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John Vince
Foundation
Mathematics
for Computer
Science
A Visual Approach
Third Edition
Foundation Mathematics for Computer Science
John Vince
Foundation Mathematics
for Computer Science
A Visual Approach
Third Edition
John Vince
Bournemouth University
Poole, UK
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
This book is dedicated to my wife and best
friend, Heidi.
Preface
Computer science is a very large subject, and graduates pursue a wide variety of
careers, including programming, systems design, cryptography, website design, real-
time systems, computer animation, computer games, data visualisation, etc. Conse-
quently, it is impossible to write a mathematics book that caters to all of these career
paths. Nevertheless, I have attempted to describe a range of mathematical topics that
I believe are relevant, and have helped me during my own career in computer science.
The book’s subtitle ‘A Visual Approach’ reflects the importance I place on coloured
illustrations and function graphs, of which there are over 210 and 90 tables. Many
chapters contain a variety of worked examples.
This third edition remains an introductory text, and is aimed at students studying
for an undergraduate degree in computer science. There are now nineteen chap-
ters on numbers, counting, algebra, logic, combinatorics, probability, modular arith-
metic, trigonometry, coordinate systems, determinants, vectors, complex numbers,
matrices, geometric matrix transforms, differentiation, integration, area and volume,
which should provide readers with a solid foundation, upon which more advanced
topics of mathematics can be studied.
I have referenced the key people behind the various mathematical discoveries
covered, which I hope adds a human dimension to the subject. I have found it very
interesting and entertaining to discover how some mathematicians ridiculed their
fellow peers, when they could not comprehend the significance of a new invention.
There is no way I could have written this book without the assistance of the Internet
and my books previously published by Springer Verlag. In particular, I would like to
acknowledge Wikipedia and Richard Elwes’ excellent book Maths 1001. I prepared
this book on an Apple iMac, using LaT eX 2e, Pages and the Grapher package,
and would recommend this combination to anyone considering writing a book on
mathematics. I do hope you enjoy reading this book, and that you are tempted to
study mathematics to a deeper level.
vii
Contents
1 Visual Mathematics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Visual Brains Versus Analytic Brains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.3 Learning Mathematics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.4 What Makes Mathematics Difficult? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.5 Does Mathematics Exist Outside Our Brains? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.6 Symbols and Notation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
2 Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.2 Counting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.3 Sets of Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.4 Zero . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.5 Negative Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.5.1 The Arithmetic of Positive and Negative
Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.6 Observations and Axioms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.6.1 Commutative Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.6.2 Associative Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.6.3 Distributive Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.7 Types of Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.7.1 Natural Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.7.2 Integers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.7.3 Rational Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.7.4 Irrational Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.7.5 Real Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.7.6 Algebraic and Transcendental Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.7.7 Imaginary Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2.7.8 Complex Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2.7.9 Quaternions and Octonions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
ix
x Contents
5 Logic ......................................................... 73
5.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
5.2 Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
5.3 Truth Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
5.3.1 Logical Connectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
5.4 Logical Premises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
5.4.1 Material Equivalence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
5.4.2 Implication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
5.4.3 Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
5.4.4 Conjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
5.4.5 Inclusive Disjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
5.4.6 Exclusive Disjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
5.4.7 Idempotence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
5.4.8 Commutativity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
5.4.9 Associativity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
5.4.10 Distributivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
5.4.11 de Morgan’s Laws . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
5.4.12 Simplification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
5.4.13 Excluded Middle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
5.4.14 Contradiction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5.4.15 Double Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5.4.16 Implication and Equivalence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5.4.17 Exportation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
5.4.18 Contrapositive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
5.4.19 Reductio Ad Absurdum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
5.4.20 Modus Ponens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
5.4.21 Proof by Cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
5.5 Set Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
5.5.1 Empty Set . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
5.5.2 Membership and Cardinality of a Set . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
5.5.3 Subsets, Supersets and the Universal Set . . . . . . . . . . 92
5.5.4 Set Building . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
5.5.5 Union . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
5.5.6 Intersection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
5.5.7 Relative Complement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
5.5.8 Absolute Complement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
5.5.9 Power Set . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
5.6 Worked Examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
5.6.1 Truth Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
5.6.2 Set Building . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
5.6.3 Sets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
5.6.4 Power Set . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
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Contents xiii
6 Combinatorics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
6.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
6.2 Permutations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
6.3 Permutations of Multisets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
6.4 Combinations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
6.5 Worked Examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
6.5.1 Eight-Permutations of a Multiset . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
6.5.2 Eight-Permutations of a Multiset . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
6.5.3 Number of Permutations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
6.5.4 Number of Five-Card Hands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
6.5.5 Hand Shakes with 100 People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
6.5.6 Permutations of MISSISSIPPI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
7 Probability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
7.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
7.2 Definition and Notation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
7.2.1 Independent Events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
7.2.2 Dependent Events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
7.2.3 Mutually Exclusive Events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
7.2.4 Inclusive Events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
7.2.5 Probability Using Combinations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
7.3 Worked Examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
7.3.1 Product of Probabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
7.3.2 Book Arrangements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
7.3.3 Winning a Lottery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
7.3.4 Rolling Two Dice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
7.3.5 Two Dice Sum to 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
7.3.6 Two Dice Sum to 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
7.3.7 Dealing a Red Ace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
7.3.8 Selecting Four Aces in Succession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
7.3.9 Selecting Cards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
7.3.10 Selecting Four Balls from a Bag . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
7.3.11 Forming Teams . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
7.3.12 Dealing Five Cards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
8 Modular Arithmetic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
8.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
8.2 Informal Definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
8.3 Notation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
8.4 Congruence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
8.5 Negative Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
8.6 Arithmetic Operations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
8.6.1 Sums of Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
8.6.2 Products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
8.6.3 Multiplying by a Constant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
8.6.4 Congruent Pairs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
xiv Contents
Sir,—I have duly received your favor of May 12, as well as that of
the person who desires information on the state of cotton
manufactures in America, and for his interest and safety I beg leave
to address to you the answer to his queries.
