the third part of the Crónica General, and the more
formal narrative of Mariana, (book seventh,) leave little doubt that such
descriptions must be near the truth.

[450] Consult Marina, Ensayo, p. 19.

[451] Ibid., pp. 23, 24.

[452] The Avilés document is regarded by all who have noticed it as of great
importance for the earliest history of the Castilian. It is first mentioned, I believe,
by Father Risco, in his “Historia de la Ciudad y Corte de Leon” (Madrid, 1793, 4to,
Tom. I. pp. 252, 253); and next by Marina, in his “Ensayo” (Memorias de la Acad.
de Historia, Tom. IV., 1805, p. 33);—both competent witnesses, and both entirely
satisfied that it is genuine. Risco, however, printed no part of it, and Marina
published only a few extracts. But in the “Revista de Madrid,” (Segunda Epoca,
Tom. VII. pp. 267-322,) it is published entire, as part of an interesting discussion
concerning the old codes of the country, by Don Rafael Gonzalez Llanos, a man of
learning and a native of Avilés, who seems to have a strong love for the place of
his birth and to be familiar with its antiquities.
The document in question belongs to the class of instruments sometimes
called “Privilegios,” and sometimes “Foros,” or “Fueros” (see, ante, Vol. I. p. 47,
note 28); but where, as in this case, the authority of the instrument is restricted
to a single town or city, it is more properly called “Carta Puebla,” or municipal
charter. This Carta Puebla of Avilés contains a royal grant of rights and immunities
to the several citizens, as well as to the whole municipality, and involves whatever
regarded the property, business, and franchises of all whom it was intended to
protect. Charters, which were so important to the welfare of many persons, but
which still rested on the arbitrary authority of the crown, were, as we have
previously said, (Vol. I. p. 47, note 27,) confirmed by succeeding sovereigns, as
often as their confirmation could conveniently be procured by the communities so
deeply interested in their preservation.
The Carta Puebla of Avilés was originally granted by Alfonso VI., who reigned
from 1073 to 1109. It was, no doubt, written in such Latin as was then used; and
in 1274 it was formally made known to Alfonso the Wise, that it had been burnt
during the attack on that city by his son Sancho. The original, therefore, is lost,
and we know how it was lost.
What we possess is the translation of this Carta Puebla, made when it was
confirmed by Alfonso VII., A. D. 1155. It is still preserved in the archives of the
city of Avilés, on the original parchment, consisting of two skins sewed together,
—the two united being about four feet and eleven inches long, and about
nineteen inches wide. It bears the known seal of Alfonso VII., and the original
signatures of several persons who were bound to sign it with him, and several
subsequent confirmations, scattered over five centuries. (See Revista, ut sup., pp.
329, 330.) So that in all respects, including the coarseness of the parchment, the
handwriting, and the language, it announces its own genuineness with as much
certainty as any document of its age. As printed, it fills about twelve pages in
octavo, and enables us to judge somewhat of the state of the Castilian at the
time it was written.
After a caption or enrolment in bad Latin, it opens with these words:—
“Estos sunt los foros que deu el rey D. Alfonso ad Abilies cuando la poblou par
foro Sancti Facundi et otorgo lo emperador. Em primo, per solar pinder, I solido a
lo reu et II denarios a lo saion, é cada ano un sólido en censo per lo solar: é qui
lo vender, de I solido á lo rai, é quil comparar dará II denarios a lo saion,” etc. p.
267.
A part of one of its important regulations is as follows:—“Toth homine qui
populador for ela villa del rey, de quant aver qui ser aver, si aver como heredat,
dè fer en toth suo placer de vender o de dar, et á quen lo donar que sedeat
stabile si filio non aver, et si filio aver del, delo á mano illo quis quiser é fur placer,
que non deserede de toto, et si toto lo deseredar, toto lo perdan aquellos á quen
lo der.” Revista, p. 315.
Its concluding provisions are in these words:—“Duos homines cum armas
derumpent casa, et de rotura de orta serrada, LX. sólidos al don de la orta, el
medio al rei, é medio al don dela.—Homines populatores de Abilies, non dent
portage ni rivage, desde la mar ata Leon.” Ibid., p. 322.
It ends with bad Latin, denouncing excommunication on any person who shall
attempt to infringe its provisions, and declaring him “cum Datam et Abiron in
infernum damnatus.” Ibid., p. 329.
By the general consent of those who have examined it, this Carta Puebla of
Avilés is determined to be the oldest document now known to exist in the
Castilian or vulgar dialect of the period, which dialect, in the opinion of Don
Rafael Gonzalez Llanos, received its essential character as early as 1206, or six
years before the decisive battle of the Navas de Tolosa, (see, ante, Vol. I. p. 9,
note,) though not a few documents, after that date, abound in Latin words and
phrases. Revista, ut supra, Tom. VIII. p. 197.
I am aware that two documents in the Spanish language, claiming to be yet
older, have been cited by Mr. Hallam, in a note to Part II. c. 9 of his Middle Ages,
London, 1819, 8vo, Vol. III. p. 554, where he says: “The earliest Spanish that I
remember to have seen is an instrument in Martene, Thesaurus Anecdotorum,
Tom. I. p. 263; the date of which is 1095. Persons more conversant with the
antiquities of that country may possibly go farther back. Another of 1101 is
published in Marina’s Teoria de las Cortes, Tom. III. p. 1. It is in a Vidimus by
Peter the Cruel, and cannot, I presume, have been a translation from the Latin.”
There can be no higher general authority than Mr. Hallam for any historical fact,
and this statement seems to carry back the oldest authentic date for the Spanish
language sixty years earlier than I have ventured to carry it. But I have examined
carefully both of the documents to which Mr. Hallam refers, and am satisfied they
are of later date than the charter of Avilés. That in Martene is merely an anecdote
connected with the taking of “the city of Exea,” when it was conquered, as this
story states, by Sancho of Aragon. Its language strongly resembles that of the
“Partidas,” which would bring it down to the middle of the thirteenth century; but
it bears, in truth, no date, and only declares at the end that the city of Exea was
taken on the nones of April, 1095, from the Moors. Of course, there is some
mistake about the whole matter, for Sancho of Aragon, here named as its
conqueror, died June 4th, 1094, and was succeeded by Peter I., and the person
who wrote this account, which seems to be, after all, only an extract from some
monkish chronicle, did not live near enough to that date to know so notorious a
fact. Moreover, Exea is in Aragon, where it is not probable the earliest Castilian
was spoken or written. Thus much for the document from Martene. That from
Marina’s Teoria is of a still later and quite certain date. It is a charter of privileges
granted by Alfonso VI. to the Mozárabes of Toledo, but translated in 1340, when
it was confirmed by Alfonso XI. Indeed, it is so announced by Marina himself, who
in the table of contents says especially, that it is “translated into Castilian.”

