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LESSON SET 2

Introduction to the C++

Programming Language
OBJECTIVES FOR STUDENT
Lesson 2A:

1. To learn the basic components of a C++ program

2. To gain a basic knowledge of how memory is used in programming
3. To understand the basic data types:
a. Integer
b. Character
c. Float
d. Boolean
e. String (the string class is treated as a data type here)
4. To introduce the five fundamental instructions and to use the assign and
output statements

Lesson 2B:

5. To develop a small program using simple C++ instructions

6. To work with characters and strings

ASSUMPTIONS
Lesson 2A:

1. Students have a basic knowledge of the programming environment. They can open, edit,
compile and run simple programs.

Lesson 2B:

1. Students are familiar with the output and assignment statements in C++
2. Students are familiar with the general basic outline of a C++ program so
that they can generate a simple program
3. Students are familiar with the basic data types including character and string (class treated
as a data type )

PRE-LAB WRITING ASSIGNMENT SOLUTIONS

1. constant
2. Integer
3. Real or Floating point
 4. Modulus or mod
5. output
6. Boolean
7. 8
8. comment
9. variable
10. string

LAB ASSIGNMENTS

Lesson 2A:

Lab 2.1: Working with the cout statement.

Lab 2.2: Working with constants, variables and arithmetic operators

Lesson 2B:

Lab 2.3: Rectangle area and perimeter

Lab 2.4 Working with characters and Strings

LESSON 2A

LAB 2.1: Working with the cout Statement

This is a simple lab that works with the cout statement.

A solution is found in nameKey.cpp in the instructor’s folder for Lesson Set 2.

LAB 2.2: Working with Constants, Variables and Arithmetic Operators

This is a simple lab that continues to work with the cout statement and introduces
the assignment statement.

A solution is found in circleareaKey.cpp in the instructor’s folder for Lesson Set 2.

LESSON 2B
LAB 2.3: Rectangle Area and Perimeter

Although Lab 2.3 asks students to create a program from scratch, it is not labeled
as optional since it is so similar to Lab 2.2 that most students should not find it
too difficult.

A solution is found in rectangleKey.cpp in the instructor’s folder for Lesson Set 2.

LAB 2.3: Working with characters and Strings

This lab introduces characters and the string class which is treated as a data type. The distinction of
the string class from true data types is not explained until the student is introduced to arrays of
characters later in the manual.
A solution is found in stringcharKey.cpp in the instructor’s folder for Lesson Set 2.

Possible solutions to all labs are given in the instructor’s folder for Lesson Set 2.
Answers to Review Questions
Chapter 2

1. 1, 2, 3
2. double temp, weight, age;
3. int months = 2, days, years = 3;
4. A) b = a + 2;
B) a = b * 4;
C) b = a / 3.14;
D) a = b - 8;
E) a = 27;
F) c = 'K';
G) c = 66;
5. Multi-line comment
6. Single line comment
7. #include <iostream>
int main()
{
cout << "Two mandolins like creatures in the\n\n\n";
cout << "dark\n\n\n";
cout << "Creating the agony of ecstasy.\n\n\n";
cout << " - George Barker\n\n\n";
return 0;
}

8. A) 0
100
B) 8
2
C) I am the incrediblecomputing
machine
and I will
amaze
you.
D) Be careful
This might/n be a trick question
E) 23
1
9. C
10. C
11. B
12. A
13. B
14. A
15. B, C
16. B, C, D
17. A) 12 B) 4 C) 2 D) 6 E) 1

Starting Out with C++: From Control Structures through Objects, 8/e ©2015 Pearson Education
18. A) 3.287E6 B) -978.65E12 C) 7.65491E-3 D)-58710.23E-4
19. A
20. C
21. A
22. true
23. false
24. true
25. true
26. false

27. int speed, time, distance;

speed = 20;
time = 10;
distance = speed * time;
cout << distance << endl;

28. double force, area, pressure;

force = 172.5;
area = 27.5;
pressure = force / area;
cout << pressure << endl;

29. The C-style comments symbols are backwards.

iostream should be enclosed in angle brackets.
There shouldn’t be a semicolon after int main.
The opening and closing braces of function main are reversed.
There should be a semicolon after int a, b, c.
The comment \\ Three integers should read // Three integers.
There should be a semicolon at the end of the following lines:
a = 3
b = 4
c = a + b
cout begins with a capital letter.
The stream insertion operator (that appears twice in the cout statement) should
read << instead of <.
The cout statement uses the variable C instead of c.

Starting Out with C++: From Control Structures through Objects, 8/e ©2015 Pearson Education
 L E S S O N S E T

2 Introduction to the C++

Programming Language

PURPOSE 1. To briefly introduce the C++ programming language

2. To show the use of memory in programming
3. To introduce variables and named constants
4. To introduce various data types:
a. Integer
b. Character
c. Floating point
d. Boolean
e. String
5. To introduce the assignment and cout statements
6. To demonstrate the use of arithmetic operators

PROCEDURE 1. Students should read the Pre-lab Reading Assignment before coming to lab.
2. Students should complete the Pre-lab Writing Assignment before coming to lab.
3. In the lab, students should complete Labs 2.1 through 2.4 in sequence. Your
instructor will give further instructions as to grading and completion of the lab.

Approximate Check
completion Page when
Contents Prerequisites time number done
Pre-lab Reading Assignment 20 min. 14
Pre-lab Writing Assignment Pre-lab reading 10 min. 19
Lesson 2A
Lab 2.1
Working with the cout Pre-lab reading 20 min. 20
Statement
Lab 2.2
Working with Constants, Understanding of 30 min. 21
Variables, and Arithmetic variables and
Operators operators
continues

13
 14 LESSON SET 2 Introduction to the C++ Programming Language

Lesson 2B
Lab 2.3
Rectangle Area and Perimeter Understanding of 30 min. 22
basic components
of a program
Lab 2.4
Working with Characters Completion of 30 min. 22
and Strings labs 2.1–2.3

PRE-LAB READING ASSIGNMENT

The C++ Programming Language
Computer programming courses generally concentrate on program design that can
be applied to any number of programming languages on the market. It is imper-
ative, however, to apply that design to a particular language. This course uses C++,
a popular object-oriented language, for that purpose.
For now, we can think of a C++ program as consisting of two general divi-
sions: header and main. The header, or global section, gives preliminary
instructions to the compiler. It consists of comments that describe the purpose
of the program, as well as information on which library routines will be used by
the program.

// This program prints to the screen the words:

// PI = 3.14
// Radius = 4
// Circumference = 25.12

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

const double PI = 3.14;

int main()
{
float radius;
radius = 4.0;

cout << "PI = " << PI << endl;

cout << "Radius = " << radius << endl;
cout << "Circumference = " << 2 * PI * radius << endl;

return 0;
}

Everything in bold (everything above the int main() statement) is considered the
header or global section. Everything else is the main section.
 Pre-lab Reading Assignment 15

Comments are included in every program to document what a program

does and how it operates. These statements are ignored by the computer but are
most valuable to the programmers who must update or fix the program. In C++,
comments begin with // which is an indication to the compiler to ignore every-
thing from the // to the end of the line. Comments can also cross line boundaries
by beginning with /* and ending with */. Notice that the first three lines of the
previous program all begin with // and thus are comments. Those same lines could
also have been written as the following:
/* This program prints to the screen the words:
PI = 3.14
Radius = 4
Circumference = 25.12
*/
The next statement, the #include statement, indicates which library will be needed
by the program.
#include <iostream>

Recall from Lesson Set 1, that every program needs other modules attached so that
it may execute properly. Your instructor will generally tell you which libraries are
needed for each particular programming assignment; however, in time you will
learn this task for yourself.
Every C++ program has a main function which indicates the start of the
executable instructions. Every main must begin with a left brace { and end with
a right brace }. The statements inside those braces will be explained as we
progress through this lesson.

