l have jusi finished reading ih<- final draft of Rev.

Lambert Barteli' monograph COLLECTANEA

8
INSTITUTI A N I 11 k'< > r <
"Oromo Religion. Myths and Ritei of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia An At-
tempt i" Understand". I have been a student of Oromffl lor man) yens, have
, n<u>\ ..il I wo long periods of field research among southern Oromo and havt, 1
think read all the extensive Oromo literature - but this volume contain! a fund LAMBERT BARTELS
n | ,iata and insights which are new to me. Simply, there is nothing in Oromo
,11,IKS to rival the knowledge and understanding this work shows of Oromo reli-
gious i oncepts. Moreover, I cannot see it having a rival, because it is improbable
thai anyone else will ever combine Rev. Bartels' unique combinations of scholar-

OROMO
ihlp, case in the vernacular and humble, painstaking dedication with the opportu-
nii y .mil time to undertake such a study.
The author has sought to comprehend Oromo religious concepts by collecting
,ml analysing their use t )th in vernacular texts of prayers, blessings, invocation,
. i, IIHI in their worka lay use, while maintaining a continuing vernacular dia-

RELIGION
logue about the meaning of these concepts with Oromo religious experts and
thinkers. He has involved himself for over a decade in an ongoing dialogue of in-
tellertual equality with his selected informants. He has thereby stimulated the
IKSi of them into creative intellectual responses about their own religious con-
.( pi ions. By causing them to ponder and discuss their beliefs, he has provoked
them to fuller understandings of those beliefs, which understanding he, in turn,
conveys to us. In this respect, Father Bartels' work stands comparison with that
of V. Turner, M. Griaule and P. Tempels.
Father Barteis has clearly aimed to be an unoh msive catalyst rather than a
Myths and Rites
questioner, but his imprint is there. The narrati-x combines ethnographic veracity
with, in places, insights which. I think, only an investigator with a religious and/or
poetic sensibility could have had. His explanations give depth and substance to
of the Western Oromo
each of the texts and each text in its turn serves a purpose. The art is not obvious
I,u( it k there. The author's familiarity with Oromo language and culture and his
sensitive responses to them are combined with (or perhaps are consequences of) a
of Ethiopia - .
continuous humbleness before his subject and his informants. He has placed him-
self in the position of a pupil to his informants and has learned from them well.
This is a substantial work, it has body to it, and one senses that all the data is well
An Attempt to Understand
founded and has been well checked. The work has clearly been a labour of love,
bul not of blind love.

P.T.W. Baxter, University of Manchester

Rev, Lambert Bartels, born in 1915, is a member of the Vincentian Fathers. He studied
anthropology in Nijmegen, the Netherlands. Since 1967 he lives as a missionary and an anthro-
pologilt .Huong the Oromo people. In the course of these fifteen years, Rev. Lambert Bartels
publilhed several articles in anthropological reviews such as in "Ethnology" and "Anthropos".
COLLECTANEA INSTITUTI ANTHROPOS Lambert Bartels
Haus Volker und Kulturen, St. Augustin bei Bonn
Oromo Religion. Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia
An Attempt to Understand
1. Franz Knobloch: Die Aharaibu-Indianer in Nordwest-Brasilien.
VIII + 189pp., ill. 1967. DM25,00.
' 2. Henry Aufenanger: The Passing Scene in North-East New Guinea.
A Documentation/479 pp., ill. 1972. DM40,00.
3. Jiirgen Riester: Die Pauserna-Guarasug'wa. Monographic eines
Tupf-Guarani-Volkes in Ostbolivien. XVIII + 562 pp., ill. 1972.
DM50,00.
4. L. De Beir: Religion et magie des Bayaka. 191 pp. 1975.
DM39,50.
5. L. De Beir: Les Bayaka de M'Nene N'toombo Lenge-lenge.
323 pp., ill. 1975. DM34,00.
6. Karl Bohm: Das Leben einiger Inselvolker Neuguineas. Beobach-
tungen eines Missionars auf den Vulkaninseln Manam, Boesa,
Biem und Ubrub. 240pp., ill. 1975. DM34,00.
7. Joseph J. Dijkmans: Kare-taal. 259 pp. 1974. DM27,00.
8. Lambert Bartels: Myths and Rites of the Macha Oromo of Ethiopia
- An Attempt to Understand. 411pp., ill. 1983. DM78,00.
9. Henry Aufenanger: The Great Inheritance in North-East New
Guinea. 365 pp., ill. 1975. DM49,50.
10. Madeleine Richard: Traditions et coutumes matrimoniales chez les
Mada et les Mouyeng (Nord-Cameroun). 375 pp., ill. 1977.
DM32,00.
11. Dominik Schroder! und Anton Quack: Kopfjagdriten der Puyuma
von Katipol (Taiwan). Eine Textdokumentation. 176pp. 1978.
DM22,00.
12. Anton Quack (edit.): Das Wort der Alten. Erzahlungen zur
Geschichte der Puyuma von Katipol (Taiwan). Gesammelt von
D. Schroder und P. Veil. 268pp. 1981. DM32,00.
13. Johannes Frick und Franz Eichinger (edit.): Schamanismus in
Nordwest-China. Aufzeichnungen von Steyler Missionaren in
Tsinghai und Kansu. (In Vorbereitung).
14. Theo Sundermeier: Die Mbanderu. Studien zu ihrer Geschichte
und Kultur. Mit einem Beitrag von Silas Kuvare: Die Kaokoveld-
" Herero (Namibia). 267pp., ill. 1977. DM25,00.
15. Alain van der Beken: Proverbes et vie yaka. 237 pp. 1978.
DM32,00.

SOAS
 COLLECTANEA INSTITUTI ANTHROPOS Lambert Bartels

Herausgegeben von ,,Haus Volker und Kulturen" - Steyler Missionare

5205 St. Augustin

Vol.8

Redakteur: J. F. Thiel

Oromo Religion
Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia
An Attempt to Understand

Dietrich Reimer Verlag • Berlin

 SURVEY OF THE CONTENT
i

Acknowledgements 9

Some Introductory Chapters about the Oromo and about this Book 11

Ch. 1 The Oromo - A First Glance 13

Ch. 2 The Oromo in Perspective 17
Ch. 3 The Matcha Oromo of the Extreme West 20
Ch. 4 What is in a Title? 29
Ch. 5 The Author and his Book 38
Ch. 6 Assistants and Informants 43
Ch. 7 Methods of Research 50

Part One - The Matcha's Own View of Their Past

Ch. 8 The Matcha's Country of Origin 59

Ch. 9 The Matcha's Move Westwards 68
Ch. 10 Clans and Lineages in Sayoland 77

Part Two — The Matcha's Experience of the Superhuman

Ch. 11 Waqa 89 /
Ch. 12 Waqa and the Earth 108
Ch. 13 Ayana 112
Ch. 14 Evil Ayana and Devils 120
Ch. 15 Maram 124

CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek

Part Three — Social Strata in Matcha Society
Bartels, Lambert:
Oromo religion : myths and rites of the Western Oromo of Ch. 16 The Borana 133
Ethiopia - an attempt to understand / Lambert Bartels. -
Berlin : Reimer, 1983. Ch. 17 The Gabaro 161
(Collectanea Instituti Anthropos ; Ch. 18 Slaves 166
ISBN 3-496-00671-4 Ch. 19 Despised Castes of Artisans 182
NE: GT

Part Four - The Impact of Blood

ISBN 3-496-00671^ Ch. 20 The Lineage 205
© 1983 by Dietrich Reimer Verlag Ch. 21 Rituals of Purification after Homicide 229
Dr. Friedrich Kaufmann
Ch. 22 Peacemaking after Manslaughter 238
Unter den Eichen 57 - 1000 Berlin 45
Part Five — Various Institutions, Rites and Values

Ch. 23 Killing and Bearing 257

Ch. 24 The Buna Qala Ritual 287
Ch. 25 Obo and Tchora 308
Ch. 26 Hiriya 324
Ch. 27 The Concept of Saffu 330
Ch. 28 An Aspect of Saffu between Man and Animal 342
Ch. 29 The Matcha's Selective Attitude in regard to Biblical
Myths 357

Conclusion 361

Bibliography 363 To
the Oromo People
Oromo Words 371 and especially to those among them
who helped me to write this book
Index 375

Maps 378

Illustrations 381
 A CKNO WLEDGEMENTS

I owe a great debt of gratitude to my teachers in anthropology at

the university of Nijmegen the late Professor R. Mohr and Professor
A.A. Trouwborst. They lent me their constant support during the first
years of my research.
Professor B.W. Andrzejewski gave me precious advice on linguistic
matters and showed great personal kindness to me.
Among the authors I am most indebted to is Eike Haberland who
with his team of German scholars has made such a great contribution
to the study of the Oromo and other Ethiopian peoples.
Another author to whom I owe a great deal is that great Italian
scholar Ernesto Cerulli who preceded Haberland by more than thirty
years and who also paid a visit to my area of research.
Karl Eric Knutsson was a help to me in guiding me in Oromo reli-
gious concepts, especially since his research like mine was carried out
among the Matcha Oromo.
But the one to whom I owe most in regard to this book and who
himself has done such valuable research among the Borana and Arsi
Oromo, is Paul T.W. Baxter. However much I am indebted to the schol-
ars and authors mentioned above, I must acknowledge that without
his constant encouragement and criticism this book would never have
been written.
I am also indebted to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies in Addis
Ababa for its assistance and the willingness of its staff at all times to
allow me to use their facilities.
The fieldwork upon which this book is based was made possible by
grants from the Foundation for Scientific Research in the Tropics
(WOTRO), the Hague, and from various foundations who wish to re-
main anonymous. I welcome this opportunity to express my gratitude
to them all.
I wish to make a special acknowledgement to my own religious con-
gregation, the Vincentian Fathers, for giving me the opportunity of
carrying out this research, and particularly to the Vincentian Fathers
in Ethiopia who invited me to come there and who have helped me in
many ways by their hospitality, friendship and knowledge of the peo-
ple. Without them my research would have been impossible.
I would like to thank Miss Elizabeth Armstrong for her painstaking
work correcting the English text of this book.
I also am indebted to the Congregation of the Brothers of Our Lady
of the Sacred Heart at Utrecht for their continous interest and support,
and (o llu- Congregation of the Suore della Carita in Rome for their
support in regard to the publication of this book.
Finally I would like to mention Prof. Dr. J.F. Thiel of the "Haus
Volker und Kulturen" at Sankt Augustin, West Germany, and to ex-
press my gratitude for his invitation to publish this book in his well-
established series "Collectanea Instituti Anthropos".

The author

SOME INTRODUCTORY CHAPTERS ABOUT THE

MATCHA OROMO AND ABOUT THIS BOOK

10 11
 Chapter 1

THE OROMO - A FIRST GLANCE

1. A great and numerous people

Among the many peoples living within the borders of present-day
Ethiopia the Oromo constitute easily the most numerous. If, for lack
of a reliable census, we estimate the country's total population to be
28 millions, and assuming that the Oromo account for 35 % of this
figure, then they must number about 10 millions. To the best of my
knowledge, this makes them one of the most numerous peoples in the
whole of Africa.
They form a large majority in seven out of the fourteen provinces
(nowadays called 'legions') of Ethiopia, and in other provinces they
account for a significant minority. Much of the country's best land is
Oromoland.

2. Tribes and clans

The Oromo people constitute various groups which, for centuries,
were composed almost exclusively of tribes or confederations of
tribes. The tribes, in their turn, were divided into sub-tribes, the
sub-tribes into clans, and the clans into lineages.
Relations between these groups were often fraught with dispute in
the past. For the last centuries, indeed, they did not succeed in achiev-
ing any extensive form of political unity. Only after they had been
made subject to the Christian emperor Menelik II (between 1880 and
1894) was peace established between the combative Oromo clans
themselves or between their rival petty 'kings' who, for some time
before Menelik's conquest, had marked the political scene.
As a result of this peace, friendly contacts between the various
groups and moves by individual people between the regions became
more and more frequent, so that, nowadays, Oromo of different clan
and tribal affiliations are scattered everywhere among the locally
dominant clans.

3. Economy
Generally speaking it can be said that, in the highlands, Oromo
economies are based on a mixture of agriculture (grain-crops and cof-
fee) and animal husbandry (cattle, sheep, goats and poultry). In the
lowlands they live as pastoralists. Where both types of land are to be

L3
found, we observe mixed types of economy, so that offcen within one town of Jimma. They weie converted to Islam by traders from aCrOII
family agriculturists and herders may be found. the Blue Nile who, in their turn, had connection^ with the Muslims in
The Oromo of the Harar region in the extreme east and also the the Ilarar country and along the Red Sea coast.
Tulama and Matcha Oromo are farmers with only a limited number of A further area of Islamic impact, though of minor importance, can
cattle, sheep and goats. The Borana in the far south and the Raya in be observed in the extreme north of western Matchaland where, for
the extreme north are pastoralists. Among the Borana's neighbours, centuries, Arabic traders from the Sudan settled.
the Guji or Jamjam, as among the Arsi we find pure farmers, pure In the rest of Matchaland, in the territories of the Tulama tribes and
herdsmen and people who divide their activities between farming and among the northern Yeju Oromo, the rulers of the Christian empire of
cattle-herding. Ethiopia succeeded in establishing the Ethiopian Church, so that,
nowadays, the majority of the population there are Christians.
4. Religion However, whether they became Christians or Muslims, the Oromo's
traditional modes of experiencing the divine have continued almost
At present we find three religions among them: their traditional re- unaffected, in spite of the fact that several rituals and social institu-
ligion, Islam and Christianity. tions in which it was expressed, have been very diminished or appar-
We can say that, to the Oromo, the traditional divinity is both one ently submerged in new rituals cloaks.
and, at the same time, also many. The supreme being whom they call
'Waqa' (sky/God), is the creator of all things and the source of all life.
Starting with water and rocks, going on through the vegetable and ani-
5. Social change
mal world to man, Waqa has appointed to every being its own place in
a cosmic order of which he is also the guardian. Sin is simply a breaking Apart from the Amharic domination and the influence of the two
of this cosmic order. Waqa's creative and ordering activity manifests it- world-religions other factors have affected Oromo life in many ways.
self in all things. It manifests itself in the specific characteristics of We only mention here the impact of trade and cash economy, a grad-
man in general, of every species of plants and every species of animals. ual shift from cattle-holding to agriculture, the effects of western edu-
It is manifested also in the individual characteristics of every man, of cation and technical skill, as well as urbanization and the growth of
each plant and each animal taken singly. In this particularized form the population.
Waqa's creative activity is called 'ayana'. These ayana may be personal- Their ancient social organization, in particular the famous gada sys-
ized, feared and, at times, invoked, but, in spite of this appearance of tem, a complicated system in which the responsability for the people's
multiplicity, each one is also seen ultimately as a manifestation of the well-being was handed over from one group of people to another every
one divinity. This view of the world is expressed in a wealth of rituals. eighth year, was gradually deprived by the Amharas of most of its polit-
In regard to Islam we find in the east, that the Harar Oromo are ical and judicial power and reduced to a merely ritual institution. Un-
most strongly Islamized, though the degree of Islamization differs til the revolution in 1974, the system was best preserved among the
markedly between the various groups. The impact of Islam upon the Borana, and, to a lesser extent, among the Guji or Jamjam and part of
Arsi Oromo, too, is significant and can be observed to increase in pro- the Arsi.
portion to their involvement in trade with the people of the Harar re- Elsewhere, for example in most parts of Matchaland, the weakening
gion and the Muslim Somali. Islam and trade have gone together in of the gada system had already happened before the Amharic con-
Africa again and again. Their Islamization was also encouraged by their quest (1885—88) through the rise of petty 'kings' from among the
aversion to the Christian Amharas and to the Christian Tulama Oromo Oromo themselves who, on a base of landed property, warfare and
who have taken over much of their best farmland. control of the trade-routes, had succeeded in dominating, in some ins-
Islam also prevails among the Raya herdsmen in the north and the tances, quite extensive territories. Following the Amharic conquest,
Wallo tribes. A further group of Islamized Oromo are to be found to these petty despotic rulers were, in their turn, either eliminated or
the east of Matcha Oromo territory around and to the north of the turned into vassals of the Christian emperor.

14 If)
6. Cultural unity Chapter 2
The Oromo then have been more divided than united politically for
centuries. In their everyday life, too, we see conspicuous divergences THE OROMO IN PERSPECTIVE
dependant upon their being farmers or pastoralists, Christians or Mus-
lims and on the extent to which they have come under the impact of 1. One people out of many
the central government, western education and other factors. Other The Oromo are by no means the only people in Ethiopia. Indeed,
divergences can be traced to different tribal traditions. As a result, no the country counts more than 70 different peoples. With many of these
group can be seen as representative of the others in any simple way. peoples the Oromo were in contact, sometimes very closely and over a
In spite of all these factors, and taking into consideration their wide long period — a situation resulting very largely from their extensive
geographical spread over the country, the Oromo have also maintained geographical spread throughout Ethiopia.
a quite surprising degree of similarity in certain areas of life. This is es- Outstanding among these other peoples are the Tigreans (5 mil-
pecially true of those who live in the countryside. With the exception lions?)1 and the Amharas (6 millions?) who, for centuries, formed the
of a small minority who adopted Amharic as their language, Oromo bulk of the population of Ethiopia's ancient Christian empire. This
speak a mutually intelligible language of their own. Kinship relations empire was in contact with the Mediterranean world and the Middle
and marriage customs are much the same, and so is their attitude to East for more than two thousands years. Its people developed a script
leadership on one hand and to freedom of the individual on the other, of their own. They also created a sphere of influence on the surround-
the position of the nuclear family, their concept of man and society, ing peoples long before the latter were included within the boundaries
and their modes of experiencing the divine — all things which still find of the present Ethiopian state. It was especially the Amharas who
expression in many rites, ceremonies and forms of social intercourse. were responsible for this work of political unification (1880—1900)
These features, taken one by one, are not unique in the sense that thanks to their skill in warfare and their possession of a political or-
they are not to be found in other Ethiopian peoples also. It is rather ganization strong enough to dominate other peoples.
the selection as a whole, the manner in which they have been grafted The Gojamites (1 million?) who are living within the curve of the
and absorbed by the Oromo into their way of life, and the way they Blue Nile are mostly counted as Amharas. Most of them speak Am-
grew evolved and combined that account for an obvious Oromo iden- haric and they became Christians eight centuries ago. In their way of
tity. life, however, they have retained more of the customs of their Agaw
ancestors than the Amhara proper.
7. Their name Both in Oromoland and within the boundaries of the ancien Chris-
For centuries, the Oromo have been called 'Galla', though rather by tian empire we find clusters of other ethnic groups who never allowed
non-Oromo than by themselves. Since the revolution, however, they themselves to be wholly assimilated into the main group. They usually
have again claimed for themselves their ancient name 'Oromo', be- represent earlier peoples.
cause of the pejorative connotations the word 'Galla' has in their eyes. Apart from these clusters in Oromo-, Tigre- and Amharaland, nearly
all other earlier peoples are to be found in those parts of the country
where neither the Oromo nor the Amharas and Tigreans ever settled in
great numbers. Which means in fact that they are found chiefly in the
borderlands. Many are mainly farmers, others pastoralists, others
hunters, and still others find their living in shifting cultivation, collec-
ting vegetable food in the wilderness and a highly developed apiculture.

Part of the Tigreans are living in the country's most northern region Erytrea.

16 17
Their traditional political organization, especially in the not too The name 'Cushitic' foi il»«- Oromo language docs noi mean at all,
remote past, ranged between homesteads under the lead of an older as is sometimes suggested, that the Oromo's homeland should be looked
kinsman to petty headmen and even divine kings in the full sense of for in that part of the Nile valley. Il only says that (homo language is
the word. Among others age-grades prevailed or some form of a of the same extended family as the one of Cush. An extended family,
gada-system. Some formed rather homogeneous groups, others devel- indeed, with many branches, extending as far as Tanzania. Most of (lie
oped a society with several strata under the lead of a ruling class. Cushitic languages (linguists are said to have discovered more than
Physically they show all intermediary grades between the tall and seventy of them) are to be found within the boundaries of present
pitch-black Anuak in the far south-west and their small and rather Ethiopia. They are divided into eastern and western Cushitic. Oromo
lightly coloured neighbours, the Mao. language is eastern Cushitic and, as such, is akin to Somali, Afar and
In comparison with other peoples such as the Oromo, Amhara and Saho.
Tigreans who could be rightly called the 'younger peoples of Ethiopia', In Ethiopia's extreme north, we find two purely Semitic languages,
these smaller ethnic groups are often called 'earlier peoples' or 'the Tigre and Tigrinya. It is generally accepted that they came into exis-
old masters of the country', a name they give to themselves. But in tence under the influence of Arabic settlers who crossed the Red Sea
this respect it is worth noticing that they themselves also differentiate allegedly during the last millenium before our era. They gradually re-
between each other on this issue, or that they have folk-memories of placed the former, presumably Cushitic, languages.
peoples who were settled in their lands even before they themselves Further to the south, and under the influence of settlers from the
arrived there. north, several other languages have come into being which, too, by
most authors are classified as Semitic, although the impact of Cushitic
2. Problems of classification on them is marked. Hence also the name 'Ethiopian-Semitic'. One of
these languages is the Amharic.
One cannot safely classify what is unknown. Most of the peoples of
Ethiopia remain less known than is popularly supposed, both by for- For all these Semitic and Ethiopian-Semitic languages the Amharic
eigners and by the Ethiopians themselves. script (which was developed in Ethiopia itself) is customarily used
with some adaptations.
A number of valuable studies have already been made, both by for-
eigners and Ethiopians, and every year more are added to their num- Apart from these Cushitic, Semitic and partly Semitic languages we
ber, but there are far too few. A result of such new publications "is find throughout the country tens of other languages, as could be ex-
invariably that they reveal with shame-making clarity how little we still pected in the presence of so many earlier peoples. Some of them have
know of things we thought we knew". 2 not yet been classified, others are referred to only within a pro-
visional classification.
In addition, the culture traits of all Ethiopian peoples are continual-
ly in a state of flux, and, for the last decades, even increasingly so. As The official language of Ethiopia is Amharic and its second English.
a result, even the most valuable studies run a risk of being outdated to They are the only languages taught in the schools.
a certain extent by the date of their publication. Among those people who are no longer illiterate, knowledge of
their own language is markedly decreasing. As one of my assistants, a
3. The Oromo language and other languages of Ethiopia young teacher, once complained when confronted with the eloquence
of my older informants: "What language do we, educated people,
The Oromo speak a language which belongs to the extensive family really know? Amharic? No. English? No. We have even forgotten the
of the so called 'Cushitic' languages. The name is derived from Cush, language of our fathers."
the biblical name for ancient Ethiopia. This ancient Ethiopia is identi-
cal with the former Nubia and with modern Sudan: the valley of the
Nile between the second and the sixth cataract.

P.T.W. Baxter and HJ. Blackhurst, 1977 (2).

18 19
 Chapter 3 for Waqa's (God/sky) blessing. They had also lo display all these things
in their own life. They had to be living symbols of this blessing in the
THE MATCHA OROMO OF THE EXTREME WEST full sense of the word, which means that they had not only to be to-
kens of his blessing themselves but also to impart it to their people.
Not all of them reached this level of personal well-being and respect-
1. Their move westwards
ability, but those who were happy enough to reach it, were considered
In the course of the 16th century, the Oromo moved from their to have been blessed with 'fulness of life' by Waqa, to be nearer to
homeland, probably near the Ganale river, and began their migration him, to enjoy his good grace, and as such to be the leaders designate
to the south, north and west. (See map chapter 9) at all rituals which exceded the competence of a father of a family.
The Matcha tribe moved westwards in search of new land, 'walking
Besides an intricate division into clans and lineages, Matcha society
in the footsteps of their cattle' as they phrase it themselves. Its first
was also characterized by four social strata: borana, gabaro, despised
pioneers must have reached the present Dembidollo area in the course
castes of artisans (blacksmiths, potters, tanners, weavers) and slaves.
of the 18th century. They called their new land 'Sayo' after a remote
The first of these strata, the borana, 'the eldest sons', prided themselves
ancestor by whose name they also call themselves 'Sayo' or 'sons of
of being of pure Oromo descent, and it was strongly believed by the
Sayo'. The name 'Matcha' means 'people'.
people that all blessing came to them from Waqa through these borana.
Their socio-political organization was the famous gada system, byi,
which the responsibility for the country's well-being was successively Since each of the five gada sets had its members in all lineages and
entrusted to five groups of people, every group including members of in all social strata (except for the slaves) the gada system provided a
all clans. A son belonged always to his father's gada group or gada set. basis for overall unity between the various descent groups and social
Each of these five gada sets would rule the country in turn for a peri- strata. In addition, it also provided the organization for recruiting men
od of eight years. Each set chose its own leaders, the most important for war in cases of conflict with outsiders or between members of the
of whom were: a ritual leader whose position came near to that of a same gada confederation.3
high-priest (his name was abba bokku — holder of the scepter) with
his ritual assistants, judges and a warleader. In the course of time wes- 2. Earlier peoples
tern Matcha established several gada areas of this kind. The one in When the first Matcha pioneers arrived in the country, they found
Sayoland had its ritual centre on the Gara Mao (mountain of the Mao). several other peoples already there: Mao, Gumnao, Watta in the high-
In contrast with other Oromo in the east, western Matcha knew lands and Gumuz, Sheti, Koma, Anuak in the lowlands.
only a few grades by which a gada set gradually reached full social The Mao are the most important group. They occupied nearly all
adulthood. The highest personal ritual of a man's life was the slaughter- the highlands — the highlands which were the Matcha's chief interest.
ing of a bull in front of his house during the period of rule of his gada The southern Mao formed one society with a class of royal overlords,
set. According to this system, a son was sure to succeed his father in called Busasi. These Busasi and most probably part of the southern
his turn in the ruling of the country, but not until fourty years after Mao were immigrants from the Ethiopian kingdom of Kaffa.4 The
the latter. In this way, competition for political power or office be- northern Mao were probably incorrectly named; it is fairly certain
tween successive generations was reduced to a minimum, as one suc- they are the same people referred to as 'Amman' in earlier records.5
ceeded another in a prescribed and inviolable order. What is certain of both groups is that they fought the Matcha fierce-
However, the gada system was more than a merely socio-political ly, and inflicted repeatedly defeats on them. Because of their numbers,
system. It was also a shrine for the Matcha's traditional view of the however, the new settlers were bound to prevail eventually. While
world and their moral values. Apart from upholding the gada laws, the
gada set in power had to perform many rituals to ensure the country's 3
Cf. John Hinnant, 1978 and Hector Blackhurst, 1978.
well-being: fertility of people and animals, good harvests (especially 4
Cf. V.L. Grottanelli, 1940 and Wendy James, 1980.
through rain) and mutual peace which they considered as a condition s
A Triulzi, 1980:21 (I).

20
taking their land from these people, the Matcha took slaves from 4. The Amharic conquest
among them and married Mao women. In the eighties of the lasi century, the Ethiopian emperor Menelik II
We may well presume that the Matcha also exercised their custom started his campaign against the still independent eastern and western
of killing men for honour against the first inhabitants of their new Oromo. His major general in these campaigns was Gobana, himself a
country. In general, however, Matcha killing raids seem to have been Tulama Oromo. After the local Matcha ruler of Neqemtc, 'king' Mo
directed more against the lowlands people, while more friendly roda had submitted to him on condition that he should remain an
relations were established with the Mao. autonomous ruler under the direct overlordship of the emperor to
The southern Mao and their overlords the Busasi soon learned to whom he would pay yearly tributes in the name of his people, Gobana
consider the Matcha as a superior people, stronger than they themselves. pushed on westwards.
Although local traditions are rather scarce, one gets the impression It must have been around this time that Borrayu, after he had de-
(confirmed from more recent happenings) that at least some of the feated his neighbour abba Dasa, called in the aid of Tessama, the Am-
Mao were scarcely reluctant to becoming slaves of the Matcha. There haric governor of Gore, against his other rival, Jote. Gobana and Tessa-
were positive prospects for them in the change. A Mao girl who became ma were only too eager to play off the rivals one against each the
a Matcha's wife was sure that her children would become free people other. In two years both Jote and Borrayu had become vassals of the
in the long run, an ambition not possible under the Busasi. Married Ethiopian emperor under the same conditions as their colleague of Nc-
Mao slaves had a chance to be set free at some time and inserted into qemte. Gobana entrusted them in the emperor's name with the subjec-
a Matcha clan. The Busasi for their part began to marry Matcha girls tion of the still more or less independent Matcha clans and of the
and to adopt Matcha names in addition to their own. earlier peoples in the west and provided them with arms to this pur-
pose. The yearly tax they had to pay consisted mainly in gold, ivory
3. Petty despots and slaves. They were also to do their best to convert their people to
From about 1830 onwards we witness the rise in western Matcha- Christianity. Their conversion was seen by Menelik as an important
land of petty despots who, on the base of landed property, little means of integrating them into his Christian empire. So his new vassals
armies of their own (including slaves) and by control of the trade built a few churches and a limited number of their subjects and rela-
routes, gradually succeeded in dominating more extensive areas.6 A tives together with them were baptized, but for the most this task was
century ago, the three most important petty rulers of this kind were overshadowed by other assignments and by their personal ambitions.
Jote Tullu (Ghidami), Abba Dhasa (Galaan) and Borrayu in the The old Matcha practice of taking slaves as they needed and of kill-
country called after him. ing men for the sake of honour and (as they saw it) of procreation,
Independently of the gada rulers they pursued their own aims to grew from now on together with an international slave trade led by
increase their area of influence, the number of people who worked for Arabs and other foreigners, who recruited local Matcha to help them.
them, and their income from trade. Their activities resulted into re- In their turn, these expeditions were combined with or made under
peated clashes between rivals. the cover of campaigns for the subjection of the earlier peoples and
They set up an administration of justice of their own, imprisoning also went often together with the collection of elephant tusks.
their adversaries and even putting them to death. They did not direct- It is true that Menelik, under pressure from his European allies, had
ly oppose the gada system, at times even supporting it, but in general abolished slavery in his country, but his promises were for the greater
weakening its influence. It survived mainly thanks to its religious fea- part a dead letter. Apart from the determined resistance against this
tures. abolition on the part of his subjects, the emperor needed slaves him-
self to maintain good relations with the Arabs who, for centuries, had
supplied the Middle East and even India with Ethiopian slaves.7

Cf. U.S. Lewis, 1965,1970(1). Cf. R. Pankhurst, 1961:372-388.

