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Test Bank—Chapter Six (Programming Languages)

Multiple Choice Questions

1. Which of the following is an example of a language that is based on the functional paradigm?

A. LISP B. PROLOG C. C D. C++

ANSWER: A

2. Which of the following is an example of a language that is based on the object-oriented paradigm?

A. LISP B. PROLOG C. C D. C++

ANSWER: D

3. Most machine languages are based on the

A. Imperative paradigm B. Declarative paradigm

C. Functional paradigm D. Object-oriented paradigm

ANSWER: A

4. Which of the following is not a type of statement found in a typical high-level imperative programming
language?

A. Imperative statement B. Exclamatory statement

C. Declarative statement D. Comment statement

ANSWER: B

5. Which of the following does not require a Boolean condition?

A. If- else statement B. While statement

C. Assignment statement D. For loop statement

ANSWER: C

6. Which of the following is not a control statement?

A. If- else statement B. While statement

C. Assignment statement D. For statement

ANSWER: C

7. Which of the following is not a loop?

A. If -else statement B. While statement

C. Repeat statement D. For statement

ANSWER: C

8. Which of the following is not a step in the process of translating a program?

A. Executing the program B. Parsing the program

 C. Lexical analysis D. Code generation

ANSWER: A

9. Which of the following is not associated with object-oriented programming?

A. Inheritance B. Resolution C. Encapsulation D. Polymorphism

ANSWER: B

10. Which of the following is not associated with the concept of data type?

A. Coercion B. Boolean C. Operator precedence D. Strongly typed language

ANSWER: C

11. Positions within arrays are identified by means of numbers called

A. Indices B. Parameters C. Instance variables D. Constants

ANSWER: A

12. Which of the following is ignored by a compiler?

A. Control statements B. Declarations of constants

C. Function headers D. Comment statements

ANSWER: D

13. Which of the following is not a possible value of the expression 4 + 6  2 - 1

A. 4 B. 5 C. 6 D. 10

ANSWER: B

14. Which of the following is not a way of referring to a value in a program?

A. Variable B. Literal C. Constant D. Type

ANSWER: D

15. Which of the following is the scope of a variable?

A. The number of characters in the variable’s name

B. The portion of the program in which the variable can be accessed
C. The type associated with the variable
D. The structure associated with the variable

ANSWER: B

16. Which of the following is a means of nullifying conflicts among data types?

A. Inheritance B. Parsing C. Coercion D. Code optimization

ANSWER: C
17. Which of the following is not constructed by a typical compiler?

A. Source code B. Symbol table C. Parse tree D. Object program

ANSWER: A

18. Which of the following is a means of defining similar yet different classes in an object-oriented
program?

A. Inheritance B. Parsing C. Coercion D. Code optimization

ANSWER: A

19. Which of the following is not a parse tree of an expression based on the following grammar?

A. B. C.

ANSWER: C

20. Which of the following statements is not a resolvent of the following clauses?

P OR Q OR R P OR T Q OR T R OR T

A. Q OR R OR T B. T OR P C. P OR R OR T D. Q OR T

ANSWER: B

21. Which of the following can Prolog conclude from the following program?

parent(jill, sue).
parent(jill, sally).
parent(john, sue).
parent(john, sally).
sibling(X, Y) :- parent(Z, X), parent(Z, Y).

A. parent(jill, john) B. sister(sue, sally)

C. sibling(sue, sally) D. sibling(jill, sue)

ANSWER: C
Fill-in-the-blank/Short-answer Questions
1. In contrast to _______________ languages such as English and Spanish, programming languages are

considered _______________ languages and are rigorously defined by their grammars.

ANSWER: natural, formal

2. List two disadvantages of both machine languages and assembly languages that are overcome by high-
level programming languages.

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

ANSWER: They are machine dependent and they require that algorithms be expressed in small machine-
related steps rather that larger application-oriented steps.

3. Indicate how each of the following types of programming languages is classified in terms of generation
(first generation, second generation, or third generation).

A. High-level languages _____________

B. Machine languages _____________

C. Assembly languages _____________

ANSWER: A. Third generation B. First generation C. Second generation

4. List four data types that occur as primitive types in many high-level programming languages.

____________________ ____________________

____________________ ____________________

ANSWER: Possible answers include: integer, real (or float), Boolean, and character.

5. What encoding system is commonly used to encode data of each of the following types?

A. Integer ___________________________

B. Real __________________________

C. Character ___________________________

ANSWER: (CAUTION: This question relies on material from chapter 1)

A. Two’s complement
B. Floating-point
C. ASCII or Unicode

6. A data structure in which all elements have the same type is called ___________________, whereas a
________________ may have elements of different types.

ANSWER: an array; record, structure or aggregate

7. In programming languages that use + to mean concatenation of character strings, the expression

“2x” + “3x”

will produce what result?

________________

ANSWER: “2x3x”

8. Rewrite the following instructions using a single if- else statement.

if (X == 5) goto 50
goto 60
50 print(Z)
goto 100
60 print(Y)
100 . . .

ANSWER: if (X == 5):
print(Z)
else:
print(Y)

9. The following is a program segment and the definition of a function named sub.

.
.
X = 3; def sub(Y):
sub(X) Y = 5;
print(X);
.
.

A. What value will be printed by the program segment if parameters are passed by value?

____________

B. What value will be printed by the program segment if parameters are passed by reference?

____________

ANSWER: A. 3 B. 5

10. The following is a program segment and the definition of a function named sub.

. def sub():
X = 8 .
sub() X = 2
print(X) .
. .

A. What value will be printed by the program segment if X of function sub is a global variable?

____________
 B. What value will be printed by the program segment if X of function sub is a local variable?

____________

ANSWER: A. 8 B. 2

11. To say that a grammar is ambiguous means that ___________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________ .

ANSWER: the grammar allows more than one parse tree for a single string

12. List three items of information that would be contained in a typical parser’s symbol table.

________________________

________________________

________________________

ANSWER: Possible answers include: names of variables, data types associated with variables, data
structures associated with variables, and others.

13. Give three examples of key words that are often found in high-level imperative or object-oriented
languages.

___________________ _____________________ ______________________

ANSWER: Possible answers are numerous and include: if, while, for, class, int, etc.

14. In addition to the function’s name, what other information is contained in a typical function header?

____________________________________

ANSWER: A list of the formal parameters

15. In the context of the object-oriented paradigm, ____________ are templates from which

____________ are constructed. We say that the latter is an instance of the former.

ANSWER: classes, objects

16. In the context of the object-oriented paradigm, a __________________ is an imperative program unit
that describes how an object should react to a particular stimulus.

ANSWER: method (or member function for C++ programmers)

17. Based on the sketch of a class definition below, which methods can be invoked from outside an
instance of the class?

class Example
{public void method1( )
{ . . . }
private void method2( )
{ . . . }
 public void method3( )
{…}
private void method4( )
{ . . .}
}

_________________________________________________________

ANSWER: method1 and method3

18. What clause would produce the resolvent

P OR R OR S

when resolved with the clause

P OR Q

__________________

ANSWER: Q OR R OR S

19. What general rule should be added to the Prolog program below so that Prolog can conclude that ice
cream is better than spinach?

better(icecream, peanutbutter).
better(peanutbutter, spinach).

___________________________________________________________

ANSWER: The equivalent of: better(X, Z) :- better(X, Y), better(Y, Z).

20. Based on the Prolog program below, what goal should be used to find the siblings of sue?

parent(jill, sue).
parent(jill, sally).
parent(john, sue).
parent(john, sally).
sibling(X, Y) :- parent(Z, X), parent(Z, Y).

_________________________________________

ANSWER: Either sibling(X, sue) or sibling(sue, X)

Vocabulary (Matching) Questions

The following is a list of terms from the chapter along with descriptive phrases that can be used to produce
questions (depending on the topics covered in your course) in which the students are ask to match phrases
and terms. An example would be a question of the form, “In the blank next to each phrase, write the term
from the following list that is best described by the phrase.”

Term Descriptive Phrase

assembly language A step up from machine language
programming paradigm A program development methodology
structured programming A methodology that applies well-designed control structures to
produce well-organized software
grammar The rules defining the syntax of a programming language
parse tree A “pictorial” representation of the grammatical structure of a string
compiler A program that translates other programs into machine language
interpreter A program that executes other programs written in a high-level
language without first translating them into machine language
high-level language A notational system for representing algorithms in human compatible
terms rather than in the details of machinery
semantics Meaning as opposed to appearance
syntax Appearance as opposed to meaning
operator precedence Dictates the order in which operations are performed
data structure A conceptual organization of information
parameter A means of passing information to a function
data type Encompasses both an encoding system and a collection of operations
syntax diagrams A way of representing a grammar
source program A program expressed in a high-level language

General Format Questions

1. What does it mean to say that a programming language is machine independent?

ANSWER: It means that programs written in the language do not refer to properties of a specific machine
and are therefore compatible with any computer.