In general, it is impossible that manufactures should succeed in
America, from the high price of labor. This is occasioned by the great
demand of labor for agriculture. A manufacturer going from Europe
will turn to labor of other kinds if he finds more to be got by it, and
he finds some employment so profitable, that he can soon lay up
money enough to buy fifty acres of land, to the culture of which he
is irresistibly tempted by the independence in which that places him,
and the desire of having a wife and family around him. If any
manufactures can succeed there, it will be that of cotton. I must
observe for his information that this plant grows nowhere in the
United States northward of the Potomac, and not in quantity till you
get southward as far as York and James Rivers. I know nothing of
the manufacture which is said to be set up at Richmond. It must
have taken place since 1783, when I left Virginia. In that State (for it
is the only one I am enabled to speak of with certainty) there is no
manufacture of wire or of cotton cards; or if any, it is not worth
notice. No manufacture of stocking-weaving, consequently none for
making the machine; none of cotton clothing of any kind whatever
for sale; though in almost every family some is manufactured for the
use of the family, which is always good in quality, and often tolerably
fine. In the same way they make excellent stockings of cotton,
weaving it in like manner, carried on principally in the family way:
among the poor, the wife weaves generally; and the rich either have
a weaver among their servants or employ their poor neighbors.
Cotton cost in Virginia from 12d. to 18d. sterling the pound before
the war, probably it is a little raised since. Richmond is as good a
place for a manufactory as any in that State, and perhaps the best
as to its resources for this business. Cotton clothing is very much the
taste of the country. A manufacturer, on his landing, should apply to
the well-informed farmers and gentlemen of the country. Their
information will be more disinterested than that of merchants, and
they can better put him into the way of disposing of his workmen in
the cheapest manner till he has time to look about him and decide
how and where he will establish himself. Such is the hospitality in
that country, and their disposition to assist strangers, that he may
boldly go to any good house he sees, and make the inquiry he
needs. He will be sure to be kindly received, honestly informed, and
accommodated in an hospitable way, without any other introduction
than an information who he is and what are his views. It is not the
policy of the government in that country to give any aid to works of
any kind. They let things take their natural course without help or
impediment, which is generally the best policy. More particularly as
to myself, I must say that I have not the authority nor the means of
assisting any persons in their passage to that country. I have the
honor to be, with sentiments of perfect esteem, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. RUTLEDGE.
Dear Sir,—I have been honored with your favor of May 20, and take
the first possible moment of acknowledging it, and of enclosing such
notes as my recollection has suggested to me might be of service to
you on your route. They have been scribbled so hastily and so
informally that I would not send them, did not a desire of
accommodating yourself and Mr. Rutledge get the better of my self-
love. You will have seen in the Leyden gazette the principal articles
of intelligence received from America since you left us, and which I
have furnished to Mr. Dumas for that paper. The account of the riot
in New York was given me by Mr. Paradise, who was there at the
time, and who with his lady is now here. You may, perhaps, meet
them at Venice. Mr. Jay and Baron Steuben were wounded with
stones in that riot. General Washington writes me word he thinks
Virginia will accept of the new Constitution. It appears to me, in fact,
from all information, that its rejection would drive the States to
despair and bring on events which cannot be foreseen; and that its
adoption is become absolutely necessary. It will be easier to get the
assent of nine States to correct what is wrong in the way pointed
out by the Constitution itself, than to get thirteen to concur in a new
convention and another plan of confederation. I therefore sincerely
pray that the remaining States may accept it, as Massachusetts has
done, with standing instructions to their delegates to press for
amendments till they are obtained. They cannot fail of being
obtained when the delegates of eight States shall be under such
perpetual instructions. The American newspapers say that the
Spaniards have sunk one of our boats on the Mississippi, and we one
of theirs, by way of reprisal. The silence of my letters on the subject
makes me hope it is not true. Be so good as to keep me constantly
furnished with your address. I will take the first moment I can to
write letters for you to Baron Leimer for Frankfort, Febroni at
Florence, the Count del Verme and Clerici at Milan, Sasserns at Nice,
Cathalan at Marseilles, which at this time it is impossible for me to
do. I beg you to make on all occasions all the use of me of which I
am susceptible, and in any way in which your occasions may require,
and to be assured of the sentiments of sincere esteem and
attachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO —— ——.