22 23
 Jote's efforts to subdue the Busasi failed, and Jote swore vengeance. b ) A n u m b e r o f E t h i o p i a n prieiti, m o s t l y from (rojam, w<i<- Invited
But the Busasi king appealed to Menelik and ended by being himself to the country. Pressure was exerted on the people to build churches,
appointed an autonomous vassal on equal terms with Jote. Apart from to have themselves baptized and to bury their dead on the Christ ian
(heir services to the emperor both Jote and Borrayu served their own cemetries. Land was taken from them and given to the Church and, in
interests as well. To strengthen their hold of the country they had addition, people were forced to pay yearly taxes on behalf of tin-
themselves helped by their relatives who were appointed landlords and priests. About 1925 most Matcha of the Dembidollo area had been
supervisors of whole areas. Christianized, often at a mass baptism. The pagan element only re-
In the beginning of this century, Jote was summoned to Addis mained represented by older people, by a few borana who stubbornly
Ababa, because of the harsh treatment he had meted out to his sub- refused to have themselves baptized, and by the rise of new institution
jects. He remained in prison until after Menelik's death (1913). Bor- of so called qallu, ritual experts, who built up large followings, also
rayu's influence weakened with age. Their descendants did not succeed among the newly baptized Matcha.9
in keeping the Amhara's confidence, and in 1918 the latter put an end
to their indirect rule over western Matchaland and appointed the first c) Under direct Amharic rule approximately two thirds of the land
Amharic governor in Dembidollo.8 was taken by the state; one third was left to the local population. Of
the first two thirds, extensive stretches of land were given to the
5. Economy Church, to ex-soldiers, and Amharic dignitaries. Others passed into the
hands of Greek immigrants. Large portions of good land went to the
Profiting from the peace the Amhara had imposed on the warring
imperial family. A certain number of local households were appointed
Matcha clans Greek traders from Gambela were quick to settle in Sayo-
to work for Amharic officials. The rest of the land was entrusted to
land. They encouraged the cultivation of coffee, and the Matcha
local landowners whose rights became hereditary.
farmers willingly responded to this new opportunity, since epidemic
among their cattle had already prepared them for a shift towards agri-
culture. Thanks to these Greeks trade remained mainly directed to- Traditionally to the Matcha all land had been clan land; now all of
wards the Sudan via the White Nile basin, aside from the trade in ivory, them became tenants of a landlord for whom they had to work anil
gold and slaves, which was directed eastwards. via whom they paid taxes to the emperor.
It is true that part of the landlords were members of the local clans,
The Greeks also introduced saw-mills and grain-mills and founded
and not all of them turned out to be exploiters in the true sense of that
local industries (soap, perfume). In addition, most of them married
word, and that people continued to speak of 'clan land' and to make
Oromo girls. In this way they made themselves an integral part of the
efforts to keep it within their clan, but all of their landlords could
area's development.
freely sell portions of the land at any time to non-Oromo, to Matcha
of other clans, or to people who, according to Matcha tradition had no
6. The Amharic rule
right to possess any land at all, such as the members of the despised
From the beginning direct Amharic rule was imposed on Jote's and castes.
Borrayu's territories harshly and forcefully. All these Amharic governmental policies were clearly aimed at a
gradual de-Oromonization of the country.
a) The gada system which was already superseded by the indirect
rule, was almost entirely reduced to a ritual institution only. A number 7. Missions
of lawsuits were reserved to the government court, and for others peo-
ple increasingly had recourse to the same court, thus bypassing their During this period, a further new element made its entry into the
own appointed gada judges. area. Alarmed by disease among the people, the Amharic governor,
Biru, urgently invited the American Presbyterian missionaries from
In regard to the people's oral traditions about their petty 'kings', see my article, 1970:
141-148. K.E. Knutsson published a study of these qallu in eastern Matchaland, 1967.

24 25
nearby Sudan to open an hospital in Dembidollo. They came, gave the As protector of the Ethiopian < !hur< h, he only admitted miiiionarii i
medical help requested, and very soon started other missionary work, into his country under the lill<" <>' 'teachers' and in limited numbers
including a school, where they taught people to read the bible (1919). only. The Presbyterian mission started a secondary school providing
A year after their coming, Catholic Italian missionaries (Consolata promising youths with scholarships abroad.They enlarged their hospital,
Fathers) began to build a saw-mill in Sakko, some 12 kms to the west staffed by American doctors, and extended health-care into the conn
of Dembidollo. They fostered agriculture in many ways, commenced a try-areas. Catholic missionaries, too, made soon an important contri-
school, and bought off slaves settling them on their lands as free peo- bution in these fields.
pie. We also should mention here the Adventists, who commenced their
The establishment of missionary schools marked the beginning of a missionwork in the area during this period.
relatively high literacy level in the Dembidollo area.
10. Some aspects of the situation in 1974
8. The Italian occupation, 1935-1940 The religious affiliation of the country included in a radius of 20
The American missionaries were forced to leave, but they left some kms around Dembidollo was in 1974 approximately as follows. Total
well-trained Matcha pastors who not only secured the survival of their population 80.000. Christians of the Ethiopian Church 57.000, Protes-
mission but consolidated and extended it. tants 14.000, Catholics 5.000, Muslims 4.000.
Conversion to Catholic Christianity was not encouraged by the new At present there are two secondary schools in Dembidollo (10.000
colonial rulers. Instead they were more inclined, in pursuance of their habitants).
anti-Amhara policies, to encourage Islam and a revival of traditional In the economic field, the shift towards agriculture and in particular
Matcha culture. to coffee cultivation continued, as did the gradual shift in trade from
Since a new gada period of eight years was due to begin, they en- Sudan towards Addis Ababa. The total absence of all-weather roads to
couraged the people to pursue their traditional customs in this matter Gambela and Ghimbi remained a serious handicap. Airflights between
and, accordingly, a new ritual leader was chosen. The protestant pas- Dembidollo and Addis Ababa, several times weekly, did much to break
tors, however, protested against this revival of 'pagan' practices, and down the isolation of western Matchaland.
the Italians yielded to their protest. The gada traditions were already The revolution of 1974 brought other important changes in all fields
too weak to overcome the opposition, and it proved to be the last of life, but these changes fall outside the scope of this book.
time that new gada leaders were in fact elected in the area.
A lasting result of the Italian occupation was that slavery was effec- 11. Previous research in the area
tively abolished. For the rest, this was not met with enthusiasm from Previous scientific research bearing on the subject matter of this
all slaves involved. Some were reluctant to change a situation that book is rather scarce.
seemed not only bearable but beneficial or, at least, acceptable. In 1928 the great Italian scholar Ernesto Cerulli paid a visit to his
compatriotes, the missionaries of Sakko. In 1933 he published some
9. The second ruling period of Haile Sellassie I, 1941—1974 of his memories in Vol. II of his book Ethiopia Occidentals
Direct Amharic rule was re-established at this time, but without Vinigi Grottanelli made an extremely valuable research among the
some of the harsher elements of the period prior to the Italian occupa- southern Mao. He published the results in I Mao, 1940.
tion. Haile Sellassie encouraged the establishment of more schools in An Ethiopian historian Terrefe Woldetsadik published in 1968 an
pursuance of his policies of Amharic domination, since he needed a article The Unification of Ethiopia (1880-1935), Wallaga, in which
limited number of Amharized Oromo to help him to administer the also an account is given of the Dembidollo area.
Oromo territories. In another article, written together with Donald Crummey, The
For some time more, almost all schools were both administered and Introduction and Expansion of Orthodox Christianity in Qelem Awraja,
financed by the missions. Western Wollega, from about 1886 to 1941, the Dembidollo born his-

26 27
 torian Ncgaso Gidada published some data about this aspect of local Chapter 4
history.
The Italian historian Alessandro Triulzi made his research in western WHAT IS IN A TITLE?
Wollega during the years 1972—73 and also spent some time in Dembi-
dollo. He published The Gudru Oromo and Their Neighbours in the "Myths, rites and symbols" — what do we understand by theie
Two Generations before the Battle of Embabo, (1975), The Back- words? They are used in various senses. So it seems appropriate to ex
ground to Ras Gobana'sExpeditions to Western Wallaga in 1886—1888, plain from the beginning what we understand by them in this book;
(1975), and Funj Rule over the Southern Ethiopian Marches in the especially as it was written first of all for the Oromo themselves. In
Early Eighteenth Century, (1980) and Social Protest and Rebellion in the beginning my Oromo assistants were obviously confused about the
some Gdbbar songs from Qilldm, Wdlldga (1980). His major publica- meaning of these English words.
tion is Salt, Gold and Legitimacy — Prelude to the History of a no
man's land Bela Shangul, Wallaga, Ethiopia (ca. 1800—1898) which 1. Myths
appeared in 1981. The book also gives precious data, up to now un- For a long time already, indeed for many centuries, the usual mean-
published, about the history of the Western Matcha. ing of the word 'myth' is 'fable', 'invention', 'fiction', something that
In 1979 Jan Hultin published an article bearing on the Sibu Matcha is not real, not true. However, during the past 60 years, western schol-
Political Structure and Development of Inequality among the Matcha ars have re-introduced its original meaning, the meaning it still has in
Oromo. societies of a more archaic type than the modern ones. Here 'myth'
In 1974—75, Wendy James, university of Oxford, carried out her means a 'true story' and beyond that, a story that is a most precious
research in western Wollega. She also visited the area around Dembi- possession of the people because it is sacred, exemplary and signifi-
dollo. Like V. Grottanelli, however, she was first and foremost inter- cant.10 It is in this sense we understand 'myth' in this book.
ested in the earlier peoples. In 1980 an interesting paper of hers ap- Myths deal with the origins of man and his world. A number deal
peared From Aboriginal to Frontier Society in Western Ethiopia. It re- with the creation of the world. Others speak of the origin of human
presents a substantial new supply of data about the Mao and their re- institutions such as the ones by which a people is ruled, f. i. kings or a
lations with the Matcha. ruling group chosen from their midst. Others try to explain the mys-
Finally I would like to mention here also the biography of Keis tery of death, sin and suffering, man's quest for happiness and his fail-
Gidada Solon who was the leading Matcha pastor of the Presbyterian ure in finding it. Many of them, too, are concerned with man's rela-
Mission, The Other Side of Darkness, by Ruth McCreery and Martha tions to the animal and vegetable world in general or to certain animals
M. Vandevort, which contains valuable historical data about the area and plants in particular. In the latter case they may tell how man re-
(1972). ceived his cattle or how a certain plant became his staple food.
With the aid of oral tradition the new generations are informed
about the most important things of their world — things which, how-
ever, remain loaded with mystery and which can only be apprehended
obscurely and through intuition.
Myths not only deal with things which came about in what is often
called 'the beginning of time'; they also deal with things which came
into existence during the course of a people's history. Hence the word
'origin' has to be taken to point to an interference by the Superhuman
in general. There are peoples, indeed, who have no creation myths;

10
Cf. Mircea Eliade, 1963:1.

28 29
nevertheleii they <l<> have various mythi about the origins of several of wanes, myths lose IIKH quality of s.i< icii stones, conveying things
their institutions. The Oromo are an example of this. more true and more ret] dun those conveyed by historical records.
This is not the place to digress about the various kinds of myths. In Then (hey arc reduced (<> men fiction.
B number of them certain superhuman beings or the Supreme Being For all that it is related in terms of the past, myth is not history. Al
arc explicitly mentioned, in others not. Many myths are clearly con- though it often seems to tell us historical facts, we can never be wholly
cerned with representing things as they were when they came out of certain of this without confirmation from other sources. These other
God's hands, unobscured and unspoiled by human greed, pride and sources may be provided by scientific research, but also by the people
passion. This does not mean that myths are only speaking of the past. themselves. Indeed, their mythical way of thought does not deprive
On the contrary, they are first of all concerned with the people's pres- them of their sense of history. It is only one of the patterns of human
ent situation. When a situation (f. i. an institution) changes in the thought, also for them, and they are well aware of it. Apart from the
course of time, the myth supporting it changes as well. superhuman backgrounds of their way of life, they remain well aware
Since they deal with realities which go beyond logical discourse and of the merely human factors which played a part in their history as a
scientific ways of thought, the events in a myth are commonly ex- people. I myself have obtained exact historical records from people
pressed in a symbolic way, which means that they are expressed by who also told me myths.
symbols, i. e. things, acts and gestures which are not the realities them- When I asked them to tell me a myth, they often seemed somewhat
selves but rather reflections of them. reluctant. As my Oromo assistant made clear to me:
These realities are presented in events and the form of a story. In
this way they are most likely to be remembered. "They think that we as educated people will laugh at them for
continuing to believe in such stories. They are also aware thai
To quote an excellent text about myths: "Myth ... is an essential part of the it did not actually happen." (Mirresa Gamtcsa)
patterns of human thought and discourse which can never be entirely replaced by
logical discourse, particularly in these questions for which logical discourse fails to Once, however, they commenced their story, they were soon carried
render an answer which satisfies the mind. The newer view of myth is summed up away on the atmosphere of mythical thought, and their whole attitude
by Miller Burrows as ... 'a symbolic, approximate expression of truth which the gave the impression that they felt themselves to be telling a true story.
human mind cannot adequately and accurately express' ... Myth implies not false-
hood, but truth; not primitive, naive misunderstanding, but an insight more pro- The Matcha themselves distinguish between:
found than scientific description and logical analysis can ever achieve. The lan- a) Oddu, 'stories for children' as they say, but which normally in-
guage of myth in this sense is consciously inadequate, being simply the nearest we clude moral teachings, such as the stories about the man-eating giant
can come to a formulation of what we see very darkly." with four eyes, Bulgu, and beast-fables.
The best known myths in this sense are the venerable stories of the first book b) Oddu dhugati, 'true stories' in the sense of historical stories,
of the bible. "What distinguishes these passages of the Old Testament from ancient 'stories which really happened'. An example of this are the clan-stories
myths is not the patterns of thought and language, which seem in every respect to of Chapter 9, 4.
be the same, but the Hebrew idea of God as known through His revelation of Him- c) Stories for which they seem to have no special name, but which
self ... What they knew of God could only be expressed through symbolic form ... are true in another sense. My assistant Gammachu Magarsa described
and the relations of God with the world and with man were perceived and ex- them as follows:
pressed through the same patterns and processes which elsewhere we call mythical.
This is the quality of thought and language by whatever term it may be desig-
"These are stories which are not only of the past but also of tin-
nated."
present and future; they explain our present situation in the
Most of what has been said here about myth in general, is taken from John
L.M. McKenzie's Dictionary of the Bible, 1976.
light of Waqa as the ultimate cause of all things, such as the
story of our law-giver Makko Billi when our people crossed the
Myths deal with origins — origins which, real though they may be, Ghibe river. (Chapter 8, 1) I think these are the stories you call
elude human understanding. When the belief in the actual origins 'myths'. We have no special name for them, but they, too, are

30 91
 considered ai true stories, even more real than theoddu dhugati. W i t h i n t h e f r a m e <>i t h e h c u l t u r e .ill p e o p l e i h a v e s y m b o l s <>i t h e i i
They arc not based on things man did but on what Waqa has own. Just as eacli people has its own unique language, so their unique
done and is still doing. If I myself would have to find a name symbolism can only be understood when their mode of life and
for them, I think I would call them 'dubbi Waqa — words, deeds, thought is also understood.
things of Waqa'. As with many other peoples Oromo understand all beings to be
Waqa's deeds are of all time. He still continues giving all animals charged with some specific power of their own by which they influence
their share (he refers to the myth in Chapter 27, 4). He con- one another for better or worse. They feel themselves to be living, so
tinues creating us from his water every day. We cross the Ghibe to say, in a magnetic field. This makes it natural for nearly everything
river from generation to generation. When a grandfather sees his to be used as a symbol.
newly born grandson for the first time (his grandson in whom In regard to the Oromo there is even more. In their view every
he sees himself), he feels he has crossed the Ghibe river once plant, every animal has its special qualities from God's creative power
more." which is at work in it continually. This way it is not a man-made
symbol but given to them by God.
2. Symbols The difference between 'sign' and 'symbol' is rendered in Oromo by
Peoples everywhere express themselves in symbols. In literate soci- the words 'agarsiftu' (from the verb 'agarsisu — to show, to point at)
eties speech and writing dominate. In pre-literate societies such as the and 'mallatto'.
Oromo's, other symbols are more important; they act their ideas, be-
liefs and values rather than formulating them. But what is a symbol? "An agarsiftu points to something that is not in the agarsiftu it-
The Oxford Advanced Learners' Dictionary defines a symbol as self; it points to something the way a direction-post does. A
follows: "A sign, mark, object etc. looked upon as representing some- mallatto, however, has in itself what it signifies. In this sense we
thing." In this sense, white is a symbol of purity, a cross is a symbol of say: 'Tchokorsa mallatto jirenyati — tchokorsa grass is a symbol
Christianity. of life.'
However, to grasp the full meaning of the word, we do well not to The ayana of tchokorsa (God's specific creative power in this
look at a symbol as merely a sign of something else. In many cases grass; Chapter 12) is in the tchokorsa grass itself; it is an ayana
they are much more. In these cases they not only indicate something of life. We use tchokorsa in many rituals and, while doing so, we
else, but they also impart what they indicate. Water, for instance, is a also believe that it makes us participate in its life."
symbol of life and purification, but it also purifies and gives life. This (Gammachu Magarsa)
fuller meaning of a symbol holds good especially for the so called 'rit- [Nowadays, the Oromo often use the
word 'milikita' from the Amharic 'mili-
ual symbols' — symbols used in rituals where superhuman beings are kit' which covers both meanings, 'sign'
invoked. and 'symbol'.]
"It must not been forgotten that ritual symbols are not merely
signs representing known things; they are felt to possess ritual
3. Rites
efficacy, to be charged with power from unknown sources and
to be capable of acting on persons and groups coming into con- In English daily speech no clear distinction is made between the
tact with them in such a way as to change them for the better words 'ritual', 'rite', 'ceremony' and 'ceremonial'. For clarity's sake
or in a desired direction." (V. Turner, 1967:54) therefore, some anthropologists who study the peoples' cultures, have
felt compelled to distinguish between 'rite' and 'ritual' on one hand
We have only to think of immersion in holy water or the mere and 'ceremony' and 'ceremonial' on the other.
sprinkling of it. In this sense good manners, too, are loaded with sym- By 'ceremony' and 'ceremonial' they then understand activities
bolism. which have no direct bearing on people's religion. They express merely

32
human relationships, an attitude from man to man; they are in the I,I IK .11 y of the ritual
broadest sense forms of social intercourse. Efficacy is the first, indeed almost the only norm for any rilii.il
By 'rite' and 'ritual' they understand activities with a definite reli- While performing it, the actors' first concern is to do everything prop
gious element, actions by which some mystical, superhuman power is erly. It is this practical attitude which dominates the whole perfoi
invoked. mance. One could compare it with the building of a house. Things are
In this book I will stick to this distinction as far as possible. "As far discussed throughout the process of building. The technical experl is
as possible", because in practice the distinction is not always clear, consulted again and again. The same holds good for the ritual expert
since the invocation of some mystical, superhuman power does not whose assistance is mostly called in. He is consulted in every detail and
need to be explicit. tells the performers over and over again what they have to say or to do.
Once this distinction is made, however, we can say that a ritual may The symbols, charged with power as they are, should not be handled
become a mere ceremony much as a myth may become a mere fairy sparingly. Where cleansing is involved there should be much water. A
single small blade of tchokorsa grass (a symbol of peace) in one's hand
tale.
is not enough. The wet grass, strewn in the house (a symbol of fertility
"We Oromo have no word that covers all things you call 'rit- and life) should be plenty. The symbols must work.
uals'. Our word 'tchida' is used for all kinds of positive, joyful
rituals. Thus we speak of 'tchida daumsa — birth-rituals', 'tchi-
"As I slaughtered my butta bull in front of [the open door of]
da sa'a dabbachu — the ritual of thanksgiving for the birth of a
my house, his blood splashed the partition of the backroom
calf, 'tchida herumna — wedding-ritual', 'tchida Atete — the rit-
[passing through the frontroom]. It was very good. In that house
ual of Atete' a.s.o.
I begot two sons." (Shagerdi Bukko, informant)
However, for what you call 'a ritual of peacemaking' or 'a rit-
ual of purification' we use the words 'gumi' or 'yai' which simp-
ly mean 'a meeting'. The ceremonies of the transfer of power by Any person liable to endanger the ritual's efficacy is excluded:
one gada set to another and the proclamation of the law on the menstruating women, those who had sexual intercourse the night be-
mountain of the Mao were also gumi or were simply called by fore, a man with blood on his hands (i. e. one who has killed someone
their own name." (Gammachu Magarsa) but has not undertaken a purification ritual) and, most important,
anyone who is not at peace with others.
The ritual should be performed on a propitious day, since days, too,
have some divine element in them which can be favourable to a ritual
Ideal and reality or not. Even the hour of the day plays its part. A boy should bring
home his bride in the morning while the day is still young.
Rites express and support moral standards of behaviour which in A lot of public rituals are performed when the sky is cloudy, since
everyday life often fail to materialize. Anyone approaching a people's in a cloudy sky Waqa (God/sky) is felt to be nearer to man.
way of life mainly through their rituals and ceremonies alone is bound When Matcha say that they perform a ritual in such and such a way
to be confronted with their ideals rather than their daily practice. On "because it is custom", such a remark may be only an easy answer but
the other hand, a onesided view of this daily practice with all its it also implies that their way of performing the ritual has proved to be
display of pride, jealousy, discrimination, greed and lack of moral effective over many generations. It is the efficacy of a custom that ac-
strength does not do justice to a people either. No more than with counts for its authority.
individuals a people's actions in everyday life wholly reflect what they 'Praying well' in their eyes is first of all to pray effectively. Feelings
really are. Their very rituals and ceremonials can be seen as a perpetual of piety scarcely play a part. It is in this sense that Waquma Tollera,
struggle on their part to uphold these ideals in spite of their inability one of my best informants, once told me, while pointing to certain rit-
to live up to them in everyday life. ual symbols:

34 ss
 "We do not pray to these things themselves; we pray to God. p i e will s h a r e t h e s e c u i t o m i w i i h h i m . N o child i><>m Into •' p e o p l e o n the other
But these things help us to pray." side of the globe can CVC1 • •< liicvc the thousandth part."
Culture is "the sum of learned knowledge and skills including religion .mil
Flexibility and variety language — that distinguishes one community from another, and which, lubjed to
the vagaries of innovation and change, passes on in a recognizable form from g<-u
When a ritual cannot be postponed and the precise things needed eration to generation."12
are not available, people will try to make the best of what is at hand in These quotations include all the important features of what is understood l>y
the circumstances. For instance, a sheep is needed at a wedding-party. 'culture' in a book like this, rather than the accepted use of this word in everyday
speech.
It has to be slaughtered by the groom as a symbol of his bride who is
One of the most important features of culture is that it only involves things
about to shed her maidenblood for the sake of motherhood. If there is which are transmitted from generation to generation by the processes of learning.
no sheep available, for instance as a result of sheep disease in the coun- Things which are not to be learned from others like crying, swallowing, walking
try, they will make a sheep from tchaffe, a kind of thick grass that are not part of culture, but a certain way of crying, a certain manner of walking,
grows on marshy places. While killing this mock-sheep, the groom says: imposed by the people's rules of behaviour, do form part of their culture.
"Now I am going to kill the wedding-sheep ... Now its blood is shed."
a.s.o.
It goes without saying that the symbols are not universal; trees and
plants differ in different parts of the country.
Other variations are due rather to a shift in emphasis. In western
Matchaland the bride is forbidden to see the blood of the sheep,
slaughtered on her wedding-day, since it is seen as her blood. In eastern
Matchaland (Tchaliya) she must stand near her groom, while the latter
slaughters, symbolizing her willingness to shed her maidenblood for
the sake of motherhood. While the sheep is slaughtered, she is standing
at his left. As soon as this is finished, she moves over to his right, the
ritual place of the housewife.
Still other variations originate in the traditions of a single clan.
Most variations, however, remain within the limits of general Oro-
mo culture, and any Oromo, wherever from, can understand their
symbolism.

Remark

Culture is "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals,
law, customs and other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of his
society." (Edward Tylor)
"The life history of any individual person is first and foremost an accomoda-
tion to the pattern of thought, the concepts, customs and standards of behaviour
handed down in his community. From the moment of his birth, these customs of
his people shape his experience and behaviour. By the time he can talk, he is the
1
little creature of his culture, and by the time he has grown and able to take part in Ruth Benedict, 1934:18. For the sake of a better understanding I have changed or added
his people's activities, their habits have become his habits, their beliefs his beliefs, some words.
their impossiblities his impossibilities. Every other child that is born into his peo- 12
I.M. Lewis, 1976:17.