2. Explain the distinction between the imperative and declarative programming paradigms.

ANSWER: The imperative paradigm requires that a programmer describe an algorithm for solving the
problem at hand. The declarative paradigm requires that the programmer describe the problem.

3. Explain why the generation approach to classifying programming languages fails to capture the full
scope of today’s languages.

ANSWER: The generation approach fails to reflect the array of distinct programming paradigms.

4. Explain the distinction between translating a program (in a high-level language) and interpreting the
program.

ANSWER: To translate a program is to convert it to another (usually low-level) language without

executing it. To interpret a program is to execute it directly from its high-level language form.

5. Why is the straightforward “goto” statement no longer popular in high-level programming languages?

ANSWER: Its use led to poorly structured programs that were hard to understand.

6. Explain the distinction between a formal parameter and an actual parameter.

ANSWER: A formal parameter is a term used in a subprogram unit to refer to data that will be given to the
subprogram when it is executed. An actual parameter is the data that is given to the subprogram unit when
it is executed. (A formal parameter is a “place holder” that is “filled in” with an actual parameter when the
subprogram unit is executed.)

7. Explain the distinction between global and local variables.

ANSWER: A global variable is readily accessible throughout the program whereas a local variable is
accessible only within a specific area.

8. Explain the distinction between fruitful and void functions.

ANSWER: A fruitful function returns a value whereas a void function does not.

9. Based on the grammar below, draw a parse tree showing that the string “drip drip drip” is a Leak.

ANSWER:

10. Show that the grammar below is ambiguous by drawing two distinct parse trees for the string “drip drip
drip.”

ANSWER: Possible answers include:

11. In the context of the object-oriented paradigm, what is a constructor?

ANSWER: A constructor is a special “method” that is executed when an object is first constructed,
normally for the purpose of performing initialization activities.

12. Briefly describe the task of each of the following.

 A. Lexical analyzer

B. Parser

C. Code Generator

ANSWER: A. Groups symbols together to form tokens

B. Ascertains the grammatical role of program’s components
C. Constructs object program

13. Explain why key words in a programming language are often reserved words.

ANSWER: Key words are used to help the parser identify grammatical structures in a program. Thus, using
these words are used for other purposes could confuse the parser.
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caused Santiago to rival Jerusalem as a centre for holy pilgrimage from all
parts of the known world.
In the tenth century, in 997, the Moor Almanzor, a celebrated minister of
the Moorish Court, arrived with his devastating army at the gates of
Santiago, having reduced thirty monasteries and palaces to ruin on his way.
Troops of Moors had come over from Cordova to join forces with
Almanzor’s hosts. San Pedro de Mezonzo, the author of the Salve Regina,
was then archbishop. When the Moorish army reached Santiago, they found
to their surprise that its towers and its walls were deserted, and that no
resistance was being offered to their advance. Penetrating into the heart of
the city, they found stillness and solitude everywhere; they found the doors
of the cathedral open, but there was only one living person inside it—an
aged monk prostrate in prayer.
“What are you doing here?” demanded Almanzor.
“I am praying before the sepulchre of St. James,” replied the monk.
“Pray as much as you wish,” replied Almanzor, and he thereupon gave
orders that none should molest him; after which, according to some, the
Moor stationed himself before the altar to protect it from desecration at the
hands of his followers.
St. Pedro de Mezonzo had fled to a neighbouring stronghold, bearing
with him as much of the treasure of the cathedral as he could manage to
carry.[62] It is clear that he at least was not one of the fighting prelates for
which Galicia has been famous. Ferreiro tells us that when excavations
were made in the cathedral of Santiago in 1878, traces of fire were certainly
found. He argues from this that the Moors must have used fire in their
attempt to destroy the building. Almanzor returned to Cordova laden with
booty, and driving before him four thousand Christian captives, bearing on
their shoulders the gates of Santiago Cathedral and its smaller bells, which,
according to Fernandez Sandez, served as lamps in the great mosque of
Cordova until the day when Ferdinand took the capital of the Calyphate,
and caused captive Moors to bear them back to Santiago on their shoulders
and restore them to the cathedral. Almanzor’s triumph was merely that of a
successful expedition into the heart of Galicia, for the Moors never
conquered that province.
San Pedro de Mezonzo was a monk of the Benedictine Order before he
was raised to the archbishopric. The fact of his having been archbishop of
Santiago at the time of Almanzor’s entry is not the only one that contributes
to his fame. He is illustrious in the annals of Spanish history as being the
supposed author of that beautiful prayer to the Virgin so universally revered
throughout Catholic countries, the Salve Regina,[63] a prayer which every
Catholic child lisps at its mother’s knee, and which has been translated into
every language:—
“Salve Regina, Mater misericordiae; vita, dulcedo et spes nostra, salve. Ad te
clamamus, exules filii Evae; ad te suspiramus gementes et flentes in hac lacrymarum valle.
Eia, ergo, advocata nostra, illos tuos misericordes oculos ad nos converte, et Jesum,
benedictum fructum ventris tui, nobis post hoc exilium ostende: O clemens, O pia, O dulcis
Virgo Maria.”