Memory
Memory storage is the collection of locations where instructions and data that are
used by the program are temporarily stored. Recall from Lesson Set 1 that a com-
puter only understands a sequence of 1s and 0s. These are binary digits or bits
(BInary digiTs). Eight of these brought together are called a byte, which is the
most common unit of storage. These chunks of memory can be thought of as hotel
mailboxes at the registration desk. The size of each of those boxes indicates the
type of mail that can be stored there. A very small mailbox can only hold notes
or postcards. Larger mailboxes can hold letters, while even larger ones can hold
packages. Each mailbox is identified by a number or name of an occupant. We
have identified two very important attributes of these mailboxes: the name or num-
ber, which indicates the mailbox that is being referenced, and the size, which indi-
cates what type of “data” can be placed there.

Example: postcards Jim is an indication that the mailbox called Jim can only hold
postcards, while the statement packages Mary indicates that the mailbox called
Mary can hold large packages. Memory locations in a computer are identified by
the same two attributes: data type and name.

Much of programming is getting data to and from memory locations and thus it
is imperative that the programmer tell the computer the name and data type of
each memory location that he or she intends to use. In the sample program the
statement float radius does just that. float is a data type that indicates what
kind of data can be stored and radius is the name for that particular memory
location.
 16 LESSON SET 2 Introduction to the C++ Programming Language
Variables and Constants
The ability to change or not change the data stored can be a third attribute of
these memory locations. Components of memory in which data values stored can
change during the execution of the program are called variables. These usually
should not be defined in the header or global section of the program. In our sam-
ple program, radius is defined in the main function. Components of memory in
which data values stored are initialized once and never changed during the exe-
cution of the program are called constants. They are often defined in the global
section and are preceded (in C++) by the word const. PI, in the sample program,
is an example of a named constant.

Identifiers in C++
Identifiers are used to name variables, constants and many other components of
a program. They consist exclusively of letters, digits and the underscore _ char-
acter. They cannot begin with a digit and cannot duplicate reserved words used
in C++ such as int or if. All characters in C++ are case sensitive; thus memory
locations called simple, Simple, and SIMPLE are three distinct locations. It has
become standard practice among programmers to make constants all uppercase
and variables predominantly lowercase characters.
The statement const double PI = 3.14; in our sample program is
contained in the global section. It defines a memory location called PI to be a
constant holding a double (a data type discussed shortly) value equal to 3.14
which will not change during the execution of the program.
The statement float radius; in the sample program is contained in the
main section. It defines a variable memory location called radius that holds a
float- ing point data type (type discussed shortly) which can be changed during the
exe- cution of the program.
Both of these statements are called definitions. They reserve by name
enough memory to hold the data type specified.
Variables, like constants, can be given an initial value when they are defined,
but that value is not permanent and can be altered. For example:
int count = 7; // Defines a variable memory location called count that
// initially has the value of 7
count = count + 1; // count is now altered

Data Types
As noted earlier, computer memory is composed of locations identified by a data
type and a name (like the room number of a hotel mailbox). The data type indi-
cates what kind of data can be stored, thus setting the size of that location.

Integer Data Type

Integers are real numbers that do not contain any fractional component. They take
up less memory than numbers with fractional components. C++ has three data
types that are integers: short, int and long. The difference is strictly in the
amount of memory (bytes) they reserve: short reserving the least and long
reserving the most. Larger integers may need the long data type.
 Pre-lab Reading Assignment 17

The following three statements define integer variables in C++:

short count;
int sum;
long total;

Floating Point Data Type

In computer science 3 = 3.0 is not a true statement. The number on the left is an
integer and the number on the right is a real, or floating point, number (a number
that has a fractional component). Although mathematically the two are equal, the
computer stores them as different data types. C++ uses both float and double
to indicate floating point numbers, with double using more memory than float.
The following two statements define floating point variables in C++.
float average;
double nationaldebt;

Character Data Type

Character data includes the letters of the alphabet (upper and lower cases), the
digits 0–9 and special characters such as ! ? . , *. All these symbols combined are
called alphanumeric. Each character data is enclosed with single quotes to dis-
tinguish it from other data types. Thus '8' is different than 8. The first is a char-
acter while the second is an integer. The following statement defines a C++
character variable initialized to 'a'.
char letter = 'a';

Boolean Data Type

The Boolean data type, named after the mathematician George Boole, allows only
two values: true or false, which are internally represented as 0 and non-zero,
respectively. The following statement defines a Boolean variable initialized to false.
bool found = false;

String Type: A variable defined to be character data can store only one charac-
ter in its memory location, which is not very useful for storing names. The string
class has become part of standard C++ and, although not a primitive type defined
by the language, it can be used as a type for storing several characters in a mem-
ory location. We must “include” the string library (#include <string>) in the pro-
gram header. The following statement defines a string initialized to “Daniel”:
string name = "Daniel"; Note that a string is enclosed in double (not single)
quotes. Thus the string "a" is not the same as the character 'a'.

Assignment Operator
The = symbol in C++ is called the assignment operator and is read “is assigned
the value of.” It assigns the variable on its left the value on its right. Although
this symbol looks like an equal sign, do not confuse it with equality. The left hand
side must always be a variable. For example, count = 8; is a legitimate statement
in C++, however 8 = count; generates a syntax error.

Fundamental Instructions
Most programming languages, including C++, consist of five fundamental instruc-
tions from which all code can be generated.
18 LESSON SET 2 Introduction to the C++ Programming Language

1. Assignment Statements: These statements place values in memory

locations. The left side of an assignment statement consists of one and
only one variable. The right side consists of an expression. An expression
can be any manipulation of literal numbers (actual numbers such as 7 or
38, etc.), or the contents of constants and/or variables, that will “boil
down” to one value. That value is placed in the memory location of the
variable on the left. C++ uses = as the separator between the left and right
side of the assignment statement. Those new to programming often get
this confused with equality; however = in C++ is not equality but rather
the symbol to indicate assignment. The = in C++ is read as “is assigned the
value of”.

Example:
int count;

int total;

total = 10; // 10 is a literal that is placed in the memory

// location called total

count = 3 + 4; // The right hand side of the statement is evaluated to

// 7. count is assigned the value of 7.

total = total + count; // The right hand side is evaluated 10 + 7,

// and 17 is placed in the memory location called
// total.

This last statement may seem a bit confusing. Starting with the right side, it
says to get the value that is in total (10 in this case), add it to the value
that is in count (7 in this case), and then store that combined sum (17) in
the memory location called total. Notice that total, which was initially
10, gets changed to 17.
2. Output Statements: These instructions send information from the computer
to the outside world. This information may be sent to the screen or to some
file. In C++ the cout << statement sends information to the screen. The
#include <iostream> directive must be in the header for cout to be used.

cout << total;

The above statement sends whatever value is stored in the variable total
to the screen. C++ uses the semicolon as a statement terminator.
We can output literal strings (such as “Hello”) by inclosing them in
double quotes.
The << operator acts as a separator for multiple outputs.

cout << "The value of total is " << total << endl;

The endl statement causes the cursor to be moved to the beginning of the
next line.
The remaining three fundamental instructions will be explained in
future labs.
 Pre-lab Writing Assignment 19

3. Input Statements: These statements bring in data to the computer.

(Lesson Set 3)
4. Conditional Statements: These instructions test conditions to determine
which path of instructions to execute. (Lesson Set 4)
5. Loops: These instructions indicate a repetition of a series of instructions.
(Lesson Set 5)

Arithmetic Operators
Programming has the traditional arithmetic operators:
Operation C++ Symbol
addition +
subtraction -
multiplication *
division /
modulus %
Integer division occurs when both the numerator and denominator of a divide
operation are integers (or numbers stored in variables defined to be integers). The
result is always an integer because the decimal part is truncated or “chopped” from
the number. Thus 9/2 will give the answer 4 not 4.5! For this reason there are two
division operations for integer numbers. The modulus operator, (%) used only with
integers, gives the remainder of a division operation. 9/2 gives 4 while 9 % 2 gives
1 (the remainder of the division).