36
37
 Chapter 5 in t h e o r y , t h e s e f o r e i g n m i i i i o n i r i e i w e n - q u i t e p r e p a r e d I<>.I|>I>I<
c i a t e m u c h o f their p e o p l e ' s ( u l t u r a l i n h e r i t a n c e . S e v e r a l <>i t h e m w e r e
THE A UTHOR AND HIS BOOK certainly not wholly unacquainted with problems of culture-claih 01
social organization. Within the rather limited range of their daily
1. Field and period of research tacts with their people, all of them were frequently confronted with
My research was carried out mainly in the area west of the little the need to know more about Oromo ways of life and thought. But
the immediate claims of their work, the need to keep things going in
town of Dembidollo in the extreme south-west of Oromoland.
the pastoral field, their schools, health-clinics, and specialized (level
It is the area where Oromo migrations towards the west came to a
opment projects, made great demands on their time and energy,
standstill with their occupation of the last spurs of the Ethiopian high-
leaving barely any scope for enquiries into the cultural backgrounds of
lands. Behind Anfilo, indeed, the country rapidly descends to the low-
their people.
lands of the Baro rivier and the Sudan, areas that are not attractive to
So, when they invited me to stay with them, it was on the clear
the Oromo.
understanding that I would keep myself almost exclusively free for
Part of my research (1968—80) took place during the first years of
just this kind of research.
a new era in the country's history, those years following the revolution
which put an abrupt end to the methods of landholding and the highly Supported by my priest colleagues I was fortunate to share, from
centralized government of the last emperor. The socio-political changes the very beginning, in the trust and sympathy they enjoyed with the
brought about by this revolution will no be dealt with in this book, people. They also saved me the trouble of looking for a good assisl.mi
important though they are. and interpreter.
My research was not carried out continually for twelve years. It was Nevertheless, as could well be expected, I soon experienced that my
interrupted several times by a stay in my native country, The Nether- working program was not very likely to meet with full cooperation
lands, or by periods in other parts of Oromo territory. from the people. In their eyes, a priest should not be concerned will)
To be able to return, again and again, to the same field of research their pre-Christian customs, moral norms and all kind of situations in
is certainly a rare privilege for any anthropologist. I owe this opportu- the sensitive field of marriage and descent. As a priest I had only l<>
nity on one hand to several organizations in my homeland who fi- preach the word of God, to ensure God's blessing on their family, ani-
nanced my research and, on the other, to the help and hospitality mals and crops, and to promote that mutual peace between them
given to me in many ways by the Catholic missionaries in the area. which latter, in their eyes, is a prerequisite for these blessings from
The latter was mainly due to my being a priest of their religious con- God. Accordingly, I was quickly enough informed that I was spoken
gregation, the Vincentian Fathers. of, sometimes, as a priest less good than they had hoped for. In addi-
tion, since, in their eyes, I was 'a brother' of their parish priests, they
were understandably afraid that I would communicate to their spirit-
ual fathers things they prefered they should remain ignorant of. They
2. Priest and anthropologist were afraid of ontoward reactions on those priests' part.
My very status of a priest-anthropologist, however, was certainly As a result, it took me longer to be informed about several aspects
not without some drawbacks of its own. of their everyday life than would have been the case if I had not been
The people's expectations of a priest did not allow him to manifest 'a brother of their fathers'.
an interest in their pre-Christian way of life; much less to regard this
with any respect. Though several of the missionaries were well versed Every research-worker has attitudes and values of his own which in-
in the Oromo language, and all of them enjoyed the trust and sympathy fluence his view of things and account for both his achievements and
of the people, the latter did not regard their priests as being much ac- his limitations. My own personal approach was inspired and guided by
quainted with the values and customs of their daily life as passed my conviction that God is at work in all religions. According to lliis
down to them from their ancestors. view every religion is a holy ground where one has to take off his

38 89
sandals, as Moses was ordered to do in front of the burning bush. t h i s b o o k c o v e r s a h e l d OJ w i n . l i , u n t i l n o w , v e r y l i t t l e l i a s b e e n p u b
Apart from its eloquent expression of awe in God's presence, this scene lished.
from the Old Testament soon acquired an additional meaning for me.
The more my research proceeded, the more I felt myself to be con- The area could rightly In- called 'the Far West' of Oromo territory.
fronted with a merely human mystery as well — a mystery comparable On their way westwards the pioneers of the Matcha tribe evidently
to that of the burning bush that remained unconsumed. Like other lost something of their ancient cultural heritage. They mixed in< ic.is
peoples the Oromo have a view of things which cannot be entirely ingly with other peoples whose land they took, and were influenced
comprehended by our western mind. Especially is this true in regard by them in various ways. Several traditional institutions of their own
to their experience of the superhuman. They mirror the divine in their could not be maintained in their new surroundings. They fell out of
own way — a way that eludes our western categories of thought. They use or were replaced by more adaptive ones. One factor in favour of
do not challenge certain contradictions our western mind finds difficult their traditional way of life, however, was that, living so far away into
to accept (for example, divinity is one and many at the same time). the west, they remained for a long time outside the reach of Muslim
So, to the mystery of God another was added: the human mystery of influence and of the territorial ambitions of the Christian emperors in
a specific experience of the divine. Accordingly, I found myself in- the east.
creasingly in the position of that fine missionary in Zaire, father Pla-
cide Tempels who, after ten years of talking to the Bantu, finally de- In regard to the subject matter dealt with in this book (the people's
cided to sit down with them and to ask them to talk first to him: myths, rites and symbols), it has not hitherto constituted the main
"Please, tell me what God has told to you and I will tell you what he topic of any work.
told to us." The study approximating most nearly to mine, both in regard to the
area and its topics, is that of Karl Eric Knutsson, dealing with I In-
modern ritual experts (called 'qallu') in eastern Matchaland who arose
chiefly in reaction against the influence of Christianity. I have not in
3. Some more characteristic features of this book eluded their colleagues in western Matchaland in my research which
Not only in the field of religion but also in other aspects this attitude deals rather with the concepts, rituals and customs of the common
of listening to what the Oromo themselves have to say will show up in people all of which existed long before the emergence of these modern
this book. Throughout I will allow the people to speak for themselves. qallu.13 In addition, it must be said that the ritual practices of these
From a purely scientific point of view, this method has several ad- comparatively recent experts (they adopted Christian elements) un-
vantages. First, it makes the texts on which my conclusions are based certainly not in all respects a true reflection of the people's traditional
available to anyone. Secondly, it leaves room for other interpretations religion.
on the base of further research. Thirdly, it leaves room for the Matcha's
own understanding of them. A number of rituals and institutions touched on in this book are no
Another reason for this method is a desire to make the book read- longer in use or are on the way to disappear altogether. The underly-
able to both the Oromo themselves and others who are not experts in ing values and concepts, however, are for the greater part still alive ami
social anthropology and for whom sustained scholarly language would have found new expressions in current living. Fighting for example,
be a disadvantage, and a discouragement to reading. has constituted an important value in Oromo life for centuries; nowa-
In general, I will allow the people to speak first and only then add days, it finds expression in their eagerness to possess a gun and (at
my comment. This comment will itself often include some further in- least with a number of them) to enrol themselves as soldiers.
formation from the people. It will be further elucidated by the find-
ings of other scholars who have studied the Oromo in other areas, by
other methods, and from different points of view.
13
Both in regard to the area of research undertaken and its content Qallu: the usual orthography is 'kallu'.

40 II
 Where they have not yet found new expressions, they are still hidden (lhapter (>
under the surface. We could compare present Matcha culture with an
iceberg whose greater part is under the water. The under-water-part ASSISTANTS AND INFORMANTS
still influences and controls the direction taken by the visible part. Its
extent is not only at depth but is more widespread and may be danger- 1. Assistants
ous, even hurtful to anyone who only regards the visible part. Mirresa Gamtesa
Note 1 When I arrived in my field of research, my first experience was I lie
As a general rule I give the texts in Oromo when the actual words are to a great help local missionaries can afford to an anthropologist by providing
extent fixed, as in proverbs, ritual formulae and songs. In several instances the ori- him with a good assistant from among the people.
ginal tapes have been lost in the exigencies of field research or of the revolution. The Dutch missionary Jack van Helden — 'abba Yaiqob' to his peo-
Sometimes, I also add the Oromo text where English fails to convey the mean- ple — who had already been working there for ten years, brought me
ing of the Oromo words accurately.
into contact with one of his teachers at the mission-station of Addo.
His name was Mirresa Gamtesa. Mirresa, at that time, was a young man
Note 2 in his twenties, married and father of two daughters. Like most teach-
Phonetic transcription
ers in the countryside he was, at the same time, a farmer. Here is ;i
Being not a linguist I have refrained from a too much sophisticated phonetic tran-
conversation with him which I noted down after six months of close
scription.
ch is cacuminal (Englisch 'church'). cooperation.
tch is the same but emphatic and lightly detached from the sound that follows, Mirresa: When abba Yaiqob asked me to help you, I had no idea
dh is cacuminal and equally lightly detached from the sound that follows, what you wanted from me. You were a priest, and I did not
j is prepalatal (English 'jar'),
expect you to be interested in the old ways of our people. I my
k is normal, mediopalatal,
self, too, did not know much about them, since I had been learn
q is postpalatal.
ing very different things in school, and also because, during
th is precacuminal and lightly detached from the sound that follows,
y is as in the English 'yet'. holidays, I was most of the time with abba Yaiqob. We worked
a is always as in the English 'ask' though it can be shorter or longer, together and were eating together. He said me whatever he liked
e is as in the English 'great' though it can be shorter or longer, and I imitated him. If I had lived with my people, I never would
i is as in the English 'meat' though it can be shorter or longer, have dared to do this.
o is as in the English 'oath' though it can be shorter or longer, It was you who taught me a new way.
u is as in the English 'full' though it can be shorter or longer. Before you came here, I did not know much, for all that I was a
teacher. Knowing only a little is not good. You could compare
me with a medical assistant with basic nurse training who has
learned only a little about medical treatment. When we saw an
old man giving some medical treatment of his own according to
what he had learned from his father, we said: "What does he
know about these things?"
Now I know better. Now I know that the medicines given by
that old man could well be better than the modern ones people
get in the hospital. Now I know that we should send that medi-
cine to some laboratory and ask the scientists there to have .i
closer look at them. We should tell them: "It is useful for such
and such a purpose." Then, perhaps, that learned doctor in the

42
43
 laboratory would say: "It is better than any other medicine." In (i.ii <iass b e i n g t h e gabaro, H o w e v e r , • 11«- Luitre <•! b o r a n a - i h i p h a d
studying our customs you are doing the same. You helped me largely jv>n<", e v e n b y llial l i m e .
to appreciate my own people's knowledge and their way of life. Enscrmu was especially valuable to me because he expressed himself
Now I know that there is a 'mystery', a secret meaning, in all easily in English and because he put me in contact with his father, W.i
that we do. For example, when Oromo wash their hands every quma who, in the course of time, became one of my most put ions in
morning, before having any food or drink, I know that it has a formants. His mother was a borana, his father a. gabaro.
meaning. Many times when you asked me to enquire about a rit- Both Asafa and Ensermu remained my faithful assistants for eighi
ual, I myself hardly knew anything of it, though I had seen it years.
many times. Through you I learned its meaning. Now I know
them better than you do. Beqele Lamu
Author: It is your grandfather in you who makes you under- Ten years younger than Asafa and Ensermu, he was, originally, my
stand them better than me. assistant in making religious songs. As well he collected for me young
Mirresa: [smiling] Yes, it is the blood. Our old ways are still in people's dancing-songs, hunting- and wedding-songs, and no less than
our blood. Now I no longer laugh at those things. four hundred love-songs.
He is married and father of a son. His family is from Sakko and are
Mirresa had a natural talent for putting himself in the place of his gabaro.
pupils. As he was in the school, so he was with me.
He belonged to a clan called Amumma, but, as with many others, Gammachu Magarsa
his ancestors were not pure Oromo. His fourth grandfather had been a
I made his acquaintance in the last year of my research. His grand
Mao who had been admitted into the Amumma clan.
father was the last 'holder of the staff of the gada in Dembidollo. Oral
tradition in his family is still very rich and he was able to help me a
Asafa Disasa and Ensermu Waquma great deal in elucidating the notes and songs I had collected already,
adding to them much new information of his own.
When Mirresa was about to leave the area in order to attend a teach-
ers' training course, he brought me into contact with two friends of He is a borana, father of a son and, at the moment, in his early
his, living in the neighbouring Sakko mission. They took over Mirresa's thirties.
contacts with some Addo informants and were quick to find others
from among their own friends and relatives. 2. Informants
Asafa had the same talent as a teacher as Mirresa. He was a man Shagerdi Bukko
careful and persistent in tracing the things I wished to know. Another
One day, Mirresa Gamtesa came to me radiant. "I have met an old
asset was the fact that he had killed a wild buffalo and enjoyed the
man," he said. "He was waiting at our clinic. I have spoken with him
esteem people have for 'killers'. For this reason, he had some knowl-
about many things. He is 'a man who knows'. I have asked him to
edge of hunting-rites himself, and also had easy access to fellow killers
come to you, some time, and he has agreed."
who could provide him with more information about these matters.
He was married and had two daughters. His father was originally from In this way my relationship with Shagerdi Bukko commenced. It
Galaan country, some twenty kilometers to the north-west of Dembi- was destined to last for ten years. Shagerdi was, at that time, probably
dollo. Forty years before, he had come to Sakko where, at that time, nearly seventy years old. He was an outspoken religious man who had
Italian missionaries had a large saw-mill which provided work for hun- become a Christian after his marriage and, by now, was one of the
dreds of people. There he lived for years as a faithful mission-worker. elders of the nearby Orthodox church. I was soon to learn that,
His wife came from Alequ. Asafa's parents were borana, which means throughout the area, he was considered an expert about his people's
that they belonged to the higher level of their society, the second so- past.

44 I'.
 I ,<i me introduce him further by one of his own stories. " G i v e us the K<HH1 thlngi from the earth. < ;iv<- u i rain."
"Give us rain."
Once it happened that there had not been rain for a long time. "You arc great, we arc small. Give us rain."
The governor of Dembidollo went to the marketplace and spoke "Give us rain."
to a man called Gammada. Gammada was a trader. He said to "You are almighty. Give us rain."
him: "Gammada, there is no rain. People want to plough but "Give us rain."
the earth is still to hard. If it goes on this way, there will be "You who know all things, give us rain."
hunger in the country. So I want all people to pray. Please, do "Give us rain."
you know a man from the countryside who still knows the old "Refresh the earth by your rain. Give us rain."
prayers of your people? I want all of them to pray here at the "Give us rain."
marketplace." "Don't look at our sins. Give us rain."
[It is an Oromo view that, on such crucial "Give us rain."
occasions, as many people as possible "Don't refuse us what we eat and drink. Give us rain."
should pray together.] "Give us rain."
Gammada said to the governor: "Yes, I know such a man. I And so we prayed for a long time. In the end I said:
have seen him in the marketplace." So he called me. But I re- "O Waqa, if you give us rain within five days, we will say thanks
fused: "There is no government flag," I said. "If there is no flag, to you."
people will not gather here." [Such a promise is often made at the
[It was a custom that all proclamations end of a prayer. 'Five days' rough-
made by the government were done on ly means 'soon'.]
market day. It was the best way to make The women and girls started shouting "Ilililili" [a shout of ap-
them know throughout the country. To
proval and joy].
announce such a proclamation the flag
was hoisted.]
When I prayed it was Monday. On Thursday the rain came. 1
have prayed in the marketplace two times: once under governor
The next week, the flag was hoisted on market day and people Makonnen and once under governor Tachoma. People called me
came running from all sides to hear the news. Then they asked 'abba boka' [the man who makes the rain come].
me to pray in the old way. But I replied: "Most people here are
young, as you can see. They no longer know the old ways of Shagerdi's speciality as an informant were his people's rituals, their
praying." "Pray whatever you like," they said. "But do pray." social laws and a great variety of prayers. His knowledge was not uni-
So I took my place on a high piece of ground and began speak- versal. So, for example, he had never set out hunting big game, nor did
ing to the people. "I am going to pray with you for rain," I said. he ever seem much interested in this activity, so highly appreciated by
"But what I am going to do is only asking Waqa (God/sky), I most men. I never obtained much information from him on women's
will not order Him." rituals. His personal character and life style often reminded me of the
Then I started to pray: old biblical patriarchs as I imagine them to have been.
"O Waqa, give us rain." He was a gabaro man of the Abbichu clan — a clan with a rather
"Give us rain," people said. (He imitates the grumbling of the strong consciousness of their own identity, warlike in former times,
crowd.) and with traditions which frequently differ slightly from those of other
"Have pity on us. Give us rain." dominant clans in the area.
"Give us rain."
"Give us the good things from the sky. Give us rain."
"Give us rain."

46 47
 Waquma Tollera "The old laws art- still in our bond." His lineage had sonic ipe< ial tri
This man was Ensermu's father. His name means 'Waqa creates', and ditions of its own, going back to his Hadiya ancestors (a people In
his father's name, 'Tollera' means 'He (Waqa) has been good' (by giv- south of Addis Ababa) who obviously became incorporated into
ing us this child). He was born in eastern Matcha country, in Tchaliya, Matcha society.
some three hundred kms from Dembidollo as the crow flies. Ayelle Tura was from Galaan country, not far from Dembidollo,
and has become Ensermu's father-in-law. Both of them are gabaro.
I was born at the time Lij Yasu came to our country. 14 Lij Ya-
su recruited soldiers to go with him to the west. My father be- I feel sorry that I was unable to give women the share in my infor-
came one of them. He went with Lij Yasu to Sibu country. There mation they were entitled to. Oromo men — and my assistants and in-
he fell sick. Lij Yasu left him in the care of a man in that coun- formants were no exception — like to adopt an attitude of disinterest
try. At that time I was still in my mother's womb. Later I was in what their women are doing and thinking, or they simply say they
born. But nobody could give me a name; only my father could do not know. Oromo women live in a world of their own in more than
do this. When my father came home, he said: "Waqa brought one sense, and the separation is maintained by both men and women.
me safely home again. My son's name will be Waquma." The women's world is centered around the hearthfire (the kitchen),
the backroom where they give birth, and the little plot of land around
the house where they cultivate all kind of plants for the kitchen.
Waquma had come to Sakko country seeking to kill a buffalo.15
Especially in former times, they hardly left their hamlet. A woman is
With the trophies he would gain a higher social status among his peo-
always of another lineage than her husband and retains links with her
ple. He was not the only one of his country to do this. Nor was he the
own kinsfolk. Until recently these links included the participation in
only one who instead of killing his buffalo, found a girl in the area.
certain domestic rituals. Women have rituals and even an important
He, too, is a deeply religious man who, like Shagerdi, gave me a lot
divinity of their own. In all these rituals they are likely to stick more
of information about his people's traditional way of life. He grew
to tradition than their husbands.
deeply attached to his new country. "It is a country of blessing," he
However, I did succeed in securing their help in my research to
frequently says.
some extent. Asafa's mother and his wife both provided me with valu-
His concepts and values are the same as those of western Matcha. In
able information about birth-customs. Ensermu's mother enacted for
regard, however, to the rites and customs he describes, we have to take
me several minor rituals, alone or with her husband. Mirresa's mother,
into account certain divergencies from those of Dembidollo area. These
too, was of help, as were several other women.
very differences, however, contributed towards giving me a better idea
of the backgrounds of local customs and of the varieties one can ex-
pect in the rites and symbols of a widely spread society such as the
Oromo's.

Other informants
Apart from Asafa Disasa's parents and Ensermu's father, I must
mention here Dinsa Sarba of Addo and Ayelle Tura of Sakko. The for-
mer was a rather down to earth type of man who was, sometimes,
sceptical regarding the old ways of life but nevertheless once told me:

Lij Yasu, grandson of Menelik and his successor who was overthrown in 1917. He came to
Matcha country in 1912 or 1913.
15
Many Oromo until recently travelled to far away areas in order to kill a buffalo.

48
 Chapter 7 Our interview wiih Sabbo [an <>i«l hunter] w.is not very good.
To be in your room made him nervoiu. ll<- was noi rc-ally aware
METHODS OF RESEARCH what we wanted from him. Of course I realize you cannol pel
ceive this. (Mirresa Gamteia)
To any anthropologist it is an asset if he is able to live and work
with the people for some time. My own position as a priest, however, All my informants preferred not to be seen by other people when
made it impossible to live with them in their houses or in a separate they were talking to me for a longish time. They feared accusations of
house in a neighbourhood, and to partake in their daily work. There passing on to me 'the secrets of their people', the more so since (Jury
were various reasons for this, some due to the Church and some be- could easily be suspected of receiving some reward from me. It was
cause of the people themselves. liable to result in gossip and friction between them and their neigh-
As previously stated, a number of the rituals and ceremonies I hoped bours — people on whose sympathy and cooperation they depend to
to study were no longer in regular use or were in the process of disap- such a great extent in everyday life.
pearing altogether. With regard to those still practised, I have witnessed Another factor was their concern that I would pass on their infor-
most of them, as wedding and hunting rites, thanksgiving after the mation to my 'brothers', the parish priests. Some of the subjects I was
birth of a calf, circumcision, burial and quite a few minor ones. Several interested in pertained to the very fields of which they preferred their
rites were re-enacted specially for me, but on such occasions it struck parish priest to remain in ignorance.
me forcibly that people never suffered themselves to a merely playing Some, too, made me promise that I would not pass on their names
of the ritual, but performed it in earnest. and information 'to Addis Ababa', that is to the Amharic government.
One inevitable gap arose from my inability to witness certain wom- During interviews in an Oromo house, they were often hampered by
en's rituals from which men are excluded. I saw only a very small the knowledge that they could be overheard by other inmates or by
part of them. neighbours standing outside. For what, indeed, passes unnoticed and
disregarded in a neighbourhood such as theirs? My very presence in
the house could not fail to foster other people's curiosity, even suspi-
1. First interviews cion.
In the beginning I tried to interview people myself with the help of Once an informant was telling us a story of bygone times when
my assistant as interpreter. Soon, however, I discovered the disadvan- women ruled the country. Suddenly he broke off his tale and shifted
tages of such a method. to another subject. It was only afterwards that I was told that, at that
My questions were largely framed by my western outlook, and were precise moment, our host's wife had showed her face in the doorway.
further limited by my ignorance of the rituals concerned and the peo- The fear of having said too much did not arise, at times, until the
ple's way of life. There were also the many shades and degrees of social interview was finished with. The day after his first talk with me, Sha-
intercourse which play so great a part in making talk both gratifying gerdi Bukko returned to my assistant, urging him: "My son, please,
and useful. destroy my voice in that 'radio' (the tape-recorder). Yesterday, I was
One needs to know a good deal before being able to put the right telling lies. It was the araqi (home-made alcohol) which made me do
questions in the appropriate way in order to receive the desired infor- so."
mation. Most informants remained suspicious, for some time, that I myself
Further, my presence frequently proved a handicap and inhibited (as a priest) or my young assitant (as an 'educated man') would mock
the unrestrained and enjoyable development of an interview. their customs and beliefs. Before telling me some mythical stories (it
Owing to the rather complaisant attitude of my informants and their was not by any means his first interview) Shagerdi once remarked: "I
habitual politeness, I often failed to recognize their real reluctance to do not want to invent things myself. I will only tell you what I was
answer certain questions, nor was I aware always of their general un- told by others. I have nothing to do with whether it is true or not."
ease in my presence. On which Mirresa commented later on: "He was only speaking that

50 51
way, because he feared I would laugh at him, since I am an educated Another disadvantage, resulting from niy lust method, was
man." ly that, whenever I was in the party myself, appointments for inter
An informant's personal circumstances, too, may prevent talk on views were always more difficult to make ... and to change when il
certain topics. For instance, his less honourable descent, known to all was needful. The latter happened easily, for example, when my infoi
but never spoken of in his presence, or certain facts of his personal life. mant was unexpectedly visited by friends or kinsfolk.
No researcher can possibly be informed in time about such things. Once, the missionary who knew the language best, told me: "I am
It was exceptional for an informant to stick to the questions. They well aware that I am still speaking like a child." After that he began
preferred to speak about a variety of subjects according to the ideas commenting from experience that even Oromo themselves often fail
which occured to them on the spur of the moment. So, from hunting to understand each other properly. One of the reasons for this, I pre-
the conversation would shift to dreams, from dreams to the particular sume, is the great number of Matcha clans which are represented in
people involved, and so to songs or stories, from stories to the ancient the area. There are noticable differences in the dialects of clans which
laws. They had no idea of any limitation in the information we live remote from each other. Another factor is the difference in lan-
wanted at the moment. I also think I am right in suspecting some of guage between generations. Apart from these genuinely linguistic
them of doing this, sometimes, to hide their ignorance of the things problems, it just often happens that people easily lose the thread of
they were asked in the course of the interview. In everyday life they their thoughts or confuse their speech for a variety of reasons. How-
felt themselves unjustly regarded by the young as ignorant people; ever, even without these confusions, I grew increasingly aware that
here, at the interview, suddenly the roles were reversed and they did there are so many shades of meaning in their speech, that I felt I my-
not hesitate to make the most of it. Under the influence of some cups self would never be able to trust my own understanding of them, even
of araqi they, at times, warmed up to their subject to a degree they had I come to know the language much better than I did.
later regretted.
It was of primary importance to have them at ease and enjoy giving
their information. My assistants, being Oromo themselves, had a keen 2. Another method
feeling for the old people's sensitivity in this regard, for their satisfac-
For all these reasons I gradually shifted to another method of inter-
tion in being able to display their knowledge and experience, and for
viewing people — a method favouring more freedom for my infor-
their fear of exposing their ignorance. As far as the warming up was
mants and for my assistants.
concerned, they too, usually enjoyed it thoroughly. They themselves
were greatly interested in these things, unasked for and unknown to As far as possible I would prepare the interview in such a way that
them, the more so, since the old men's stories, sometimes, included my helper understood very well what I required. After this, I left it to
things about their own family which they had never heard of. So I re- him to chose the place and time, and often the informants as well. At
member how an older informant once told Mirresa that he had been the same time, I encouraged him to fill out my questions by adding
present when the latter's father had been adopted by his childless others of his own. Most interviews were recorded on tape (some infor-
uncle. The subject of the interview in question had nothing to do with mants, however, were rather put off by a tape-recorder so that my
the ritual of adoption, but naturally it became so now. helper had to write the interview afterwards). Then the interview was
taken through with me, and elucidated by my assistant. Gaps were
And then this remark of Shagerdi Bukko, also to Mirresa: filled in on following occasions.
The new method soon proved to be more rewarding.
My son, keep the people's sympathy. You are from a good a. I obtained a good deal of information I had never thought of asking
house, but you are also hot-tempered people. I heard from N.N. about.
who is an old man now, how your grandfather once was at a b. The interviews became more reliable.
beer-party. While he was drinking, another man said something c. Each of my assistants built up a group of informants of his own, ac-
wrong to him. Your grandfather jumped up and killed him on cording to his family and friends. These were primarily his parents
the spot. and further kinsfolk, especially the older ones: grandparents, uncles
52 53
 and aunts. Some were living a day's walk from my house. Good re- My father is now I much better informant thin he w.is previous-
lations were carefully built up with less known informants. ly. Before, he would go away for days to Ml fieldl l<> wahh the
d. My assistants were quick to learn the right ways of getting the infor- crops without telling me so beforehand. Nowadays, he tells me
mation required. For example: beforehand when he wants to go and asks me: "Do you still
have some questions from Father?" (Ensermu)
I never mention one informant's name to another. So they will
never say that I am passing their words to others. Instead I say: If, after reading all these things, the reader has the impression lli.il
"I have read somewhere in a book," or: "I was told long ago." my position as a priest-anthropologist was somewhat precarious, he
In this way the person does not fear that others will hear what is certainly right. On the other hand thanks to the hospitality of the
he is going to tell me. Nor will he be dishonoured when others Catholic missionaries I was able to extend my research over nearly
say that his information was not right. (Mirresa) ten years, a privilege hardly any researcher is given to enjoy.

e. They also learned to give valuable circumstancial comments. For

example:

While she was telling me this passage of the interview, some peo-
ple happened to pass by. So she was somewhat disturbed. Per-
haps she left something out. (Ensermu)

While telling me this, my father suddenly grew very serious. He

started speaking rather solemnly in a low voice. (Ensermu)

Some of these comments regarded the informant's socizl status such

as his belonging or not to the borana or gabaro, his clan-affiliation,
and such attributes may well account for differences in an individ-
ual's views and customs.
f. Since in the course of our cooperation their own interest was aroused
in the things I wanted to know, they increasingly asked questions of
their own — questions arising from their own Oromo background.
g. They learned to point out the difficulties they had experienced in
understanding all the words used by older informants whose speech
was richer than theirs, and to differentiate between their own ex-
planation of things and the words of their informants.
h. Their very interest in their people's traditions made their relations
with parents and grandparents grow warmer. Before, these older
people had considered them as having no interest — to say the least
— in the old ways of life. Now they grew the more eager to help
them. At the same time, their understanding of what their sons
were after grew better.

54 55
 PART ONE

THE MA TCHA 'S OWN VIEW OF THEIR PAST

57
 Chapter 8

THE MA TCHA 'S COUNTR Y OF ORIGIN

Jarso people of bygone times [Jarso is their clan]

tell me, where were you born?
Anyhow, long life to you
like a double stemmed coffeeplant.