Of late years there has been much discussion among students of

ecclesiastical literature as to who was really the author of that prayer. At a
recent Catholic Congress held at Munich this question was raised by a
Benedictine monk. Florez devoted many pages to his argument that St.
Bernard was its author.[64] In 1892 a book on the subject was published at
Karlsruhe, in which W. Brambach tried to prove that Hermanus Contractus,
a Benedictine monk born in 1013 in Suabia, had composed the Salve. There
are French writers who support the claims of a French priest, Ademar de
Monteil, bishop of Puy-en-Velay about 1087, said to have been one of the
most active organisers of the first European crusade. But the most recent as
well as the most learned and scholarly thesis[65] on this question is that of
Dr. Eladio Oviedo, professor of Ecclesiastical History and Archæology at
the Pontifical University of Santiago. Dr. Oviedo has spared no pains in his
search for the real author of the Salve; he has weighed every atom of
available evidence, and patiently searched through the religious literature of
centuries for traces of its influence, with the result that he is convinced that
—not St. Bernard, not Hermanus Contractus, not Ademar de Monteil, but
Pedro de Mezonzo of Galicia was the author of this prayer so dear to the
Catholic heart.
The idea is not a new one. I have met with it in several old works on
Galicia, but the proofs brought forward by Dr. Oviedo are more convincing
than any others that have as yet appeared in print. He shows, and I think
conclusively, that the Salve was known in Spain long before any allusion to
it or sign of its influence appeared in French, German, or Italian literature.
Gonzalo de Berceo, in the thirteenth century, introduced it into his Milagros
de Nuestra Señora. Alfonso el Sabio relates in his Cantiga 262 a legend of
how an old woman, who was deaf and dumb, was cured by the Holy Virgin,
and straightway taught her townspeople the memorable Salve, which she, in
her turn, had been taught by the angels. According to Alfonso el Sabio, it
was sung for the first time in the church of Santa Maria del Puy.
In the sixteenth century the Salve was known to the fisherfolk on the
Spanish coast as “The mariner’s prayer.” In the sixteenth century it had
already become popular in France, Portugal, and Italy. It is mentioned in the
Legends of St. Francis of Assisi by St. Buenaventura in 1274.
Dr. Oviedo points out that the melody of the Salve is written in the purest
Gregorian style, and evidently composed at a date anterior to the musical
innovation which first showed itself at the beginning of the eleventh
century, and was fully consummated in the first half of the twelfth. In order
to perceive the archaic character of the musical style of the Salve, Dr.
Oviedo observes, it is sufficient to compare it with the melodies of the first
period of liturgic song, which begins with its creator, St. Gregory,[66] and
terminates with the tenth century. Our friend has made the comparison, he
has noted the beauty, the freshness, the spontaneity of the ancient melodies
that sprang from the musical vein of St. Gregory, Charlemagne, Paul
Varnefried, and others, and he has decided that this is the school in which
the Salve must be classed; he has studied it also from a paleographical point
of view, and made himself acquainted with its primitive form and with the
various changes through which it has passed. Those who wish to follow
these interesting investigations step by step can do so by perusing Dr.
Oviedo’s own account of them.
A set of homilies preached upon the Salve Regina in the thirteenth
century has been attributed by many, but without any foundation, to St.
Bernard. It was in the sixteenth century that this prayer became crystallised
into its present form. The first instance of its translation into a romance
language occurs in the Cantiga 262 of Alfonso el Sabio. Yepes, the first
Spaniard to claim for Spain the glory of being the birthplace of the Salve,
wrote: “It has been usual for Germans and other authors to say that a
Benedictine monk called Herman Contractus was the composer of this
impassioned antiphona so celebrated in the Church. But Claudio de Rota,
Antonio de Mocares, and Durando think that St. Pedro Mezonzo (or
Mozonzo) composed the Salve; and I do not see why we Spaniards need let
our hands be tied and assent unquestioningly to the statement that a German
was its author.” Dr. Oviedo laughs to scorn the absurd theory that it was
originally composed in Greek by one of the Apostles, and only translated by
Pedro de Mezonzo.
Having fixed, then, the period within which the Salve must have first
appeared, namely, the eleventh century, Dr. Oviedo goes on to search for the
precise moment in that century at which the prayer became a historical fact.
St. Pedro de Mezonzo died in 1003, Herman Contractus in 1054, and
Ademar de Monteil in 1098. One of these three must have been the author
of the Salve. In the eighteenth century the famous poet-priest of Fruime, in
Galicia,[67] published a little work entitled Who Wrote the Salve? and he
brought all his erudition, all his power of literary criticism, to bear upon the
subject, with the result that he was able to successfully combat the theory
upheld by Florez, that St. Bernard was its author, as well as to prove that it
was not written by Contractus or by Monteil. His judgment has been upheld
by the most eminent writers of Galicia in our own time, including Lopez
Ferreiro.[68] Among foreign authorities who have held this view may be
mentioned Mabillon, Du Cange, and Pope Benedict XIV. Dr. Oviedo in his
recent thesis brings forward two important witnesses. The first is Guillermo
Durando, a canon of the school of Bologna, who became bishop of Menda
in 1285, best known as the author of a book on ancient ecclesiastical
institutions, entitled Rationale Divinorum Officeorum. The second is
Ricobaldo de Ferrara, canon of the cathedral of Ravenna, who was a
contemporary of Durando, and who is best known as the author of a
Universal History. Both these writers clearly affirm that St. Pedro de
Mezonzo was the author of the Salve Regina. Dr. Oviedo has copied out
their words on the subject with full contexts. I have them before me as I
write. “If anyone should ask,” says Dr. Oviedo, “how it comes that the
Salve was known in France and Italy in those remote times, I reply that it
was from Provence in the eleventh and twelfth centuries that the greater
number of the pilgrims who visited Galicia came. Thence also there came
those pious caravans who, attracted by the throngs of French, Belgians,
Germans, Hungarians, Poles, juglares and troubadours, who animated the
streets and palaces of Compostela, the Holy City of the West, the emporium
and centre of a powerful movement which carried multitudes of clever men
from Galicia to occupy the professional chairs of the most celebrated
schools of the Middle Ages, and multitudes of inspired Gallegan poets to
sing before the most splendid courts of Europe. Who doubts that by means
of these troubadours, of these scholars, the glorious traditions which join
the name of Salve to that of St. Pedro de Mezonzo should have been spread
far and wide?”
The Salve Regina made its first appearance in history as the product of
Galician soil. We have seen that that royal troubadour of the thirteenth
century, King Alfonso el Sabio, introduced a legend of the origin of the
Salve into his Cantigas.[69] “Where,” asks Dr. Oviedo, “did he get that
legend?” It is precisely those of his cantigas which have to do with this
legend that give us the most difficulty, and whose source we are to-day
unable to trace.[70] The fact is, that the source of all Canciones of the Salve,
no matter whose name they bear, is popular tradition, which had its rise in
Santiago, at the tomb of St. James, at the sepulchre of St. Pedro de
Mezonzo. From this source the story spread, first all over Galicia and then
all over Spain. In the last decade of the eleventh century the Salve—carried
by the pilgrims—was being intoned in countries far from the land of its
birth. But it gained such an early popularity in Spain as to be reflected in
Spanish lyric poetry in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, at which time it
had not yet begun to influence the poetry of France.
The reader cannot fail to be struck, while perusing the pages of Dr.
Oviedo’s thesis, with the patient perseverance and the stubborn
determination with which these battles over the authorship of the Salve has
been carried on by French, German, and Spanish patriots wishing to claim
the glory for their own respective lands. But now, if fresh combatants enter
the lists, their efforts will have to be superhuman indeed if they are to refute
the proofs brought forward by this valiant Gallegan to show that Galicia
rightfully claims the authorship of the Salve Regina.
In the summer of 1906 there appeared a startling article in the
newspapers of Galicia,[71] entitled “The Dogma of the Immaculate
Conception.” It began with the question, “Who was the first Western
Theologian to Defend the Dogma of the Immaculate Conception?” “Dr.
Eladio Oviedo,” it continued, “has brought about quite a revolution in
history by affirming that before Eadmer must be mentioned Pedro de
Compostela.” “Eadmer,” wrote Dr. Oviedo, “was an English monk of the
twelfth century, educated under the rule of St. Anselm in the celebrated
school of philosophy at Canterbury. He wrote about the year 1151 De
Conceptione Sanctae Mariae—in which he argued, against all the most
learned doctors of his time, that the Virgin Mary was born immaculate. Not
only England, but France, Belgium, Germany, and even Spain believed till
now that Eadmer was the first to defend this theory. But they were all
wrong. About the year 1140, Pedro Compostelano (Petrus Micha, according
to Lopez Ferreiro) wrote a treatise entitled De Consolatione Rationis, of
which a manuscript, possibly the original, is still preserved in the Escurial
Library, but, alas, unpublished. In this treatise Pedro presents, in the form of
an allegory to Catholic Reason, the questions which occupied his mind,
and, among them, that of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin. It is in
the form of a dialogue, and begins thus—
“Compostellanus.—One doubt occupies my mind. Tell me, Was she who
merited the honour of becoming the mother of Christ conceived without
original sin, or with it? Truly, the former appears the most likely, because I
think that to the glorious Virgin Mother of our Lord were granted all the
virtues it was possible for Her to have; from this I infer that Mary was
sanctified in Her conception, and thus immune from original sin.
“Reason.—No one can deny that the Virgin was given every virtue, and
this is a sufficient answer to thy question. Further, it is evident that before
life she could not be sanctified, as she was not yet a rational being, which
alone is capable of receiving Divine grace, but I do not vacillate an inch in
affirming the fortunate Mary was enriched with the plenitude of sanctity in
the precise instant that her soul had its birth, in ipsa animae infusione
omnium gratiarum plenitudine Eam beari non ambigo.”
“It was the seed sown,” wrote Dr. Oviedo, “by Pedro Compostelano, of
the Galician school of the twelfth century, that produced Cantiga 5 of the
Festas de Sancta Maria, which begins thus—

“E logo que foi viva (Maria),

no corpo de sa madre
foi quida do pecado,

lines which appear to be a romanced version of part of the book De

Consolatione Rationis, which was written in Galicia by Pedro before he
became a priest, and at least ten years before Eadmer in England took up his
pen to defend an opinion which was subsequently upheld by a host of
eminent Catholic writers, including Feijoó, and which has since been
incorporated among the unalterable dogmas of the Catholic Church.”
 CHAPTER V

THE LANGUAGE OF GALICIA

A Romance language—The universal language of Spain—A provincial dialect—

George Ticknor—The Cantigas of Alfonso el Sabio—Comparison between the languages
of Galicia and Portugal—A Celtic trait—The wing of the tongue—The native poets of
Galicia—Trovadors—The Marquis de Valmar—Latinised forms—Amador de los Rios—
The young Italian language—French takes the precedence—Romance poetry in England—
The troubadours of Aquitaine—Alfonso the royal trovador—The poet of true love—The
martyr to Cupid—The story of Macias—His tragic end