Example:
int count = 9;
int div = 2;
int remainder;
int quotient;

quotient = count / div; // quotient is assigned a 4

remainder = count % div; // remainder is assigned a 1

You should go back and review the sample program on the first page of the Pre-
lab Reading Assignment. By now you should understand most of the statements.

PRE-LAB WRITING ASSIGNMENT

Fill-in-the-Blank Questions
1. A is a memory location whose value cannot change
during the execution of the program.
2. is a data type that only holds numbers with no fractional
component.
3. is a data type that holds numbers with fractional
components.
4. is an arithmetic operator that gives the remainder of a
division problem.
20 LESSON SET 2 Introduction to the C++ Programming Language

5. cout << is an example of the fundamental instruction.

6. data types only have two values: true and false.
7. One byte consists of bits.
8. // or /* in C++ indicates the start of a .
9. A is a memory location whose value can change during
the execution of the program.
10. A can hold a sequence of characters such as a name.

LESSON 2A

LAB 2.1 Working with the cout Statement

Exercise 1: Retrieve program name.cpp from the Lab 2 folder.
Fill in the code so that the program will do the following:
Write your first and last name on one line.
Write your address on the next line (recall the function of the endl statement).
Write your city, state and zip on the next line.
Write your telephone number on the next line.
Remember that to output a literal, such as “Hello”, you must use quotes.
Compile and run the program.

Example: Deano Beano

123 Markadella Lane
Fruitland, Md. 55503
489-555-5555
The code for name.cpp is as follows:

// This program will write the name, address and telephone

// number of the programmer.

// PLACE YOUR NAME HERE

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

int main()
{

// Fill in this space to write your first and last name

// Fill in this space to write your address (on new line)
// Fill in this space to write you city, state and zip (on new line)
// Fill in this space to write your telephone number (on new line)

return 0;

}
 Lesson 2A 21

Exercise 2: Change the program so that three blank lines separate the tele-
phone number from the address. Compile and run the program.
Exercise 3: Change the program so that the following (but with your name and
address) is printed. Try to get the spacing just like the example. Compile
and run the program.

LAB 2.2 Working with Constants, Variables and Arithmetic Operators

Exercise 1: Bring in the file circlearea.cpp from the Lab 2 folder.
The code of circlearea.cpp is as follows:

// This program will output the circumference and area

// of the circle with a given radius.

// PLACE YOUR NAME HERE

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

const double PI = 3.14;

const double RADIUS = 5.4;

int main()

{
area // definition of area of circle

float circumference; // definition of circumference

circumference = 2 * PI * RADIUS; // computes circumference

area = ; // computes area

// Fill in the code for the cout statement that will output (with description)
// the circumference

// Fill in the code for the cout statement that will output (with description)
// the area of the circle

return 0;
}
Other documents randomly have
different content
 The Dean grew more earnest. Other pamphlets followed: for
instance, in 1775, “An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal, …
whether a Connection with or a Separation from the Continental
Colonies of America be most for the National Advantage and the
Lasting Benefit of these Kingdoms.” Here he says openly:—
“My scheme, which Mr. Burke, in his last speech, of
March 22, 1775, is pleased to term a childish one, is,
To separate totally from the Colonies, and to reject
them from being fellow-members and joint partakers
with us in the privileges and advantages of the British
Empire, because they refuse to submit to the authority
and jurisdiction of the British legislature,—offering at
the same time to enter into alliances of friendship and
treaties of commerce with them, as with any other
sovereign, independent state.”[453]
Then, insisting that his scheme “most infallibly cuts off all the
present causes of dispute and contention between the two
countries, so that they never can revive again,”[454] he establishes
that commercial intercourse with the Americans would not cease,
inasmuch as it cannot be shown that they “will no longer adhere to
their own interest when they shall be disunited from us.”[455]
Among subsequent tracts was one entitled “Cui Bono? or, An
Inquiry, What Benefits can arise either to the English or the
Americans, the French, Spaniards, or Dutch, from the Greatest
Victories or Successes in the Present War? Being a Series of Letters
addressed to Monsieur Necker, late Controller-General of the
Finances of France. London, 1782.” Here was the same ardor for
separation, with the same bitter words for the Colonies.
Tardily the foresight of the Dean was recognized, until at last
Archbishop Whately, in his annotations upon Bacon’s Essay on Honor
and Reputation, commemorates it as an historic example. According
to him, “the whole British nation were in one particular manifestly
puzzle-headed, except one man, who was accordingly derided by
all.” Then mentioning the dispute between the mother country and
her colonies, he says: “But Dean Tucker, standing quite alone, wrote
a pamphlet to show that the separation would be no loss at all, and
that we had best give them the independence they coveted at once
and in a friendly way. Some thought he was writing in jest; the rest
despised him, as too absurd to be worth answering. But now, and
for above half a century, every one admits that he was quite right,
and regrets that his view was not adopted.”[456] Unquestionably this
is a remarkable tribute. Kindred to it was that of the excellent
Professor Smyth, who, in exhibiting the “American War,” dwells on
“the superior and the memorable wisdom of Tucker.”[457]
The bad temper shooting from his writings interfered, doubtless,
with their acceptance. His spirit, so hostile to us, justified his own
characterization of himself as “the author of these tracts against the
rebel Americans.” As the war drew to a close, his bad temper still
prevailed, heightened by antipathy to republicanism, so that, after
picturing the Colonies, separated at last from the mother country, as
having “gained a general disappointment mixed with anger and
indignation,”[458] he thus predicts their terrible destiny:—
“As to the future grandeur of America, and its being
a rising empire under one head, whether republican or
monarchical, it is one of the idlest and most visionary
notions that ever was conceived, even by writers of
romance. For there is nothing in the genius of the
people, the situation of their country, or the nature of
their different climates, which tends to countenance
such a supposition.… Above all, when those immense
inland regions beyond the back settlements, which are
still unexplored, are taken into the account, they form
the highest probability that the Americans never can
be united into one compact empire, under any species
of government whatever. Their fate seems to be—a
disunited people till the end of time.”[459]
 Alas! But evidently the Dean saw the future of our continent no
better than the Ministry saw their duty with regard to it.