(A girl's song)

"When we met an Oromo we did not know, we first asked him:

'In what country you were born and what is your clan?' "
(Shagerdi Bukko)

What do the Matcha of Dembidollo area tell us of their country of

origin? Without exception they are convinced that their remote ances-
tors once crossed the Ghibe river. As far as the place is concerned they
are less sure, but those who commented on this question suggested
rather a place to the north.
"After they had crossed the Ghibe river, Dadhi said to his sons:
'You, Leqa, are my eldest son: therefore lead your horses and
your cattle into the country to your right. You, Sayo, are my
second son: therefore you will take the backbone of the coun-
try [the high country] ahead. You, Tumme, are my third son:
therefore take the land to your left.'
Leqa went to Neqemte and from there moved on to the country
of Ghidami. Sayo moved to Ghimbi and from there to the coun-
try we live in at present. So it was that Dembidollo was called
'Sayo' in former times. Tumme moved to Gore and to Illubabor.
IUu Abba Boru [who gave his name to this country] was a son
of Tumme."
In this way they explain their presence to the west of the Ghibe
river and the fact that the Leqa sub-tribe lives in the north, Sayo in
Dembidollo area, and the descendants of Tumme in the present Illu
babor province.
But there is more to this story: it is the fact that the spread of llic
three sub-tribes is associated with their crossing of the Ghibc river.
This is not because this crossing was such a very great exploit; Ili<-
Ghibe is not that broad or deep, nor is the current that strong most of
 the year. The real reason for their mentioning this river is that they see The significance <>i iii<- rfvei crouing in terms o f the birth of • peo
this crossing as an emergence from the water, as their birth as a people. pie is seen in y d . 1 third version, equally mythical, In this version men
1. The birth of a people tion is made of one of the social groups in Male ha society, (he linn/11
or blacksmiths, who together with weavers and tanners constitute
This symbolic meaning of their crossing of the Ghibe is clearer in despised castes of artisans. They, too, have come to birth in the Ghibe
another version in which their great law-giver and prophet Makko Billi river.
appears as giving them their laws at the very moment of the crossing.
When I questioned the same informant about how these despised
"Makko Billi was first to cross the Ghibe. He went through the castes came to be in Matcha society, he answered:
land on the other side, but was made a prisoner by the people
who were living there. They caught him, as he walked alone "When they crossed the Ghibe river, there were people among
through their land. The others (other Matcha) were not far be- them who carried the tools of a blacksmith in their hands. They
hind him and Makko Billi said to the people who had made him were smart, however; they asked others: 'Please, keep my tools
a prisoner: 'Other people are coming after me.' But they did not for a moment; the water swallows me,' and they gave their tools
understand him. He was like one who is dumb to them [they to others. When these others reached the far side, they found
did not understand his language]. They let him live that night. themselves holding a blacksmith's tool in their hands: they had
Next morning he said to them: 'Come with me,' and he took become blacksmiths."
them to the river where the other Oromo had begun to cross al-
ready, being just in the middle of the river with their horses and
So much for the Matcha of the Dembidollo area.
all their arms. Makko Billi took his stand on a green hill and be-
gan to speak to them: 'Listen, listen, o Oromo people.' He cried
in a loud voice. 'Listen, my people. Every eight year there will There are other Matcha who never crossed this river, the so called
be butta [the slaughtering of a bull by the members of a new 'eastern Matcha'. They, too, trace the birth of their people to an emer
gada set]. Every year there will be masqal [new year ritual].' gence from 'a big water'.
Thus he spoke. 'Don't flee away,' he said. 'Follow the way Here follows a short interview with an older Matcha from the conn-
Waqa leads you. Tomorrow you will no longer see me. To- try of Matcha Boroda to the east of Ambo.
morrow I will not speak to you again.' At that our enemies said:
'Enough. Come with us', and taking him away they killed him." Q. "Where did the Matcha come from?"
A. "People say they came out of a big water."
(Faisa Rufo) Q. "What is the name of that water?"
This story has all the characteristics of a myth. It is the prophet A. "I do not know."
Makko Billi who speaks to his people in the name of their Supreme Q. "What about their blacksmiths? Were they already there?"
Being. He is standing on top a green hill — a symbol and promise of A. "Some of the Matcha emerged from the water as blacksmiths,
life and fertility. He speaks to them at the very moment of their com- others as tanners."
ing from the water and proclaims their law which represents their
identity as a people. In addition, his words are the last ones to be
spoken before his death; they are his testament.
[This story of Makko Billi's death is not 2. Wolabo
confirmed by other, non-mythical stories
in the Matcha's oral tradition. In these Other informants on both sides of the Ghibe river, among whom
stories Makko Billi figures long after also some of the Dembidollo area, gave as the name of this watei
the crossing of the Ghibe river.] 'Wolabo'. Now 'Wolabo' is the name of a holy lake in the land of the
60
(.1
 ; utlurn Guji or Jamjam Oromo, and many eastern Oromo regard this On wln< 11 my yoiiiic .iv.i-.laiiI Mnicsa (Janitrsa < omuiciilcd:
," Jar as the place of their origin.16
"Such a child must be buried in a wet place, that goes willn.ui
"We still say 'Umen Wolabo baate — life originated from Wola- saying, since it is done that the woman may have another child."
bo'. Our people was born from the Wolabo lake. While saying
so, we also have in mind that, in the beginning, the life of our A common name for girls is 'Jiddu — the wet one'.
people was abundant and prosperous." (Gammachu Magarsa)
On one occasion one of our Oromo students went to see the crater
Other people who do not mention 'a big water' as their place of ori- lakes of Bishoftu near Addis Ababa. He had always given me the im-
*, often speak of 'a country at the other side of a big water', a view pression that he knew next to nothing of his people's ancient ways of
^ i c h anyhow also implies a crossing. life, but as he was about to leave the place, he turned once more to-
J> [Even with younger people who went to wards the lake and said: "Goodbye mother." The fine round lake re-
school the idea persists. They only differ minded him of his mother's womb.
from the older ones in that they give a Until recently, women had a custom to throw tchokorsa grass, a
name to the country 'at the other side symbol of fertility and peace, in the rivers in order to honour the
of the water'. They mostly mention water.
Arabia, but sometimes, too, even Mada- On all feasts, people still scatter blades of thick marsh-grass which
gascar.] does not dry as soon as thinner grass on the floors of their houses — a
symbol of life and fertility.
Water as a source of life
f JJefore speaking of other things in the people's everyday life which "When they build their house, they do not cover it completely
jnt to the east as their country of origin, I would like to deal with so as to allow the rain to come in; they always leave some Hi 11<
f Ax view that all life is born from water. holes in the roof that the house may be always a little wet.
If 'fhey often speak of a dead person as 'having grown dry'. In doing Water is life." (Gammachu Magaria)
they compare him with a stick from which all life has gone and
JJy.jch can no longer be bent. In former times it was the custom that, prior to his son's wedding
J y\ barren woman, too, is 'dry'. She will pray to Waqa: "O Waqa, day, the bridegroom's father would cut a ritual stick for him, a symbol
.Jte my womb wet; make children sprout in it." of the new twig his son was about to start on the genealogical tree. He
ft \Vhen, after slaughtering their butta bull, the men of the gada set in did so the evening before 'since the stick should be wet', a symbol of
life and fertility. The stick was a symbol of its owner; hence the cus-
" <yer went out to bless barren women, one of their blessings was:
tom of anointing it regularly with butter 'in order to keep it wet'.
Ai i&y y o u r womb be wet."
f'F jjven nowadays the custom still exists that a child that is still-born Older people use to bless the younger ones by spitting on them. In
died shortly after his birth is buried by the women in a marshy this case the 'water' comes from the old person — a symbol of his shar-
;e. Why this custom? Shagerdi Bukko answers: ing his own abundance of life with the younger ones.
When a dying father blesses his sons in this way, they receive his
"If her belly is wet, she will have another child. The mother is spittle respectfully in their hands.
like that marshy place. They bury her child there, that her The Matcha's Supreme Being, Waqa, whom they see as the ultimate
womb may remain wet." source of all life, is also the great sender of rain. In the low-hanging
rainclouds and in fog he is seen to be coming down to man. It is
A . Haberland was the first scholar to confirm these oral traditions. He states as certain that through rain that he gives life to man, his cattle and his crops.
IJ pe Oromo's country of origin has to be looked for in the highlands of Bale where they
j u/ed as both pastoralists and agriculturists, (1963:4). H.S. Lewis supports his opinion,
When blessing his sons, a dying father may, sometimes, imitate the
' j 965:26). rain by spraying his saliva.

63
J
 At the purification ritual after incest, the guilty person immerses
m a y h i s a n o i n t i n g w i t h b u t t e r [ o n y o u r h e a d ] l><- s<> a b u n d a n t
himself in a source of mineral water, after which he puts on new
that the butter prevents you from seeing him. The abba mutln
clothes. He is reborn.
always anoints a person with much butter: it is as we <lo our
selves when we cover our beehives with cowdung.
4. Pilgrimages to the abba muda
If such a man would show them the wrong way, the abba muda
Until the last decades of the nineteenth century, Matcha Oromo of would know it from far, and when that man would go to the
the extreme west went on pilgrimage to the abba muda (father or dis- abba muda in his turn the latter would tell him: 'You thwarted
penser of anointment). Although my own informants were rather vague my anointing.'
about his personality, we have enough information from other sources All Oromo through whose land they passed, would give them
to be sure that he was one of the hereditary highpriests of the Borana hospitality. Were they not men of peace? Did Waqa not protect
tribe in the east. It was considered to be a very holy pilgrimage and them? As long as they were on their way, the python would
the pilgrims were seen to be under the special protection of Waqa. watch their goats, the leopard their sheep and the lion their
Here are the various scraps of information I gleaned from different in- cattle.
formants. When they reached the abba muda's house, they would give him
their myrrh and also a bull. The abba muda never took money.
"All the people in the abba muda's country are borana; all are They would tell him their problems and wishes and, after this,
of pure Oromo descent. So, only the borana among us could go the abba muda took one single seed of their myrrh, threw it in
there. the fire, looked at the smoke, and gave them good advice. I Je
told them: do this, do that. He also foretold the future. The
The abba muda was a very great qallu: he was the most ancient abba muda blessed them and anointed them abundantly. They
of all qallu. stayed for some time with the abba muda.
[By this they want to say that he is not When the time for them had come to return home, the abba
like the modern qallu among the Matcha, muda would say: 'Reach your home safely and in peace.'
of whom we speak elsewhere in this They went to him rejoicing and they came back rejoicing. They
book.] came back to bless the country. Their blessing was strong and
Before setting out, the pilgrims would spend the last night stuck to a person like resin, as did their curse.
standing up. They walked with a stick in one hand and qumbi A man could only go to the abba muda after he had slaughtered
[myrrh] in the other. Their stick had to be very straight. While his butta bull [after his gada set had been in power for eight
they were walking with this stick, they prayed: 'O abba muda, years] and his son could only go there after he had gone through
clear our way to you, make it straight and without obstacles.' all the gada rituals.
During the whole pilgrimage they must abstain from sexual
The father went only for his own sake. He did not pass on his
intercourse. They did not sleep indoors.
power of blessing to his son.
They did not cross more than one river a day. If the source of a
Not all borana could go to the abba muda. Only those people
river was near, they would pass around it. They did so, because
who were never in charge of the kallacha could go there.
it did not befit them to walk quickly. Their pilgrimage was a
[The kallacha was a highly respected rit-
holy one, wasn't it? ual object and was kept in only one
They did not wear trousers but only their buluko [a wide blan- borana lineage.]
ket] which was the dress of our ancestors. After they had come back, they were not given another name.
If they were lost, the one who met them had to show them the Everybody knew that they had gone to the abba muda."
right way. After having done so, he said to them: 'May you not
see the abba muda while he is anointing you,' which means: In this record no informant speaks explicitly of the abba muda's
64
country as the western Matcha's country of origin. The name 'Wolabo' My own inform.mis used to translate ils name U the mountain
is not mentioned at all. Since, however, only borana, the people of f r o m w h i c h w e c a n s e c o n e a n o t h e r ' . T h e y b a a e d i l i i s t r a n s l a t i o n <>n
pure Oromo descent went there, it is clear, that the speakers regarded the Oromo words 'wal cadi other' and 'ilalu — to see'.
it as the place of their origin. A trustworthy author like V. Grottanclli, however, who visited (IK
country in the thirties, was given another meaning — a meaning which
Note connects the Tullu Wallel to their country of origin. He writes: "The
While speaking about these pilgrimages, Haberland writes: "By them, the wes- name of this important Ethiopian mountain is probably Oromo, per-
tern Matcha renewed also their contact with their ancient homeland from which haps to be connected with the verb 'wallalu' (to forget, to ignore);
their ancestors migrated. These pilgrimages to the abba muda about which Euro- then it means 'unknown mountain', 'forgotten mountain'. We have
pean travellers at the turn of the century had so much to report, maintained a mentioned ... how a Wallel mountain occurs in Oromo tradition as tin-
consciousness of the unity of the Galla nation as a whole, in spite of all the clashes country of origin of the Galla people." (1940:318)
between distinct tribes. They only came to an end after the occupation of southern
Ethiopia by the Amharas (1880—85) owing to an increasing impact of Christianity
He is supported by two other authors.
and Islam." (1963:153) First the Frenchman Antoine d'Abbadie who stayed for a long time
His information about these pilgrimages among the eastern Oromo tribes, as in eastern Matchaland (around 1845) and who speaks of the pilgrims
compared with mine, shows some important variations as might be expected to the abba muda as of people going to 'Walal' (1880:181).
(1967:214 ff). E. Haberland on his part writes in regard to the traditions of the
K.E. Knutsson gives a good survey of the abba muda pilgrimages and precious eastern Borana tribe: "Also a country Tullu Wolal — 'mountain of lor
data from other authors in regard to the eastern Matcha and the Tulama Oromo. getting' — which equally would lie beyond the sea, is pointed at as the
The details are not always congruent with the version given above, but this does site of origin." (1963:82)
not matter a great deal as far as the general pattern of the pilgrimages is concerned
Hence we have good reason to presume that, in the case of my in
(1967:147-51).
formants, we have to do with a loss of remembrance.
Asmarom Legesse who was with the Borana in 1967, still found quite a few of
such pilgrims among them from various parts of Oromo territory who did not in- Ernesto Cerulli, too, writes: "The Walel is the holy mountain to the
tend to go back to their own country. Significantly, he does not mention pilgrims Galla of Wollega. It is there that they perform their tribe's sacrifi<c i<>
from western Matchaland (1973:19). God/sky; it is there that the elders hold their meetings; it is there that,
He also says that these pilgrims had come in order to partake in the great ritual according to traditional records, the second homeland of the Galla is
which was celebrated once every eight years in honour of the Borana qallu, and to be found ..."(1933:82).
which has taken place, for a long time, at the shrine of Oda, a short distance to
the west of the Gannale river (1973:10). 6. Sitting to the east

N.B. All translations of non-English texts in this book are mine.

Once I witnessed a sacrificial ritual on a hill-top at which a sheep
was slaughtered. The sacrifice was followed by a communal meal. All
the participants were sitting in a long row. I myself was given a place
among the older men on the east-side, while the younger men were
sitting at the west side of the 'table'. It is, indeed, still custom that on
5. The Tullu Wallel such occasions the older people are sitting to the east, .the direction
from which their people came, the side nearer to their ancestors.
To the north of Sayoland rises an impressive mountain, 8200 feet
high, called the Tullu Wallel (Wallel mountain).
All hills and mountains are to the Matcha places of sacrifice and
worship, since they are nearer to the sky, nearer to Waqa. But because
of its height and huge massif the Tullu Wallel is simply the holy moun-
tain of western Matchaland.

66 67
 M a t c h a , whil<- i p e t l d n g i b o u f p e o p l e , often identify a n c e s t o r s a n d <le\
Chapter 9
cendants. Especially the Tires' at the Baro river refer to only <i limited
number of recent individual migrations.
THE MA TCHA 'S MO VE WESTWARDS

My grandson, however bad the times

are we have to go through at present, 2. The fires
the time of our move westwards was In regard to their custom of lighting fires, Waquma Tollcra provides
more hard for our people. an explanation.
(Ruda Kurra to his grandson Gammachu Magarsa)
"When someone sets out to take possession of new land, he takes
the wife-of-the-morning-of-his-life with him [his first wife]. I It-
1. The first pioneers
looks for a good plot of land on a high place and there builds .i
"As we moved westwards, it was done like this: the eldest son hut. He gives this hut a supporting pole and three hearth-stones,
always remained on his father's land; the other sons went in and, if he wishes, he also builds inside the hut a separation w;ill
search of new land for themselves. We spread over the land like and makes a frontroom and a backroom with a threshold in be
tchokorsa grass spreads. Thus, you find our names everywhere tween.
in the country." (Mirresa Gamtesa) [The first two things are essential to any
house.]
Tchokorsa grass is an important symbol in Matcha life. It is a creeper Then he asks his wife to light a fire.
with very deep roots. Even in times of prolonged drought, it keeps alive [This, too, is essential. It is properly t 1M-
and provides at least a little moisture for the cattle. As it creeps, it wife's task.]
strikes new roots on either side. In this way, many tchokorsa plants re- They do not bring any fire with them, but they make a brand
main connected with the mother-plant and with each other. Because new fire by rubbing two small sticks together.
of these qualities it is both a symbol of life and fertility and of peace [They plant the vertical stick into (In-
between homesteads of the same clan, however great the distance be- other which lies on the ground and whirl
tween them may be. It plays a part in most rituals. it around until the dry leaves and tiny
dry twigs on the bottom have caught
"The first Oromo to come as far as this were three in number. fire.]
The people of Qalitti Galabu were the first to light a fire. They While the wife does this, her husband says:
did this on the mountain of the Mao (gaara Mao), saying: 'As 'O fire, be a fire of peace to us.
far as our fires are lighted so far will our land extend.' Their O hearth-stones, be hearth-stones of peace to us.
fires went as far as the Birbir river. O supporting pole, be a supporting pole of peace to us.
The people of Labu Bidaru went down to the country which is O threshold, be a threshold of peace to us.'
now called Samaro. They passed the night on the Gute moun- ['Peace' includes fertility and well-being.]
tain. They lit a fire and said: 'This country is ours.' In this hut they remain for five days.
Gobu Wadda went to Humbi. His fire went as far as the Baro He also makes five bundles of long dry twigs [tomborra] and
river. each evening he lights one of them, that people may see it from
far. In the day-time, his wife will make much smoke for the
As the map shows, the extension of the land covered by their fires same purpose.
is rather impressive. In stories like these, however, some exaggeration After this, no Oromo may settle on that place. If he comes on
is expected. Apart from this, we have to take into account that the the spot, he will say: 'This place has been taken already.' tie

68 69
 cannot take it, as the law of the people of old forbids him to do " W h i l e m o v i n g w e s t w a r d s , t h e y w e r e a c c u s t o m e d i<> l a k e t h e i i
rest when (heir hulls Kited and to rise when their hulls did so.
so.
Once upon a time, they began to talk of how they would split
Since people gave their own or an ancestor's name to the newly ac- up in order to find suitable land. They said: 'Let us leave it to
quired land, it is evident that by lighting one fire after another their Waqa.' At that each group took their largest bull and said:
names grew spread throughout the country. 'Wherever our bull goes the cows will follow and we will follow
too.' This they did, and wherever their bulls went and wanted
3. Some more aspects of their move westwards to stay, they regarded that land as given them by Waqa."
People of the same lineage who had started their move to the west [To grasp the full significance of lucfa
together, often became separated during the journey. decisions in which their bulls play a vil:il
part, we must remember that to the
"The first Oromo to take land to the east of Neqemte was Abba Matcha the world of their cattle repre
Fato ... but he journeyed on and arrived at the country of Ghi- sents a replica of their own human
dami [a long distance farther to the west], where his descen- world. Men are frequently compared to
bulls both in daily speech and in songs,
dants live up to this day. His people still possess land in this
and so are women to cows, and boys
country." (Qana Gabana, local historian, Neqemte) 17
and girls to calves. In their eyes cattle
are one of Waqa's greatest gifts since the
As they continued through areas already settled by Matcha, the new very beginning of time.]
pioneers preferred, whenever possible, to look for protection from
among new settlers of their own clan or of one friendly to them. The above story is also told, on occasion, to explain the name of
These friends could not only help them to find suitable land on the the Ethiopian province they live in: 'Wollega'. They associate this
spot (and thus strengthen their own clan locally) but, their very safety name with the words 'woI — each other' and 'lagachu — abstain from,
depended on such support. Not all Matcha clans were on friendly avoid'.
terms with one another and fighting and cattle-thieving was common.
On occasion, the incoming groups had also trouble among them- "So it is that our country is called 'Wollega': people decided to
selves, especially where the choice of new land was involved. A number separate and to keep apart from each other."
of stories handed down from those remote times deal with this issue.
Another aspect of the Matcha's move to the west was the avoidance
Historical truth is not primarily to be looked for in such stories:
of lowlands, which were deemed dangerous for both people and cattle.
they rather provide people with a charter for their claims to the pos-
This accounts for the fact that in the lowlands on both sides of the Di-
session of the land where they are living presently.
desa river between Neqemte and Ghimbi, we still find various groups
Another aspect of these stories is that they uphold certain important
of earlier people, continuing to live relatively undisturbed.
values in the people's social and religious life, such as the precedence
In spite of this, epidemics among people and cattle seem to have oc-
of elder brothers over the younger ones, a preference for mutual agree-
ment rather than fighting, and the suggestion that their present situa- cured, again and again. In one version regarding the separation of a
tion is the work of Waqa. This latter feature gives them a mythical group of pioneers, we hear:
quality. "They said one to another: 'Let us separate. If disease breaks
out among our cattle, at least some of us will be spared'."

We have already spoken of their clashes with the 'old masters of the
17
Cf. my article in Journal of Ethiopian Studies, 1970. country' especially with the Mao. The Matcha took them as slaves to

70 71
help them in the tilling of the land, i<> look a l t e r t h e cattle, a n d to Each clan hai iti own -.(ones. They arc often very similar (<> one an
help their wives in llu- heavy work such as grinding corn and collecting other; only the names differ. They are certainly the best reflection <>l
firewood. When speaking of the Matcha women, the Dutch traveller the people's own view of their past as it is still alive in the present, be
J.M. Schuver, who visited the northern parts of western Matchaland in it more by its values than by the facts related in these stories.
1881, writes: To the Matcha time is cyclical. The past is never irrevocably the
past. It lives on in the present. More, past times come back in a fixed
"With exception of the poorest among them ... they don't lose order much as seasons do.
their charm as early as negro women usually do. This is probably
due to the fact that they have the advantage of help with the
heaviest work by their slaves. A girl must be very poor, indeed, a. The struggle for the horra Gorba
to take a husband without ensuring beforehand that she will
[A horra is a spring of mineral water to
have a slave to help her." (1883:25) which people bring their cattle. They
themselves also drink from it. In addi-
We have already mentioned in passing the privileged position of the tion, they use the horra water for rituals
eldest son in Matcha society. According to Matcha custom, the eldest of purification. Gorba is the name of
son was entitled to inherit before his father's death already the greater the land where the horra is found.]
part of the latter's property, or, at least (as people sometimes assert)
two-third of it. The rest had to be divided among the other sons who, "The horra Gorba is not far from Dembidollo. It lies between
in their turn, would receive a greater or lesser share of it according to the land of the Aw clan [the narrator's] and that of the Galaan.
their being the second, third, fourth or fifth son. Usually the father Both clan-families used to bring their cattle there that they
would end up in keeping only a modest part of his property for him- might drink from the water and be healthy, strong and fertile,
self, including his house, all of which was intended to go to the But they often quarreled about the water, since it was often not
youngest son after the father's death. The youngest son usually stayed sufficient for both of them. Each group claimed the property of
behind and took care of his mother after his father had died. the horra and each of them had strong arguments. It was a very
To my mind, it is this custom that accounts most for the Matcha's serious issue, since a horra means life to the cattle and cattle is
gradual move westwards, i. e. many sons who inherited little migrated the life of the people.
in search of new land. The gada judges were asked to solve the conflict and, in this
To the Matcha the few borana of pure Oromo descent are the chan- way, to put an end to the clashes between the two groups. But
nel through which all blessings from Waqa reach them. Hence their since the claims of both parties were equally strong, they de-
view that all new land had to be taken at least with the blessing of cided to call the elders of both clan-families to the horra. The
these borana. In addition, wherever borana were to be found among judges said among themselves: 'We will tell them: Both of you
the new settlers the highest parts of the country were reserved for have to go home and bring a white bull to the horra as soon as
them and especially the hill-tops which were places of sacrifice. possible. The party who will be first to slaughter this bull near
the horra will be the owner of the horra.'
The judges' decision was secret, but in one way or another the
Galaan heard of it. So, on the day of the meeting, they hid a
4. Some stories white bull not far from the horra somewhere in the forest. The
The stories given here could be called clan-stories. In this case they Aw knew nothing of this and their herds were far away. The
are stories of the clan of Qalitti Galabu who, according to oral tradi- judges informed the clans of their decision and the latter agreed
tion was the first to settle in Sayoland. They were toldme byGammachu with it. The men of Aw immediately ran away to get a while
Magarsa, who is of this clan. bull.

72 73
 While his men were away, the leader of the Aw heard of the Ga- to Sayo Bftdda «< >111• 11 y in the north - the country when- he
laan's trick. He went to the judges. 'I have something to ask had conic from himself to ask his clanspeople there to help
you,' he said. 'Korman namamo korma sa'atu tchala? — which is him. But the three men never came back. So it is that we have
greater: a human bull or a real bull?' — 'A human bull is greater,' a saying about people who are sent out for something and do
they said. 'I am the bull,' the leader said. He went to the horra, not come back: 'He stayed away like the messengers of Doyu
cut his throat and made his blood flow into the horra. In this [Qalitti's clan].' So Qalitti had to fight the Galaan alone. He had
way the horra Gorba passed into the ownership of the Aw." only nine men [A symbolic figure].
Therefore he had made eighty-one different leather jackets for
b. How the Yaya got the land of Rogge Badda them, each in a different colour. He also gave each of the men
"The Yaya arrived in Sayoland after Qalitti Galabu. At that 9 horses of different colours. With these the nine men went to
time, most of the land was already taken by Qalitti Galabu's nine fords in the Methi river. There they hid their horses and
people. So the leader of the Yaya went to Qalitti Galabu to ask jackets. When the Galaan arrived, they first showed themselves
him for more land. He asked him for the land of Rogge Badda on one horse and with one of the jackets. They then galoped
which they wanted very much. Their leader went to Qalitti Ga- quickly back to the ford to change horse and jacket. After this
labu again and again, but every time Qalitti Galabu refused. The they did the same again, and so on, nine times. The Galaan were
Yaya were near to give up all hope, when their leader hit upon utterly taken aback: 'Look,' they said, 'Qalitti Galabu has got
the idea of asking the help of Qalitti's wife. He knew she was on reinforcements,' and they retired. But Qalitti and his men went
their side. So he asked her what to do. She told him: 'You must after them. Qalitti kept Abba Dasa on the run and forced him
be impudent to him; you must make him furious.' to leave his stool [the symbol of his authority and leadership]
So one morning the Yaya leader presented himself again before and in the end he speared Abba Dasa's horse. It happened under
Qalitti and asked once more for the land. Qalitti refused again. a sycamore tree. The sycamore became the border between
'How many times I have told you already,' he replied. 'Never, Doyu and Galaan country. Qalitti rode back and picked up
never I will give you that land.' At that the Yaya leader did Abba Dasa's stool. This stool is still in my father's house. It is
what Qalitti's wife had adviced him to do. He jumped up and eight generations old."
with his finger under Qalitti's nose he said: 'You greedy man,
you refuse my clan such a small plot of land?' And he went on
insulting him in this and many other ways. d. The independent move of Shoi Robe
At that Qalitti, too, jumped up furious. He drew his knife and
cut off the other's finger, shouting: 'Take this [your finger] and "The Busasi, the overlords of the Mao people, refused to submit
take the land!' From that day onwards Rogge Badda belongs to to the law of Makko Billi [the Matcha's great law-giver]. At that
the Yaya clan." Makko Billi declared war on them. He said:
'The Busasi, when we sell them, they are money [pointing es-
c. Qalitti Galabu's stratagem pecially at women and girls], when we cut them [their testicles],
they are trophies.' All Matcha of Sayoland fought on the side of
"Qalitti Galabu had hardly settled in the country of Sayo, when Makko Billi, except for the Alequ clan. Their leader was the
a conflict broke out between him and Abba Dasa (not the petty famous Shoi Robe. People still call him 'gamna Sayo — the wise-
despot of that name) of Galaan. The Galaan wanted to extend man of Sayo.'
their territory unto the Methi river. They sent messengers to Qa- This Shoi Robe wanted to keep good relations with the Busasi.
litti in order to inform him of their intention to wage war if He said to his people:
necessary. Qalitti had not enough men at his disposition to make 'Among people we stick to the Busasi; among cereals we stick to
a bold stand against this enemy. Therefore, he sent three men barley.' The Alequ live in the highlands and grow much barley.