W ITH the production of the Salve Regina, and with the origination of
the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, Galicia may be said to have
entered triumphantly upon her second golden age, an age which
extended from the eleventh to the sixteenth century, and in which is
comprised the period which witnessed the most glorious triumphs of lyric
poetry in Spain.
It must be remembered that for a hundred and seventy years previous to
the year 585, when the Visigoths became the sole masters of Spain, the
present province of Galicia, united to what is now the northern half of
Portugal, had formed one united kingdom—that of the Sueves. As an
independent nation, this portion of Spain, with a language of its own, and
kings of its own, had more pronounced characteristics and traditions than
any other part of Spain. Its language, originally Latin, had become, under
the Sueves, a distinct Romance language, just as the Latin of central Spain
became by degrees a Romance tongue, and finally developed into the
Spanish language, as it is spoken in Madrid to-day. The language of Galicia
during its second age of gold, the language of its lyric poetry was, like the
Spanish language, a child of the Latin tongue; they were, we may say, twin
branches from the same stem. But while the one became the universal
language of Spain, the other split into two smaller branches, of which one
became the national language of Portugal,[72] and the other—while it
remained the purest of all the Latin dialects except the Italian—eventually
sank to the level of a provincial dialect—that spoken by the peasants of
Galicia to-day, a dialect which not even the historians of Spain and Portugal
professed to understand till the close of the nineteenth century.
It was as recently as the last decade of the nineteenth century that
students of Spanish history became conscious of the fact that a true
knowledge of the history of Spanish civilisation in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries could only be attained by careful study of the literature produced
in the Galician tongue during Galicia’s second age of gold. An American
writer, George Ticknor, whose work is still considered an authority on
Spanish literature, erroneously attributed to flattery the words of the
marquis of Santillana in his famous letter to the Constable of Portugal, “non
ha mucho tiempo, cualesquier deçidores e trovadores destas partes, agora
fuesen castellanos anduluces o de la Estremadura, todas sus obras
componian en lengua Gallega o portuguesca”[73]; but we know now that it
was the simple truth, the language universally chosen by the famous
trovadores of Spain, no matter which might be their native province, and by
all Spain’s greatest poets of the Middle Ages was that of Galicia. “Ticknor
thought it an insoluble mystery,” says Valmar, “why King Alfonso el Sabio
should have left in his will a command that the poetry of Galicia should be
sung over his tomb, seeing that he was buried in Murcia, where that tongue
was not spoken; but if he had studied the Spanish poetry of that time, if he
had read the beautiful Cantigas written by Alfonso himself, he would not
have called the idiom spoken in Galicia in the thirteenth century a dialect,
nor would he have been surprised that Alfonso should wish Gallegan poetry
to be sung over his tomb.”
As we have seen, northern Portugal was once part of Galicia. When
Portugal became a separate kingdom, she retained her original (the
Gallegan) language. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, Feijoó
pointed out that it was an error to suppose that there only existed three
dialects derived from the Latin language, namely, Spanish, Italian, and
French: there was a fourth—the Lusitanian language, that is, the language
of Galicia, which was once identical with that of Portugal. The chief
difference between the two is the pronunciation, and this is not sufficient to
prevent individuals of the two countries respectively from understanding
one another. Feijoó went on to insist that the Gallegan idiom was not, as
generally supposed, a sub-dialect of Latin nor a corruption of the Spanish
tongue, but an independent branch from the Latin tree, a branch more
closely connected with the parent stem than even the language of Castille.
“No one denies,” he says, “that Latin words have degenerated less in the
Portuguese and Gallegan idioms than they have in Spanish: this could not
be the case if they were sub-dialects of the Spanish language—the nearer
the fountain the purer the stream. Italian is the purest of the Latin dialects;
Portuguese comes next.”
The Gallegans have been a poetic people from the very earliest times,
and this fact tallies with the traditions of their Celtic origin. Like the Irish,
they have preserved even to our own day the Celtic predilection for
spontaneous wit. The poetical contests indulged in by the trovadores of the
Middle Ages were only an elaboration of the Celtic contests of wit so
popular among the ancient Irish, and which are still part of the programme
connected with a Gallegan peasant’s wedding. On the eve of her wedding-
day the peasant girl in Galicia hears before her window the witty and often
sarcastic couplet flung by the friends of a disappointed rival at the
successful suitor and his friends who have come to serenade her, and then,
as quickly as an echo, it is answered by the triumphant couplet of the happy
bridegroom. Verse comes as readily as prose to the lips of these people, and
the peasant bride may listen half through the night to their poetic banter.[74]
Where the disappointment of the rival is very great, not only is the
sentiment confessed in his spontaneous couplets very bitter, it is sometimes
even cruel. French critics in Feijoó’s day complained that Italian and
Spanish poets put too much enthusiasm (poetic frenzy) into their poetry,
and to this charge Feijoó replied that he who wishes to turn the poets into
prudent, discreet, and sensible beings, wishes to do away with them
altogether, for enthusiasm is the soul of poetry, the ecstasy of the mind is
the wing of the pen. In Galicia it is the wing of the tongue. “Impetus ille
sacer, qui vatum pectora nutrit.”
The fact that Portugal and Galicia had for several centuries one common
language accounts for the other fact that both have more than once laid
claim to the honour of having produced the same great poet or literary man.
Hence it comes that the trovador Macías el Enamorado appears as a
Portuguese poet in the works of Portuguese writers, and as a Gallegan poet
in the works of Spanish writers. The same apparent contradiction occurs
with regard to the Cantigas of Alfonso el Sabio.[75] Great was the
importance of Galicia in the Middle Ages. Constantly was she visited by
royalty, by princes, and by the flower of chivalry, attracted to the sepulchre
of St. James. The greatest and noblest families of Spain had their senorial
estates in Galicia. It was there that they founded the “Order of the Knights
of Spain,” and later the Hermandad de Cambiadores, institutions which lent
their powerful protection to the pilgrims who passed to and from Santiago
on the French road (Camino francés).
Not only did the nobles speak the language of Galicia, that tongue was
also the language of the court. It was in those days that a taste for la poesia
provenzal penetrated into Galicia from France (brought by French pilgrims
of aristocratic birth), and was imitated by the nobles of Galicia. “This
persistence of the sentiment of love,” says the marquis of Fegueroa, “the
chief argument of provençal lyric poetry, necessarily influenced our Knights
of the Order of Spain, as it did the knights of northern France, Theobald IV,
Count Champagne, and Charles of Orleans.” King Alfonso deliberately
chose the language of Galicia in which to compose his hymns to the Virgin
(Cantigas de Santa Maria); he chose it because it was so much more
poetical than the language of Castille, so much more expressive, so much
more tender; and for the same reason it became the favourite medium of all
the poets of Spain. The native poets of Galicia were among the most famous
of their age. It is now known that the curious book of poetry so long
preserved in the Vatican library under the title of Cancionero de la
Vaticana, was composed almost entirely by Gallegan poets, and not by
Portuguese—as was believed until about twenty years ago.[76]
The trovadores of Galicia were great travellers, as well as musicians and
poets. Not only did they visit and sing before the most powerful courts of
Europe, but they studied at the schola mimorum of the countries they
visited, and brought back with them to Santiago the most famous musical
compositions of France and Italy. The music of Santiago Cathedral was for
several centuries unsurpassed in Europe.
The Marquis de Valmar, in his fascinating work on the Cantigas of
Alfonso el Sabio, describes their language as spirited, flexible, impressive,
and of rich variety. It was a language found ready for his use by the royal
trovador; he did not improvise his happy expressions, they were already
current among his people. The old idea that the modern languages of
Europe were a result of the amalgamation of Latin with the barbaric idiom
of the invaders of the Roman Empire is now completely abandoned. The
philologists of to-day do not believe that the substantial changes introduced
by the neo-Latin languages into the Latin tongue came from the Northern
invaders except in very extreme cases. The transcendental transformations
were a natural and inevitable result of the presence of Roman social life in
Western countries.
The separation between the official and aristocratic language and that of
the lower classes in such distinct regions, became the more palpable and
determined, as the traditional glory of Imperial Rome waned. One Imperial
Latin was spoken in the laws, tribunals, and schools, in the forum, the
temple, and the palace; a common idiom bound together the educated
classes of the vast Roman Empire; but in the business houses and the
workshops, among the slaves and the lower classes, there was no common
tongue; each country had its local expressions and its dialects, of which—
though Latin was the foundation—a great part consisted of Latinised forms,
and words of diverse origin—sometimes native, sometimes exotic—here
Celtic, there Iberic, yonder Breton or Arabic, as the case might be. Later,
when Roman fame and influence had declined still further, when the old
Roman families had sunk to a plebeian level, and their place had been taken
by a new, locally produced aristocracy, then it was that, along with the toga
and the sword, the grand old Latin language disappeared for ever, leaving in
its place a mixed dialect, which we call “Romance.”[77] The various
provinces of the Roman Empire during its last period were, without doubt,
bi-lingual. The conquerors adopted, as is invariably the case, the language
and customs of the conquered, and forgot their own.
Valmar remarks that Amador de los Rios was right in saying that the
common idiom of the peninsula was already completely formed at the
beginning of the twelfth century. There are popular couplets written in the
language of Galicia which can be traced back to the year 1110, namely the
couplets that were sung on the occasion of the enthusiastic welcome given
by the townspeople of Santiago to Bishop Gelmirez, who in 1105 had
founded there a school for the cultivation of oratory, letters, and the Latin
tongue. It is true, as Valmar points out, that the formation of the languages
of Castille and Galicia must have required centuries, but that formation
reached its completion towards the middle of the twelfth century. When
new dialects came into existence, the synthetic beauty so remarkable in the
Latin language was lost, but in its place animation and ease of expression
were gained. “Marriages,” says Valmar, “also helped on the triumph of the
Romance languages; but perhaps the most powerful influence was Christ’s
religion of charity and love.”
Even in Italy Latin gradually became an unknown tongue to the lower
classes. Pope Boniface VIII. translated the Stabat Mater into the young
Italian language that the people might be able to appreciate it.
Alfonso x. indicates in Cantiga viii. that in his day a young man needed
the help of the Holy Spirit before he could learn to speak Latin. To help on
the propagation of the Christian religion, even Arabic was sometimes
resorted to. Juan, Bishop of Seville, wrote sermons in Arabic at the
beginning of the tenth century,[78] “a proof,” says Valmar, “that Latin was
little known, as also the Romance language which was not yet risen.”
French, owing to the influence of the parish schools, took the precedence
of all the neo-Latin languages, and had a powerful influence over other
nations. There was a sudden flowering of Romance poetry in England just
after the Norman conquest in 1066, and this spread to all the neo-Latin
peoples—the story of Tristam and Iseult, the Arthurian legends, penetrated
more deeply than the provençal lyrics. St. Francis of Assisi went about
reciting French songs. Sir John Mandeville was the precursor of the famous
Portuguese Ferñao Mendes Pinto, wrote in French the story of his travels in
Asia (published by Lynn just after the invention of printing in 1480). Marco
Polo also wrote, or rather dictated, his book of travel in French.
Alfonso el Sabio did not write in a vulgar dialect, but in the cultivated
and polished language used by the aristocracy of Galicia. “The popular
Gallegan dialect remained in the land of its birth, and kept the characteristic
of a euphonic dialect,” says Valmar; but the language of learning ‘el
Gallego erudito,’ so skilfully used by Alfonso and those innumerable
Portuguese Spanish poets whose work is preserved in the Cancionero of the
Vatican, acquired (without losing the essence of the primitive dialect) the
character of a refined literary language. This language it was which became
the mother of Portuguese.
The trouvadores of Aquitaine came in such numbers to Santiago, that it
is no wonder they founded a centre of poetical unification, as Theophile
Braga has called it. It was a school of national lyric poetry in the language
which has been called Galaico-Portuguese. French influence was strongly
reflected in it. It reached its highest point of resplendence in the reign of
Alfonso X., and at that time even the lower classes understood and
appreciated its poetry; so historians need be surprised no longer that the
poet king chose to write in the language of Galicia.
Valmar has made a critical study of the versification of the Cantigas.[79]
“In vain,” he says, “philologists have sought a connecting link between
Latin prosody and the prosody of the Romance languages.” To write
Hexameters in the language of Galicia would be impossible. The origin of
the Cantigas is undoubtedly the popular and religious poetry of Latin
decadence, at the moment when there was added to it a rhythmic element.
There were, in Roman days, two Latin versifications, rhythmic and metric,
corresponding to the two idioms sermo plebius and sermo patricius. The
rhythmic versification used in popular poetry existed from the earliest days
of Rome. It is mentioned by Livy, Cicero, Horace, and many other literary
Romans. In the primitive hymns used by the Christian Church, the metric
and rhythmic principles were curiously mixed. The earliest of these were
composed by St. Ambrose and sung in Milan in 386. Léon Gautier has
remarked that the poetry of France originated with the verses sung in the
churches.
The fact that Alfonso X. wrote many hymns of devotion to the Virgin
does not prevent his morals from having been very shady. Dante went so far
as to class him among princes unfit to reign,[80] and Valmar, unable to
truthfully contradict the Italian poet, devotes pages to proving that Dante
himself was not a better man. It is clear, however, that morals were
everywhere very lax in those days, and one need not be surprised that the
trovadores of Galicia were infected by the “audacias de la musa
provenzal.” The poets of those days often seem to forget the moral dignity
of humanity; they would attack the honour even of princes in their bold and
bitter satyrs. “Alfonso,” says Valmar, “ever expressed real tenderness in his
love songs.” But one or two of them have shocked even Valmar by their
naked naturalism. “All this,” he says, “shows the relaxation of morals in his
day, and the evil influences that came from Provence.”
One of the most singular legends contained in the Cantigas is that in
which a rich and gallant gentleman, who has fallen blindly and immorally
in love with a lady, prays with obstinate fervour two hundred Ave Marias to
the Virgin every day for a whole year, entreating her that she would touch
the lady’s heart. At length the Virgin appears to him in the church, and says,
“Look at me well, and then choose between me and that other woman, the
one who pleases you best (a que te mais praz).” The gallant gentleman
instantly consecrated himself wholly to the adoration of the Virgin, and a
year later she took him up with her to heaven.
In another Cantiga, the nun who acts as sacristan of the convent of
Fontebras is in love with a knight, and is on the point of fleeing with him.
She goes and prostrates herself before the Crucifix to take leave of Christ.
Suddenly the holy effigy gives her such a blow in the face that it leaves a
mark for ever on her cheek.
In yet another Cantiga (xciv.) a nun who acts as treasurer of a convent
escapes from the cloisters with a lover, after having left the keys of the
treasury before the altar of the Virgin with a prayer. The Virgin, in pity,
takes her place,