TO MONSIEUR DIRIEKS.
TO DOCTOR GORDON.
Sir,—In your favor of the 8th instant, you mentioned that you had
written to me in February last. This letter never came to hand. That
of April the 24th came here during my absence on a journey through
Holland and Germany; and my having been obliged to devote the
first moments after my return, to some very pressing matters, must
be my apology for not having been able to write to you till now. As
soon as I knew that it would be agreeable to you, to have such a
disposal of your work for translation, as I had made for Dr. Ramsay,
I applied to the same bookseller with propositions on your behalf. He
told me, that he had lost so much by that work, that he could hardly
think of undertaking another, and at any rate, not without first
seeing and examining it. As he was the only bookseller I could
induce to give anything on the former occasion, I went to no other
with my proposal, meaning to ask you to send me immediately as
much of the work as is printed. This you can do by the Diligence,
which comes three times a week from London to Paris. Furnished
with this, I will renew my proposition, and do the best for you I can;
though I fear that the ill success of the translation of Dr. Ramsay's
work, and of another work on the subject of America, will permit
less to be done for you than I had hoped. I think Dr. Ramsay failed
from the inelegance of the translation, and the translator's having
departed entirely from the Doctor's instructions. I will be obliged to
you, to set me down as a subscriber for half a dozen copies, and to
ask Mr. Trumbull (No. 2, North street, Rathbone Place) to pay you
the whole subscription price for me, which he will do on showing
him this letter. These copies can be sent by the Diligence. I have not
yet received the pictures Mr. Trumbull was to send me, nor
consequently that of M. de La Fayette. I will take care of it when it
arrives. His title is simply, le Marquis de La Fayette.
You ask, in your letter of April the 24th, details of my sufferings by
Colonel Tarleton. I did not suffer by him. On the contrary, he
behaved very genteelly with me. On his approach to Charlottesville,
which is within three miles of my house at Monticello, he despatched
a troop of his horse, under Captain McLeod, with the double object
of taking me prisoner, with the two Speakers of the Senate and
Delegates, who then lodged with me, and of remaining there in
vidette, my house commanding a view of ten or twelve miles round
about. He gave strict orders to Captain McLeod to suffer nothing to
be injured. The troop failed in one of their objects, as we had notice
of their coming, so that the two Speakers had gone off about two
hours before their arrival at Monticello, and myself, with my family,
about five minutes. But Captain McLeod preserved everything with
sacred care, during about eighteen hours that he remained there.
Colonel Tarleton was just so long at Charlottesville, being hurried
from thence by the news of the rising of the militia, and by a sudden
fall of rain, which threatened to swell the river, and intercept his
return. In general, he did little injury to the inhabitants, on that
short and hasty excursion, which was of about sixty miles from their
main army, then in Spotsylvania, and ours in Orange. It was early in
June, 1781. Lord Cornwallis then proceeded to the Point of Fork, and
encamped his army from thence all along the main James River, to a
seat of mine called Elk-hill, opposite to Elk Island, and a little below
the mouth of the Byrd Creek. (You will see all these places exactly
laid down in the map annexed to my notes on Virginia, printed by
Stockdale.) He remained in this position ten days, his own head
quarters being in my house, at that place. I had time to remove
most of the effects out of the house. He destroyed all my growing
crops of corn and tobacco; he burned all my barns, containing the
same articles of the last year, having first taken what corn he
wanted; he used, as was to be expected, all my stock of cattle,
sheep and hogs, for the sustenance of his army, and carried off all
the horses capable of service; of those too young for service he cut
the throats; and he burned all the fences on the plantation, so as to
leave it an absolute waste. He carried off also about thirty slaves.