Unlike in spirit was Matthew Robinson, a contemporary friend of

America, whose able and elaborate tracts[460] in successive editions
are now forgotten, except so far as revived by the notice of
Professor Smyth.[461] His vindication of the Colonies, at the time of
the Boston Port Bill, was complete, without the harshness of Tucker,
and he did not hesitate to present the impossibility of conquering
them. “What expectation or probability,” he asks, “can there be of
sending from hence armies capable to conquer and subdue so great
a force of men defending and defended by such a continent?”[462]
Then, while depicting English mastery of the sea, he says: “We may
do whatever a fleet can. Very true; but it cannot sail all over North
America.”[463] The productions of this enlightened author cannot have
been without effect. Doubtless they helped the final
acknowledgment of independence. When will the “Old Mortality”
appear, to discover and restore his monument?
The able annotator of Lord Bacon was too sweeping, when he said
that on the great American question all England was wrong, “except
one man.” Robinson was as right as the Dean, and there were others
also. The “Monthly Review,” in an article on the Dean’s appeal for
separation, said: “This, however, is not a new idea. It has frequently
occurred to others.”[464] Even Soame Jenyns, a life-long member of
Parliament, essayist, poet, defender of Christianity, while upholding
the right to tax the Colonies, is said to have accepted the idea of
“total separation”:—
“Let all who view th’ instructive scene,
And patronize the plan,
Give thanks to Gloucester’s honest Dean,
For, Tucker, thou’rt the man.”[465]
 In a better spirit, and with affecting earnestness, John Cartwright,
once of the Royal Navy, and known as Major from his rank in the
Nottinghamshire Militia, followed the Dean, in 1774, with a series of
letters collected in a pamphlet entitled “American Independence the
Interest and Glory of Great Britain,” where he insists upon
separation, and thenceforward a friendly league, “that the true and
lasting welfare of both countries can be promoted.”[466] In enforcing
his conclusion the author says: “When we talk of asserting our
sovereignty over the Americans, do we foresee to what fatal lengths
it will carry us? Are not those nations increasing with astonishing
rapidity? Must they not, in the nature of things, cover in a few ages
that immense continent like a swarm of bees?”[467] Then again: “We
may, indeed, by means of fleets and armies, maintain a precarious
tyranny over the Americans for a while; but the most shallow
politicians must foresee what this would end in.”[468] Then, in reply to
the Dean: “’Tis a pity so able a writer had not discovered that the
Americans have a right to choose their own governors, and thence
enforced the necessity of his proposed separation as a religious duty,
no less than a measure of national policy.”[469] Cartwright continued
at home the conflicts of principle involved in our War of
Independence, and became an English Reformer. Honor to his name!

DAVID HARTLEY, 1775, 1776, 1777, 1785.

Another English friend was David Hartley. He was constant and

even pertinacious on our side, although less prophetic than Pownall,
with whom he coöperated in purpose and activity. His father was
Hartley the metaphysician, and author of the ingenious theory of
sensation, who predicted the fate of existing governments and
hierarchies in two simple sentences: “It is probable that all the
present Civil Governments will be overturned”; “It is probable that
the present forms of Church Government will be dissolved.”[470] Many
were alarmed. Lady Charlotte Wentworth asked the prophet when
these terrible things would happen. The answer was: “I am an old
man, and shall not live to see them; but you are a young woman,
and probably will see them.”[471]
The son was born in 1729, and died at Bath in 1813. During our
Revolution he sat in Parliament for Kingston-upon-Hull. He was also
the British plenipotentiary in negotiating the Definitive Treaty of
Peace with the United States. He has dropped out of sight. The
biographical dictionaries afford him a few lines only. But he deserves
a considerable place in the history of our Independence.
John Adams was often austere, and sometimes cynical, in his
judgments. Evidently he did not like Hartley. In one place he speaks
of him as “a person of consummate vanity”;[472] then, as “talkative
and disputatious, and not always intelligible”;[473] and in still another
place remarks, “Mr. Hartley was as copious as usual;”[474] and when
appointed to sign the Definitive Treaty, “It would have been more
agreeable to have finished with Mr. Oswald.”[475] And yet, when
writing most elaborately to the Comte de Vergennes on the state of
affairs previous to the final campaign, he introduces opinions of
Hartley at length, saying that he was “more for peace than any man
in the kingdom.”[476] Such testimony may well outweigh the other
expressions, especially as nothing of the kind appears in the
correspondence of Franklin, with whom Hartley was much more
intimate.
The “Parliamentary History” is a sufficient monument for Hartley.
He was a frequent speaker, and never missed an opportunity of
pleading our cause. Although without the immortal eloquence of
Burke, he was always clear and full. Many of his speeches seem
written out by himself. He was not a tardy convert, but began as “a
new member” by supporting an amendment favorable to the
Colonies, 5th December, 1774. Then, in March, 1775, he brought
forward “Propositions for Conciliation with America,” which he
sustained in an elaborate speech, where he avowed that the
American question had occupied him for some time:—
 “Though I have so lately had the honor of a seat in
this House, yet I have for many years turned my
thoughts and attention to matters of public concern
and national policy. This question of America is now of
many years’ standing.”[477]
In this speech he acknowledges the services of New England at
Louisburg:—
“In that war too, Sir, they took Louisburg from the
French, single-handed, without any European
assistance: as mettled an enterprise as any in our
history; an everlasting memorial of the zeal, courage,
and perseverance of the troops of New England. The
men themselves dragged the cannon over a morass
which had always been thought impassable, where
neither horses nor oxen could go; and they carried the
shot upon their backs. And what was their reward for
this forward and spirited enterprise,—for the reduction
of this American Dunkirk? Their reward, Sir, you know
very well: it was given up for a barrier to the
Dutch.”[478]
All his various propositions were negatived; but he was not
disheartened. Constantly he spoke,—now on the Budget, then on
the Address, and then on specific propositions. At this time he
asserted the power of Parliament over the Colonies, and he
proposed, on the 2d November, 1775, that a test of submission by
the Colonists should be the recognition of an Act of Parliament
enacting “that all the slaves in America should have the trial by
jury.”[479] Shortly afterwards, on the 7th December, 1775, he brought
forward a second set of “Propositions for Conciliation with America,”
where, among other things, he embodied the test on slavery, which
he put forward as a compromise; and here his language belongs not
only to the history of our Revolution, but to the history of
Antislavery. While declaring that in his opinion Great Britain was “the
aggressor in everything,”[480] he sought to bring the two countries
together on a platform of human rights, which he thus explained:—
“The act to be proposed to America, as an
auspicious beginning to lay the first stone of universal
liberty to mankind, should be what no American could
hesitate an instant to comply with, namely, that every
slave in North America should be entitled to his trial by
jury in all criminal cases. America cannot refuse to
accept and to enroll such an act as this, and thereby to
reëstablish peace and harmony with the parent state.
Let us all be reunited in this, as a foundation to
extirpate slavery from the face of the earth. Let those
who seek justice and liberty for themselves give that
justice and liberty to their fellow-creatures. With
respect to the idea of putting a final period to slavery
in North America, it should seem best that when this
country had led the way by the act for jury, that each
Colony, knowing their own peculiar circumstances,
should undertake the work in the most practicable
way, and that they should endeavor to establish some
system by which slavery should be in a certain term of
years abolished. Let the only contention henceforward
between Great Britain and America be, which shall
exceed the other in zeal for establishing the
fundamental rights of liberty to all mankind.”[481]
How grand and beautiful!—not to be read without gratitude! The
motion was rejected; but among the twenty-three in its favor were
Fox and Burke.
During this same month the unwearied defender of our country
came forward again, declaring that he could not be “an adviser or a
well-wisher to any of the vindictive operations against America,
because he thought the cause unjust; but at the same time he must
be equally earnest to secure British interests from destruction”; and
he thus prophesies:—
 “The fate of America is cast. You may bruise its heel,
but you cannot crush its head. It will revive again. The
New World is before them. Liberty is theirs. They have
possession of a free government, their birthright and
inheritance, derived to them from their parent state,
which the hand of violence cannot wrest from them. If
you will cast them off, my last wish is to them, May
they go and prosper!”[482]
Again, on the 10th May, 1776, he vindicated anew his original
proposition; and here again he testifies for peace and against
slavery:—
“For the sake of peace, therefore, I did propose a
test of compromise, by an acceptance, on the part of
the Colonists, of an Act of Parliament which should lay
the foundation for the extirpation of the horrid custom
of slavery in the New World.… My motion was …
simply as an act of compromise and reconciliation;
and, as far as it was a legislative act, it was still to
have been applied in correcting the laws of slavery in
America, which I considered as repugnant to the laws
of the realm of England, and to the fundamentals of
our Constitution. Such a compromise would at the
same time have saved the national honor.”[483]
All gratitude to the hero who at this early day vowed himself to
the abolition of slavery! Hartley is among the first of Abolitionists,
with hardly a predecessor except Granville Sharp, and in Parliament
absolutely the first. Clarkson was at this time fifteen years old,
Wilberforce sixteen. Only in 1785 Clarkson obtained the prize for the
best Latin essay on the question, “Is it right to make men slaves
against their will?”[484] It was not until 1791 that Wilberforce moved
for leave to bring in a bill for the abolition of the slave-trade. It is no
small honor for one man to have come forward in Parliament as an
avowed abolitionist, while at the same time a vindicator of our
independence.
 Again, on the 15th May, 1777, Hartley pleaded for us:—
“At sea, which has hitherto been our prerogative
element, they rise against us at a stupendous rate;
and if we cannot return to our old mutual hospitalities
towards each other, a very few years will show us a
most formidable hostile marine, ready to join hands
with any of our enemies.… I will venture to prophesy
that the principles of a federal alliance are the only
terms of peace that ever will and that ever ought to
obtain between the two countries.”[485]
On the 5th of June, three weeks afterwards, the “Parliamentary
History” reports briefly:—
“Mr. Hartley went upon the cruelties of slavery, and
urged the Board of Trade to take some means of
mitigating it. He produced a pair of handcuffs, which
he said was a manufacture they were now going to
establish.”[486]
Thus again the abolitionist reappeared in the vindicator of our
independence. On the 22d June, 1779, he brought forward another
formal motion “for reconciliation with America,” and, in the course of
a well-considered speech, denounced the ministers for “headstrong
and inflexible obstinacy in prosecuting a cruel and destructive
American war.”[487] On the 3d December, 1779, in what is called “a
very long speech,” he returned to his theme, inveighing against
ministers for “the favorite, though wild, Quixote, and impracticable
measure of coercing America.”[488] These are only instances.
During this time he maintained relations with Franklin, as appears
in the “Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution,” all of which
attests a desire for peace. In 1778 he arrived at Paris on a
confidential errand, especially to confer with Franklin. On this
occasion John Adams met him and judged him severely. In 1783 he
was appointed a commissioner to sign the Definitive Treaty of Peace.
 These things belong to history. Though perhaps not generally
known, they are accessible. I have presented them for their intrinsic
value and prophetic character, but also as the introduction to an
unpublished letter from Hartley, which I received some time ago
from an English friend, who has since been called away from
important labors. The letter concerns emigration to our country, and
the payment of the national debt. The following indorsement
explains its character:—
“Note. This is a copy of the material portion of a long
letter from D. Hartley, the British Commissioner in
Paris, to Lord Sydenham, January, 1785. The original
was sold by C. Robinson, of 21 Bond Street, London,
on the 6th April, 1859, at a sale of Hartley’s MSS. and
papers, chiefly relating to the United States of
America. It was Hartley’s copy, in his own hand.
“The lot was No. 82 in the sale catalogue. It was
bought by J. R. Smith, the London bookseller, for £2
6s. 0d.
“I had a copy made before the sale.
“Joseph Parkes.
“London, 18 July, ’59.”