WHERE THE SIL JOINS THE CABE, ORENSE

 A MOUNTAIN VINEYARD, ORENSE
PHOTOS. BY AUTHOR

and when the repentant nun returns after many years to the convent, she
finds the keys where she had left them, and learned with astonishment and
gratitude that no one had noticed her absence.
There are three hundred and fifty-nine Cantigas in Alfonso’s collection.
Macías (“O Namorado,” the infatuated lover) flourished in the last half
of the fourteenth century, in the reign of Peter the Cruel (1350-69). Of all
the trovadores of Galicia, Macías is the most popular. His fame is due to his
tragic end, rather than to his merits as a poet. Professor Rennert,[81] who
has recently published a monograph of Macías, does not find enough merit
in his poems to account for his extraordinary fame. Macías has been
extravagantly glorified alike by all the Portuguese and Spanish poets as a
perfect model of true love, of love faithful even unto death. “Love alone
was the cause of his death,” says Gregorio Silvestre.[82]

“El fino amante es Macías

Que con solo amor murió.”

Macías is one of the most romantic figures in Spanish literature. Rennert

has spared no pains in hunting for every scrap of information obtainable
with regard to this pattern lover. He has perused the Satira de Felice e’
Infelice Vida, by Pedro, Constable of Portugal, written between 1453 and
1455; also the writings of Fernan Nuñez of Toledo, which appeared in 1499,
and he assures his readers that all later writers who have made Macías their
subject have drawn their inspiration from these two authorities.
From the pen of Macías himself, “the martyr to Cupid,” we have only
four poems that can be authenticated. Rennert has examined these with
extreme care, and says that the dialect (or language) in which they are
written differs in no particular from the language of the early Portuguese
poets.
As we have seen, the language of Galicia separated itself gradually from
that of Portugal, as a result of the union of Galicia with the rest of Spain.
Each of the four poems of Macías contains a sprinkling of Castillian words.
“His story fired the popular imagination,” says Fitzmaurice Kelly, “and
enters into literature in Lope de Vega’s ‘Porfiar hasta morir,’ and in Larra’s
‘El Doncel de Don Enrique el Doliente.’ ”
There are two versions of the poet’s life story. The one taken up by
Argote de Molina, and, in the words of Rennert, embellished with
additional touches of romance,[83] is the most popular: “Macías was born in
Galicia, and was a great and virtuous martyr to love, who, being enamoured
of a gentle and beautiful lady, it happened that, riding one day over a bridge
together, fortune so willed it that the mule upon which the lady was riding,
becoming restive, threw her into the deep water. And as that constant lover,
no less determined than fired by love, and fearless of death, saw what had
happened, he quickly leapt into the deep waters: and he, whose infinite
longing the great height of the bridge in nowise checked, nor whom the
black and angry waters made forgetful of her in whose thrall he lived,
seized her, already half dead, and bore her to the white sands safe and
sound, and afterwards despairing of the reward that is not denied in the end
to all true and faithful lovers, she was married to another. But that constant
and gentle soul, that knew no change, loved her being married as he had
loved her a maid, and as the faithful lover was journeying along one day, he
met the cause of his undoing, for there came towards him his lady, and in
requital of his great services to her he asked her to descend from her palfry.
Thereupon Macías thanked her for her bounty, and bade her remount and
ride on, so that her husband might not find her there, and she having
departed, her husband arrived, and seeing him whom he did not much love
standing in the middle of the road, he asked him what he was doing there,
and Macías replied, ‘Here did my lady set her feet, and in these footprints I
intend to remain, and end my sad life.’ And her husband, wanting in every
feeling of courtesy or nobility, more actuated by jealousy than by mercy,
dealt him a mortal blow with his lance. There, stretched upon the ground,
his eyes turned in the direction in which his lady had departed, he uttered
the following words: ‘O my only lady and for ever! Wherever thou mayest
be, I entreat thee to remember me, thy unworthy servant’; and, having
uttered these words with a deep sigh, his blissful soul passed away.”
Macías wrote a poem in which he upbraided Love. Here is the first verse
of it—

“Amor cruel e briosa

Mal aia a ta alteza,
Pois non fazes iqualeza
Seendo tal poderoso.”