Had this been to give them freedom, he would have done right; but
it was to consign them to inevitable death from the small pox and
putrid fever, then raging in his camp. This I knew afterwards to be
the fate of twenty-seven of them. I never had news of the remaining
three, but presume they shared the same fate. When I say that Lord
Cornwallis did all this, I do not mean that he carried about the torch
in his own hands, but that it was all done under his eye; the
situation of the house in which he was, commanding a view of every
part of the plantation, so that he must have seen every fire. I relate
these things on my own knowledge, in a great degree, as I was on
the ground soon after he left it. He treated the rest of the
neighborhood somewhat in the same style, but not with that spirit of
total extermination with which he seemed to rage over my
possessions. Wherever he went, the dwelling houses were plundered
of everything which could be carried off. Lord Cornwallis' character in
England, would forbid the belief that he shared in the plunder; but
that his table was served with the plate thus pillaged from private
houses, can be proved by many hundred eye-witnesses. From an
estimate I made at that time, on the best information I could collect,
I supposed the State of Virginia lost, under Lord Cornwallis' hands,
that year, about thirty thousand slaves; and that of these, about
twenty-seven thousand died of the small pox and camp fever, and
the rest were partly sent to the West Indies, and exchanged for rum,
sugar, coffee and fruit, and partly sent to New York, from whence
they went, at the peace, either to Nova Scotia or England. From this
last place, I believe they have been lately sent to Africa. History will
never relate the horrors committed by the British army in the
southern States of America. They raged in Virginia six months only,
from the middle of April to the middle of October, 1781, when they
were all taken prisoners; and I give you a faithful specimen of their
transactions for ten days of that time, and on one spot only. Ex pede
Herculem. I suppose their whole devastations during those six
months, amounted to about three millions sterling. The copiousness
of this subject has only left me space to assure you of the
sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I am, Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO MR. IZARD.
Dear Sir, * * * * * * * * *
I cannot but approve your idea of sending your eldest son, destined
for the law, to Williamsburg. The professor of Mathematics and
Natural Philosophy there, (Mr. Madison, cousin of him whom you
know,) is a man of great abilities, and their apparatus is a very fine
one. Mr. Ballini, professor of Modern Language, is also an excellent
one. But the pride of the Institution is Mr. Wythe, one of the
Chancellors of the State, and professor of law in the College. He is
one of the greatest men of the age, having held without competition
the first place at the bar of our general court for twenty-five years,
and always distinguished by the most spotless virtue. He gives
lectures regularly, and holds moot courts and parliaments wherein
he presides, and the young men debate regularly in law and
legislation, learn the rules of parliamentary proceeding, and acquire
the habit of public speaking. Williamsburg is a remarkably healthy
situation, reasonably cheap, and affords very genteel society. I know
no place in the world, while the present professors remain, where I
would so soon place a son.
I have made the necessary inquiries relative to a school for your
second son. There are only two here for the line of engineering. I
send the prospectus of the best, which is so particular in its details
as to enable you to judge for yourself on every point. I will add
some observations. I have never thought a boy should undertake
abstruse or difficult sciences, such as Mathematics in general, till
fifteen years of age at soonest. Before that time they are best
employed in learning the languages which is merely a matter of
memory. The languages are badly taught here. If you propose he
should learn the Latin, perhaps you will prefer the having him taught
it in America, and of course, to retain him there two or three years
more. At that age, he will be less liable to lose his native language,
and be more able to resist the attempts to change his religion.
Probably three or four years here would suffice for the theory of
engineering, which would leave him still time enough to see
something of the practice either by land or sea, as he should choose,
and to return home at a ripe age. Decide on all these points as you
think best, and make what use of me in it you please. Whenever you
choose to send him, if I am here, and you think proper to accept my
services towards him, they shall be bestowed with the same zeal as
if he were my own son.
The war in Europe threatens to spread. Sweden, we suppose, has
commenced hostilities against Russia, though we do not yet certainly
know it. I have hoped this country would settle her internal disputes
advantageously and without bloodshed. As yet none has been spilt,
though the British newspapers give the idea of a general civil war.
Hitherto, I had supposed both the King and parliament would lose
authority, and the nation gain it, through the medium of its States
General and provincial Assemblies, but the arrest of the deputies of
Bretagne two days ago, may kindle a civil war. Its issue will depend
on two questions. 1. Will other provinces rise? 2. How will the army
conduct itself? A stranger cannot predetermine these questions.
Happy for us that abuses have not yet become patrimonies, and that
every description of interest is in favor of national and moderate
government. That we are yet able to send our wise and good men
together to talk over our form of government, discuss its
weaknesses and establish its remedies with the same sang-froid as
they would a subject of agriculture. The example we have given to
the world is single, that of changing our form of government under
the authority of reason only, without bloodshed.
I enclose herein a letter from Count Sarsfield to Mrs. Izard, to whom
I beg to present my respects. I am, with great sincerity, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.
Dear Sir,—My last letter to you was of the 13th of August last. As
you seem willing to accept of the crumbs of science on which we are
subsisting here, it is with pleasure I continue to hand them on to
you, in proportion as they are dealt out. Herschel's volcano in the
moon you have doubtless heard of, and placed among the other
vagaries of a head, which seems not organized for sound induction.
The wildness of the theories hitherto proposed by him, on his own
discoveries, seems to authorize us to consider his merit as that of a
good optician only. You know also, that Dr. Ingenhouse had
discovered, as he supposed, from experiment, that vegetation might
be promoted by occasioning streams of the electrical fluid to pass
through a plant, and that other physicians had received and
confirmed this theory. He now, however, retracts it, and finds by
more decisive experiments, that the electrical fluid can neither
forward nor retard vegetation. Uncorrected still of the rage of
drawing general conclusions from partial and equivocal observations,
he hazards the opinion that light promotes vegetation. I have
heretofore supposed from observation, that light effects the color of
living bodies, whether vegetable or animal; but that either the one
or the other receives nutriment from that fluid, must be permitted to
be doubted of, till better confirmed by observation. It is always
better to have no ideas, than false ones; to believe nothing, than to
believe what is wrong. In my mind, theories are more easily
demolished than rebuilt.