The letter is as follows:—

“My Lord,—In your Lordship’s last letter to me, just
before my leaving Paris, you are pleased to say that
any information which I might have been able to
collect of a nature to promote the mutual and
reciprocal interests of Great Britain and the United
States of America would be extremely acceptable to
his Majesty’s government.… Annexed to this letter I
have the honor of transmitting to your Lordship some
papers and documents which I have received from the
American ministers. One of them (No. 5) is a Map of
the Continent of North America, in which the land
ceded to them by the late treaty of peace is divided by
parallels of latitude and longitude into fourteen new
States.
“The whole project, in its full extent, would take
many years in its execution, and therefore it must be
far beyond the present race of men to say, ‘This shall
be so.’ Nevertheless, those who have the first care of
this New World will probably give it such directions and
inherent influences as may guide and control its course
and revolutions for ages to come. But these plans,
being beyond the reach of man to predestinate, are
likewise beyond the reach of comment or speculation
to say what may or may not be possible, or to predict
what events may hereafter be produced by time,
climates, soils, adjoining nations, or by the unwieldy
magnitude of empire, and the future population of
millions superadded to millions. The sources of the
Mississippi may be unknown; the lines of longitude and
latitude may be extended into unexplored regions; and
the plan of this new creation may be sketched out by a
presumptuous compass, if all its intermediate uses and
functions were to be suspended until the final and
precise accomplishment, without failure or deviation,
of this unbounded plan. But this is not the case; the
immediate objects in view are limited and precise; they
are of prudent thought, and within the scope of human
power to measure out and to execute. The principle,
indeed, is indefinite, and will be left to the test of
future ages to determine its duration or extent.
“I take the liberty to suggest thus much, lest we
should be led away to suppose that the councils which
have produced these plans have had no wiser or more
sedate views than merely the amusement of drawing
meridians of ambition and high thoughts. There
appear to me to be two solid and rational objects in
view: the first is, by the sale of lands nearly contiguous
to the present States, (receiving Congress paper in
payment according to its scale of depreciation,) to
extinguish the present national debt, which I
understand might be discharged for about twelve
millions sterling.…
“It is a new proposition to be offered to the
numerous common rank of mankind in all the countries
of the world, to say that there are in America fertile
soils and temperate climates in which an acre of land
may be purchased for a trifling consideration, which
may be possessed in freedom, together with all the
natural and civil rights of mankind. The Congress have
already proclaimed this, and that no other qualification
or name is necessary but to become settlers, without
distinction of countries or persons. The European
peasant, who toils for his scanty sustenance in penury,
wretchedness, and servitude, will eagerly fly to this
asylum for free and industrious labor. The tide of
emigration may set strongly outward from Scotland,
Ireland, and Canada to this new land of promise.
“A very great proportion of men in all the countries
of the world are without property, and generally are
subject to governments of which they have no
participation, and over whom they have no control.
The Congress have now opened to all the world a sale
of landed settlements where the liberty and property
of each individual is to be consigned to his own
custody and defence.… These are such propositions of
free establishments as have never yet been offered to
mankind, and cannot fail of producing great effects in
the future progress of things. The Congress have
arranged their offers in the most inviting and artful
terms; and lest individual peasants and laborers should
not have the means of removing themselves, they
throw out inducements to moneyed adventurers to
purchase and to undertake the settlement by
commission and agency, without personal residence,
by stipulating that the lands of proprietors being
absentees shall not be higher taxed than the lands of
residents. This will quicken the sale of lands, which is
their object.
“For the explanation of these points, I beg leave to
refer your Lordship to the documents annexed, Nos. 5
and 6,—namely, the Map, and Resolutions of Congress,
dated April, 1784. Another circumstance would confirm
that it is the intention of Congress to invite moneyed
adventurers to make purchases and settlements, which
is the precise and mathematical mode of dividing and
marking out for sale the lands in each new proposed
State. These new States are to be divided by parallel
lines running north and south, and by other parallels
running east and west. They are to be divided into
hundreds of ten geographical miles square, and then
again into lots of one square mile. The divisions are
laid out as regularly as the squares upon a chessboard,
and all to be formed into a Charter of Compact.
“They may be purchased by purchasers at any
distance, and the titles may be verified by registers of
such or such numbers, north or south, east or west: all
this is explained by the document annexed, No. 7,
namely, The Ordinance for ascertaining the mode of
locating and disposing of lands in the Western
Territory. This is their plan and means for paying off
their national debt, and they seem very intent upon
doing it. I should observe that their debt consists of
two parts, namely, domestic and foreign. The sale of
lands is to be appropriated to the former.
“The domestic debt may perhaps be nine or ten
millions, and the foreign debt two or three. For
payment of the foreign debt it is proposed to lay a tax
of five per cent. upon all imports until discharged,
which, I am informed, has already been agreed to by
most of the States, and probably will soon be
confirmed by the rest. Upon the whole, it appears that
this plan is as prudently conceived and as judiciously
arranged, as to the end proposed, as any experienced
cabinet of European ministers could have devised or
planned any similar project.
“The second point which appears to me to be
deserving of attention, respecting the immense cession
of territory to the United States at the late peace, is a
point which will perhaps in a few years become an
unparalleled phenomenon in the political world. As
soon as the national debt of the United States shall be
discharged by the sale of one portion of those lands,
we shall then see the Confederate Republic in a new
character, as a proprietor of lands either for sale or to
let upon rents. While other nations may be struggling
under debts too enormous to be discharged either by
economy or taxation, and while they may be laboring
to raise ordinary and necessary supplies by
burdensome impositions upon their own persons and
properties, here will be a nation possessed of a new
and unheard-of financial organ of stupendous
magnitude, and in process of time of unmeasured
value, thrown into their lap as a fortuitous superfluity,
and almost without being sought for.
 “When such an organ of revenue begins to arise into
produce and exertion, what public uses it may be
applicable to, or to what abuses and perversions it
might be rendered subservient, is far beyond the reach
of probable discussion now. Such discussions would
only be visionary speculations. However, thus far it is
obvious, and highly deserving of our attention, that it
cannot fail becoming to the American States a most
important instrument of national power, the progress
and operation of which must hereafter be a most
interesting object of attention to the British American
dominions which are in close vicinity to the territories
of the United States; and I should hope that these
considerations would lead us, inasmuch as we value
those parts of our dominions, to encourage conciliatory
and amicable correspondence between them and their
neighbors.”
This private communication, now for the first time seeing the light,
is full of prophecy, or of that remarkable discernment and forecast
which mark the prophetic spirit, whether in announcing “the future
population of millions superadded to millions,” or in the high
estimate of the National Territory, destined to become in a few years
“an unparalleled phenomenon in the political world,” “a new and
unheard-of financial organ of stupendous magnitude.” How few at
home saw the Public Lands with as clear a vision as Hartley!