And here is the fifth and last verse—

“Ves, Amor por que o digo,

Ser que es cruel e forte,
Adversario ou enemigo
Desamador de ta corte:
Al vil deitas en tal sorte
Que por prez lle das vileza!
Quen te serve en gentileza
Por galardon lle das morte.”

No doubt if he could but have foreseen his own tragic end, he would
have reproached Cupid with even greater bitterness.
 CHAPTER VI

PILGRIMS TO SANTIAGO

St. James’s Road—The legend of St. James—Landing at Padron—Abbot Ildefred—

Alfonso el Casto—The town of Santiago—Diego Gelmirez—The Historia Compostelana
—Another famous manuscript—The Codex of Calistus II.—Basque words—Origin of the
Basques—Molina’s list of pilgrims—In the cathedral—Hymn of the Flemings—Relics of
St. James—The scallop shell—Images of St. James—Jet workers—Money-changers—St.
Bridget—Philip II—William of Rubruquis—Queen Matilda—An irreparable loss—A book
on Galicia—Why the pilgrims wear a scallop shell—Crowding of pilgrims to the Mass—
Beds in the cathedral—Incense in Christian worship—The great censer—Early references
to the botafumeiro—The censer swings too far—Candlemas—An impressive ceremony—
The Chirimias—English pilgrims to Santiago—An English hospital—The monastery of
Sobrado