74 75
 Nearly all the BuiBfJ were killed in this war, except for two bro-
thers." Chapter 10
[Taken literally, this story puts Makko
Billi on the scene as still living at that CLANS ANl) UNEAGES IN SA YOLAND
time. It could, however, well be that he
stands here for the Matcha people in 1. The people's own view of their genealogical tree
general.]
Raya
Obo
Tchora (Some important ancestors)
Matcha
Dhadhi

Leqa Sayo Tumme (Sub-tribes)

Dulacha Akayu

Dhale Lalo Gerjeda Aw Alequ Galaan (the six of Sayo)

(Major clan-families)
Wayu Equ
(Minor clan-families)

Amumma Liban Yaya Danqa Doyu Abbichu Samaro Bidaru Grecho

(Clans)

Dhae
Aruko
Galabu (Lineage)
Qalitti
Sambo
Hedde
Kurra
Ruda
Magarsa
Gammachu
Solen
76
77
 The dominant clans around Dembidollo and anyhow the clans who g r e a t - g r a n d s o n s . S o E q u , l<>i e x a m p l e , d o e s n o i n e e d i<> b e ;i s o n <>i
were first to settle there are: Aw in the strit I sense of the word.
1. Doyu, Abbichu, Samaro, Bidaru, Grecho who together form the
minor clan family of Equ. d. In genealogies like this we can presume that only the names «>l
2. Amumma, Liban, Yaya, Danqa who together form the minor clan those ancestors who for one reason or another are of some important <
family of Wayu. for the present generation are remembered. Their names are oil en pre
served in stories, sayings or names of places, rivers and mountains.
Each clan comprises a number of lineages. The line of descent of
only one lineage is given here, that of my assistant Gammachu Magarsa, None of my informants had anything special to say about the two
whose son is called Solen. His lineage is called after their ancestor sons of Sayo, Dulacha and Akayu, but their sons are still of impor-
Dhae. tance. They speak of them as 'the six of Sayo from whom all of US
This table was the best I was able to reconstruct from the local oral have sprung'. In all the major clans we still find the custom of saying,
traditions, which are far from being consistant with each other. when a child is born: "May he (she) be a son (daughter) of the six of
For a further reading of this genealogical tree, the following factors Sayo."
must be kept in mind.
"In all our clans we still say when praying: 'O Waqa of I lie six
a. All my informants agreed that Qalitti Galabu was the first 'to of Sayo, send us your rain. O Waqa of the six of Sayo, keep dis
reach the Mao mountain' to the north of Dembidollo. People of his ease away from our cattle." (Shagerdi Bukko)
lineage have still part of the land on the slopes of this mountain. They
are all called Dhae. "What is before Dhae is clan," as his descendants Such sayings and prayers have a religious dimension of their own in
Gammachu Margarsa told me. that Waqa is believed to have been nearer to the six of Sayo than lie is
From Gammachu's son Solen onwards we count eight generations with their descendants of the present day.
until Qalitti (son of) Galabu. The question is, how many years we have
to count for one generation. Probably 25—30 years. Indeed, accbrding "We move away from Waqa from generation to generation. We
to certain oral traditions, it seems probable that the Matcha reached believe that Raya could speak with Waqa face to face. We be-
present western Matchaland in the second half of the eighteenth cen- lieve that the former generations were closer to him."
tury. (Gammachu Magarsa)
Gammachu Magarsa told me that he had paid a visit to the place
where Qalitti's grandfather, Aruko, has been buried, which is not far e. The place of an individual in his genealogical tree is decisive for
from the present town of Ambo. He presumes that Qalitti's father Ga- his status in his lineage, just as the genealogical position of the lineage
labu was buried in Sayo Badda on the eastern slopes of the Tulu Walel, ancestor in relation to like ancestors is decisive for the position of his
which the Sayo Matcha around Dembidollo believe was one of the lineage vis-a-vis other like lineages. This is particularly important for
major stops on their journey westwards. the land they can call theirs and for the women they can marry. K.g.
on the father's side marriage is forbidden if the boy and the girl have
b. The Matcha still frequently call themselves after a distant ancestor the seventh grandfather in common. Beyond this range of nine genera-
whose 'seed' they are; so words such as "Sayo crossed the Ghibe river" tions the interest in ancestors grows less; as Shagerdi Bukko put it:
or "Sayo took this land or that" do not mean that their ancestor Sayo "After the seventh grandfather they forget one another."
himself did so. Similarly many areas in western Matchaland are called Up to the seventh common grandfather a descent group is called
after remote ancestors who never actually reached the country. 'balballa — door', a word we have translated by lineage. Taken in I his
sense a lineage is an exogamous group, 'they are of the same blood'.
c. 'Son' may often imply any male descendant, including grand- and Strictly speaking the name of a lineage should change at every new

78
generation, bill in fad this ll n<>( done. We see, for example, in the the clans surrounding them; li);l>ling was encouraged. Having killed .t
diagram that the Dhac lineage counts eleven generations at the present. man brought honour. Conceptually there is a close connection be-
Accordingly a boy and girl of this Dhae lineage could marry one an- tween killing by the men and childbirth by the women. (See Chapter 2.1)
other without violating the law of the seven 'grandfathers'. In the So it was that Matchaland was not always safe for the Matcha thon
meantime people commonly assert: "After the seventh grandfather selves and even less for the original inhabitants and for Oromo of other
the clan begins." tribes.
Members of the same clan but of different lineages may marry one
another. A clan, though its members acknowledge a common ancestor, "In former times, if you were not of the same clan as the people
may include lineages of different Oromo descent who were inserted of the country, you could be killed by them. You yourself,
into it, and even lineages of non-Oromo origin who became Oromo by Father, would never have been able to stay in our country as
adoption. So a clan is first of all a social grouping, not a biological one. you do now. You would have been killed. You would have been
obliged to change your nationality and to become an Oromo.
You would have been obliged to become a qollu."
2. An unsafe country
(Mirresa Gamtesa)
Oral tradition is full of stories about lions, elephants and other wild
animals who made the country unsafe for men. But no less than these We touch here on an interesting institution which existed for as
animals it was people themselves who made it impossible to one an- long as clashes between clans were common, i. e. until the first decades
other to stay safely in the country without the protection of their of this century.
lineage or, at least, of a 'strong man' who could protect them.
There were institutionalized friendly relations between some clans
and lineages. They often married into each other. 3. The qollu institution
It was created in favour of the following people:
"The Lalo clan were good fighters. If you married a Lalo girl,
your son would be like his mother's brother." a. Immigrant people, both Oromo and others
Mirresa Gamtesa's own ancestor had profited from it. As the old Dinsa
If a man had killed a member of a befriended clan or lineage, the Sarba, a good historian, once told him in my presence.
law of blood-vengeance was normally complied with by peace-negotia-
tions, the payment of a blood-price and the performance of an elabo- "Your ancestor, Mirresa, had come from the east. He was an
rate peacemaking-ritual. Oromo and his name was Wayesa. He came to our country in
Other clans were often rather hostile towards one another. the service of the Amharas. He helped them to fix the bounda-
\ ries between the territories of Borrayu and Jote [two minor
"The Wayu and Equ were not always on friendly terms. When Matcha rulers who submitted to the Amharic emperor in the
an Abbichu had killed a man of the Danqa clan, no Abbichu last decade of the 19th century].
could appear in Danqaland. If he ventured to do so, he was killed First Wayesa stayed for some time in Borrayu's country, but he
by the Danqa. As soon as the Danqa had killed an Abbichu in did not like it there. So he moved to the country of the Abbichu
their turn, the matter was settled. After this they continued clan and joined them in a war against the Amumma who were
being cautious with one another, but there was no further kill- living at this side of the Borta river.
ing." (Dinsa Sarba) An Amumma warrior was pierced through his thigh by an Ab-
bichu spear. The Amumma continued to cross the river with the
Apart from enduring quarrels about land, other factors, too, played
a part. The Matcha simply did not want to be in perfect peace with all spear still fixed in his thigh. After some days, Wayesa took him-
self off to the Amumma, since they were such brave men. IK-
80 HI
 said: 'I wish to become your qollu,' and the Amumma accepted Q. "Wlial docs ili< name '</<///«' mean?"
him. Later they kidnapped a girl for him from the Alequ clan." A. "A man lias killed someone and wants to save himself from
being killed by his victim's family; so he flees to a Itrong nun
b. Matcha of the area expelled from their lineage for killing a mem- who is able to protect him. Before going there, he must send
ber of this lineage, 'someone of their own blood', or for committing word saying that he wishes to come. If the strong man answers
serious incest with one of them. 'Yes, come,' he can go to the latter's compound. He has to take
with him his weapons to show his protector his ability to fig hi
"An Abbichu had killed another man of his own lineage and for him."
took refuge with the Amumma. He went to a strong man among Q. "If this man has a wife and children, is he allowed to take
them and asked him to become his qollu. In those times, strong them with him?"
men liked to have other people in their service to work and fight A. "Yes, he can do so."
for them." (Mirresa Gamtesa) Q "What will he say to that strong man?"
A. "He will say: 'I killed a man. I have blood on my hands. Ik-
c. People who had killed somebody of another clan or lineage whose has tied his hands with tchokorsa grass [a symbol of peace and
own lineage refused to defend them against their victim's relatives, be- of staying alife in difficult circumstances]. He has on his head a
cause of the social circumstances in which the homicide occured. gomfo which is a wreath of tchokorsa grass like a cap.
Thus he makes his appearance before the 'strong man'."
"Such a man fled to another clan and put himself under the Q. "Does he not present him with something?"
protection of a strong man who could defend him. But if he did A. "In his hands, tied with tchokorsa, he has two saltbars. If he
so, he had to become a member of that clan in future. He had is rich, he brings a bull as well. It is important that he brings his
to become 'one body' with them." (Shagerdi Bukko) wife with him and his children, especially sons.
He extends his hands with the tchokorsa and the saltbars toward
the strong man, saying: 'Untie me.' A helper with the strong
Qo//«-ship implied several things: man does this. He gives his wreath of tchokorsa to the helper,
* The man in question first became simply a servant of his protector. saying: 'My children are nine. With me we are ten. Standing
* After he had proved to be a useful helper, he was attached to his under the sky and on the earth I give myself to you.'
protector's lineage and allowed in everyday life to take over the Q "What is the meaning of these words? Does he really have
latter's genealogy. It was in this nominal sense that his master on nine children?"
occasion would call him 'my son', not in the sense that there had A. "He always says so."
been an adoption. He remained in a position of mild servitude to-
wards him and his family.
* Qo//«-ship was an institution for Oromo only or for people they [It is a ritual formula which indicates
considered as their equals. Individuals of earlier peoples such as the that he gives all he has. The number
nine is a symbol of fullness. The formula
Mao and Anuak could not become qollu. \
is also used by a widow when she marries
her husband's brother.
4. Ceremonies associated with qollu-ship Heaven and earth are called as witnesses.]
These are two in number. First the request to being accepted as a Q. "Does the strong man accept the qollu merely on his own
qollu; second, the ceremony of nominal insertion into the protector's judgement?"
lineage. The following is a compilation of three interviews: 1. Ensermu A. "No. Before accepting him he must consult the elders of his
Waquma with his father. 2. Asafa Disasa with Shagerdi Bukko. 3. Mir- lineage, telling them: 'Such and such asks to be my qollu. He
resa Gamtesa with Dinsa Sarba. wants to be our shield. What do you think of this? Shall I take

82
 him? And If I do, are you |> re pared to take upon yourselves his Ingleil now (li.il he has forsaken Ml
blood-vengeance?' — 'Yes,' they say, 'we will do this.' genealogical tree, his former lineife,
Thus the man is assured that he once will be considered a mem- and is about to be attached to a new
ber of their lineage. His children will be forbidden to marry one.]
within his new lineage or with people of the lineage he left." The gula also ask him whether he was a borana, a gabaro 01 .<
Q. "In what way is he inserted into his master's lineage?" blacksmith in his former clan, and they will tell him that he will
A. "On that day, his master must kill an ox and make beer and be the same in his new clan.
honeywine." Finally the qollu thanks his protector and his new clan, saying;
Q. "Why not the qollu himself?" 'My son will be a son of your lineage. My daughter will be .1
A. "He gives himself, his wife and his children to that strong daughter of your lineage. If I die, my wife will not remain
man. The strong man will say to the elders of his clan: 'Apply without a ring.
the law of qollu-ship for me." [She will be given a new husband by the
Q. "How do they apply this law?" new lineage.]
A. "He will call thegula." I will be at your side on rivers and on mountains. I'll follow you
Q. "What do you mean by gula?" wherever you go to fight.'
After this the feast begins. The ox is slaughtered and strips of
A. "People who have gone through all the rituals of the gada,
his skin are distributed among the people. The strong man gels
and who have their ruling-period behind them.
the longest strip, the gula get somewhat shorter ones and the
These gula must be of other lineages than the master's lineage.
qollu, too, gets one but only a short one."
They will address the strong man thus: 'This qollu who came
from such and such a country, from such and such a clan and
from such and such a lineage in that clan, and who killed such 5. The common law
and such a man, are you really willing to admit him into your
lineage?' The Matcha of Sayoland had established a new gada area whose
'Yes, I want to take him.' centre was the Mao mountain. It was the highest point in their coun-
try, closest to heaven. It was in their common ceremonies and rituals
'Will you fight to death for his sake, if he is killed?'
on the slope of this mountain, 'near to Waqa', that the clans of the
'Yes, I will do so.'
area found a closer unity. Here, every eighth year, they proclaimed
'Are you prepared to kill for his sake?'
anew their common law and brought common sacrifices. This com-
'Yes, I am prepared to do so.'
mon law was seen as a reflection of the law once proclaimed, accord-
'Will you search for him, when he is lost?'
ing to oral tradition, by Waqa under an oda tree. Hence the gada laws,
'Yes, I will search for him.'
too, were proclaimed anew under a big oda tree on the slope of that
'Will you give him a plot of land?'
mountain.
'Yes, I will do so.'
In this way they speak to him. After this the qollu, too, must In spite of this, Matchaland remained a relatively unsafe country,
promise all things he has to do according to the law. He promises since "the gada system is more an experience of common values than
to fight for his former protector and to serve him in other ways. an effective institution" (P.T.W. Baxter). In their rites in general, and
Then the strong man hands him a new dhaabatta. especially in those on the Mao mountain, people recognized again and
again that peace was Waqa's will and a prerequisite for his blessing. On
[A dhaabatta is the ritual stick a son is the other hand, periodical fighting, too, was seen as desirable; making
given by his father on his wedding-day
peace again, however, was essential.
as a symbol of the new twig he is about
to start on the genealogical tree. The Between people of the same gada area this peace was more readily
qollu's former stick has become mean- maintained or regained than between people of different gada areai.

84 85
(). Hierarchy among the clans

Another factor of unity was the common recognition of the elder

borana lineages as ritual and socio-political leaders. Among the 'six of
Sayo' Dhale was the eldest and his younger brothers came next accord-
ing to their place in the hierarchy of brothers. This hierarchy was
maintained for their offspring. The concept at the basis of this hier-
archy was mainly religious, as is evident, among other things, in the
precedence given to the elder brothers and their offspring at the per-
formance of rituals. They were considered to be nearer to Waqa.

PART TWO

THE MATCHA'S EXPERIENCE OF THE SUPERHUMAN

Further on in this book the Matcha will present themselves to the

reader many of their rituals, symbols and prayers.
It may help therefore to have, at this stage, some idea of their con-
cept of Waqa (God/sky) and of the many ways they feel he reveals
himself to them both in man and in the world which surrounds them.

86 87
 Chapter 11

WAQA

1. The name
The word 'waqa' has a double meaning. The first is 'sky', i. c. the
vault of the sky as we see it. The second approximates what is meant
by the English word 'God'; but, as we will see, it comprises more than
that, more than 'the Supreme Being, creator and ruler of the universe'
in the western sense.18
It comprises more, since it includes countless particular manifesta-
tions of Waqa in this world, particularizations of his creative work
which are conceived as beings. Hence the word 'divinity' will often be
a better translation than 'God'. "Divinity ... can be used to convey to
the mind at once a being, a kind of nature or existence, and a quality
of that kind of being; it can be made to appear more substantive or
qualitative, more personal or general, in connotation, according to the
context ..." 19
However, even this will not solve all problems. Hence I prefer
throughout this book simply to use the Matcha word 'Waqa'. Whether
people mean by this word 'waqa' the vault of the sky, the Supreme
Being, one of his particularizations or a combination of these things,
usually becomes clear enough from the context.

2. Waqa as the vault of the sky

In this sense the word is used when the Matcha speak of the birds as
flying 'in the sky'. Or in a prayer like this:

"Waqarra nufhatollu; May he (Waqa) give us good things

from the sky
lafarra nuf hatollu. and good things from the earth."

Or in the pleasing saying:

"Waqa ganaffagarra ijolle You can trust neither the rainy

hinamanani. season sky nor babies' bottoms."

Oxford Advanced Learners' Dictionary.

19
Thus G. Lienhardt in his fine study about Dinka Religion (1961:29, 30) where he met
with similar difficulties in translation.
3. Both meanings are combined in the following examples 4. Waqa as the Supreme Heinf>
A prayer: 1.1 Source of all life
As the Supreme Being Waqa is seen first of all as the source of all
"Na bobasi, ya Waq Lead me out, o Waqa,
life. Giving life, indeed, is reserved to Him alone. Matcha have a special
garaake jela an bobafadhe. (as) I led my cattle out under your
word for this work of Waqa, the verb 'umu'. It is best translated by
belly [the sky]."
the English word 'create' in the sense of 'causing something to exist',
without the western connotation of a creation out of nothing by a
Or when a mother threatens her troublesome child by saying, point-
Supreme Being who existed before which latter idea is alien to the
ing at the thunder: "Waqa is grumbling."
Matcha. They do not visualize Waqa existing outside this world in
time or space. In this sense Waqa is as much of this world as the vault
of the sky. They have no myths about the creation of the world as we
In several of their many rituals the women throw tchokorsa grass (a
find them e. g. in the bible. When they speak of the beginning of time
symbol of fertility and peace) in the river, of which an old woman said:
the world and even man himself are already in existence.
"The grass is our gift to Waqa. The river carries it far, far away, to
where Waqa and the earth meet." While speaking of the conception of a child in his mother's womb,
Matcha often speak of the 'dark Waqa (Waqa guracha), meaning the Waquma Tollera told me:
dark sky with the clouds that tell of rain to come. As an old man ex-
plained to us: "His belly is dark (guracha), therefore we call Him 'the "Children are born from the blood of the father and mother. If
dark Waqa'. In the following blessing the meaning of the 'dark sky' Waqa wishes, he causes a child to sprout in the mother's womb.
and of the Supreme Being go together: Man does not know how Waqa does this; he can only ask Waqa
for a child. No man on earth has any idea of it; it is a mystery.
"Gurachigaraa tchabbi sif We do not see when Waqa creates a child, but we know that it
May the dark one with white hail
is he who creates the child, he alone. All men are his creatures.
hakennu. in his belly give you [good things]."
Waqa alone creates."
Similarly they call the rainbow: "Waqa's girdle", and they sacrifice
on the top of a hill to be 'nearer to Waqa'. If during the sacrifice the Waquma Tollera's very name points to this in a double way: his
clouds descend on the hill-top, they say: "Waqa has come down to us. own name 'Waquma' means 'Waqa creates', and his father's name
Praise be to him." 'Tollera' means 'He (Waqa) has been good to us'. Other names say
much the same, such as 'Waqjira (Waqa exists), Waqgari (Waqa is good),
The Matcha believe that at the very beginning of time, Waqa, the
Waqtole (Waqa has been good to us), Kennasa (His gift), Waqo (for a
Supreme Being, was much nearer to man. "He was walking the earth
boy), and Waqe (for a girl). I know a family where all the children
in the shape of an old man, and people could ask anything of Him."
have a name with 'Waqa' in it.
However, they also say: "At that time he was lying with his belly on
the earth, fertilizing it with his rain." But men are not Waqa's only creatures.
Finally, an example from my own experience as a priest. When "We do not say: 'Waqa creates' for men only. We say: 'He
there was drought and people needed rain badly to plough and sow, creates all things'." (Ambassa Waqo)
I prayed with them for rain. Once, when it rained too heavily for the
crops, I proposed to my assistants that we compose a prayer for the Once Gammachu Magarsa related the following conversation with
clouds to yield to the sun. Their reaction was: "How can we do his grandfather:
that, Father? It would be like praying that Waqa may withdraw from
us! "I had spoken with my grandfather about Waqa. I had told him
I wanted to see Waqa, or at least something of him. At that my
90
 grandfather said to me: 'To Waqa we are only very small ants. b. In another tense, ••)>•••( from descent, all old people — people
How then can we see him? Did you ever look at ants, my grand- 'saturated with years', .tie ,ils<> considered to be nearer to Waqa. Bolli
son?' — 'Yes, I did,' I said. — 'Do you think they saw you?' — within and outside rituals they are asked for their blessing. People
'I don't know. They did not seem to care about me. I was look- regard their blessing not so much as a prayer to Waqa on the suppliants'
ing at them and they all went their own way.' — 'So it is with us behalf than as a passing on to them of the blessing (life) these old
and Waqa, my grandson. You were to those ants as Waqa is to people have received from him.
us. You saw them, but they did not see you. In the same way,
Waqa sees us but we do not see Waqa. However, because of [This view of what blessing is, is also evi-
many things we know that he is there." dent in the statement: "The sons of a
It is clear that the Waqa of whom they speak here is not the vault of father are, sometimes, angry with their
old father if he blesses too much. They
the sky but rather the Supreme Being, invisible to man. As Waquma
fear that not enough blessing will be left
Tolleraputit:
for them."]

"We do not see Waqa, we only see his works."

"When we were still children and playing near our house, and an
His works, the first of which is the giving of life, — life which is old man passed by, he would call us and give us his blessing.
nearly as great a mystery to people as Waqa himself. While giving us his blessing, he would say: 'May Waqa make you
It made Shagerdi Bukko give the following advice to my assistants: grow up' or simply: 'Grow up'."

"My sons, when you leave your old house because you have built Old people, indeed, feel themselves blessed by Waqa, and they are
a new one, don't set fire to it. There are many little creatures in happy to be asked for their blessing. The custom is decreasing, nowa-
that old house. It is not good to kill all that life." days, which made an old man complain:

They have a feeling, indeed, that all life belongs to Waqa and that "In former times, old people could bless, but, nowadays, who
man is not free to dispose of it. The animals and plants they kill for asks for our blessing?"
food were "blessed for them by Waqa" for this purpose.
This accounts for the readiness with which Matcha adapted the cus- Their blessing was often accompanied by spitting. This spitting could
tom of the Ethiopian Christians and the Muslims slaughtering an ani- be in a single action as the word is understood in English (tufu) or a
mal only in the name of the Holy Trinity or of Allah; traditionally sprinkling of their saliva like rain (biifu). In the latter case the connec-
they never ate any animal without cutting the throat so that the meat tion with Waqa was closer. Generally, they spit on the children's
would be drained from blood. Blood is the seat of life, or rather it is heads, while adults receive the saliva into their hands.
life, and life should be given back to Waqa. I will always remember the happy look on the face of an old wom-
an who did not know that I was a priest, when, after having given her
something, I held out my open hands that she might spit in them in
4.2 Some more reflections of this view in everyday life blessing.
a. The borana who pride themselves on pure Oromo descent and My assistant Asafa Disasa, still a young man, once told me:
who are regarded by their fellows as 'the eldest ones', are seen as pos-
sessing more life and life of an higher quality than the others, muck as "When I had helped an old man or woman by carrying a load on
the water of a spring is purest at its source. But this privilege from my shoulders, they blessed me. They would spit on my shoulder,
Waqa obliges them to impart this life to the others by being a continual saying: 'May this shoulder one day carry a buffalo-tail.' [The
source of blessing to them. They are to their people a link with Waqa. tail is the trophy of a buffalo-killer.] And when my sister had

92 93
 Ctfricd lOIXiethingon her back for them [girls do not carry things people also ask ii< IK n priciti thai they l>l<-ss whenever .m<>|»|.<>i
01] their shoulders], they would spit on her back, saying: 'May tunity presents.
this back one day carry a baby'."
4.3 Dependence on Waqa: how people experience this
c. Another idea connected with Waqa as a source of life is that peo- a. Proverbs
ple who arc regarded as being near to Him in a special way such as
those who have the gift of prophecy or of knowing the secret meaning Mana Waq ijaretu ijarama. A house that is built by Waqa will
of things that happen to others, are expected to have long life. Thus in be completed.
a story of Shagerdi Bukko about a man who had seen several wonder- Kan bela fidu Waqayo; It's Waqa who brings hunger;
ful things and set out to ask such a man (raji) what they could mean. kan qufa fidus Waqayo. it's Waqa who brings a full stomach.
Kan Waqni uwise hindaaru. The one Waqa clothes will not go
"... In the end he reached the hamlet of the raji. He entered the naked.
first house. In this house he found an old man, very weak. He Kan Waqa abdette hindhabu. Who trusts on Waqa will not lack
asked him: 'Are you the raji?' — 'No,' the man said, 'the raji is anything.
my grandfather. He is living up there.' So the man went to the Namni yaada, Waqni hinguta. Man wishes, Waqa fulfills.
next house. There, too, he found an old man. The man was ly- Waq jirafadun bae. Waqa is there [therefore] the sun
ing on his bed and seemed even weaker than the former one. rises.
'Are you the raji?' the man asked him. 'No, I am not; the raji Kan nama dhukubsachisu Waqa; It's Waqa who makes a person sick;
is my father.' — 'Where can I find him?' — He is somewhere out- kan nama fayisus Waqa. it's Waqa who restores him to
side not far from here.' So the man started looking for the raji health.
in the open field. There he saw a man who was taming a horse. Waqni hinarrifatu Waqa is never in a hurry;
The man went somewhat nearer to him and shouted: 'I am look- lafajedhe hinolu. but he is always there at the pro-
ing for the raji. Do you know where he is?' The other man re- per time.
plied: 'I myself am the raji'..."

The ritual leader of the gada, a man whose position approximates b. Individual sayings:
that of a priest, had himself to be a symbol of Waqa's blessing. He must
be of pure Oromo descent, healthy and able. His family, too, must be "If Waqa makes us live, we live;
blessed by Waqa: his first wife and his eldest son must both be alive if he makes us die, we die;
and there must be no serious disease in his family. He was forbidden if he heals us, we are restored to health;
to kill, unless for sacrifice, nor was he allowed to cut trees or to 'wound if he gives us to eat, we eat;
the earth' by ploughing. if he refuses it to us, we die." (Shagerdi Bukko)

d. Nowadays, these borana have lost much of their former socio-rel- "People think: Waqa exists; therefore they pray to him.
igious status, though they are still asked by people to bless them and Nobody says: Waqa does not exist.
their cattle. To a certain extent their position as 'people of blessing' They are glad that he is there ..." (Waquma Tollera)
(blessed themselves and passing on this blessing to others) has passed
to the priests. "Priests are 'abba jirenya — dispensers of life' people say. c. A prayer:
Like the ancient ritual leader of the gada they are not allowed to kill.
Mothers would bring their children to me, saying: "Father, make my "O Waqa, you do not say 'no' to those who call your name;
child grow up for me." As they asked from the borana in former times O Waqa, you do not withdraw from those who lean on you."

94 95
(I. We have already spoken of the blessing! given by the borana and by are well.' ll's only iftei Further talk that we will till him of 01M
old people. This book is lull of them. As Paul T.W. Baxter writes about problems.
the Borana Oromo in the east, Matcha "daily social intercourse is float- Even if somebody is very, very sick and near to death, he should
ing on blessings". So a few of them may suffice here. first say to other people who pay him a visit: 'I feel better,
thanks to Waqa.' The others may say: 'He is very sick'. His wile
May Waqa give you long life. may say: 'He is very sick'. But he himself should say: 'I feel
May Waqa keep you alive together. better.'
May Waqa's blessing be upon you. Waqa is always giving you something, if only a little life. So I
May Waqa add to what he has given to you already. should continue saying: 'I feel well.' Waqa can take our life
May Waqa have mercy on you. whenever he wishes, so we have to say 'Thank you' to him at
May Waqa make you live in a house where peace reigns. every moment."
What you have produced may Waqa make it grow up for you (calves,
children, crops). And my assistant Gammachu Magarsa joins Asafa:
What you have sown may Waqa make it sprout for you.
"The presence of life means the presence of Waqa. Wherever
May Waqa give you his peace.
you say 'There is no life', you say: 'Waqa is not there'."

e. Customs in daily social intercourse f. Waqa's praise is fourfold

When confronted by a problem, their own or that of others, people There is a saying: "Galanni Waqayo afur — Waqa has to be praised
rarely fail to say: "Waq waya — Waqa knows what is best" or "Waq jira four times." For example, after a day of communal work, people
— Waqa exists". say four times a prayer of praise for Waqa, and to stress this these
While speaking of hopes for the future they readily add: "Yo Waqa- prayers should be said by four different people.
yo jedhe — If it is Waqa's will." They fear to speak as if they have their This praise of Waqa is felt to be indispensable — first as a recogni-
fate in their own hands. tion of what people feel reality to be and, second, as a prerequisite for
The same fear is manifest, if someone asks them how many children receiving further blessing from Waqa in the future. People rarely say:
they have or how many cattle. As Asafa Disasa once told me: "I am well" without adding: "Thanks to Waqa."

"If somebody asks me: 'How many children do you have?', I re- "I remember that once the whole country was suffering from
ply: 'You want to know how many children I have? Waqa gave draught. One evening while we were eating together, we heard
me three children.' I would not say: 'I have three children.' Nor suddenly the first drops of rain on our roof. Immediately my
will I ever say so in regard to my cattle or even my chickens. We father and mother rose up, turned to the east, lifted their hands
do not count whatever has life. towards heaven and said: "Be praised, o Waqa, you gave us rain.
People can ask us: 'How much do you have,' when dollars, chairs We trusted in you and you have heard our prayer." After this
or containers are concerned, but not if the things concerned they sat down again and we continued eating." (A teacher)
have life."
And the same teacher added significantly: "Before I went to school
And he continues: I knew more of Waqa than I did after."

"Even if we are in trouble, we must always say thanks to Waqa. "There are people who always complain. But as soon as they
If there is no food in the house or if somebody is very sick, our have left, the others will say: "Galata Waqayo balesa — He de-
first answer to a person who asks: 'How are you', is always: 'We stroys the praise of Waqayo in our country." (Asafa Disasa)

96 97
5. Waqa knows all things An old, deeply religioui in.in (now ;t Christian) once remarked:

"We Oromo believe that nothing happens on this earth without "The old rituals of our lathers were good; there was notliinj;
Waqa. We have also a saying: 'Ganaman baanifWaqjela himbaam wrong in them. Nowadays, people are saying that crows and in-
— Man may set out early in the morning but he never will escape sects are eating all their grain. But this happens, because they
from beneath the sky/Waqa.' leave the old prayers by which they asked these creatures to be
And we have also another saying: 'Waqni garaa dhaga kesayu satisfied with a little. There was much more blessing in those
beka — Waqa even knows the heart of a stone'." (Asafa Disasa) times when people did not call Waqa by his name but said: 'Aa-
baa' or 'Ulfin'. O, my people, you began to call Ulfin by his
The latter saying is often used at the taking of an oath. Once I asked name [Waqa]]" 20
a man to take an oath that he had not taken his brother's land. He
lifted his hands towards heaven and pointing to a big stone at his feet Waquma Tollera joins him; here follows a conversation between him
said: "Waqa who knows even the heart of this stone, knows that I am and his son Ensermu:
telling the truth."
E. "What did people call Waqa in the beginning?"
"When we have lost something we cannot find anymore, we say: WT. "In the very beginning they said 'Waqa', but soon people
'O Waqa, you have eyes, you have ears; we do not see, we do started saying 'Ulfin' out of respect for his name. It was out of
not hear. You even know the heart of a stone. What we have respect that they stopped calling him by his name."
lost and cannot find, show it to us." (Waquma Tollera) E. "What does the name 'Ulfin' mean?"
WT. "It denotes Waqa's greatness. He is above all things."
In folk-stories about people in need we find frequently prayers like E. "Do people never give this name to a man?"
this: "O Waqa, you know all things. You know that we are without WT. "Of course not! But later on, very gradually, people started
food for two days ..." speaking lightly; they were easygoing and began to say 'Waqa'
again, and later even 'Waqayo'.
['Waqayo' is indeed, a diminutive with a
6. The Most High connotation of familiarity; e. g. 'gurba'
means 'boy* while 'gurbayo' could be
translated by 'my boy'.] 21
"Sometimes we say in prayer: 'O Waqa, we are your little black
E. "Was it through coming of the Amharas that they started do-
ants.' This we say in order to make ourselves small before
ing this [i. e. under the influence of Christianity]?"
Waqa." (Waquma Tollera)
WT. "No, they had already started doing so before the coming
of the Amharas."
Until recently the Matcha also expressed the great distance between
themselves and Waqa by abstaining from calling him by his name.
[In everyday life a woman never calls
her husband by his name, nor is she her- 20
Aabaa is best translated by 'Most High'. It is in this sense that we still find the name in the
self ever called by her name by her in- bible translation of Onesimos Nesib which was made between 1886 and 1897. 'Ulfin' is
laws. "This is out if respect" as people probably connected with 'ulfina — honour'. The word 'Aabaa' should well be distinguished
say. In society at large only an inferior" from 'abbaa — father'.
21
is called by his name. Equals call one an- Foreign missionaries, especially the protestants, encouraged the use of 'Waqayo', since this
other by their name only when they are name detached God's name from the connotation of 'sky'. The process is still going on.
The protestant editors of a revised and adapted edition of Onesimos' Bible never use the
among themselves.] word 'waqa' except to indicate the vault of the sky.