GALIANI, 1776, 1778.

Among the most brilliant in this extending list is the Abbé Galiani,
the Neapolitan, who was born 1728, and died at Naples 1787.
Although Italian by birth, yet by the accident of official residence he
became for a while domesticated in France, wrote the French
language, and now enjoys a French reputation. His writings in
French and his letters have the wit and ease of Voltaire.
 Galiani was a genius. Whatever he touched shone at once with his
brightness, in which there was originality as well as knowledge. He
was a finished scholar, and very successful in lapidary verses. Early
in life, while in Italy, he wrote a grave essay on Money, which
contrasted with another of rare humor suggested by the death of
the public executioner. Other essays followed; and then came the
favor of the congenial pontiff, Benedict the Fourteenth. In 1760 he
found himself at Paris as Secretary of the Neapolitan Embassy.
Mingling with courtiers officially, according to the duties of his
position, he fraternized with the liberal and adventurous spirits who
exercised such influence over society and literature. He was
recognized as one of them, and inferior to none. His petty stature
was forgotten when he conversed with inexhaustible faculties of all
kinds, so that he seemed an Encyclopædia, Harlequin, and
Machiavelli all in one. The atheists at the Thursday dinner of
D’Holbach were confounded while he enforced the existence of God.
Into the questions of political economy occupying attention at the
time he entered with a pen which seemed borrowed from the French
Academy. His “Dialogues sur le Commerce des Blés” had the success
of a romance: ladies carried this book on Corn in their work-baskets.
Returning to Naples, he continued to live in Paris through his
correspondence, especially with Madame d’Épinay, the Baron
d’Holbach, Diderot, and Grimm.[489]
Among later works, after his return to Naples, was a solid volume
—not to be forgotten in the History of International Law—on the
Duties of Neutrals, where a difficult subject is treated with such
mastery, that, more than half a century later, D’Hautefeuille, in his
elaborate treatise, copies from it at length. Galiani was the
predecessor of this French writer in the extreme assertion of neutral
rights. Other works were left at his death in manuscript, some grave
and some humorous; also letters without number. The letters
preserved from Italian savans filled eight large volumes; those from
savans, ministers, and sovereigns abroad filled fourteen. His Parisian
correspondence did not see the light till 1818, although some of the
letters may be found in the contemporary correspondence of Grimm.
 In his Parisian letters, which are addressed chiefly to that clever
individuality, Madame d’Épinay, the Neapolitan abbé shows not only
the brilliancy and nimbleness of his talent, but the universality of his
knowledge and the boldness of his speculations. Here are a few
words from a letter dated at Naples, 12th October, 1776, in which he
brings forward the idea of “races,” so important in our day, with an
illustration from Russia:—
“All depends upon races. The first, the most noble of
races, comes naturally from the North of Asia. The
Russians are the nearest to it, and this is the reason
why they have made more progress in fifty years than
can be got out of the Portuguese in five hundred.”[490]
Belonging to the Latin race, Galiani was entitled to speak thus
freely.
In another letter to Madame d’Épinay, dated at Naples, 18th May,
1776, he had already foretold the success of our Revolution. Few
prophets have been more explicit than he was in the following
passage:—
“Livy said of his age, which so strongly resembled
ours, ‘Ad hæc tempora ventum est, quibus nec vitia
nostra nec remedia pati possumus,’—‘We are in an age
when the remedies hurt at least as much as the
vices.’[491] Do you know how matters stand? The epoch
has come of the total downfall of Europe, and of
transmigration to America. Everything here is falling
into rottenness,—religion, laws, arts, sciences,—and
everything is going to be rebuilt anew in America. This
is no joke; nor is it an idea drawn from the English
quarrels; I have said, announced, preached it, for
more than twenty years, and I have always seen my
prophecies fulfilled. Do not buy your house, then, in
the Chaussée d’Antin; you must buy it in Philadelphia.
My trouble is, that there are no abbeys in America.”[492]
 This letter was written some months before the Declaration of
Independence.
In another, dated at Naples, 7th February, 1778, the Abbé alludes
to the great numbers of English men and women who have come to
Naples “for shelter from the American tempests,” and adds,
“Meanwhile the Washingtons and Hancocks will be fatal to them.”[493]
In still another, dated at Naples, 25th July, 1778, he renews his
prophecies in language still more explicit:—
“You will at this time have decided the greatest
revolution of the globe,—namely, if it is America which
is to reign over Europe, or if it is Europe which is to
continue to reign over America. I would wager in favor
of America, for the reason, merely physical, that for
five thousand years genius has turned opposite to the
diurnal motion, and travelled from East to West.”[494]
Here again is the idea of Berkeley which has been so captivating.