An Abbé here has shaken, if not destroyed, the theory of de
Dominis, Descartes and Newton, for explaining the phenomenon of
the rainbow. According to that theory, you know, a cone of rays
issuing from the sun, and falling on a cloud in the opposite part of
the heavens, is reflected back in the form of a smaller cone, the
apex of which is the eye of the observer; so that the eye of the
observer must be in the axis of both cones, and equally distant from
every part of the bow. But he observes, that he has repeatedly seen
bows, the one end of which has been very near to him, and the
other at a very great distance. I have often seen the same thing
myself. I recollect well to have seen the end of a rainbow between
myself and a house, or between myself and a bank, not twenty
yards distant; and this repeatedly. But I never saw, what he says he
has seen, different rainbows at the same time intersecting each
other. I never saw coexistent bows, which were not concentric also.
Again, according to the theory, if the sun is in the horizon, the
horizon intercepts the lower half of the bow, if above the horizon,
that intercepts more than the half, in proportion. So that generally,
the bow is less than a semi-circle, and never more. He says he has
seen it more than a semi-circle. I have often seen the leg of the bow
below my level. My situation at Monticello admits this, because there
is a mountain there in the opposite direction of the afternoon's sun,
the valley between which and Monticello, is five hundred feet deep. I
have seen a leg of a rainbow plunge down on the river running
through the valley. But I do not recollect to have remarked at any
time, that the bow was more than half a circle. It appears to me,
that these facts demolish the Newtonian hypothesis, but they do not
support that erected in its stead by the Abbé. He supposes a cloud
between the sun and the observer, and that through some opening
in that cloud, the rays pass, and form an iris on the opposite part of
the heavens, just as a ray passing through a hole in the shutter of a
darkened room, and falling on a prism there, forms the prismatic
colors on the opposite wall. According to this, we might see bows of
more than the half circle, as often as of less. A thousand other
objections occur to this hypothesis, which need not be suggested to
you. The result is, that we are wiser than we were, by having an
error the less in our catalogue; but the blank occasioned by it, must
remain for some happier hypothesist to fill up.
The dispute about the conversion and re-conversion of water and air,
is still stoutly kept up. The contradictory experiments of chemists,
leave us at liberty to conclude what we please. My conclusion is, that
art has not yet invented sufficient aids, to enable such subtle bodies
to make a well-defined impression on organs as blunt as ours; that it
is laudable to encourage investigation, but to hold back conclusion.
Speaking one day with Monsieur de Buffon, on the present ardor of
chemical inquiry, he affected to consider chemistry but as cookery,
and to place the toils of the laboratory on a footing with those of the
kitchen. I think it, on the contrary, among the most useful of
sciences, and big with future discoveries for the utility and safety of
the human race. It is yet, indeed, a mere embryon. Its principles are
contested; experiments seem contradictory; their subjects are so
minute as to escape our senses; and their result too fallacious to
satisfy the mind. It is probably an age too soon, to propose the
establishment of a system. The attempt, therefore, of Lavoisier to
reform the chemical nomenclature, is premature. One single
experiment may destroy the whole filiation of his terms, and his
string of sulphates, sulphites, and sulphures, may have served no
other end, than to have retarded the progress of the science, by a
jargon, from the confusion of which, time will be requisite to
extricate us. Accordingly, it is not likely to be admitted generally.
You are acquainted with the properties of the composition of nitre,
salt of tartar and sulphur, called pulvis fulminans. Of this, the
explosion is produced by heat alone. Monsieur Bertholet, by
dissolving silver in the nitrous acid, precipitating it with lime water,
and drying the precipitate on ammoniac, has discovered a powder
which fulminates most powerfully, on coming into contact with any
substance however. Once made, it cannot be touched. It cannot be
put into a bottle, but must remain in the capsule, where dried. The
property of the spathic acid, to corrode flinty substances, has been
lately applied by a Mr. Puymaurin, to engrave on glass, as artists
engrave on copper, with aquafortis. M. de La Place has discovered,
that the secular acceleration and retardation of the moon's motion,
is occasioned by the action of the sun, in proportion as his
eccentricity changes, or, in other words, as the orbit of the earth
increases or diminishes. So that this irregularity is now perfectly
calculable.