98
 Enscrmu himself once told me: He is above all thingi Nothing is above Him." The Idea is doiely
connected with the one of the Most High.
"I was speaking with my mother about the names people gave Significantly, a Catholic Oromo priest once confided to me: "I IK
to Waqa in former times. She told me that her father always Oromo are not greatly taken by the idea of a Holy Trinity." Indeed, I
grew angry when children called Waqa by his name." am sure that there is something in this idea which conflicts with (licit
innermost feelings in regard to Waqa, the unique one.
What Ensermu says here of his grandfather, Gammachu Magarsa Another feature in their traditional concept of Waqa is that they
told me of both his grandfather and his father: did not see Him as a 'God of love' in the Christian sense.

"Nowadays, it is said that Waqa loves us, but our fathers never
"It is the borana particularly who called Waqa 'Ulfin' or 'Umo'.
said so." (Mirresa Gamtesa)
When we were still children we often said: ''Waqa'. Our grand-
"In former times, people did not call Waqa their father. True,
father never failed to reproach us. He would say: 'Agi fud-
we sometimes called ourselves his children, but this was only in
haddha'. I still don't know how to translate this but it meant
order to make ourselves little in his sight." (Waquma Tollera)
something like 'Ask forgiveness'. We had then to spit on the
ground and say several times: lAgi, agi, agi'. We had to spit out
From a conversation with Shagerdi Bukko:
the wrong word we had spoken.
My father did the same. But, now he has given up the custom of Q "Did people ever think of Waqa as a grandfather?"
not calling Waqa by his name." A. "No, never."
Q. "Or as a mother?"
A. "No, never."
Nowadays, one still hears these ancient names of honour in certain Q. "Or as a father?"
expressions like "Aabaatu beka — Aabaa knows" or "Umotu beka — A. "No, never. There was no such relationship as between father
Umo knows" or "Saffu Aabaati — It is the mystery of Aabaa" or as in and child between Waqa and man."
a saying like "Buddenni Aabaati nyatame hindhumu — The bread In prayers used in church - prayers often literally translated from
Aabaa gives never runs out". western models — the word 'garaalafuma — tenderness — soft-hearted-
Another name for Waqa is the Arabic word 'Rabbi'. "It is a good ness' sometimes occurs. Even my youngest assistant, Beqele Lamu,
name," people will say. Indeed it seems to meet their feelings of re- was entirely against this word being used in regard to Waqa. He did
spect as expressed in their own ancient praise-names for Waqa. not like prayers such as "O Waqa, in your tender love for us ... etc". In
this he still agreed with an old man as Waquma Tollera, who stressed
"My mother always calls Waqa 'Rabbi'. She does so because my Waqa's immovable serenity in this way:
father's name is Waquma and because she is forbidden to call his
name. A woman, as you know, cannot call her husband by his "Man can say of another man: 'His trouble moves my heart',
name. This is done out of respect." (Ensermu Waquma) but we cannot say: 'O Waqa, may my trouble move you'.
People may be soft-hearted in their love for one another, but
Although he is in one sense very near to man, Waqa remains the Waqa decides out of himself [fedhasatin]."
Most High, the mysterious and tremendous one. This comes to the
fore, again and again, as e. g. in the biblical saying my assistant Asafa And Asafa Disasa:
Disasa had painted on his house: "Fear of Waqa is the beginning of all
wisdom." "When we speak of what Waqa does, the best we can say is thai
They also call Waqa "the Unique one" (Waqa tokicha). As Waquma he does things fedhasatin. It is only of Waqa that we speak
Tollera once remarked: "Waqa is one; man is many. Waqa has no equals. thus."

101
100
 l!((|cl( I ,.111111: acCUied <>l hil deeds i<> the emperor who, as a remit, removed
him from olfi(<
"There is, however, another word you often use in yourprayers. On one occasion, he li.ul condemned some people to be Imn^.
It is the word 'arjuma' [magnanimity]. This word I like very While others carried out his orders, he stood beneath a (ice to
much. I like you to pray: 'O Waqa, in your magnanimity, grant watch. Among those awaiting punishment was a man who prayed
us ...' And I also like the name Waqayo. It brings Waqa nearer to thus: 'O Waqa, Jote is about to hang me. People now say: A day
us." will come that Waqa will punish Jote for this. But I say: () Waqa
do not delay, rescue me now. I have done no wrong.' As hil
In conclusion we can say that there is a shift towards the Christian turn came a light drizzle of rain fell and lightning struck the tree
concept of a God of love, but it is indeed a very gradual one. This is where Jote stood. Jote fell to the ground. 'I acquit you,' he
clearly illustrated by the words of another Catholic Oromo priest: shouted, 'go home, go home!' The man replied: 'It is not you
but Waqa who sets me free.' Seizing Jote beneath his armpitts,
"I do not care for the God of the Europeans. He is too much of some of his followers took him home." (Ambassa Waqo)
a good-natured father, a daddy. My God is still the God of my [Waqa was present in the soft drizzle as
grandfather, the God of the sky and the stars and the clouds, well as in the lightning.]
the God of thunder and lightning."
In everyday life the way people appeal to Waqa to witness to the
truth is often rather disrespectful. Many times, while boys were play-
7. Source and guardian of truth and justice ing cards, I heard talk like this:
The Matcha have a word 'dhuga' which comprises both truth and
justice. Waqa is the guardian of both as it is clearly indicated in then- A. "You were cheating."
oaths and in their reaction to people who transgress his laws — laws B. "No, I was not."
connected with the social order of which He is the source. According A. "You were."
to them Waqa withdraws from those who take a false oath and from B. "No. Dhuga Waqa [truth of Waqa}."
other evil-doers.
Misfortune is readily seen to be a punishment meted out by Waqa.
"There was a man who took a false oath. His eldest son died Thus a young boy who told me:
soon after; his wife became a cripple and was unable to work;
he himself became a beggar. I saw this happen myself." "Yesterday I went to the market to sell my cock, but I found
(Dinsa Sarba) no one who wanted to buy it. Then I began to think within my-
self. I said in my heart: 'What wrong have I done that Waqa
Jote, a petty ruler at the time of the Amharic conquest, who had does not bless me?' "
put himself at the service of the emperor and promised to submit the
other peoples of western Wollega to the latter's rule, was a man noto- However, people are well aware that much human suffering cannot
rious for his cruelty. He roamed the country with his soldiers, pro- be explained this way. In such cases they say: "Waqa knows what is
mised the various peoples on oath that they would not be oppressed best" or "It is Waqa's will."
by the emperor and afterwards began to exploit them himself.
8. Waqa withdraws
"Jote broke the oaths he had sworn to those people whom he
brought under the emperor's yoke and began himself to exploit Though they often speak of Waqa punishing man directly, their
and oppress them. Therefore Waqa withdrew from him. He was fundamental view of things is such that in these cases Waqa himself in

102 I OS
In ( docs nothing but rallur withdraws from man. This withdrawal They would add, loi example: "That is why our prayeri are no
means already in itself thai life is disminished in every form: good heard by Waqa as they were in the beginning of time." Or they would
health, fertility, material well-being. This is the primary view they quote a saying common among them: "Long ago Waqa was just be-
have of the matter. Another is that, as a result of Waqa 's withdrawal, hind our house, now he is at the other side of the river."
man is left a victim to minor evil powers. It is these minor powers, Waquma Tollera gave the following comment on the story:
rather than Waqa himself that strike man with misfortune: for exam-
ple, sickness or craziness. These minor evil powers, formerly called "The mule kicked Waqa and he withdrew from the earth. So it
'evil ayana', are nowadays referred to as evil spirits or devils (setana). was Waqa cursed the mule, saying: 'From now on, you will no
This view that Waqa reacts against evil by withdrawing from man, is longer produce young.' Because sin increased, Waqa went up,
expressed in the following myth, one well known in Matchaland. away from man. Is it not just because of this that there are
many diseases?"
"Long, long ago, Waqa was lying very close to the earth and
people could ask him whatever they needed. When he lay close But they often smiled, while telling the story, as if they found it
to the earth there was always plenty of rain. silly. Why should Waqa withdraw from man because of a mule's foolish
Once upon a time, Waqa sent for all the animals and told them: behaviour?
'You can speak freely to me and even complain about those However, they have no similar myth about an act of rebellion by
things which cause you to suffer.' man against Waqa at the beginning of time. The gap in their own tradi-
So the animals assembled before Waqa. tion was readily filled by the biblical story of man's fall in the paradise
The first one summoned by Waqa to speak was the donkey. The where Waqa also walked in the cool of the evening and man could
donkey stepped forward and said: 'O Waqa, you asked me to speak with him.
speak, but I have only to thank you. I have no cause to com- In a conversation with my assistants Shagerdi Bukko put it in this
plain.' way:
Then came the horse. The horse, too, behaved very respectfully
towards Waqa. 'I have only thanks to offer you, Waqa,' he said, "In the beginning Waqa was close to man and, although they
'thanks for the grass you give me to eat, for the water you give could not see him, people could hear his voice and talk to him.
me to drink, and for your sun that warms me.' As people had more and more children, sin, too, increased and
All the other animals spoke in the same way. Waqa withdrew still further from them.
There is a story about a mule that kicked Waqa. And Waqa said
At last, it was the turn of the mule. The mule did complain. He to the mule: 'Be barren for ever.'
said: 'O Waqa, you ordered me to speak up. All right, I do have Sin causes Waqa to withdraw, my sons.
a cause to complain. You are lying with your belly too close to If someone is evil, do you consort with him or do you keep out
the earth. It is raining far too much.' And while speaking in this of his way?
vein, he grew more and more angry, until he actually kicked
Waqa's belly. AA. We keep away from him.
At that Waqa withdrew going upwards from the earth. He with- SB. So you see for yourselves: we do as Waqa does.
drew from all of us, but he withdrew in a special way from the AA. So it is because of Waqa's withdrawal that evil things hap-
mule: from that day onwards the mule was unable to produce pen to us?
young." SB. Of course. When the herdsman leaves his goats, then it is
that the leopard comes and catches them. The same happens
Whenever they told me this story, people seemed to assume that the to us: Waqa withdraws and the devil catches us. That is why
mule's behaviour was also the reason why Waqa retired from man. there are diseases against which we have no medicine. But if

104 105
 we live well, if our deeds are good, Waqa will keep evil 9. Some other jfditms <>/ ilu- Matcha's altitude with regard to Wm/u
powers far from us." It strikes the eye, agliti and again, that the Matcha in the ordinary
way do not display much respect for their own leaders. They like to
In the Matcha's view such a silent and dignified withdrawal by Waqa show that they wish to be independent from them. But this does not
answers most to his nature as the Most High. It is also in their eyes the mean that they are not fully aware of the fact that they need them. As
most appropriate reaction against what they call 'tchubbu — sin'. In- soon as things are seen to be out of control, they turn to their leaders
deed, to them sin is first of all and fundamentally an act by which again in great earnestness. Though there are, of course, some differ-
man takes his fate in his own hands, thus denying his total dependence ences, we see a similar attitude towards Waqa. From what has been
on Waqa. In addition, he fails to respect Waqa's creation, the world- said until now it has become clear that their attitude towards him is not
order at large and their own social order which is seen to be part of only inspired by awe but also marked by familiarity and even, from
this whole. They frequently describe sin as 'transgressing the bound- time to time, by lack of respect. In his despair a man may exclaim:
ary set to man by Waqa', an expression which refers directly to the "Waqa does not exist!" But the normal way to complain against Waqa
social order given them by Waqa. is interrogative. "O Waqa, why do you do this to me?" — "O Waqa,
Their idea of Waqa's dignified reaction to sin is reflected in what will you not have mercy on me?" — "O Waqa, what must I do that
they expected from the ritual leader of their gada, whose position you may have mercy on me again?" — "O Waqa, what wrong have we
closely resembled that of a priest. He was expected to attend all done that you do not give rain to your little black ants?"
their meetings but without partaking in them; he would sit somewhat At the same time we note in them a clear tendency to pietism. A
apart with his scepter in his hand and wrapped in a wide blanket fine story about Waqa easily moves them to tears. Instead of saying:
woven in the ancient ritual colours of white, black and red, "and while "O Waqa", they sometimes say: "O my Waqa." When they see in
he was sitting this way, we children would creep under his blanket someone's hair or on his skin a little spot of another colour, they will
when it was raining". He did not even take part in peace negotiations, say smiling: "Waqayo has kissed you there."
but only said, again and again: "Nagaa, nagaa — Peace peace." If the
meeting got out of control and degenerated into heated debate, he
For the sake of completeness we mention here that people some-
sometimes would rise up and retire a little without saying a word.
times also speak of 'Waqa dima — the light-coloured Waqa (or 'the red
My own experience as a priest confirms this. People were invariably Waqa')' in contrast to 'Waqa guracha — the dark-coloured Waqa'.
disappointed and at a loss, when I showed anger. Once a young boy
challenged me on such an occasion: "Father, you should not grow
"We have a saying: 'Nama ija adi sodaddhen, Waqa ija dima afan
angry." Indeed, they simply do not expect their priest to do so. They
bua? — Do you think that being afraid already of the white [not
expect him to be uncompromising in proclaiming Waqa's law, in insist-
angry] eyes of man. I would defy the red [angry] eyes of Waqa?'
ing on truth, justice and peace, but always without losing his temper,
'Red eyes' are associated with anger. When speaking thus of
and to be permanently disposed to understand and to forgive, to re-
Waqa, we also think of the lightning as a token of Waqa's anger
concile and to re-establish good relations with them. Since he is a
in a dark sky. But the lightning only flashes and the dark sky
source of life and blessing for them, they appreciate a certain familiar-
ity with him in social intercourse (much as they wish Waqa to remain remains as it is. Waqa frightens man with his lightning, but he
near them) but at the same time he should behave in a dignified way himself always remains 'The dark Waqa whose inside is white'.
and keep his distance. Even as the former holder of the scepter could When we say 'white' we think of something pure, undisturbed.
not personally take part in peace negotiations but left this all to the We know that the real Waqa is like this." (Gammachu Magarsa)
people, his part being only to give general exhortations, so the priest
has to keep at distance from the ordinary disputes in such negotiations.

106 107
 Chapter 12 A. "Where docs I Ins ..illu < orne from, my friend?"
B. "It comes from Waqa and the earth."
WAQA AND THE EARTH
"When we were drinking coffee or beer, my father or mother,
We have already come across the Matcha's idea that, long ago, Waqa would first take a mouthful of beer or coffee and spit it out in
was laying close to the earth, fertilizing it with his rain. The image the direction of the door, and in the direction of the light. They
comes close to that of a human couple. In spite of this, the expression would do this two times, saying: 'O Waqa take this. O earth
'The earth is Waqa's wife — Lafa niti Waqa' as Haberland noticed it take t h i s . ' "
with the more eastern Arsi Oromo (1963:607) is not common with (Gammachu Magarsa)
the western Matcha, at least not nowadays, though a woman whose
husband died may still say: "I am like the earth without rain now." And these prayers in the course of a ritual:
People still do see, indeed, a close connection between Waqa and "O Waqa have mercy on us.
the earth. It comes to the fore in their blessings, oaths, curses, and rit- O earth, have mercy on us.
uals. O Waqa, give us rain.
O Waqa, make the earth have mercy on us."
1. Blessings [Waqa's pre-eminence comes clearly to
the fore here.]
May Waqa and the earth help you.
May Waqa and the earth cause you to grow up (a blessing for While Waqa is usually invoked without the earth being mentioned,
children). the latter is seldom invoked without reference to Waqa. The earth
May Waqa be good for you from above and the earth from needs Waqa's rain to produce grass for the cattle and crops for people.
beneath, (rain — crops) But the combination Waqa—earth is not always as close as in the ex-
Be blessed by Waqa and the earth. amples given above; on occasion there are two separate rituals at the
same time, one for Waqa and the other for the earth. On such occasions
2. Curses people will slaughter a bull or sheep for Waqa and make libations under
a tree for the earth (dibayu).
Be not blessed either by Waqa or the earth. At such rituals the earth is invoked separately:
May Waqa and the earth bum [make dry] your kidneys and
your womb (the curse is addressed to a woman). "What we produced on you, o earth, (children, cattle, crops),
bless it for us.
3. Oaths What we sowed in you, o earth, make it sprout well.
Give peace to people."
The man who takes the oath breaks a dry stick, saying:
"May the earth on which I walk and Waqa beneath whom I Once I witnessed a dibayu ritual on the occasion of people beginn-
walk do the same to me, if I have done such and such a thing." ing to cultivate new land. While the young ones were ploughing and
clearing, some older men slaughtered a black sheep (Waqa's colour).
4. Rituals The sheep's blood was sprinkled on the earth and smeared on the one
tree which would not be cut (they wished to use it again for a similar
In conlusion of the proclamation of their saffu, the law given to sacrifice later). While the blood was given to the earth, the meat of the
them by Waqa from the very beginning, the dialogue between the two sheep (pieces taken from all parts of its body, symbolizing the whole
ritual leaders is concluded as follows: sheep) was burned in a fire made of fragrant branches. During this cer-

108 109
emony, the men retired a little way from the fire 'That Waqa might They do ftllO say:
come down and smell the meat'.
Sometimes the ritual is for the earth alone: "We arc horn from the womb of our mother;
An old man: we arc buried in the womb of the earth."

"I asked a prophet [raji] what I should do. He told me: 'Every As it will become even clearer in the following chapter, the earth
time you plough, take some beer in a little calabash and pour it has a special and exclusive place in the Matcha's concept of the super
out in the earth as soon as you have opened it. If you do this, human. But whatever relationship they trace between Waqa and the
your harvest will be good.' All my life I have done as he told me, earth, Waqa remains in his unique pre-eminent place in their concept
and my harvest has always been good." of the superhuman.

Remark

5. Some sayings E. Haberland writes with regard to the Oromo at large: "Originally Heaven and
The earth is often compared with a mother. Earth were standing one next to the other on equal terms." (1963:563) In other
words the pre-eminence of Waqa is something of later times. This opinion (he may
well be right) is in accordance with a wider concept of his in regard to possible in-
"When you are walking up a hill, the earth is like a mother to fluences on the Oromo by other cultures.
you. When you are walking down she is like a step-mother."

They mean here that, if you fall as you

go upwards, the earth catches you in her
arms as a good mother does, and you
will not hurt yourself much. But if you
fall while going down, the earth recedes
and causes you to hurt yourself badly.

Referring to Waqa's withdrawing from man, when he sins, they will

also say:

"Waqa is like a father who goes away. Earth is like a mother:

she is always with us."

They have a nice song for the earth:

Daache yaa 'ddha marga, O earth, mother of the grass,

j61ike bishaani, under you is water,
i'rrike midhaani, on top of you is grain,
Qonne sfrra nyaanne, We plough and eat on you,
horre sfrra yaafne. we produce cattle and lead it out
to the pasture on you.
Offfraatnubaaddhu; Carry us on your back;
nagaake mi laaddhii. give us your peace.

110 I II
 A n d a i i o l l i n assist,nil
Chapter 13

AYANA Mountains and incs, days, months and seasons, every man and
his lineage — all have their own ayana. These ayana rule our
"Everything has a twofold nature: one part we see with our eyes, lives; they make us what we are. But I cannot explain to you ex-
the other part we do not see with our eyes but by our hearts. actly what an ayana is.
This invisible part of them we call 'ayana'. You will never under-
stand us unless you realize that we see everything in this way." One thing is clear from these examples: ayana are conceived of as
(Gammachu Magarsa) beings.

1. Some statements regarding ayana

2. "An ayana is something of Waqa "
Every creature, people, animals and plants, have their own aya-
a. Prayers
na. If I slaughter an ox and he kicks me, I say: "His ayana has
hurt me." Every wild buffalo has his own ayana and his clan, too, In many prayers Waqa and ayana axe invoked in one breath:
as a whole has its ayana. Everyone is afraid of the ayana of a
buffalo. After I had killed my buffalo, the first thing I did was "O Waqa, o ayana of my father, give me peace."
to put my gun against his head. The iron of the gun is strong. I "O Waqa, o ayana of Friday, have mercy on us."
made him feel that I was stronger than he. His ayana was still in [a prayer said at a sacrifice on Friday]
him, you know. It's only after this that we cut his throat. "O Waqa, o my own ayana, restore my child to health for me."
Mountains, too, have their ayana. There are still people who
pray to the ayana of the Dimbo mountain. b. Rituals
Every river has its own ayana, to whom people make offerings of At a sacrifice for Waqa people say when a gust of wind passes over
cocks. them: "Waqa has come down to smell our sacrifice." At a sacrifice for
The earth herself is not an ayana, but every stretch of land has an ayana, they will say the same.
its own ayana. Such an ayana is called 'Abdari'. My father's land For both a sacrifice for Waqa and a sacrifice for an ayana, people
around our house has its own ayana. We call this land 'arada', must abstain from sexual intercourse the previous night.
and so we pray: "O ayana of my father's arada, give us peace." For both Waqa and an ayana the sacrificial animal must be of a single
If a child dies through drinking too much araqi [home-made al- colour, a symbol of purity and perfection.
coholic drink] his parents will say: "The araqi's ayana does not An old woman:
like us," and from then onwards they will abstain from drinking
it. "Nowadays [that is, since we have become Christians] some peo-
Every man has an ayana who guides and guards him. If you kill ple say that, in former times, we adored a tree when we prayed
a man, you must make peace with his ayana. and poured out our libations at its foot. But this is not true: we
prayed to its ayana, we prayed to Waqa."
One of my assistants in a letter to me: c. A distinction
Thanks to your ayana, Father, I have no worries. [A European The Matcha took over a belief from the aboriginal peoples that every
would have written: "Thanks to the care you have shown me."] kind of game had its own guardian spirit, its 'king', who was thought

112 113
to reside in the biggest specimen of the group. He was called 'Tchato'
I it.' This we do only for the ayana. What wo slaughter for
(a non-Oromo name). An old hunter said of him: is burned in the lirv; wh;il we slaughter for the ayana is given to
the birds."
"The tchato of the buffaloes is not an ayana. He has no wa- (Ayelle Tura)
qumma [divinity] he is not something of Waqa."
Despite this uncompromising statement, however, people will some
times withdraw a little way at a sacrifice for an ayana and wait for a
3. "Ayana are Waqa but Waqa is not ayana" puff of wind to come as a token that Waqa has accepted their sacrifice.
Both views of the matter, 'Ayana are something of Waqa' and 'Waqa is
a. Statements not ayana' are reflected in their sacrificial rites.
On the other hand, there is also a difference between Waqa's and an
From an interview between Shagerdi Bukko and my assistants:
ay ana's presence in the wind. Waqa is only imagined to be present in a
breath of wind, while the ayana are also thought to be present in a
Q. "Can we say: Waqa is like a tree and the ayana are its bran-
whirlwind. They call such whirlwinds 'an ayana's dance' (cf. Knutsson
" ches?"
1967:73).
A. "No we do not say that."
Q. "Do people ever say: Waqa is like a father and the ayana are
An old hunter:
" his children?"
A. "No, never." "After we killed the elephant, we did not go at once to the place
Q. "Can we say: O ayana of my father, you created me?" where he had fallen. A whirlwind rose behind us at that very
A. "No, we cannot say that. We say: O Waqa, you have created moment. 'Yuyuyuyuu', it said and it threw the ashes up from
me. Waqa alone creates." the grass that was burned the day before. The ashes stood up-
Q. "So Waqa and ayana are not the same?" right like a stick. The whirlwind began to turn around the ele-
A. "Ayana are Waqa but Waqa is not ayana." phant roaring. ''Yuyuyuyuu', it said [the normal cry of alarm
and also of pain when somebody is beaten]. It was the elephant's
Waquma Tollera offers this view: ayana who was crying this way. We were very afraid that the
whirlwind would attack us, but it went away towards a tree
"The ayana come down on people Waqa has created. The ayana where the elephant had previously stood rubbing himself."
come down on people, but Waqa rules over the ayana. There-
fore, we pray: "O Waqa, make my father's ayana have mercy on However the crucial difference is that Waqa is invoked by everyone
my child." universally since he is concerned with all, while an ayana, linked as it
is to a particular person, animal or plant, is only invoked and feared
b. Ritual by those who are linked to it either by nature or free choice.
"When we bring a sacrifice to Waqa, we throw raw meat in the
4. A child and his ayana
fire that the smell of it may go up to Waqa, but we do not do
this for the ayana. Waqa and ayana are not the same." "Every child is given his own ayana by Waqa. This ayana is al-
(Shagerdi Bukko) ready with him before he is born. It is his own personal ayana,
not that of his father or mother. People say that this ayana
"When we offer meat to the ayana of our deceased father, we dwells under the spot on his head where the skin palpitates. They
throw some of the meat to the birds of prey. When the birds never will touch that spot; it is the seat of his ayana who pro-
come and take the meat, we say: 'Our father's ayana has taken tects him.

114 I If)
 For as long as the child is unable to speak the name of Waqa, People also say: M;iy tl»c- ayana of your father help you, or. May
the ayana often shows himself to the child. your mother's <i vnnu help you.
When a child is babbling in his sleep, people say: He is talking Harme Dano [an old woman] once spat into my hands, saying: I
with his ayana, and when he laughs in his sleep they say: His have eaten and drunk from your father's and mother's hands:
ayana is playing with him." may their ayana help you.
(Asafa's father and Waquma Tollera) In former times, a man would bring a sacrifice for his deceased
father's ayana, when misfortune had struck his house.
"As soon as the child is born, his ayana shows him all things of Some people would need more from their father's ayana than
his future. He also shows him the spot where he will be buried; others; they both asked and gave them more in that they sacri-
the child then smells the earth of his grave. That's why he starts ficed to them every year.
crying as soon as he is born. But afterwards he does not remem- Nowadays, people have left this custom out of respect for the
ber anything of what the ayana has showed to him." Church, but not out of lack of respect for their father's and
(Mirresa Gamtesa) mother's ayana." (Mirresa Gamtesa, Ensermu Waquma)

"In former times, when a man had begotten a son, he would go "Once my mother had some new clothes and she gave them to
to a prophet [raji] who sees things hidden from other people, or my brothers and sisters, not to me, since I had still good clothes
to a man who understood the stars [ayantu]. Such a man would myself. But nevertheless I, too, wanted new clothes. At that my
tell him: Your son has the ayana of a killer: give him a shield, or mother said to me: My son, I have no money left. May my aya-
he would say: Your son has the ayana of a farmer: he will al- na clothe you."
ways have good harvests. (Gammachu Magarsa)
People still say: I have the ayana of a farmer, of a teacher or of
a killer of big game. A man who has a killer's ayana will never
grow rich by farming [he neglects his fields]. A person's ayana
6. Other sayings about the ayana
remains with him for all his life."
(Mirresa Gamtesa) One of my assistants: "People still say if they have no son: 'My
ayana did not give me a son.' And if a woman is barren, people still
say of her: 'It is her ayana.' "
5. My father's and my mother's ayana An old man I knew well told his son (and rightly so): "My ayana is
such that he makes me a man who is normally soft-hearted, but who,
"We pray to the ayana of our father and mother. We often say: sometimes, can grow very, very angry."
O ayana of my father! or O ayana of my mother! [These are After marriage negotiations have been brought to a successful con-
common exclamations] But these ayana can also punish us, if clusion, the go-betweens may say, pointing at the boy and the girl:
we are doing wrong. If a mother is spoiling one of her children "Their ayana have knotted their hairs together from the very beginn-
at the cost of the others her ayana may withdraw from the child ing."
and then some sickness will befall him. Of a person who is lucky people use to say: "He has ayana." The
When my brother has killed somebody and I eat with him, my expression, however, cannot simply be translated by 'He is fortunate'.
father's ayana grows very angry with me. People never see a person's good fortune as wholly detached from his
[According to Matcha law, a man who ayana. To the Matcha mere chance and mischance do not exist.
has killed another man is forbidden to
They also say that a person's ayana is good, when he has been
eat with other people, until he has per-
formed a ritual by which he 'washes the blessed by Waqa — blessed in children, cattle and good harvests, blessed
blood from his hands'.] with the gift of peace-making and with a respected place in society. It

116 117
is such persons who were preferably asked to act as leaders at a ritual, For all this, no Oromo will ever say 'Waqa is ayana', no more than I
since they were regarded as being closer to Waqa. will ever say that you yourself and your hand are one ;m<l ihc- same
Finally one more quotation deserves a place here. It is taken from thing. Even less we will ever say that 'man is something of Waqa', be-
Knutsson's book, but was confirmed by my assistants. Pointing to the cause Waqa's ayana is in us. Waqa is Waqa, and man is man.
relationship between Waqa and ayana, one of his informants said: To tell you the full truth — can I do so? O, my tongue grows heavy
n o w _ to tell you the full truth: we see the ayana as flowing oul of
"The government is one. The Emperor is one and the same, but Waqa in a way, filling the whole of creation, filling every creature
governors and officials are many. Yet they belong to the govern- whose ayana they are, making them the way they are, both inside and
ment, and for us they are the government." (1967:80). outside. But the ayana remain invisible to human eyes. What is visible
in man is not his ayana. This visible aspect of man is rather formed
and conditioned by his ayana: his ayana manifests itself in it."
7. Conclusion (Gammachu Magarsa)
It is clear from the foregoing that the concept of ayana comprises
more than just the idea of a superhuman power dwelling in a person,
an animal or plant. It may also point to the result of this power's act-
ivity: to that person's individual character or his fate. It also can have
the connotation of guardian spirit, a spirit who protects and guides.
It is 'something of Waqa' in a person, an animal or plant making
them the way they are: a particular manifestation of the divine, of Wa-
qa as creator and as source of all life. As a catholic Oromo priest ex-
plained it: "Ayana is Waqa in a particular way."
In addition it confirms in a new way that the word 'Waqa' cannot
simply be translated 'God' as this word is understood in English; it
comprises considerably more. "Waqa is one, but the ayana, too, are
Waqa in a way. It is therefore that I do not like it when you call the
ayana superhuman. Are they merely superhuman? They are much
more: they are something of Waqa. It is in the many, many ayana that
Waqa himself comes close to us and that we are united to him.*
Therefore, birds, too, are only imperfect images of the ayana. They
are allowed to move in two worlds, heaven and earth, but you cannot
say that, because of this, they show us what an ayana really is. We
rather should say that they help us to talk about ayana and to pray to
them. You can call the birds 'links between heaven and earth', but you
cannot call the ayana merely 'links' between Waqa and this world.
When you give me your hand, do I call your hand 'a link' between you
and me? No, your hand is you yourself in a way. If I kiss your hand, I Note
kiss you, and if I pray to my father's ayana, I pray Waqa. In this chapter hardly any reference has been made to the ayana of descent
groups and other social groupings. The Matcha's idea regarding these groups and
their mutual relations is indissolubly tied up with their understanding of the char-
Cf. Knutsson (1967:53): "It is the form of ... the various ayanas that Divinity acteristics and the mutual relations between these groups' ayana. We will come
and the quality of waka come really close to Man and his world." back to this point.