ADAM SMITH, 1776.

In contrast with the witty Italian is the illustrious philosopher and

writer of Scotland, Adam Smith, who was born 5th June, 1723, and
died 17th July, 1790. His fame is so commanding that any details of
life or works would be out of place. He was thinker and inventor,
through whom mankind was advanced in knowledge.
I say nothing of his “Theory of Moral Sentiments,” constituting an
important contribution to the science of Ethics, but come at once to
his great work of political economy, entitled “An Inquiry into the
Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations,” which first appeared in
1776. Its publication marks an epoch described by Mr. Buckle, when
he says that Adam Smith, “by the publication of this single work,
contributed more towards the happiness of man than has been
effected by the united abilities of all the statesmen and legislators of
whom history has preserved an authentic account.”[495] The work is
full of prophetic knowledge, and especially with regard to the British
Colonies. Writing while the debate with the mother country was still
pending, Adam Smith urged that they should be admitted to
Parliamentary representation in proportion to taxation, so that their
representation would enlarge with their growing resources; and here
he predicts nothing less than the transfer of empire:—
“The distance of America from the seat of
government, the natives of that country might flatter
themselves, with some appearance of reason too,
would not be of very long continuance. Such has
hitherto been the rapid progress of that country in
wealth, population, and improvement, that, in the
course of little more than a century, perhaps, the
produce of American might exceed that of British
taxation. The seat of the empire would then naturally
remove itself to that part of the empire which
contributed most to the general defence and support
of the whole.”[496]
In these tranquil words of assured science the great author carries
the seat of government across the Atlantic.
Did Adam Smith in this remarkable passage do more than follow a
hint from our own prophet? The prophecy of the great economist
first appeared in 1776. In the course of 1774, and down to April 19,
1775, John Adams published in the “Boston Gazette” a series of
weekly articles, under the signature of “Novanglus,” which were
abridged in Almon’s “Remembrancer” for 1775, with the following
title: “History of the Dispute with America, from its Origin in 1754 to
the Present Time.” Although this abridged edition stops before the
prophetic passage, it is not impossible that the whole series was
known to Adam Smith. After speculating, as the latter did
afterwards, on the extension of the British Constitution and
Parliamentary representation to the outlying British dominions, our
prophet says:—
 “If in twenty years more America should have six
millions of inhabitants, as there is a boundless territory
to fill up, she must have five hundred representatives.
Upon these principles, if in forty years she should have
twelve millions, a thousand; and if the inhabitants of
the three kingdoms remain as they are, being already
full of inhabitants, what will become of your supreme
legislative? It will be translated, crown and all, to
America. This is a sublime system for America. It will
flatter those ideas of independency which the Tories
impute to them, if they have any such, more than any
other plan of independency that I have ever heard
projected.”[497]
Thus plainly was John Adams precursor of Adam Smith.
In 1784 these papers were reprinted from the “Remembrancer,” by
Stockdale, in London, bearing the same title, substantially, as before,
“History of the Dispute with America, from its Origin in 1754,” with
the addition, “Written in the Year 1774, by John Adams, Esq.” The
“Monthly Review,” in a notice of the publication, after speaking of
“the inauspicious system of American taxation,” says, “Mr. Adams
foretold the consequence of obstinately adhering to it, and the event
hath too well verified his predictions. They were, however,
predictions which required no inspiration.”[498] So that his wise
second-sight was recognized in England much beyond the prevision
of Adam Smith.
The idea of transferring the seat of government to America was
often attributed to Franklin by Dean Tucker. The former, in a letter,
as early as 25th November, 1767, reports the Dean as saying, “That
is his constant plan.”[499] In one of his tracts, the Dean attributes it
not only to Franklin, but also to our people. With strange
exaggeration he says: “It has been the unanimous opinion of the
North Americans for these fifty years past, that the seat of empire
ought to be transferred from the lesser to the greater country,—that
is, from England to America, or, as Dr. Franklin elegantly phrased it,
from the cock-boat to the man-of-war.”[500] It is impossible to say
how much of this was from the excited brain of the Dean.

RICHARD PRICE, 1776, 1777, 1778, 1784.

A true and solid ally of our country at a critical period was Dr.
Price, dissenting clergyman, metaphysician, political writer, and
mathematician, who was born in Wales, 23d February, 1723, and
died in London, 19th April, 1791.
His earliest labors were “A Review of the Principal Questions and
Difficulties in Morals,” by which he was recognized as a
metaphysician, and “Observations on Reversionary Payments,” by
which he was recognized as an authority on a large class of financial
questions. At the same time his sermons were regarded as excellent.
Amidst these various labors he was moved to enlist as a
pamphleteer in defence of the American Colonies. This service,
prompted by a generous devotion to just principles, awakened
grateful sentiments on both sides of the ocean.
The Aldermen and Common Council of London marked their
sympathy by voting him the freedom of the city in a gold box of fifty
pounds value. The American Congress sent him a different
testimonial, officially communicated to him, being a solemn
resolution declaring “the desire of Congress to consider him a citizen
of the United States, and to receive his assistance in regulating their
finances.”[501] In reply, under date of 18th January, 1779, while
declining the invitation, he offered “assurances that Dr. Price feels
the warmest gratitude for the notice taken of him, and that he looks
to the American States as now the hope and likely soon to become
the refuge of mankind.”[502] Franklin and Adams contracted with him
relations of friendship. The former, under date of 6th February, 1780,
wrote him: “Your writings, after all the abuse you and they have met
with, begin to make serious impressions on those who at first
rejected the counsels you gave”;[503] and 24th October, 1788, he
wrote to another: “Remember me affectionately to good Dr.
Price.”[504] The latter, in correspondence many years afterwards,
recorded the intimacy he enjoyed with Dr. Price, “at his own house,
at my house, and at the houses and tables of many friends.”[505]
The first of his American tracts was in 1776, being “Observations
on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, and the
Justice and Policy of the War with America.” The sale of sixty
thousand copies in a few months shows the extensive acceptance of
the work. The general principles so clearly exhibited are invoked for
America. Occasionally the philosopher becomes prophet, as when he
predicts the growth of population:—
“They are now but little short of half our number. To
this number they have grown, from a small body of
original settlers, by a very rapid increase. The
probability is that they will go on to increase, and that
in fifty or sixty years they will be double our number,
and form a mighty empire, consisting of a variety of
States, all equal or superior to ourselves in all the arts
and accomplishments which give dignity and happiness
to human life.”[506]
Nothing less than “a vast continent” seems to him the sphere of
this remarkable development, and he revolts at the idea of this being
held “at the discretion of a handful of people on the other side of the
Atlantic.”[507] In the measures which brought on the war he saw “the
hand of Providence working to bring about some great ends.”[508]
And the vast continent was to be dedicated to Liberty. The excellent
man saw even the end of Slavery. Speaking of “the negroes of the
Southern Colonies,” he said that they “probably will now either soon
become extinct or have their condition changed into that of
freemen.”[509] Years and battle intervened before this precious result.
This production was followed in 1777 by “Additional Observations
on the Nature and Value of Civil Liberty, and the War with
America,”—to which was added “Observations on Public Loans, the
National Debt, and the Debts and Resources of France.” In all this
variety of topics, his concern for America breaks forth in the inquiry,
“Must not humanity shudder at such a war?”[510] And he sees untold
loss to England, which, with the Colonies, “might be the greatest
and happiest nation that ever existed”; but without them “we are no
more a people; … our existence depends on keeping them.”[511] This
patriotic gloom is checked by another vision:—
“These measures have, in all probability, hastened
that disruption of the New from the Old World, which
will begin a new era in the annals of mankind, and
produce a revolution more important, perhaps, than
any that has happened in human affairs.”[512]
Thus was American Independence heralded, and its influence
foretold.
Constantly sympathizing with America, and impressed by the
magnitude of the issue, his soul found another utterance, in 1778, in
what he called “The General Introduction and Supplement to the
Two Tracts on Civil Liberty, the War with America, and the Finances
of the Kingdom.” Here again he sees a vision:—
“A great people, likely to be formed, in spite of all
our efforts, into free communities, under governments
which have no religious tests and establishments. A
new era in future annals, and a new opening in human
affairs, beginning, among the descendants of
Englishmen, in a new world. A rising empire, extended
over an immense continent, without bishops, without
nobles, and without kings.”[513]
After the recognition of Independence and the establishment of
peace, Dr. Price appeared with another tract: “Observations on the
Importance of the American Revolution and the Means of making it a
Benefit to the World.” This was in 1784. And here he repeated the
exultation of an earlier day:—
 “With heartfelt satisfaction I see the revolution in
favor of universal liberty which has taken place in
America,—a revolution which opens a new prospect in
human affairs, and begins a new era in the history of
mankind.… Perhaps I do not go too far, when I say,
that, next to the introduction of Christianity among
mankind, the American Revolution may prove the most
important step in the progressive course of human
improvement.”[514]
Thus announcing the grandeur of the epoch, he states that it
“may produce a general diffusion of the principles of humanity,” and
may lead mankind to see and know “that all legitimate government
consists in the dominion of equal laws, made with common consent,”
which is another expression of the primal truth of the Declaration of
Independence. Then, referring to the “community or confederacy” of
States, he says, “I can almost imagine that it is not impossible but
that by such means universal peace may be produced, and all war
excluded from the world”; and he asks, “Why may we not hope to
see this begun in America?”[515] May America be true to this
aspiration! There is also a longing for Equality, and a warning against
Slavery, with the ejaculation, in harmony with earlier words, “Let the
United States continue forever what it is now their glory to be, a
confederation of States, prosperous and happy, without lords,
without bishops, and without kings.”[516] In the midst of the bloody
conflict this vision had appeared, and he had sought to make it a
reality.
His true friendship for our country and his devotion to humanity,
with the modesty of his nature, appear in a letter to Franklin, 12th
July, 1784, communicating a copy of the last production. After saying
that “it is intended entirely for America,” the excellent counsellor
proceeds:—
“I hope the United States will forgive my
presumption in supposing myself qualified to advise
them.… The consciousness which I have that it is well
 intended, and that my address to them is the effusion
of a heart that wishes to serve the best interests of
society, helps to reconcile me to myself in this
instance, and it will, I hope, engage the candor of
others.”[517]
The same sentiments which proved his sympathies with our
country reappeared with fresh fires at the outbreak of the French
Revolution, arousing, in opposition, the immortal eloquence of
Burke. A discourse “On the Love of our Country,” preached at the
Old Jewry, 4th November, 1789, in commemoration of the English
Revolution, with friendly glances at what was then passing across
the Channel, prompted the “Reflections on the Revolution in France.”
The personal denunciation which is the beginning of that remarkable
performance is the perpetual witness to the position of the preacher,
whose prophetic soul did not hesitate to accept the French
Revolution side by side with ours in glory and in promise.