“T HE mediæval Spanish roads were the work of the clergy,” wrote

Ford, “and the long-bearded monks, here as elsewhere, were the
pioneers of civilisation.... In other provinces of Spain, the star-paved
milky way in the heavens is called El Camino de Santiago (“the road of St.
James”); but the Galicians, who know what their roads really are, namely,
the worst on earth, call the milky way El Camino de Jerusalem (“the road to
Jerusalem”).” And here is a passage that we find among the poetic writings
of Daudet: A shepherdess has asked a young shepherd if he knows the
names of all the stars, and he begins his reply with, “Why, yes, mistress.
Look, straight above our heads. That is St. James’s Road. It runs from
France straight over Spain. It was St. James of Galicia who traced it there,
to show the brave Charlemagne his way when he was making war upon the
Saracens.”
The actual road which brought pilgrims and troubadours from France,
across northern Spain to the town of Santiago in Galicia, was known as el
camino francés, or the French Road. Ford says that the Spaniards made
Santiago a centre for their pilgrimages, because, as every one knows, the
Pope had forbidden them to take part in the Crusades as long as they had
infidels on their own soil.
 The legend of how St. James came to be the patron saint of Spain—the
legend as it is authorised by the Catholic Church in the twentieth century, is
as follows:—St. James, eleven years after the crucifixion of Christ, was
decapitated by the order of King Herod, because he preached the Gospel to
the Jews. The disciples took possession of his holy body by night, and,
accompanied by the Angel of the Lord, arrived at Joppa, on the seashore.
While they were hesitating as to what they should do next, a ship, provided
with all that they could require during a long voyage, appeared before them.
The disciples, filled with joy, entered the ship, and, singing hymns of praise
to God, sailed with favourable breezes and a calm voyage, till they came to
the harbour of Iria, on the Gallegan coast. There, full of happiness, they
sang a psalm of David.
Having landed near what is now the town of Padron, the disciples
deposited the holy body in a little enclosure, which is venerated to this day
under the name of Libredon—about eight miles distant from the town of
Iria. There they found a great stone idol that had been erected by the
pagans,—this they hacked to pieces with the aid of some iron tools they had
discovered in a cave close by. Having reduced the idol to dust, they made of
it a very firm cement, and with this they made a stone (or marble)
sepulchre, and a little oratory supported by arches. Having enclosed the
holy body in the sepulchre and placed it in the oratory, they built over it a
tiny church with an altar for the use of the people of the neighbourhood.
Then they sang two more psalms (which are still given in the guide-books).
The people of the place were very soon converted to the true faith through
the preaching of the disciples, and it was at length decided that two of them,
Athanasius and Theodosius, should remain at Iria to watch over the
sepulchre of St. James and strengthen the new converts in their new
religion, while the rest departed to carry the Gospel to other parts of Spain.
Athanasius and Theodosius kept reverent watch over the sepulchre, and
commanded their converts that after their death they two should be buried
one on either side of St. James. In due time they died peacefully and
happily, and entered into heaven. Later on a small community of monks,
twelve in all, established itself near the spot; they were presided over by the
venerable Abbot Ildefred, and it was their business to offer up solemn
prayers to the glorious apostle to whom Spain owes her faith, and by whose
valiant championship that nation considers itself to have been freed from
the Mussalman yoke.
 For eight hundred years the holy body remained where the disciples had
placed it, forgotten by all. Then in the year 812 “some men of authority”
went to Teodomirus, who was then bishop of Iria Flavia (Padron), and
informed him that they had seen on many occasions strange lights flickering
at night-time in a neighbouring wood, and angels hovering near them. The
bishop hurried to the spot indicated, and, seeing the lights with his own
eyes, at once ordered the wood to be carefully searched. Very soon,
amongst the trees, a little oratory was discovered, and in it a marble
sarcophagus. The king, Alfonso el Casto (Alfonso II.) was at once informed
of the marvellous discovery; he came in person to see the sepulchre, and
immediately decided to transfer the Episcopal See from Iria to this sacred
spot, which henceforth bore the name of Compostela (from campos “a
field,” and stella “a star”). A solemn procession of bishops, priests, nobles,
and citizens inaugurated the foundation of the new city (which became
known to all the Spanish world as Santiago de Compostela). This (the
translation of the Episcopal See) took place, we are told, in the reign of
Charlemagne. From that moment “Spanish heroism sought, as was natural,
in the sepulchre of the holy Apostle the strength and enthusiasm which
saved Europe from the barbarism of Islam, and the roads leading to
Santiago were the wide highways that were trodden by nobility and virtue,
by science and valour, during the centuries of the Reconquest.”
Santiago soon became one of the most celebrated cities of Christendom.
The modest church built by Alfonso el Casto was too small to
accommodate the pilgrims who flocked to it, so it was replaced by a
beautiful cathedral. The whole Christian world is said to have contributed
towards the building of this edifice, pious alms poured in from every part of
Europe, the pilgrims themselves took part, with their own hands, in the
laying of its stones,—young men and old, women of all ages, rich and poor,
learned and ignorant, popes and prelates, emperors and kings, all lent their
aid.
Diego Gelmirez was at that time the prelate of Santiago. This remarkable
man is famed not only for the zeal with which he superintended the building
of the cathedral, but also for the many agricultural improvements which he
introduced and encouraged, and for the works of art with which he
beautified the city; he also erected many churches, both within and without
it, among which may be noted that of Sar, that of Conjo, and that of St.
Susanna. He performed the part of bishop and mayor combined in one. So
much did literature flourish under his patronage, that he has been called
“the Mæcenas of Galicia.” The Historia Compostelana, preserved in the
archives of the cathedral, from which I have taken my account of the
finding of St. James, was written at his bidding. The first part of it is the
work of two authors, and the last of one. The first two were chosen by
Gelmirez as the most learned of his canons, Don Munio (or Nunio) a
Spaniard, and Don Hugo a Frenchman by birth. Both, according to Florez,
had the full confidence of the prelate, who confided to them without reserve
his most important secrets. Gelmirez set them to work upon this book as
soon as he became bishop, in 1100. In 1112, both canons became bishops in
their turn, Munio of Mondoñedo, and Hugo of Porto. After their departure
from Santiago the work of writing the book was carried on by Girardo. The
work is without doubt one of the most precious literary monuments of the
twelfth century. Florez brought it before the public after it had lain dead for
six hundred years, by publishing it in his España Sagrada.
In the Historia Compostelana there is no allusion to St. James beyond
the finding of the sepulchre in the first chapter, and some have thought this
fact a proof that the legend about the apostle has no foundation, but Florez
points out that this book was written solely to perpetuate the memory of
Gelmirez, as the title, Registro del Venerable Obispo, shows. The early
history of Santiago is only touched upon in the first three chapters, and the
work does not pretend to be a church register.
Another famous manuscript preserved in the archives of Santiago
Cathedral since the twelfth century is the priceless Codex of Calistus II., the
date of which is supposed to be a few years later than that of the Historia
Compostelana (about 1140). This document, of which the capitals are
illuminated, contains some curious miniatures, one having for its subject the
departure of Charlemagne for Spain. Here there is a description of the
principal roads by which pilgrims were wont to reach Santiago. Pope
Calistus II. was one of the most illustrious of all the pilgrims who visited
Santiago. He undertook the pilgrimage when he was an archbishop in
France, about 1109. There are in existence three examples of this
manuscript which bears his name: one is in the Royal Library at Madrid,
and another, preserved in one of the other libraries, is a Gallegan translation
dating from the first half of the fifteenth century. At the end of the twelfth
century there was in existence a French translation.
 In the year 1173, Arnaldo del Monte, a monk of the celebrated
monastery of Ripoll in the province of Gerona, went on a pilgrimage to
Santiago. He handled, described, and made extracts from the precious
Codex; his dedication of it is still preserved in the library of Ripoll, and
there is also said to be a copy in the Paris library.
The Codex of Calistus III., supposed to have been partly written by his
chancellor, Aimerico Picard, is in five books. The first contains four
homilies of Calistus on the three great festivals of Santiago, and the Mass,
with a dramatic liturgy set to music composed by Fulbert de Chartres,
retouched by the hand of Calistus or some other personage; some of the
writings of Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, and, we are told, of Bede, per
totum annum legenda. The second contains “The Miracles of the Apostles”;
the third gives an account of the translation of St. James from Jerusalem to
Spain; the fourth, “How Charlemagne brought Spain under the yoke of
Christ”; and the fifth, various writings.
According to the written testimony of Pope Calistus II., the most
wonderful cures were effected at the shrine of St. James. “The sick come
and are cured, the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the dumb speak,
the possessed are set free, the sad find consolation, and, what is more
important, the prayers of the faithful reach to heaven, the heavy weight of
sins is removed, the chains of sin are broken, thither come all the nations of
the earth,” and here follows a list of some eighty tribes and nations. These
pilgrims travelled across Europe in companies, and in companies they
placed themselves beside the sepulchre, the Italians on this side, the
Germans on that, as the case might be; every one holding a wax taper is his
hand, there they remained to worship the whole night long, and the light
from the innumerable tapers made the night like day. Some sang to the
accompaniment of the cithara, others to that of the lyre, some to the timbrel,
others the flute, others to the fife, others to the trumpet, others to the harp,
others to the viola, others to the British and Welsh harp and crouth, others to
the psaltery, and others to many other musical instruments. Some weep for
their sins, some read psalms, and some give alms to the priests. There does
not exist a language or a dialect that is not heard in that cathedral. If any
one enters sad, he goes out happy; there is celebrated one continuous
festival, people come and go, but the service is not interrupted by day or by
night. The doors of the sacred edifice are never closed, lamps and tapers fill
it at midnight with the splendour of midday. Thither all wend their way, rich
and poor, prince and peasant, governor and abbot. Some travel at their own
expense; others depend upon charity. Some come with chains for the
mortification of their flesh; others, like the Greeks, with the sign of the
cross in their hands. Some carry in their hands iron and lead for the building
of the basilica of the Apostle. Many whom the Apostle has delivered from
prison carry with them their manacles and the bolts of their prison doors,
and do penance for their sins.
“The many thousands of miracles,” says Calistus, “that were worked
daily through the intercession of the Apostle in the happy city of his
glorious tomb increased the legions of pilgrims, who carried back with
them to the utmost confines of the world the name of Compostela!” “And
how the highways of Asia and Europe must have resounded in those days,”
cries Sanchez, “with hymns of praise sung by the pious pilgrims to St.
James!” Every nation had its own special hymns, a mixture of Latin and the
local idiom. One of the most beautiful of these compositions was, according
to Fita, that sung by the Flemmings, “que es de lo mas selecto de la poesia
del siglo xii.” In each verse the name of St. James appears in a different
case of the Latin declension.
As we have seen, special roads were built in Italy, France, and Spain to
facilitate the pilgrimages. Bridges were thrown across ravines and rivers;
inns and monasteries sprang up at the chief halting-places, such as St.
Marks at Leon and the monastery of Roncevalles, and in the lonely and
dangerous places where they were most needed. The fame of St. James
impressed even Rome. In the beginning of the tenth century, Pope John X.
(915-928) sent a priest named Zanelo to Santiago to find out if it was really
true that so many pilgrims went there and so many miracles were wrought.
Book ii. of the Codex of Calistus II. tells of many wondrous miracles.
The most glorious days of the pilgrimages were those in which Diego
Gelmirez was archbishop. It is difficult for the uninitiated to see why the