118 119
 Chapter 14 Shagerdi Bukko, l<> Illustrate .• situation arising when Waqa had with
drawn from man, laid: "When the herdsman retires, the leopard
E VIL A YANA AND DE VILS catches the goats", he had just such devils in mind.

1. 'Evilayana' 3. Possession
To explain all kinds of human suffering and misfortune Matcha These evil spirits (and people, nowadays, include with them all kind
were used in former times to speak of 'evil ayana' (ayana hamaa). of spirits who entered their society through non Oromo peoples whose
These evil ayana were seen as superhuman beings but quite different daughters the Matcha married) may also possess people. Such cases of
from the true ayana spoken of in the previous chapter. "possession" with all their frightening and unexplained effects, arc-
In contrast to the latter, these evil ayana were never referred to as quite common nowadays, and people frequently have recourse to the
'something of Waqa\ but rather seen as amoral beings, acting only in priests to expel these devils.
regard to people from whom Waqa had withdrawn. Seen in this light When speaking of such cases of possession, people use the words:
their name 'evil ayana' harboured a contradiction. Its use was only "A devil has jumped on him (her)," in contrast to the ayana of whom
explicable in so far as these evil powers were considered to be superhu- they say that they come down on man. Devils are of this earth and act
man in a way. People themselves are well aware of the contradiction on their own account. Ayana descend from above; they come from
in terms. While speaking about the matter, an old Oromo, well ac- Waqa.
quainted with the world of ayana, was asked by my assistant: "Are "Ayana never possess (jump on) people," as they will say.
there good and evil ayana?" His answer: "No, there is nothing evil in
ayana; all ayana are good." 4. Waqa and the devils
As a result Waqa has been invested with a new quality: He has be-
2. Devils come the enemy of devils whom he can defeat at any time. A custom-
ary prayer, heard at the present day, is: "O Waqa, keep the devils away
It is the Muslims and especially the Christians who provided the
from us." Mirresa Gamtesa once told me:
Matcha with a new concept of superhuman evil powers: the devils (se-
tana).
"Yesterday I was talking with my mother. She said: 'Why would
Waqa send his lightning down to us? As he looks at the earth
"The setana came into our country with Christianity. Before
the devil puts his tongue out at him. This makes Waqa grow
there were no setana in our country, believe me."
angry. The devil laughs at Waqa and Waqa replies by thunder-
(An old man) ing.' I laughed when my mother told me this. There are trees
which are often struck by lightning. People will say that this is
These devils, unlike the traditional ayana, were somehow indepen- so because the devil is sitting beneath those trees."
dent spirits, enemies of Waqa and man. As they absorbed this concept,
the Matcha were provided with a much more acceptable explanation
Evidently the understanding of Waqa as the Most High, too great to
for all kinds of evil in the world. As a result, the name 'evil ayana' is
be moved in any way by lower beings is not always raised by this
scarcely heard nowadays. People rather speak of 'devils'.
modern confrontation with the setana.
Once a boy having done something wrong excused himself to me by
saying: "At that moment, Father, the setana jumped on my back."
5. Good and evil ayana — a last glance back
All sicknesses have become devils. It has become quite usual for peo-
ple to come to the priest saying: "Father, my sister has a devil." They The existence of evil in this world remains also to the Matcha ulti-
do not mean then that their sister is possessed by a devil who has be- mately a mystery. To them, too, there is simply no answer that satis-
reaved her from her common sense, but simply that she is sick. When fies the human mind. The replacing of their former 'evil ayana" by dev-

120 121
ill is not an answer, and the more reflective among them are well aware God was traditionally much further developed among the Nucr m<l
of this. But it has helped them to preserve the word 'ayana' for those Dinka of the Sudan than it was further south, that among them divinity
beings who are certainly 'something of Waqa'. Belief in these beings was conceived as one, though it had many manifestations..." 23
still pervades their view of man and his world.
Sad to say, the good effects of this purified use of the word ayana Remark
were practically brought to nought by the negative attitude of most
It excedes the scope of this book to deal extensively with devils and cases of
Christian pastors and priests, especially those of the Ethiopian Church,
possession. With regard to the latter we must distinguish between possession as it
who inveighed against all ayana indiscriminately. Those among my occurs among people and that of the so-called qallu.
Catholic colleagues whom I knew were more cautious in their approach Qallu are pagan ritual experts who made their appearance on the scene as a
and more anxious to understand, were not perceived as such by the reaction to Christianity. To enforce their position they adopted certain Christian
people at large and were lumped together with the others. 22 elements into their cult. Karl Eric Knutsson has dealt with them extensively in his
Mirresa Gamtesa is a good example of the resultant confusion. Like book 'AUTHORITY AND CHANGE - A Study of the Kallu Institution among
the Macha Galla of Ethiopia' (1967).
the older people he still spoke very positively about ayana, but he Each qallu has several ayana who possess him at regular times and who, through
doubted at times. Once he remarked casually: "Nowadays, people be- the mouth of the qallu inform the people about the causes of their misfortunes.
lieve all ayana are devils, because the priests say so." Among these ayana we also find Maram, a female 'divinity' who has special signi-
For themselves most Matcha are not given to much speculation in this ficance for women in regard to fertility. Traditionally this Maram is an exclusive
matter. It is noteworthy, however, that their answers to this question women's 'divinity' and men can not pray to her. (See the next chapter)
are markedly different from those of western peoples. The western So, as the ayana of a male qallu, she constitutes a new phenomenon in Matcha
society. Knutsson deals mainly with so-called clan-qallu, whose activities are limited
concept of the universe as a unified system of causes which acts ac- in principle to their own clan. He distinguishes these more respectable ritual
cording to constant laws and fixed principles — a thing westerners call experts from the qallicha, a more asocial type of such experts.
'nature' — is entirely alien to them. Whatever happens in the world In my area there were no clan-qallu for the last decades. Two ritual experts
and transcends human activity and power, is seen as an effect of the who exerted a strong influence around Dembidollo, Abba Irenna and Abba Saba,
operations of superhuman beings, first of all Waqa and then lesser spir- were unrelated to the local clans, and rather qallicha. When I started my research
they were dead already. They had no successors, mainly owing to the increased
its such as the real ayana or the modern devils. The whole universe is
influence of the missions.
personalized. What westerners call somewhat loosely 'the course of na- Until recently people still used to have recourse to some well-known qallu or
ture', to them exhibits the unpredictability and changeableness inher- qallicha at a considerable distance from the town, when the few minor qallicha
ent to personal beings. Ultimately, all these powers can be influenced who remained in the area had proved unsuccessful.
directly or indirectly by man. Man's conflicts with the real ayana are
seen as the effect of his conflict with the supreme will of Waqa; their
benevolence is seen to be an effect of Waqa's blessing.
The specifically Oromo element in this view of things is that this
personal element in things is not perceived as something independent
but as 'something of Waqa', at least when the real ayana are concerned.
They share this view with the Nuer and Dinka, as illustrated in the
book of Evans-Pritchard and G. Lienhardt. Referring to these books
M. Wilson rightly states: "There can be not question that the idea of

22
One of them once confided to me: "What can I do? I would like to know more about the
people's way of thinking and of their customs, so that I could understand and appreciate
them more fully. But you see for yourself how absorbed we are by other work, and, in
23
addition, we lack the know-how for the research needed." Evans-Pritchard, 1956, pp. 272 ff, 280-282; Lienhardt, 1961, p. 153; Wilson, 1971, p. 88.

122 L2S
 Chapter I r>
Chorus
MA RAM 1 2. Tchihinsu afaabulu,
When in pain, you clutched fti flic
grass,
Maram is the 'divinity' of motherhood. She is invoked and addressed mftu dagale butii, while in labour you clutched il
in song by the women at any birth-ritual. Another ritual at which she the wall,
is invoked is the one called 'Atete' which, in former times, was per- daanf mutcha butu. you gave birth, now you have
formed by every woman in a neighbourhood who wished to be preg- a child.
nant. At both rituals, similar songs are sung. Iddo mftu keti In return of your pain
Here follow some of these songs, recorded after the birth of a child giidden kiin kan keti. the baby is yours.
— songs which express very well the women's intimate relationship [The woman is lying on a cowhide under
with Maram. They are sung by the neighbourwomen on the third, fifth which grass has been spread.]
and ninth day after the child is bom.
While the mother is lying in the backroom, and one or two women Chorus
prepare the 'porridge of birth-giving', the others remain in the front-
room. They are sitting in a circle on the ground, a cowhide on their 3. Yaa desii wallu kobe, O mother, your clothes smell bad,
knees, — the hide of a fertile cow — which they beat with their hands Maramtii borro gonfe; but Maram adorned your back-
as if it were a drum. room;
dhfrsatu balbal kolfe\ your husband laughs with open
As with most Matcha songs there is a chorus and an endless number
of stanzas, sung by two or three soloists. After every stanza the soloist mouth.
Yaa dhabdu wallu mojo, O woman without child, your
ends with the chorus, which is then repeated by the whole group.
clothes are nice,
Chorus : dhirsatu hingungume;
but your husband grumbles;
Atoma harro Marami; 24 Maramtu borro sokke.
Today Maram gives us her peace; Maram avoided your backroom.
ma mukofna?
why shouldn't we rejoice together?
1. Yaa Maram, yaa Maramf, Chorus
walalaf ararami. O Maram, o Maram, 4. Utu Balesfn tae, If I were Balas,
forgive the sins we committed un- Balasf Bonga tae, Balas of Bonga,
knowingly. dhabadhaf mirga kenne;
Yaa Maram, yaa kuleko, I would give to a non killer his
kottu, tai fuleko. O Maram with beautiful eyes,
trophies;
come, sit down in front of me. i'ttin hadorsffatu.
[Have mercy: keep my child alive and Let him boast with them.
healthy. Beautiful: the connotation is 'a [Balas: guardian spirit of the wilderness.
beautiful setting'.] Bonga: area in the wilderness. Trophies:
tail and head of the buffalo he killed.]
Chorus
5. Utu an Maram tae, If I were Maram,
24 Maramf giftf tae, Maram our great lady,
Matcha have a highly developed poetical technique which includes metre an rhyme as well dhabdudhaf ilma kenne; I would give a son to the childless
as perfect vowel symmetry in two or more verses. The technique is only imaginable in a
sonorous language such as Oromo (cf. Littmann, 1925:25). The vowel symmetry is easily woman;
to be seen. The accents are indicated to give an idea of the rhythm. dhfrsan hadorsffatu. Let him be her boast before her
husband.
124
 Chorui Maram <.m u l i tVaqi whatever she w a n t s .
(). Yaa Manim, y Marainle, 0 Maram, my dear Maram, Women are h a p p y i<> have Maram as t h e i r mother, a mothei
dh^bdudhif arara me. have pity on the childless woman. with whom they share the secrets of motherhood: menstruation,
Yaa Maram godetiko, O Maram, displaying to us your pregnancy, diseases which prevent them from bearing healthy
beauty, children (thus leaving them childless), and particularly the pains
yaa dhiga tolletiko, full of sympathy for us, women, of labour. They consider her to be someone exclusively their
yaa Maram marmartuko, o Maram you are between me and own. Men have nothing to do with Maram.
Waqa, Maram surpasses all ayana. She is not, however, to be seen as a
yaa hika gargartuko. my helper when giving birth. lesser Waqa or a kind of 'female Waqa'. She is Maram."
[Maram has a special beauty, a beauty (Gammachu Magarsa)
all her own which has nothing to do
with feminine attractiveness towards the Like the earth Maram has an independent position in the Matcha's
opposite sex. Her beauty is reserved for world of the superhuman. Unlike the earth, however, she is exclusive-
women.]
ly the women's 'divinity'.
Chorus
"Men cannot pray to her. They can only ask the women to pray
7.Ayole walli'lama: There are two mothers:
to her on their behalf." (Shagerdi Bukko)
toko 'she tchari'gama, One is far away and everywhere,
toko 'she assi' kana. the other is here.
And this, indeed, they do.
[The first one is Maram.]
A man can approach women who are performing a ritual of their own
Chorus and ask them: "Please, pray Maram for me that she may free me of
It is very evident in these songs that Maram is seen to be everywhere, this sickness." Generally, he will ask this if he thinks that the sickness
going from house to house to help the mothers to deliver their child- in question prevents him from having children.
ren. The following will help us to acquire a more complete idea of what More frequently he will ask them to pray that he may kill a buffalo.
she is seen to be. Killing, he believes, will make him more of a man and increase his
generative capacity.
"Maram is not Waqa. She does not create the child in the wo- This belief also accounts for the fact that women and girls will
man's womb. So women also pray to Waqa for the gift of child- often pray to Maram that she may give a buffalo to the man who has
ren. However, after Waqa has given the child, everything is in not yet killed. The girls will sing such imprecatory songs at the feasts
Maram's hands. It is Maram who helps and sustains the mother in honour of successful killers of big game; the women often do so in
during the months of her pregnancy, who keeps the child healthy their birthsongs.
in her womb and who assists her in childbirth. Her help is essen- The following stanza is taken from a birthsong.
tial for any child to be safely born.
So if we say: 'O Maram, give a child to the childless woman', we Odosha go fa kaii The weak horse, when it goes out,
do not mean that Maram creates the child. sarren agarte lata? did the dogs see it or not?
Maram is virgin and, at the same time, the mother of all mothers. agarte nyaate lata? Did they eat it then or not?
People never refer to her as a married woman (dubarti). They Dhabdu 'she mutchaf bou, The childless woman who weeps
never speak of sex in connection with Maram. for a child,
We feel that Waqa approves of Maram and that he trusts her and yelala fayaf bou, the one who is sick for a long time
leaves everything to her. Because of this, we never pray: 'O Wa- and longs for good health [that
qa, make Maram have pity on our child.' she may bear],

126 127
udemsa mirga bou, and the hunter who longs for
trophies,
I Further, I>y the very I.K i that they are of other lineages, w
also have different ayana from men. They have not only their <>wn
en

Maren agarte lata did Maram see them? personal ayana but also a lineage ayana of their own. These (wo ayatlO
agarte latef lata? Did she give them what they long the men never invoke, nor do women ever invoke the ayana of theil
for? husband or his lineage's ayana. So the women's links with Waqa (wild
life and fertility) are different from the men's.
Apart from an occasional request to pray for them, men have to Finally, mutual independence is encouraged by the men's attitude
keep aloof from the women's rituals in honour of Maram. So, for ins- that they should not show much interest in what their women .ire do
tance, even when they are sitting in the next room (sometimes even in ing among themselves. To participate in those exclusively women's ril
the same one) men cannot share the ritual porridge made by the wo- uals or even show interest in them would make them to be women.
men on such occasions. Not even the smallest boy gets a morsel of it,
nor was I, a honoured guest, even given a taste of it. It is not an exag- Note
geration to say that Matcha women have built up a religious world all
their own. As well as the Maram rituals they have a number of others In the foregoing we mentioned the Atete ritual, a ritual performed by the wo-
men of a neighbourhood whenever one of them wishes to be pregnant again.
from which men are excluded. Their very social position in Matcha
While speaking of this ritual, Knutsson identifies the name 'Atete' with Mar;im.
society has given rise to this. With regard to the western Matcha this would not be correct. To them 'Atete' is
the name of the ritual in which Maram is invoked. Paul T.W. Baxter states ili<-
The women's social position same for the Arsi Oromo. 2 5
In former times, the major descent groups (the clans) and their
minor subdivisions (the lineages) were more localized than they are
nowadays. According to the Matcha's rules of exogamy, a girl had to
marry outside her lineage; she had to go to 'another country' as the
saying goes. This 'country' and, more particularly, her husband's fami-
ly were strange to her.
In her new little world she had to work from the start to gain a res-
pected place. The immediately obvious way to do this was to present
her husband with sons. If she proved barren or if she failed repeatedly
to deliver a live child, she was deprived of respect and encountered
other troubles as well. Her marital relations would suffer; her husband
would almost certainly take a second wife; and, since ties of con-
sanguinity are more highly regarded than affinal ones, she would find
herself isolated in a social environment usually including only a few
women of her own lineage, without being able to establish for herself
the much stronger and deeper blood ties existing between mother and
child.
The honour of a man was bound up in his having killed ejther ene-
mies or big game, that of a woman in giving life. It was for the sake of
the honour of maternity that she braved her husband's strange coun-
try and that she undertook the troubles of married life and childbirth
— in the same way that a hunter, for the sake of honour, braved the 25
perils of the wilderness and a warrior the perils of battle. Cf. Knutsson, 1967:55. P.T.W. Baxter, 1979.

128 L29
 PART THREE

SOCIAL STRATA IN MATCHA SOCIETY

 Chapter 16

THEBORANA

Ijako (i)lali, Look at my eyes,

ija borana, eyes of a borana,
boru darbata. beaming forth pure morning light.
(From a girls' song)

"The borana are the first born. They are the people of the morn-
ing. They are nearer to Waqa. Our people have a feeling that Wa
qa gives all good things to the borana and through them to us."
(Mirresa Gamtesa)

1. All land is borana land

"Taking possession of new land for our people is a task for the
borana. It is the borana who blesses it and gives it to the gabaro.
After he has done this, he cannot take it back from the gabaro
anymore.
He never gives them land to the right (north) of his house, since
the gabaro have to build their houses to the left of the borana's.
He also never gives them land on a high place, since here we
slaughter our bulls and sheep for Waqa, and it is only the borana
who can do this for the people. If the gabaro would do so, Waqa
would not accept their sacrifice." (A borana man)
[It is indeed through the ayana of the
borana that people feel united to W;i
qa.]

"Before a borana gives land to the gabaro, he takes a clay jar

and goes up the hill. He puts the clay jar down on different spots
of the slope, every time a little higher. As long as the jar remains
standing, the land is for the gabaro. Where the clay jar topples
over, there the land of the borana begins. On that spot they pul
stones to mark the border. Beyond these stones no gabaro can
plough." (Waquma Toiler*)
[Since all Matcha clay jars are bulbous
in shape they topple over easily. Most
hill slopes grow steeper near the top.]

133
 These statements do not mean that, on their move westwards, gaba- Abbichu himself, bill heard the story from one of them. The second
ro did not often take possession of land on their own account. It only version is that of Shlgerdi llukko, himself an Abbichu.
means that they left the higher places to the borana of their clan (or
lineage) that the latter might build their houses there (nearer to Waqa Ens.: "Those Talco people who are they?"
— God/sky) and bring sacrifices on the hill-tops. WT.: They are Abbichu. Once there was a rich Abbichu and
Talco was his slave. It shouldn't have been so, since he was a
"A borana always kills special animals for Waqa — a really good borana, but he had been forced, as things were, to live in Abbi-
bull. Therefore, Waqa gives him what he asks for. If a borana chu country. His master ordered him to look after the cattle.
blesses his son, before the latter sets out to kill a buffalo, his At noon, Talco prayed Waqa: 'O Waqa, give me water,' and say-
son will certainly make a kill." (Old man) ing this he stamped his foot on the ground in a place where the
land was somewhat low-lying. Immediately water sprang up
Under the Amharic rule more and more people began to have re- from the earth. After all his cattle had drunk, he once more lifted
course to the local judge to settle quarrels, thus bypassing their own his arms in prayer and said: 'O Waqa, make the water go back
gada judges and the elders of their neighbourhood. With this in mind, again.' Again he stamped his foot on the ground and the water
we have to understand the words of Ambasse Waqa, himself a borana: disappeared.
His master had many children. His sons told him: 'Talco does
"Borana never go to the government in order to ask for some- not bring our cattle to the river. Never have we seen him do this.'
thing. They pray Waqa and Waqa answers their prayers. Also they At that their father sent for Talco and asked him: 'Why don't
never go to the lawcourt. When two men quarreled about the you bring our cattle to the river?' and he had him beaten. Every
boundary between their land, they would come to my father in day, his sons said the same thing to their father, and every day
order to make peace." Talco was beaten.
'My lord, I indeed water the cattle, Waqa knows,' he said. Even-
"The borana came from the other side of the Ghibe river. They tually his master grew tired of beating him. He hid himself some-
are of pure Oromo descent. where near the place where Talco had lead his cattle. He saw
A borana stamped his foot on the ground and water came out." how Talco brought them to a lower place and heard him pray-
(Old man) ing: 'O Waqa, make your water come up for me.' He saw the
water come out and overflow the field, and how the cattle
drank. He saw also how Talco prayed once more and how the
2. The Talco stories water disappeared.
This brings us to the Talco stories. It was told to me in several ver- He was utterly astonished and said: 'What kind of man he is
sions, but all of them came directly or indirectly from the Abbichu who does this?' Fear overcame him because he had beaten this
clan. It is, indeed, a specific clan-story which deals with the borana of youth who had done nothing wrong and who was able to do
the Abbichu only. such great things. However, he said nothing about it. Next day,
None of my informants of other local clans knew the story, which he hid himself again and saw the same happening repeated. 'My
may well indicate that such stories are not commonly passed on sons,' he said, 'Talco did not allow the cattle to be without
to other clans and, if thus, that members of other clans don't pass water all day.'
them on to their children. On the other hand, I found in more remote After this he called his wife and ordered her to brew beer. I Ic
clans similar stories — all of them to the effect of illustrating the privi- himself called the ritual leaders of his lineage [lubota], he slaugh-
leged position of the clan's own borana. tered a bull and set Talco free for fear of Waqa. He did not want
I will give here two versions: first that of Waquma Tollerain an in- such a young man to be his slave. He was sure that Talco was a
terview with his son, my assistant Ensermu. Waquma Tollera is not an borana."