[453] Marina, Ensayo, p. 19.

[454] The most striking proof, perhaps, that can be given of the number of Latin
words and constructions retained in the modern Spanish, is to be found in the
many pages of verse and prose that have, from time to time, been so written that
they can be read throughout either as Latin or as Spanish. The first instance of
this sort that I know of is by Juan Martinez Siliceo, Archbishop of Toledo and
preceptor to Philip II., who, when he was in Italy, wrote a short prose dissertation
that could be read in both languages, in order to prove to some of his learned
friends in that country that the Castilian of Spain was nearer to the Latin than
their Italian;—a jeu-d’esprit, which he printed in his treatise on Arithmetic, in
1514. (Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 737.) Other examples occur afterwards. One
may be found in a Spanish Grammar, published at Louvain in 1555, and entitled
“Util y Breve Institution para aprender Lengua Hespañola”; a curious book, which
treats the Castilian as only one of several languages then spoken in the Spanish
Peninsula, and says of it, “no es otra cosa que Latin corrupto,”—adding that many
letters had been written in Spanish words that were yet Latin letters, one of
which he proceeds to give in proof. Other examples occur in a Dialogue by Fern.
Perez de Oliva, and an Epistle of Ambrosio Morales, the historian, printed in 1585,
with the works of the first; in a Sonnet published by Rengifo, in his “Arte Poética,”
in 1592; and, finally, in an excessively rare volume of terza rima, by Diego de
Aguiar, printed in 1621, and entitled “Tercetos en Latin congruo y puro
Castellano,” of which the following is a favorable specimen:—

Scribo historias, graves, generosos

Spiritus, divinos Heroes puros,
Magnanimos, insignes, bellicosos;
Canto de Marte, defensores duros
Animosos Leones, excellentes,
De rarâ industriâ, invictos, grandes muros,
Vos animas illustres, præeminentes
Invoco, etc.

Much cannot be said for the purity of either the Castilian or the Latin in verses
like these; but they leave no doubt of the near relationship of the two. For the
proportions of all the languages that enter into the Spanish, see Sarmiento,
Memorias, 1775, p. 107;—Larramendi, Antiguedad y Universalidad del Bascuence,
1728, c. xvi., apud Vargas y Ponce, Disertacion, 1793, pp. 10-26;—Rosseeuw de
St. Hilaire, Etudes sur l’Origine de la Langue et Romances Espagnoles, Thèse,
1838, p. 11;—W. von Humboldt, Prüfung, already cited;—Marina, Ensayo, in
Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., Tom. IV., 1805;—and an article in the British and
Foreign Review, No. XV., 1839.

[455] All the documents containing the privileges granted by St. Ferdinand to
Seville, on the capture of the city, are in the vernacular of the time, the Romance.
Ortiz y Zuñiga, Anales de Sevilla, fol., 1677, p. 89.

[456]
Quiero fer una prosa en Roman paladino,
En qual suele el pueblo fablar a su vecino,
Car non so tan letrado por fer otro latino, etc.
Vida de S. Domingo de Silos, St. 2.