Having seen announced in a gazette, that some person had found in
a library of Sicily, an Arabic translation of Livy, which was thought to
be complete, I got the chargé des affaires of Naples here, to write to
Naples to inquire into the fact. He obtained in answer, that an Arabic
translation was found, and that it would restore to us seventeen of
the books lost, to wit, from the sixtieth to the seventy-seventh,
inclusive: that it was in possession of an Abbé Vella, who, as soon as
he shall have finished a work he has on hand, will give us an Italian,
and perhaps a Latin translation of this Livy. There are persons,
however, who doubt the truth of this discovery, founding their
doubts on some personal circumstances relating to the person who
says he has this translation. I find, nevertheless, that the chargé des
affaires believes in the discovery, which makes me hope it may be
true.
A countryman of ours, a Mr. Ledyard of Connecticut, set out from
hence some time ago for St. Petersburg, to go thence to
Kamtschatka, thence to cross over to the western coast of America,
and penetrate through the continent, to the other side of it. He had
got within a few days' journey of Kamtschatka, when he was
arrested by order of the Empress of Russia, sent back, and turned
adrift in Poland. He went to London; engaged under the auspices of
a private society, formed there for pushing discoveries into Africa;
passed by this place, which he left a few days ago for Marseilles,
where he will embark for Alexandria and Grand Cairo; thence
explore the Nile to its source; cross the head of the Niger, and
descend that to its mouth. He promises me, if he escapes through
his journey, he will go to Kentucky, and endeavor to penetrate
westwardly to the South Sea.
The death of M. de Buffon you have heard long ago. I do not know
whether we shall have anything posthumous of his. As to political
news, this country is making its way to a good constitution. The only
danger is, they may press so fast as to produce an appeal to arms,
which might have an unfavorable issue for them. As yet, the appeal
is not made. Perhaps the war which seems to be spreading from
nation to nation, may reach them; this would ensure the calling of
the States General, and this, as is supposed, the establishment of a
constitution.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of sincere esteem and
respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO E. RUTLEDGE.
TO MR. CUTTING.
Dear Sir,—I am indebted to your favor of the 11th instant for many
details which I have not received otherwise. Not-withstanding a most
extensive and laborious correspondence which I keep up with my
friends on the other side the water, my information is slow,
precarious and imperfect. The New York papers, which I receive
regularly, and one or two correspondents in Congress, are my best
sources. As you are desirous of having, before your departure for
South Carolina, a sketch of European affairs, as they are seen from
this position, I will give you the best I can, taking no notice of the
"bruit de Paris," which, like the English newspapers, are but guesses,
and made generally by persons who do not give themselves the
trouble of trying to guess right. I will confine myself to facts, or well-
founded probabilities, and among these must necessarily repeat a
great deal of what you know already. Perhaps all may be of that
description.
The war undertaken by the Turks, unadvisedly, as was conjectured,
has been attended with successes which are now hastening the
public opinion to the other extreme; but it should be considered that
they have been small successes only, in the partizan way. The
probable event of the war can only be calculated after a great
general action, because it is in that we shall see whether the
European discipline has been overrated, and the want of it in the
Turks exaggerated. Russia certainly undertook the war unwillingly,
and the Emperor, it is thought, would now be glad to get out of it,
but the Turks, who demanded a restitution of the Crimea, before
they began the war, are not likely to recede from that demand, after
the successes they have obtained, nor can Russia yield to it without
some more decisive event than has yet taken place. A small affair on
the Black Sea, which is believed, though not on grounds absolutely
authentic, is calculated to revive her spirits. Twenty-seven gun boats,
Russian, have obliged fifty-seven, commanded by the Captain Pacha
himself, to retire after an obstinate action. The Russians were
commanded by the Prince of Nassau, with whom our Paul Jones
acted as volunteer, and probably directed the whole business. I
suppose he must have been just arrived, and that his command has
not yet been made up. He is to be rear-admiral, and always to have
a separate command. What the English newspapers said of
remonstrances against his being received into the service, as far as I
can learn from those who would have known it, and would have told
it to me, was false, as is everything those papers say, ever did say,
and ever will say. The probability, and almost certainty, that Sweden
will take a part in the war, adds immensely to the embarrassments
of Russia, and will almost certainly prevent her fleet going to the
Mediterranean. It is tolerably certain that she has been excited to
this by the Court of London, and that she has received, through their
negotiations, a large subsidy from the Turks (about three millions of
thalers), yet the meeting of the two fleets, and their saluting,
instead of fighting each other, induces a suspicion that if he can
hinder the Russian expedition by hectoring only, he may not mean to
do more. Should this power really engage in the war, and should it
at length spread to France and England, I shall view the Swedish
separation from France as the event which alone decides that the
late subversion of the European system will be ultimately serious to
France. This power, with the two empires, and Spain, was more than
a match for England, Prussia and Holland by land, and balanced
them by sea. For on this element France and Spain are equal to
England, and Russia to Holland. Sweden was always supposed on
the side of France, and to balance Denmark, on the side of England,
by land and sea; but if she goes over decidedly into the English
scale, the balance at sea will be destroyed by the amount of the
whole force of these two powers, who can equip upwards of sixty
sail of the line. There is a report, credited by judicious persons, that
the Dutch patriots, before their suppression, foreseeing that event,
sent orders to the East Indies to deliver Trincomale to the French,
and that it has been done. My opinion is, either that this is not true,
or that they will re-deliver it, and disavow their officer who accepted
it. If they did not think Holland, and all its possessions, worth a war,
they cannot think a single one of those possessions worth it. M. de
St. Priest has leave to go to the waters. Probably he will then ask
and have leave to come to Paris, and await events. The English
papers have said the works of Cherbourg were destroyed irreparably.