tomb of St. James should have been considered to be the most glorious of
all the saints’ tombs in the world; but so it was, according to St.
Buenaventura.[84] There constantly occurred such frightful crushes and
stampedes in the fourteen gateways leading to the sacred edifice, that a
great many accidents happened even to the members of the best-regulated
pilgrim bands, and free fights ensuing, complaints went up even to the Pope
at Rome! For very often the prelate of Compostela was absent from his
post, and there was no other to take his place.
There is still preserved among the ancient constitutions of the cathedral a
description of the ceremonies prescribed in connection with the pilgrims,
and carried out by Archbishop Juan Arias 1282, 1266. The custodian of the
altar and a priest standing erect with rods in their hands called up the bands
of pilgrims in turn according to their nationality and in their own language,
and told them to group themselves round the priest who was to hand them
the indulgences they had gained by their pilgrimages. Each pilgrim received
a sharp rap from the rod as he passed. As soon as divine worship was over
(that is, the portion which they attended), the pilgrims proceeded to lay their
offerings before the altar, and then went to venerate the chain. Sanchez
thinks this was the chain by which the Jews secured their prisoners. After
the chain came the crown, the hat, the staff, the knife, and the stone. It
seems that even the hatchet with which St. James was beheaded lay upon
the altar when Baron de Rozmilal made his pilgrimage in 1465. The staff is
the only one of these sacred relics that has survived to our day.
Most of the pilgrims, after they had done with Santiago, went on to
Padron to see the spot where the Holy Body had been landed by the
Disciples. But there was a great deal to be done in Santiago. Money-
changers sat with little heaps of coin close to the entrance of the church, and
did a lively business with the foreigners. Scallop-shells had to be purchased,
for the pilgrim who returned home without his shell would not get his
friends to believe he had got as far as Santiago. This shell, the pecten
Veneris or ostra Jacobea (Linn.), was called in Galicia ó Jacobea (the shell
of St. James). It received the first of these names because it resembled in its
form the comb employed by the ancients, and Aphrodite was supposed to
comb her hair with one of these shells when rising from the sea. It is the
common convex bivalve so familiar to English eyes, white inside, and the
fish of which somewhat resembles an oyster, though it is less delicate in
flavour and odour. This sacred shell was offered for sale to the pilgrims in
all sizes, and made of many different materials: there were shells in black
jet, in porcelain, in silver, in copper and in brass, in tin and lead. Traders
called los conchiarii, concheiros, or latoneros, sold shells, images of the
Apostle, crosses, medals, and other objêts de religion to the pilgrims. The
insignia of St. James consisted chiefly in the metal scallop-shells which the
pilgrims attached to their robes and broad-brimmed pilgrim’s hats. Villa-
Amil, quoting Lopez Ferreiro,[85] tells us that in virtue of an edict of
Gregory IX. about 1228, in answer to a petition from the Archbishop and
Corporation, the manufacture of these shells in any place except
Compostela was strictly prohibited. In 1224 any one found falsifying them
was threatened with the anathema of Pope Alexander IV., and in 1266 Pope
Clement IV. went even so far as to publish an edict excommunicating those
pilgrims who purchased or wore any other shells than those manufactured
in Compostela. Alfonso X., also, in 1260 forbade the pilgrims to wear any
insignia of St. James that had not been manufactured on the spot, because
by so doing they caused the Cathedral of Santiago to suffer loss both in
honour and revenue. Later on, in 1581, confiscation of the article and a fine
were imposed on those who dared to falsify the insignia of the Apostle or
gilded them with saffron that would not wear. The inns of the town of
Santiago at which the pilgrims put up had the sacred sign of the scallop-
shells over the central porch. Many of these, now turned into private
houses, may still be seen by the traveller. “But how,” the reader will ask,
“did the scallop-shell come to be chosen as the chief emblem of St. James?”
Next, perhaps, to the scallop-shells in popularity among the pilgrims
were the images of St. James, also manufactured for them at Santiago, a
favourite material being black jet (azabache). Dr. Fernando Keller, an
antiquarian of Zurich, published in 1868 a description of two jet figures of
St. James found in Switzerland, near the chapel for leprous pilgrims at
Einsiedeln; and a similar one found in Scotland has been described by a
Scotch antiquary as the signaculum of a pilgrim to Santiago, blessed at the
shrine before it was carried away. The poorer pilgrims who could not afford
a jet image contented themselves with a pewter one. But Villa-Amil says
there is plenty of evidence that the sale of the images had nothing to do with
the Cathedral, and that the workers in jet were in the habit of besieging the
pilgrims and worrying them into the purchase of their images. A few years
ago, according to Villa-Amil, not a single specimen of the ancient Santiago
jet-worker’s art was known (except to a few persons) to be in existence. Yet
the confraternity of jet-workers flourished up to the close of the sixteenth
century. They are mentioned in a curious notice in a memorial dated August
8, 1570, which Villa-Amil gives at length. In the Ordinances of the
Confraternity there are some interesting technical details, such, for instance,
as the statement that jet from the Asturias was preferred to Portuguese jet
“because it took the straw,” i.e. had the power of attraction. With regard to
the jet images—the bearded image of St. James, with pilgrim’s hat, robe,
and staff, usually had two smaller images kneeling on either side of it, but
sometimes there was only one. On the upturned brim of his hat there is the
conventional shell, and in his left hand he holds an open book. A rosary is
suspended from his girdle. He is usually barefooted and barelegged. From
the hook of his staff is suspended the leathern bag which was part of every
pilgrim’s staff. The kneeling figures are attired in pilgrim’s garb, also with
rosaries. The figure of St. James is never more than seven inches high. The
more ancient ones bear traces of gilding. Examples are to be seen in the
Kirker Museum at Rome, in the British Museum, in the Museum at Perugia,
in the Cluny Museum, and in many other places. Mr. Joseph Anderson,
according to Villa-Amil, was long under the impression that the only piece
of jet workmanship in the United Kingdom was the little figure of St. James
in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. A very rare and
interesting specimen is the one of which Señor Villa-Amil has kindly
presented me with an illustration, and which is in the possession of
Guillermo de Osma.
The jet-workers (azabacheros) gave their name to the street in which
they carried on their trade, which led up to the principal entrance of the
cathedral, the façade of which is still known as la Azabacheria.
Señor Villa-Amil[86] has devoted a most interesting chapter to the
subject of the Santiago money-changers. He is convinced that there is
absolutely no foundation for the popular fallacy which attributed to these
money-changers the functions of a noble corporation, and wrapped them in
a romantic halo, as though they were something like “Knights of the Round
Table.” It is not true that, while they spent their days in changing the
pilgrims’ money, they guarded by night the sepulchre of St. James. On the
contrary, it is now quite certain that, according to the earliest mention that
has been found of them, their position was neither a high nor a remarkably
honourable one. They are mentioned in reference to a statute passed in the
year 1133 to prevent them from using false weights. And Mauro Castella
Ferrer, in his History of St. James, informs us that a man who had been a
money-changer, or the master of such, was prohibited from wearing the
garb of St. James! Far from being looked upon as honourable knights, men
of this trade were constantly being upbraided all through the Middle Ages
for the abuses of which they were the originators. This was the case not
only in Santiago, but all over Spain. One charge against them was that they
knowingly received and circulated coins that they knew to be worthless.
The Confraternity of Money-Changers of Santiago was in existence in
the middle of the fifteenth century—for in 1450 Juan II. conceded to them
certain privileges. Money-changers, silversmiths, and jet-workers
represented the most important industries in Santiago in the Middle Ages,
and all these were established in quarters close to the Cathedral. The
money-changers, according to Aimerico, carried on their trade in the
Azabacheria in company with the jet-workers. In the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries these money-changers were no longer simple money-
changers seated on the ground with heaps of coin piled around them; they
had risen to the rank of respectable bankers, and many of them were men of
considerable standing and wealth. Villa-Amil thinks that Francisco Trevino,
whose tomb and effigy may still be seen in the capilla del Salvador of the
cathedral, and who was secretary to Archbishop Fonseca in the sixteenth
century, was one of these money-changers.
Among the saints who came as pilgrims to Santiago are the great names
of St. Frances from Italy and St. Bridget from Ireland. Warlike princes
journeyed thither that they might obtain the protection of the Apostle
against the enemies they were to meet in the field of battle. Philip II. visited
the sepulchre of St. James before embarking with the Armada for the British
coast. Among the queenly pilgrims to Santiago were Isabel, queen of
Portugal, and Catherine of Aragon, the unhappy wife of our Henry VIII. The
Cid and the Gran Capitan both came to Santiago. William X., Count of
Portiers and Duke of Aquitaine, expired in 1137 in the nave of the Cathedral
while joining in the Divine service. Louis VII. of France came here on his
return with the French army from the Second Crusade. It was thought a
blessed thing to die on the road to or from Santiago. In the thirteenth
century, Juan de Briena, King of Jerusalem and Emperor of Constantinople,
was among the pilgrims. The Franciscan monk William de Rubruquis, who
was sent by Louis IX. to convert the Mongols of Siberia, found among the
Tartars a Nestorian monk who intended to make a pilgrimage to St. James
of Galicia. Queen Matilda, the daughter of Henry I. of England and wife of
the Emperor Henry V. of Germany, on returning to her old home as a widow
in 1124, carried with her the bones of one of the hands of St. James.
Contemporary annalists regarded this as an irreparable loss to the Kingdom.
 Pilgrims continued to flock to Galicia in thousands up to and throughout
the sixteenth century.
In the year 1550 the first edition of a book entitled Descripcion del
Reyno de Galicia was printed at Mondoñedo. Its author was Francisco
Molina, a native of Malaga and a canon of the Cathedral of Mondoñedo.
There is a copy of the first edition in the library of Santiago University. This
is one of the most curious and at the same time most valuable of all the old
works upon Galicia that are still extant. This “Description of the Kingdom
of Galicia” is written in verse, with explanatory footnotes on every page.
Here we read that of all the cathedrals of the world that of Santiago was the
most visited. “It is venerated by all nations,” says the writer, “especially by
the Slavs. A Slav who makes a pilgrimage to Santiago is, on his return to his
native country, considered free from all his sins and escapes many of the
annoyances to which the others (who had not been to Santiago) are
subjected. Every year we see, on the 1st of May, processions of Slavs with
offerings, with thick and long wax candles. Having shown themselves to
their friends at home, they return the next year, in May, till they have been
three times, and on the occasion of the third procession they wear three
crowns. They then return to Esclavonia, where they henceforth enjoy great
liberty.” This is certainly very like the journey of Mohammedans to Mecca!
“The number of pilgrims is a marvellous thing!” exclaims Molina. “The
only other cathedrals where there is a concourse of pilgrims anything like
that at Santiago are St. Peter’s at Rome and St. John’s at Ephesus. More
pilgrims come to Santiago than to these two, especially in Jubilee year
(every seven years); but since Luther arose with his dangerous views, the
number of German, French, English and Bohemian pilgrims has somewhat
decreased.” Molina owns that the people who take the least part in these
pilgrimages are the Spaniards, “perhaps because they are contented to know
that they have the Cathedral and relics of St. James in their own land, or
perhaps because they prefer seeing foreign lands to travelling in their own
country.”
Molina tells his readers that the relics are shown to the pilgrims on
certain days of the week by a man specially appointed for the purpose on
account of his linguistic talents. He is called lenguagero (linguist). The head
of the glorious Apostle is carried round the Cathedral on all feast days in
solemn procession. “One of the relics is a drop of milk from the breast of
the Virgin in a vase as fresh and perfect as if of to-day. There is also a
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