Roman paladino means the “plain Romance language,” paladino being derived, as
I think, with Sanchez, from palam, though Sarmiento (in his manuscript on
“Amadis de Gaula,” referred to, Vol. I. p. 322, note) says, when noticing this line:
“Paladino es de palatino y este es de palacio.” The otro latino is, of course, the
elder Latin, however corrupted. Cervantes uses the word ladino to mean Spanish,
(Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 41, and the note of Clemencin,) and Dante (Par., III. 63)
uses it once to mean plain, easy; both curious instances of an indirect meaning,
forced, as it were, upon a word. Prosa means, I suppose, story. Biagioli (Ad
Purgatorio, XXVI. 118) says: “Prosa nell’ Italiano e nel Provenzale del secolo xiii.
significa precisamente istoria o narrazione in versi.” It may be doubted whether
he is right in applying this remark to the passage in Dante, but it is no doubt
applicable to the passage before us in Berceo, the meaning of which both
Bouterwek and his Spanish translators have mistaken. (Bouterwek, Trad. Cortina,
etc., 8vo, Madrid, 1829, Tom. I. pp. 60 and 119.) Ferdinand Wolf (in his very
learned work, “Über die Lais, Sequenzen und Leiche,” Heidelberg, 1841, 8vo, pp.
92 and 304) thinks the use of the word prosa, here and elsewhere in early
Spanish poetry, had some reference to the well-known use of the same word in
the offices of the Church. (Du Cange, Glossarium, ad verb.) But I think the early
Spanish rhymers took it from the Provençal, and not from the ecclesiastical Latin.

[457] Mondejar, Memorias del Rey D. Alonso el Sabio, fol., Madrid, 1777, pp.
450-452. Mariana, Hist., Lib. XIV. c. 7, and Castro, Bib., Tom. I. pp. 411, etc.

[458] Felipe Mey printed a volume of his own poems at Tarragona, in 1586, from
which Faber, in his Floresta, Tom. II., has taken three sonnets of some merit. A
Life of him may be found in Ximeno, (Tom. I. p. 249,) completed by Fuster (Tom.
I. p. 213). As a translator of Ovid he is favorably noticed by Pellicer, Biblioteca de
Traductores, Tom. II. p. 76.

[459] “Copióse de otra copia el año de 1606, en Madrid, 27 de Ebrero año dicho.
Para el Señor Agustin de Argote, hijo del muy noble Señor (que sancta gloria
haya) Gonzalo Zatieco de Molina, un caballero de Sevilla.” Zatieco occurs
elsewhere, as part of the name of Argote de Molina, or of his family.

[460] “En otra escritura de 5 de Julio de 1597 deja por patronas de una
capellanía fundada por él en la dicha iglésia de Santiago á Doña Francisca Argote
de Molina y Mexia, su hija, y despues de ella á Doña Isabel de Argote y á Doña
Gerónima de Argote sus hermanas, y á sus hijos y descendientes, y á Juan Argote
de Mexia su hermano y á sus hijos,” etc.

[461] “En dicha Capilla hay una inscripcion del tenor siguiente: Esta capilla
mayor y entierro es de Don Gonzalo Argote de Molina, Provincial de la
Hermandad del Andalucia y Veintequatro que fué de Sevilla, y de sus herederos.
Acabóse año de 1600.” He purchased this privilege, January 28, 1586, for 800
ducats.

[462] “Tuvo hijos que le precedieron en muerte, cuyo sentimiento hizo infausto
el último término de su vida, turbando su juizio que, lleno de altivez, levantaba
sus pensamientos á mayor fortuna.” Anales de Sevilla, fol., 1677, p. 706.
Vanflora, Hijos de Sevilla, No. II. p. 76, says: “Murió sin dexar hijos ni caudales
y con algunas señas de demente.”
[463] “Da Livreria do Senhor Duque de Lafões.”

[464] I suspect Don Adolfo may have made another little mistake here; for I
have had occasion, since I read his note, to read the “Conde Lucanor,” and,
though I kept his criticism in mind, I did not notice the proverb in any form in any
one of the tales. Sometimes it occurs in later authors in another form, thus: “Al
buen callar llaman santo”; or, “He who knows when to hold his tongue is a saint.”
But this is rare.

[465] They are, I believe, all omitted in the translation of Miss Thomasina Ross,
which appeared in Bentley’s Magazine, (London, August and September, 1848,)
and in the translation by “A Member of the University of Cambridge,” published at
Cambridge, 1849, with judicious notes, partly original and partly abridged from
those of Don Adolfo de Castro.

[466] It is curious, that the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, p. 794, and that of
1790, p. 51, direct two lines to be struck out from c. 36, but touch no other part
of the work. The two lines signify that “works of charity performed in a lukewarm
spirit have no merit and avail nothing.” These lines are carefully cancelled in my
copy of the first edition. Cervantes, therefore, did not, after all, stand on so safe
ground as he thought he did, when, in c. 20 of the same Part, he says his Don
Quixote “does not contain even a thought that is not strictly Catholic.”
 Transcriber’s note

Obvious printer errors have been silently corrected.

Original spelling was kept, but variant spellings were made consistent when a
predominant usage was found.

Notwithstanding, original Spanish text in the Appendices has been kept without
any alteration, as found in the printed book.

Footnotes have been renumbered into a single series and moved to the end of
the book.
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