This is a mathematical demonstration that they are not. The truth is,
that the head of one cone has been very much beaten off by the
waters. But the happiness of that undertaking is, that all its injuries
improve it. What is beaten from the head widens the base, and fixes
the cone much more solidly. That work will be steadily pursued, and,
in all human probability, be finally successful. They calculate on half
a million of livres, say £20,000 sterling, for every cone, and that
there will be from seventy to eighty cones. Probably they must make
more cones, suppose one hundred, this will be two millions of
pounds sterling. Versailles has cost fifty millions of pounds sterling.
Ought we to doubt then that they will persevere to the end in a
work small and useful, in proportion as the other was great and
foolish?
The internal affairs here do not yet clear up. Most of the late
innovations have been much for the better. Two only must be
fundamentally condemned; the abolishing, in so great a degree, of
the parliaments, and the substitution of so ill-composed a body as
the cour pleniere. If the King has power to do this, the government
of this country is a pure despotism. I think it a pure despotism in
theory, but moderated in practice by the respect which the public
opinion commands. But the nation repeats, after Montesquieu, that
the different bodies of magistracy, of priests and nobles, are barriers
between the King and the people. It would be easy to prove that
these barriers can only appeal to public opinion, and that neither
these bodies, nor the people, can oppose any legal check to the will
of the monarch. But they are manifestly advancing fast to a
constitution. Great progress is already made. The provincial
assemblies, which will be a very perfect representative of the people,
will secure them a great deal against the power of the crown. The
confession lately made by the government, that it cannot impose a
new tax, is a great thing: the convocation of the States General,
which cannot be avoided, will produce a national assembly, meeting
at certain epochs, possessing at first probably only a negative on the
laws, but which will grow into the right of original legislation, and
prescribing limits to the expenses of the King. These are
improvements which will assuredly take place, and which will give an
energy to this country they have never yet had. Much may be hoped
from the States General, because the King's dispositions are solidly
good; he is capable of great sacrifices; all he wants to induce him to
do a thing, is to be assured it will be for the good of the nation. He
will probably believe what the States General shall tell him, and will
do it. It is supposed they will reduce the parliament to a mere
judiciary. I am in hopes all this will be effected without convulsions.
The English papers have told the world, with their usual truth, that
all here is civil war and confusion. There have been some riots, but
as yet not a single life has been lost, according to the best evidence
I have been able to collect. One officer was wounded at Grenoble.
The arrest of the twelve deputies of Bretagne a fortnight ago, I
apprehended would have produced an insurrection; but it seems as
if it would not. They have sent eighteen deputies more, who will
probably be heard. General Armand was one of the twelve, and is
now in the Bastille. The Marquis de La Fayette, for signing the prayer
which these deputies were to present, and which was signed by all
the other nobles of Bretagne resident in Paris (about sixty in
number), has been disgraced, in the old-fashioned language of the
country; that is to say, the command in the south of France this
summer, which they had given him, is taken away. They took all they
could from such others of the subscribers as held anything from the
Court. This dishonors them at Court, and in the eyes and
conversation of their competitors for preferment. But it will probably
honor them in the eyes of the nation. This is as full a detail as I am
able to give you of the affairs of Europe. I have nothing to add to
them but my wishes for your health and happiness, and assurances
of the esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. BELLINI.
Dear Sir,—Though I have written to you seldom, you are often the
object of my thoughts, and always of my affection. The truth is, that
the circumstances with which I am surrounded, offer little worth
detailing to you. You are too wise to feel an interest in the
squabbles, in which the pride, the dissipations, and the tyranny of
kings, keep this hemisphere constantly embroiled. Science indeed,
finds some aliment here, and you are one of her sons. But this I
have pretty regularly communicated to Mr. Madison, with whom, I
am sure, you participate of it. It is with sincere pleasure I
congratulate you on the good fortune of our friend Mazzei, who is
appointed here, to correspond with the King of Poland. The
particular character given him is not well defined, but the salary is,
which is more important. It is eight thousand livres a year, which will
enable him to live comfortably, while his duties will find him that
occupation, without which he cannot exist. Whilst this appointment
places him at his ease, it affords him a hope of permanence also. It
suspends, if not entirely prevents, the visit he had intended to his
native country, and the return to his adoptive one, which the death
of his wife had rendered possible. This last event has given him
three quarters of the globe elbow-room, which he had ceded to her,
on condition she would leave him quiet in the fourth. Their partition
of the next world will be more difficult, if it be divided only into two
parts, according to the protestant faith. Having seen by a letter you
wrote him, that you were in want of a pair of spectacles, I undertook
to procure you some, which I packed in a box of books addressed to
Mr. Wythe, and of which I beg your acceptance. This box lay
forgotten at Havre the whole of the last winter, but was at length
shipped, and I trust has come to hand. I packed with the spectacles,
three or four pair of glasses, adapted to the different periods of life,
distinguished from each other by numbers, and easily changed. You
see I am looking forward in hope of a long life for you; and that it
may be long enough to carry you through the whole succession of
glasses, is my sincere prayer. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Bellini,
assure her of my affectionate remembrance of her, and my wishes
for her health and happiness; and accept yourself, very sincere
professions of the esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir,
your affectionate friend and servant.