GOVERNOR POWNALL, 1777, 1780, 1783.

Among the best friends of our country abroad during the trials of
the Revolution was Thomas Pownall, called by one biographer “a
learned antiquary and politician,” and by another “an English
statesman and author.” Latterly he has so far dropped out of sight
that there are few who recognize in him either of these characters.
He was born 1722, and died at Bath 1805. During this long period
he held several offices. As early as 1745 he became secretary to the
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. In 1753 he crossed the
ocean. In 1755, as Commissioner for Massachusetts Bay, he had a
share in the negotiations with New York, New Jersey, and
Pennsylvania, in union with New England, which resulted in the
confederated expedition against Crown Point. He was afterwards
Governor of Massachusetts Bay, New Jersey, and South Carolina,
successively. Returning to England, he was appointed, in 1762,
Comptroller-General of the army in Germany, with the military rank
of colonel. He sat in two successive Parliaments until 1780, when he
passed into private life. Hildreth gives a glimpse of his personal
character, when, admitting his frank manners and liberal politics, he
describes his habits as “rather freer than suited the New England
standard.”[518]
Pownall stands forth conspicuous for championship of our national
independence, and especially for foresight with regard to our
national future. In both these respects his writings are unique. Other
Englishmen were in favor of independence, and saw our future also;
but I doubt if any one can be named who was his equal in strenuous
action, or in minuteness of foresight. While the war was still
proceeding, as early as 1780, he openly announced, not only that
independence was inevitable, but that the new nation, “founded in
Nature and built up in truth,” would continually expand; that its
population would increase and multiply; that a civilizing activity
beyond what Europe could ever know would animate it; and that its
commercial and naval power would be found in every quarter of the
globe.[519] All this he set forth at length with argument and
illustration, and he called his prophetic words “the stating of the
simple fact, so little understood in the Old World.” Treated at first as
“unintelligible speculation” and as “unfashionable,” the truth he
announced was “neglected where it was not rejected, but in general
rejected as inadmissible,” and the author, according to his own
language, “was called by the wise men of the British Cabinet a Wild
Man, unfit to be employed.”[520] But these writings are a better title
now than any office. In manner they are diffuse and pedantic; but
they hardly deserve the cold judgment of John Adams, who in his
old age said of them that “a reader who has patience to search for
good sense in an uncouth and disgusting style will find in those
writings proofs of a thinking mind.”[521]
He seems to have written a good deal. But the works which will be
remembered the longest are not even mentioned by several of his
biographers. Rose, in his Biographical Dictionary, records works by
him, entitled “Antiquities of the Provincia Romana of Gaul”; “Roman
Antiquities dug up at Bath”; “Observations on the Currents in the
Atlantic Ocean”; “Intellectual Physics”; and contributions to the
“Archæologia”: nothing more. To this list Gorton, in his Biographical
Dictionary, adds briefly, “besides many political tracts,” but without
particular reference to the works on America. This is another
instance where the stone rejected by the builders becomes the head
of the corner.
At an early date Pownall comprehended the position of our
country, geographically. He saw the wonderful means of internal
communication supplied by its inland waters, and also the
opportunities of external commerce afforded by the Atlantic Ocean.
On the former he dwells, in a Memorial drawn up in 1756 for the
Duke of Cumberland.[522] Nobody in our own day, after the
experience of more than a century, has portrayed more vividly the
two vast aqueous masses,—one composed of the Great Lakes and
their dependencies, and the other of the Mississippi and its
tributaries. The Great Lakes are described as “a wilderness of
waters, spreading over the country by an infinite number and variety
of branchings, bays, straits, &c.”[523] The Mississippi, with its eastern
branch, called the Ohio, is described as having, “as far as we know,
but two falls,—one at a place called by the French St. Antoine, high
up on the west or main branch”; and all its waters “run to the ocean
with a still, easy, and gentle current.”[524] The picture is completed by
exhibiting the two masses in combination:—
“The waters of each respective mass—not only the
lesser streams, but the main general body of each
going through this continent in every course and
direction—have, by their approach to each other, by
their interlacing with each other, by their
communication to every quarter and in every direction,
an alliance and unity, and form one mass, a one
whole.”[525]
And he remarks, that it is thus seen