TO MR. CUTTING.
TO M. LIMOZIN.
Sir,—I know nothing myself of the person who was the subject of
your letter of the 27th, except a mere slight personal acquaintance.
But I have been told that he has been very unsuccessful in
commerce, and that his affairs are very much deranged. I own I
wish to see the beef-trade with America taken up by solid hands,
because it will give new life to our Northern States. In general, they
do not know how to cure it. But some persons of Massachusetts
have not very long ago brought over packers and picklers from
Ireland, and the beef cured and packed by them has been sent to
the East Indies and brought back again, and perfectly sound. We
may expect the art will spread. Is the Irish beef as good as that of
Hamburg? If I had supposed Irish beef could have been got at
Havre, I would not have sent to Hamburg for beef. I suppose that
which came for me cannot be introduced.
You have heard of the great naval victory obtained by the Russians
under command of Admiral Paul Jones, over the Turks commanded
by the Captain Pacha. We cannot see as yet, whether this will hasten
peace. The Swedish fleet having saluted instead of attacking the
Russian, makes us suspect these movements of the King of Sweden
may be a mere piece of hectoring to frighten Russia from the
purpose of sending her fleet round, if he can do it without actually
entering into the war. He is paid by the Turks. Nothing else new. I
am, Sir, with great esteem, your most obedient, humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
Dear Sir,—My last letters to you were of the 3d and the 25th of May.
Yours from Orange, of April the 22d, came to hand on the 10th
instant.
My letter to Mr. Jay, containing all the public news that is well
authenticated, I will not repeat it here, but add some details in the
smaller way, which you may be glad to know. The disgrace of the
Marquis de la Fayette, which at any other period of their history
would have had the worst consequences for him, will, on the
contrary, mark him favorably to the nation, at present. During the
present administration, he can expect nothing; but perhaps it may
serve him with their successors, whenever a change shall take place.
No change of the Principal will probably take place before the
meeting of the States General; though a change is to be wished, for
his operations do not answer the expectations formed of him. These
had been calculated on his brilliancy in society. He is very feebly
aided, too. Montmorin is weak, though a most worthy character. He
is indolent and inattentive, too, in the extreme. Luzerne is
considerably inferior in abilities to his brother, whom you know. He is
a good man, too, but so much out of his element, that he has the air
of one huskanoyed. The Garde des sceaux is considered as the
Principal's bull dog, braving danger like the animal. His talents do
not pass mediocrity. The Archbishop's brother, and the new minister
Villedeuil, and Lambert, have no will of their own. They cannot raise
money for the peace establishment the next year, without the States
General; much less if there be war; and their administration will
probably end with the States General.
Littlepage, who was here as a secret agent for the King of Poland,
rather overreached himself. He wanted more money. The King
furnished it, more than once. Still he wanted more, and thought to
obtain a high bid by saying he was called for in America, and asking
leave to go there. Contrary to his expectation, he received leave; but
he went to Warsaw instead of America, and from thence to join
the[H] * * * * I do not know these facts certainly, but recollect them,
by putting several things together. The King then sent an ancient
secretary here, in whom he had much confidence, to look out for a
correspondent, a mere letter writer for him. A happy hazard threw
Mazzei in his way. He recommended him, and he is appointed. He
has no diplomatic character whatever, but is to receive eight
thousand livres a year, as an intelligencer. I hope this employment
may have some permanence. The danger is, that he will overact his
part.
The Marquis de la Luzerne had been for many years married to his
brother's wife's sister, secretly. She was ugly and deformed, but
sensible, amiable, and rather rich. When he was ambassador to
London, with ten thousand guineas a year, the marriage was
avowed, and he relinquished his cross of Malta, from which he
derived a handsome revenue for life, and which was very open to
advancement. Not long ago, she died. His real affection for her,
which was great and unfeigned, and perhaps the loss of his order for
so short-lived a satisfaction, has thrown him almost into a state of
despondency. He is now here.
I send you a book of Dupont's, on the subject of the commercial
treaty with England. Though its general matter may not be
interesting, yet you will pick up in various parts of it, such excellent
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