134 135
 Ens.: "Was this the freeing of a slave?" a tree and started i<> ipy on him. It was noon, the lime l<> wain
WT.: "No, it was not: it was adoption. 'This Talco will be my the cattle. He saw TaiYo praying Waqa. After this he saw him
eldest son,' he said." stamp his fool on the ground 'dip!'. In the twinkling o! an eye
[Exceptionally, it could happen that a the pasture was full of water and the cattle drank. After they
father adopted a boy as his eldest son, had finished, Talco again stamped his foot on the ground. All
thus bypassing his eldest son and all his the water disappeared and the ground closed itself.
other sons. It could happen, if he judged The next day Amumma again spyed on Talco and saw the same
his sons to be too weak. What is not said thing happen. 'This man has something,' he said. 'I'll adopt him
by Waquma Tollera but was explicitly
assured me by another informant is that as my son.' Amumma said to Jiru: 'Those two men are bad; we
Talco's master was not a borana himself.] should kill them.' 'Why should we kill them?' his eldest brother
Ens.: "Did you ever hear of a slave who did as Talco did?" asked. 'Listen. I will lead Talco that way and you must lead his
WT.: "No, never. I first heard of it when I had settled in this brother in the opposite direction. As soon as you see vultures
country." above the place where I have gone with Talco, you must kill his
Ens.: "What of Talco's children? Could they do the same as their brother.' However, when Amumma set out with his servant and
father?" Talco, he also took a light-coloured bull with him.
WT.: "No, they could not. His power finished with him; he did [Dark coloured bulls were reserved for
Waqa. Amumma has no intention to
not pass it on to his sons." bring a sacrifice.]
Ens.: "Are his descendants stronger in blessing or cursing than He killed the bull near a river and from the blood he anointed
other borana?" his own forehead and that of Talco. He also gave him a med-
WT.: "All of them are 'garami' [people of peace]. We ask for hicha and said: 'I adopt you as my eldest son.'
their blessing but they have no more power than other borana." [The medhicha is a strip of the animal's
skin which is tied on the right wrist. It
By adopting Talco as his eldest son, his master started a borana lin- expresses somebody's participation in I
eage among his offspring, a lineage which would be a source of bless- ritual, be it sacrificial or otherwise. The
ing for all the others. Even water and rain are not given to the people length of the medhicha is in accordance
unless thanks to the borana. They are the channel through which Wa- with the person's social status and the
qa acts as the source of all life. part he plays in the ritual.]
The sky was full of vultures. Jiru saw them from far off and,
We now turn to the second version, that of Shagerdi Bukko: assuming that his younger brother had killed Talco, killed
Talco's brother. Back at home he saw his brother coming
and Talco dancing and singing. 'What happened? What did you
"Jiru and Amumma were brothers. One day they set out for the
do?' he asked. When he heard what his younger brother had
wilderness. There they met Talco and his brother. The two bro-
done, how he had spied on Talco and discovered that he was a
thers lived there as hunters. Jiru and his brother said to them:
borana, he said: 'O Amumma, you adopted your borana and
'Come with us.'Jiru was the eldest of the two brothers. He took made me kill mine. You grudged him to me. Your foul play will
Talco's brother into his house and Amumma took Talco with profit you not at all. May Talco's people multiply, may he out-
him. Amumma said to Talco: 'Take my cattle to the pasture.' number you [by his offspring] and, after being outnumbered by
Talco looked after the cattle, but he never led them to the river, him, die.'
he only took them where there was good grass. Thus he did
each day and every day.
[A well motivated curse of an eldest
One day Amumma decided to watch him. He went to the place brother at the address of a younger one. ]
where he thought Talco was. He saw him from far, climbed into
136 137
 Talco married and begot five sons. 11 [( uses the polite form of the verb
Thus it is that we, Abbichu, have five lineages and why in every which no man ever uses for his wile.
lineage there are borana. Thus it is that we pray 'in the name of In addition the simple fact that he
greets her indicates that he does not re-
the five sons of Talco'. (Ayana shanan Talco.)
gard her as his wife any more. A man
Of Amumma's offspring no one survived." never greets his wife when he comes
home, not even after a long absence.]
About Jiru's offspring nothing is said. Shagerdi is concentrated on
Talco, on the role he plays in the Abbichu clan, and on the effect of She gave him something to eat. After this he went out to have a
the eldest brother's curse. look at the crops managed by his wife and children. He came
back to a field where his son was working. The son said: 'What
are you doing here? This field is mine.' — 'My son,' the father
3. The borana's obligation to bless said, 'why do you speak this way? I am doing nothing harmful
The borana possess not only the power to pass on Waqa's blessing to your field. But because you speak to me this way, listen to
(in all its forms) to the people, they are also obliged to do so. Young my words: 'You came from between my legs, so, loose your leg.'
Ensermu told me: That very day people of the Mutcho clan came to fight this
family and the son lost his leg in the fight. That father was a bo-
"When a borana enters my house and I have a young calf in the rana.' (An old man)
gola (fireplace in the house), I will bring him my calf. 'Please,
spit on it,' I say to him. I do the same with my chicks. The bo- It becomes clear from these examples that borana can also misuse
rana spits on them and says: 'Be protected from the evil eye. their power. The people's attitude against them, indeed, is not only
Grow up, grow well.' But nowadays there are people who no one of respect but also of fear. "The eye of a borana makes wet wood
longer believe in such things that much. Even some borana are grow dry", they say.
reluctant. If they do act this way, they are bad people. They
grudge other people the good things they have." On a wedding party a girl insulted a borana boy. She sang:
"Qarabd dhabde; You did not know the circumci-
sion-knife
4. The borana's curse wdshaldan hafte." you stayed with an uncircumcised
A borana then can withold his blessing rightly or wrongly; he can penis.
also curse explicitly. In both cases the effect is the same. The boy answered:
"Gemo hddhaketi The hearth-stones of your mother
"If a borana does not bless my calf, my calf will grow sick. It qabdaddhu haafi." stay for ever with them.
will get a skin-disease and loose all its hairs. It even may die. It The girl has never married. She is still alife. The boy died before
also grows very thin. People, too, can get this disease. Nobody she could ask him to retract his curse. (Gammachu Magarsa)
exactly knows what it is, but I saw it several times. We say of
such a calf 'hindoramte — its growth has been stopped." 5. A dark-blue tongue
(Ensermu Waquma) In connection with the borana's power to bless and to curse, peo-
ple will speak of them as having a dark-blue or a dark-grey tongue.
"There was a man, Bala Mila. He left his wife and married an- While speaking this way, they refer to the underside of the tongue.
other. He fought as a soldier for many years. Once, after a long The dark-blue (grey) tongue is related to the dark-grey Waqa. The
.time, he came back to his first wife's house. He said to her: Wa- dark-grey Waqa spends his blessing through rain and, sometimes, kills
gaa na kenna — wish me peace.' with his lightning; the borana's tongue, too, blesses and curses.
138 139
 "The dark-blue tongue of the borana is related to the dark-co- On the right side in my grandfather's backroom stood a wooden
loured Waqa. Cattle and sheep, too, have a dark-blue tongue, stand, a tripod, from which at the top two branches parted. On
they are animals of peace. It's therefore that we are glad if we the right branch hung the kallacha,wrapped in a piece of cloth,
have dark-blue gums." (Gammachu Magarsa) on the left one the tchatchu, uncovered. Thus it was in my
grandfather's house. Perhaps in other houses the kallacha was
"The borana's spittle has blessing and so has his tongue. His kept in a basket and this basket in its turn was put into a special
tongue can both bless and kill; it is dark-blue. Whenever you see clay-jar, as you were told by other people. The ayana of the
a person with such a dark-blue tongue, you can be sure that he various clans are not the same; what is regarded as irrespectf ul or
is a borana. Whoever has no dark-blue tongue is not a borana." dangerous in one clan, does not need to be regarded that way
(An old man) by another. The form of the kallacha, too, may well be different."
None of my assistants seemed very sure about this blunt statement "People believe that the iron of the kallacha came from heaven;
Ensermu, whose mother is a borana, once told me: "My mother's bro- that it was thrown on the earth by the lightning. It's therefore
ther's tongue is a little bit dark-blue. He never said this of his mother's that the kallacha is used to make people speak the truth when
tongue. they take an oath. The kallacha is very dangerous.
As I see it, the whole idea has more to do with the borana's power If you came across a kallacha on your Way, you took tchokorsa
to curse and to bless than with the colour of their tongue as a result of grass and earth in your hands and threw them towards the kalla-
descent. cha, saying: 'Don't harm me!' The kallacha is something of the
very beginning of our people.
It does not leave the house, unless a he-goat has been killed. The
6. Two highly respected ritual objects man who appeals to the kallacha has to give this goat. But the
holder of the kallacha has to slaughter it himself. He eats that
They belong respectively to the world of men and to the world of goat with his family." (Dinsa Sarba)
women. The function of the first one is to curse, that of the second
one only to bless. The first is exclusively connected with the borana, "When the kallacha is taken out anywhere, it is first smeared
the second not so (here, too, the women have gone their own way). with blood from the he-goat that has been slaughtered. A man
The first one is called 'kallacha', the second 'tchatchu'. who is not in peace with others, or who is unclean as a result of
sexual intercourse, cannot enter the place where the kallacha is
a. The kallacha kept. It is always kept in a pure borana's house."
(Shagerdi Bukko)
Gammachu Magarsa:
None of my older informants had ever seen a kallacha. This does
"My grandfather and grandmother had a kallacha and a tchatchu not mean that they never saw it used, but that the kallacha was always
in their house. I have seen both of them. After they had become carried in a cloth. In contrast to what Gammachu Magarsa saw in his
Christians, they have done away with them. grandfather's house, Shagerdi Bukko told me that he had been told
The kallacha consisted of three tubes of iron, each about ten that the kallacha was kept in a little grass-basket which, again, was put
centimeters long, with some simple designs on them. They were into a special clay-jar. Such a way of keeping it, is, indeed, more in ac-
strung at the sinew of a sheep — the sinew which runs along its cordance with the awe the object inspired.
spine and which is very strong when it has dried. Between these For the rest both the form of the kallacha and the way it was
three tubes of iron were three times three big black beads, more handled may well have differed according to the clans. Every clan who
or less round and probably made of wadesa wood. counted borana had also a kallacha. But this kallacha was only en
140 141
trusted to one single borana lineage, where it passed from the father to The kallacha was ;ils<> usrd to force people to yield to the demand
the eldest son. of others. For instant <• when the riders had decided that a man had to
The following information from Waquma Tollera (himself an eastern give his daughter to a young widower with children or that he had to
Matcha) was confirmed by my informants of the Dembidollo area: give one of his children into adoption to a childless couple.
After a murder the bereaved family was expected to resist all at-
"When a father hands his kallacha over to his son, he will say to tempts at reconciliation, unless they were forced to do so by the kal-
him: 'My son, I hand you over this kallacha. It came down from lacha. In all such cases the request was enforced by the presence of
heaven from the very beginning. It is something from our first lame, crippled and blind people as a symbol of the things which would
ancestors. As long as you are keeping it, don't bend the truth, befall the people in question, if they would persist in their refusal.
do not plough, do not weed. Eat and drink what the kallacha These people would start,shouting then: "Muu-muu-muuf" a veiled
gives you.' curse which meant: "May the kallacha strike you with sickness, lame-
[People had to plough and weed for him.] ness, blindness, may it make you the way we are!"
After this, he slaughters a bull and the son has to wash his hands Usually, however, there was an element of theatre in this perfor-
in the bull's blood to cleanse himself from all bad things. Then mance. People could put off their compliance with the request until the
he takes over the kallacha. While doing so, he says: 'I have taken coming of the kallacha, in order to display their grief about their mur-
over the kallacha from you. I will keep it as you did.' dered kinsman, the child they had to part with or the daughter they
The guardian of a kallacha is highly respected. Whenever he goes had to marry to a widower instead of to a young unmarried man. It
through the land carrying his kallacha, nobody can cross the stressed the generosity of their gesture.
road in front of him. Instead he will pick up some tchokorsa
The kallacha was believed to strike most fiercely on the occasion of
grass (a symbol of peace) and throw it towards the kallacha, and
an oath-taking in front of the hole of a wild pig out in the wilderness,
while doing so he will avoid looking up at it.
beyond the world of man. At this curious ritual it was forbidden even
When it is difficult to make peace between people, they use this
to mention Waqa's name. If one of the parties did so, his oath was not
kallacha in order to curse those who persist in their refusal to
accepted. After the oath both parties would run apart in opposite
make peace. If needed the holder of the kallacha goes to those
directions and the oath-takers would remain enemies for ever, unless a
people's house carrying the kallacha straight in front of him.
difficult peacemaking ritual was undertaken later.
The kallacha is wrapped in a cloth.
At the time of my research, there was still a man in Dembidollo
When two men were quarreling about the border of their land who had a kallacha. His name was Abba Tchatchu (Father of Tchatchu,
and one of them refused to abide by the decision of the elders, his daughter's name). I asked Mirresa to pay him a visit, but Mirresa
he could appeal to the kallacha. In this case the two men must seemed reluctant. "We are afraid to put questions about the kallacha,"
keep a stand in front of the kallacha with their hands out- he said. Here now follows his report of several contacts he made with
stretched (in a gesture of defense). The abba kallacha would ask Abba Tchatchu.
them: 'Are you sure that the boundary of your land is such and
such?' — 'Yes,' they would say, 'by the kallacha that is how it
"I have spoken with Abba Tchatchu. He is an Amumma like I
is.'
am myself. This made it easier for me.
At that the abba kallacha would reply: 'If you have spoken the I came across him in a coffee-house. I was there with several
truth, may you keep life. If you have told a lie by saying that other men and we drank honeywine. I bought some honeywine
the land is yours, may this kallacha destroy your family.' for him and asked him: 'Do you know me?' He said: 'I was just
The kallacha would strike a liar immediately. Within a year looking at you to see who you were. Could you tell me who your
nothing would be left of his compound. father is?' — 'My father's name is Gamtesa and I am of the lin-
[Ensermu: "When my father is speaking eage of Gole Balla.' — 'Gole Balla was a friend of mine,' he said,
about things like these, his face changes
'a hero of Danqa country. He was the warleader in our clan.'
dramatically."]

142 143
 After this I talked a little further with him. You must go very AT: "II WU n, w."
slowly with such an old and venerable man; you must take your Mir.: "If I w.mi to adopt a child, what must I pay?"
time. I dared not to speak about the kallacha as yet. That's not AT: "Thai is not precisely settled, but you must slaughter a hc-
good. First you must talk with him several times and, perhaps, goat in front of my house and the kallacha is anointed with its
he will show me his kallacha later on, and allow me to take a blood before it comes to your house."
photo of it. I'll tell him: 'Look, you are already old, nearly Mir.: "I am disappointed that I cannot see the kallacha."
eighty years, and your son will not care about the kallacha; I AT: "It is impossible to touch it, unless you have clean hands."
would like to have a photo of it together with you.' Mir.: "When people take an oath with a dry maize-ear or with a
spear, do they, in addition, ask for the kallacha?"
Last week I saw him again. I asked him: AT: "When people take an oath with an empty maize-ear, they
Mir.: "Where does that kallacha come from? From whom did say: 'If I am not telling the truth, let my body dry up like this
your grandfather get it?" maize-ear.' When they use a spear, they say: 'If I am not telling
AT: "I don't know, but there is an older man here, Mardasa the truth, let Waqa's spear [lightning] kill me.' When the kal-
Tullu. He could be my father. Perhaps he knows." lacha is there, however, they do not say such things: the kal-
Mir.: "Is there any difference between our kallacha [that of the lacha alone is powerful enought. Rather they use the kallacha
Amumma clan] and those of other clans?" only for things of great importance."
A T.: "Our kallacha was a very fierce one. It struck immediately." Mir.: "I was told that also some qallu had a kallacha."
Mir.: "I read in a book that the kallacha came from heaven." AT.: "Yes, they did. But theirs was not a true kallacha."
AT.: "Some people say this, indeed. As for me, I do not know." [Indeed, the qallicha Abba Saba (who
Mir.: "When did they use the kallacha?" was no longer alive at that time, cf. chap.
13, Remark) had made such a fake kal-
AT: "When a child was adopted, when they took an oath, lacha in order to frighten people.]
when a slave was set free, when they went to ask for a girl, and
also when somebody had killed another man and wanted to After reporting me this conversation, Mirresa remarked: "I had the
make peace. In this case the killer's representatives went together impression that Abba Tchatchu did not want to tell me everything."
with the kallacha to the house of that other family and, while Spite this, the old man's answers shed a light on several aspects of
they were sitting there in front of the house, together with the the people's belief in the kallacha's power, as I had noticed them al-
abba kallacha and some older men, they asked for peace." ready along other ways. Indeedj though they invariably showed a great
Mir.: "Did you ever go out with the kallacha to the adoption of awe in regard to the kallacha and also would say that the kallacha
a child?" came from heaven, they also on occasion showed some doubt whether
AT: "It was my elder brother who did so, and I went with him. all their particular kallacha — their many clan kallacha that is — had
After his death I got the kallacha." been really made from 'iron from heaven'. 26
Mir.: "Did you ever go out with the kallacha for the taking of
an oath?" 26
Knutsson (1967:88-90) writes about the kallacha in eastern Matchaland: "Unfortunately,
AT: "No, but once I brought it to someone's house after a man I was never allowed to see a kalaca in Madia ... It is described as a conically formed 'lump'
of black iron, and is made only by special tumtu, blacksmiths, who are believed to use
had been killed in order to ask for peace." metal brought from heaven by the lightning."
Mir.: "How did you carry the kallacha?" He also gives a myth which has many similarities to the Old Testament story of Abraham
AT: "In my hands, wrapped in a piece of cloth. We sat down in and Isaac: "... But at the very moment that they put the sacrificial knife to the boy's throat,
front of the house and the people agreed to make peace. They a lamb came down from heaven and on its back the lamb bore cacu and kalaifa." (For
typographical reasons I had to change Knutsson's orthography of the words 'kallacha' and
did not speak very much, since we had the kallacha with us." 'tchatchu'.)
Mir.: "That piece of cloth you covered the kallacha with, was it Knutsson's description of the kallacha as 'a lump of iron' is in accordance with some des-
old or new?" criptions 'from hear say' of my informants.

144 145
 But this did not affect their belief in the kallacha in general as a and from w h i c h t w o o t h e i . n i p s are dangling. It is .1 ritual "i>|e< 1
great present, given to them by Waqa — a help to maintain the social used only by women, and is worn on the right wrist. (Cowrie shells
order he had given to them. Above all they wanted to the uphold their are a symbol of female leililily, and the number nine is a symbol of
belief in the divine origin of their own clan-kallacha. 'fullness'.)
This view of their own kallacha was formulated by Gammachu Ma- As the kallacha is kept by a borana man, so the tchatchu is kept by
garsa in this way: a borana woman, but unlike the kallacha a tchatchu may sometimes
be found with the wife of a landlord, even if she is not a borana. While
"The kallacha must be made of iron that has been thrown down there is only one single kallacha in every clan, we find tchatchu m
on earth by the lightning. The lightning is a sign of Waqa's anger. many neighbourhoods, where they are used by the women at sever.11
Waqa strikes people with his lightning, if they refuse to keep of their communal rituals, at which the 'hadha tchatchu — the mother
peace with one another. of the tchatchu' acts as a leader. Like all ritual objects, the tchatchu,
The iron which is thrown on earth by lightning is a dead thing too, is kept in the backroom on the right side, but it is not hidden in
like all iron is. It has no life, it does not sprout like a tree, it has a basket or clay-jar as kallacha sometimes are: it is an object of bless
no life whatever. But it is strong and can destroy life. ing, not of curse. Its normal place is on a wooden hook (never an iron
If such iron comes from Waqa, it is a token on his part that he one) where it can be seen by all.
can destroy life even though he normally does so by simply No animal is slaughtered, before the tchatchu leaves the house in or
withdrawing. My ancestor Qalitti Galabu had a spear made of der to accompany the women to the place of their libations and (heir
such iron. Such a spear, made of Waqa's iron, never misses its ritual meal under a tree. As we stated already, as long as it is in the
aim. If you throw it in the night, it will find its aim of itself. If house, it is not covered with a piece of cloth; however, when it goes
you throw it in the market place, it will strike one man after out it is always covered. Since it is an object of blessing, people do nol
another, but never will it hit innocent people. Such is also the throw tchokorsa grass in its direction to prevent it from harming them.
kallacha. It was my grandfather who told me all these things."
"When we went out for the Yarabbi ritual (libations beneath .1
Remark big tree to ask a good harvest), the 'mother of the tchatchu' had
to keep it carefully in her hands as long as we were on our way
The eastern Oromo have quite another kind of kallacha. It is an ornament, to the tree. There she would sit down on a barchumma (three
often described as phallic but also, on occasion, as a white metal horn which is
worn on the forehead. My assistant Gammachu, when he saw such a kallacha for
legged Oromo stool) and only then we would put it on her
the first time with the borana, was utterly amazed to hear that these Oromo were wrist. She must not fall with the tchatchu while she is walking
wearing an iron object as a symbol of fertility. His comment was: "If iron were a or sitting on her chair. When she has to make her libation, she
symbol of life, the blacksmiths would not be despised." To him the horn-symbolism puts the tchatchu on top of a clay-jar. The tchatchu must
would be more natural. Is not every man a bull? 27 always be at rest.
b. The tchatchu Everyone approaching the tchatchu, the 'mother of the tcha-
tchu' says: 'Horri, horri — be fertile, produce'. Only people who
In several respects the tchatchu is the direct opposite of the kal- look on the tchatchu with jealous eyes, will be harmed by it.
lacha. It is an oval leatherstrip on which nine cowrie shells are sewn Our ritual is only complete when the tchatchu has been returned
to its wooden hook. No one will touch it there. It is only taken
from the hook for the sake of our rituals."
27
E. Haberland speaks without a shadow of doubt always of a phallic ornament (1963:51, (Hadha Serdo, an old woman)
305). P.T.W. Baxter in his article 'REPETITION IN CERTAIN BORANA CEREMONIES'
speaks of a "white metal horn'. But he assured me personally that the Arsi Oromo gave
him only a phallic interpretation. The form of this kallacha is, indeed, evidently phallic. Ya hadhako gurattf; O mother, your face is dark (a
For the rest, a symbol can have many associations. slave's);
146 147
 enyuti hatfgarba? but is a mother ever a slave in her tions, in short, that ll>< bofllM opened the way for all their activities.
son's eyes? All this guaranteed Waqa's Messing.
Anaf sftu warqedha. To me you are gold. This did not mean that the borana were not assisted by others, if
the latter proved to surpass them for instance in knowledge of the law,
Ya hadhako na dese, 0 mother who gave me birth, skill in warfare and in conducting negotiations, in cattle rearing and
anu siT fideratti; 1 have brought you a fine tchatchu; farming. But the work as a whole had always to be done under their
tchatchu hidachun gese. time has come now for you to put auspices. It was they who had to 'open the way'.
it on your wrist. This was expressed in many forms of social intercourse and interac-
tion.
Such personal tchatchu may be given to non-borana women. They
are more an ornament than a ritual object. The form, too, is different. "No one would ever overtake and pass a borana. He must wail
They consist of three giant snail-shells, as they are found in the wil- until the borana says 'Ofkalli — pass by', but a borana would al-
derness, hung on a very thin strip of the skin of the buffalo her son ways do this." (Shagerdi Bukko)
has killed.
"When the time of ploughing had come, the gabaro and other
7. The borana open the way people of lower standing had to wait until the borana had started
ploughing." (Waquma Tollera)
"The borana are the eldest ones," as people say. "It is the ayana of
the eldest brother who opens the way for his younger brothers."
"Men of the gada group in power would never start their bultn
He does this in more than one way. First, by the very fact that he is ritual (the slaughtering of a bull — their highest personal ritual
the first to make his way out of his mother's womb into the world. in the course of their period of rule) before the borana among
Secondly, because he is expected to continue 'opening the way' for them had done so." (Shagerdi Bukko)
his younger brothers in this life, showing them the right way and help-
ing them along that way. When the father dies prematurely, the eldest "When some new item was imported into our country, say by
son is supposed to take his place with his younger brothers as far as
traders, the borana had first to bless it for us." (An old man)
possible.
"The borana are nearer to Waqa." They are nearer to Waqa as an el- At the yearly ritual of thanksgiving after harvest (dibayu), the dif-
dest son is nearer to his father than his brothers are, and this is a great ference between borana and gabaro was given expression to in several
deal. So much so that my assistant Gammachu Magarsa, himself a bo- ways.
rana and not the eldest son, insisted to me: "The eldest son is his father
much more than all the others together. If his father is a borana, the "At dibayu all men went up the mountain in order to offer beer
eldest son is much more borana than the others. A lineage of borana .as a libation to the earth and to slaughter an animal for Waqa.
weakens when an eldest son dies before begetting a son." But the borana would go up to the very top and there slaughter
This view of an eldest son's place is reflected in the fact that he in- a fine bull, whilst the gabaro had to do these things half down
herits the greater part of his father's property. the slope and could only slaughter an old cow or a sheep."
All these things we must keep in mind, when we consider the bora-
(Dinsa Sarba)
na's privileged position in Matcha society, and when we see how much
this higher position they held was accepted without question by the As we will see later, the borana had their own weekly holyday, Fri-
others. Indeed, they did not wish otherwise than that the highest offi- day, and would keep it more strictly and with more prayers and sacri-
ces were given to borana, that the borana preceded them in public rit- fices than the gabaro who had theirs on Wednesday. "Their ayana are
uals, that the borana were their leaders in intertribe and interclan rela- different."
148 II')
8. "Our people have a feeling that our rulers should not work " (unless for sat rifi< <•), l<> plough (l<> wound the earth for the sake of his
(Mirresa Gamtesa) livelihood), to nil lives, l<> lire himself. He could not lit on a broken
stool nor drink from I broken cup. His house had to be 'full' always —
Because of their social-religious position, the borana did not work full of grain, young calves, milk, beer, and honeywine. He was forbid
as much as the lower people. den to drink water. He was chosen from a borana family of pure des-
They had more land and also more slaves than most of the others. cent which had showed for years that Waqa had blessed them in a
In addition, they had special obligations in regard to their people's special way. Both his first wife and his eldest son should be alive and
well-being. They had to take part in peace-negotiations and the rites there should be little disease among his children and cattle.
connected with it, in meetings on behalf of the country, and in more The gada-set in power as a whole, too, had to display that they were
private rituals, whose efficacy depended also on their blessing. blessed by Waqa. Once a month, they had to take care that their houses
In a country where time is counted for little, where meetings tend were 'full' in the same way as that of their ritual leader.
to be protracted endlessly, where quarrels are frequent (especially I was told that even a local despot like Jote would release them
about land and cattle) and where good relations with one's fellow-peo- from taxe because of this.
ple are essential (partaking in funerals, weddings, and paying visits to We have already mentioned that the guardian of the kallacha was
sick friends) there was not much time left for them to work. also forbidden to work.
The people's attitude to work in general has significance here. All these people had to be symbols (in the full sense of the word) of
Whenever Matcha settle among neighbouring peoples of a different their people's well-being. It was the first and foremost thing society
culture, they certainly have the name of not working less than the asked from them.
others, rather the contrary. But they share with them the view that Indeed, I never had an impression that people begrudged the bora-
man works out of necessity rather than on the basis of a moral obliga- na their privileged status in the past, as long as they were first of all
tion, a work-ethos. No Matcha farmer dreams of continuing to work nama ebba, that is: people blessed by Waqa and transmitting this bless-
until his old age in order his better economical position. Rather he ing to them.
dreams of gradually leaving the work in the fields to his sons in favour
Nowadays, the priests' position reminds one of the borana's in sev-
of becoming a socially important man, a man who is asked to take
eral aspects. In spite of having ex-patriate priests among them for
part in marriage and peace negotiations, and who has an authoritative
many years, people are still puzzled to find that these priests are work-
voice in meetings on behalf of the country at large.
ing hard. Indeed, my own research work was no exception to this.
Another source of this attitude is to be found in their view — they
would prefer themselves the word 'experience' — that man is utterly In their eyes, a priest, much like their ancient borana, should be first
dependent for his well-being on many forces in nature beyond his con- of all a man of blessing and prayer, a man who reminds them continu-
trol, and finally, above everything, he is dependent on Waqa's will. ally of their obligation to 'go under Waqa's law', a man who goes
This attitude is combined with and encouraged by the idea that around from homestead to homestead to bless the sick, the children,
they honour Waqa by relying on him; the idea, also, that Waqa does the cattle and the crops, and to speak 'words of peace' to people.
not like people who are acting as if all things depend on themselves. They invariably showed their satisfaction whenever I myself acted
Well-being in all its forms, including procreation, social respectabil- thus.
ity, and keeping peace with other people is seen first of all as a gift of When the first person they see in the morning is a priest, they arc
Waqa. People who enjoy it have a good ay ana, they are nearer to Waqa. convinced that their day will be good.
Being nearer to Waqa, the borana were expected to display this bless- Whenever I had prayed for rain in the church and the rain had come,
ing on Waqa's part first of all in their own lives. Only then could they it was attributed to my prayer, and, like Shagerdi Bukko, I was some-
impart it to the people. times called 'abba boka — the one who makes it rain'.
The best illustration of this view was to be found in the person of Whenever I blessed a sick person, people believed that any change
the ritual leader of the gada group in power. He was forbidden to kill for the better in his (her) condition was just due to this blessing.

150
 Whenever I entered their house, they were pleased if I blessed the T h e y d o n o t d i n t e i h e y <i<> n o t g o f a r f r o m h o m e T h e y d<> n«>i
children, a young calf or their chicks. sweep theil houses, <>r only so as to put the dirt in a corner ne.ii
Once, while I was about to leave the mission for a longer time, two the door: (hey never sweep it out.
women I did not know, approached me. They had come to ask for The milk from their cows does not leave the house, unless lor i
some money to buy seeds. I told them that I had not any money left. very sick person or for a woman who has just given birth.
To which one of them replied: "Please then give us your blessing. They do not kill for eating; they only kill for Waqa or for the
Your blessing will do." "A priest is 'abba jirenya — a father (dispenser) ayana of the Friday. They abstain from sexual intercourse.
of life'," as one of my assistants phrased it. They only pray Waqa. Some borana women will not wear a belt
People do not want their priests to go in shabby clothes or without and their men no trousers but only a blanket.
one or two servants to carry their bags. They do not want them not to They say: 'Our first ancestors, the first nine borana, have made
have a good life materially. Like the borana they have to show that this day a holiday. If we work on this day, our work will not be
Waqa has blessed themselves in a special way here on this earth. (We blessed.' " (Shagerdi Bukko and some borana informants)
noted already that blessings in the afterlife do not appeal much to
them.) The ritual dress of which is spoken here is called lolga'. It is the
"What you say of the Catholic priests also holds good of the dress of the Matcha's remote ancestors. Hence we are confronted here
Protestant pastors — but not for the Orthodox priests. One with a return to the pure beginning. It is found in several rituals.
could say that you are playing now the part people would have Abstention from sexual intercourse goes with all rituals of some
liked to keep for their own borana." (Gammachu Magarsa) importance.
To the Matcha the day begins at evening-twilight. In regard to their
The borana then certainly worked less than the others. It made not going far from home and keeping the dirt in the house my assistant
them more vulnerable to the social change that had to come, to the Asafa told me: "While I was still young, my father did the same."
abolition of slavery, the increasing independence of others on them Ensermu Waquma:
and the decrease in the people's belief in their indispensability as canals
of blessing. "My mother's brother once ignored the proscription against
As a fact, of the few pure borana in the area (their number probably working on Friday. That very day, while he was cutting a piece
does not amount to more than 3 % of the population) a relatively of wood, his knife shot out of his hand and hit his right leg.
great number belong to the poorer people, nowadays. 'Friday (the ayana of the day) has power,' he said. From then
onwards he never has worked on Friday again."

Several times while we were speaking about the borana's holiday

9. Holidays my borana informants would comment on their attitude saying: "If
"Borana don't work on Friday (Jimata). On that day, they do we work on Friday, our work will not be blessed." They also some-
not plough, they do not cut trees, their oxen are not put under times would quote the saying: "A man who is in want of nothing does
the yoke nor do they lend them out, no more than they lend not keep the Sunday." A modern version of an older saying, that such
ut their farming tools or their slaves. Their wives and female a man does not keep the holiday, be it Friday or Wednesday. It means
slaves don't fetch water or collect firewood. that a man who does not feel dependent on Waqa works on Sunday.
On that day, borana refrain from eating cooked food or food Or they would illustrate their view of things by an example like this:
that has been broken by grinding; they only eat akayi (roasted
grains). However, they do make buna qala (coffee-fruit stewed "N.N. was working all the days of the week. People told him:
in butter — a highly ritual food) and they can drink beer and 'Your work will be in vain. You are working the whole week.
honeywine, prepared on previous days. What will you gain of your work on Sunday? If Waqa blesses

152
 my work two days .1 week only, I will have no need to work Nowadays niosl IXH.MI.I li.ivr .ib.mdoned this custom. Thus an old
more. Don't transgress the limits put by Waqa. Don't take more relative of my assisi.mi A\.1I.1 who confided to him:
days to work than he has given you'."
"I myself began to cat sheep; I abandoned keeping my eyes
The Matcha are deeply convinced indeed — and in their eyes this is from their blood. But my father never saw any sheep-blood nor
a matter of experience — that man should not try to take his fate entire- did he ever eat their meat."
ly in his own hands. His doing so would, ultimately, mean his undoing.
It is a denial of reality. Too much well-being is liable to make him for- "My mother is a borana and, for a long time, she did not eat
get Waqa. As it is expressed in the prayer Shagerdi Bukko taught me: sheep-meat." (Ensermu Waquma)

"O Waqa, don't give us too much, lest we may forget you; I never heard of any myth supporting this food-taboo. The reasons
don't give us too little, lest we may perish." for it I was given came always to the same thing:
Presently, more than 90 % of the population are Christians and the "Borana are called 'garami — people of peace' and sheep, too,
rest are Muslim. Only a minority of the older generation continue to are called 'garami'. Sheep don't hurt you underhand; people feel
cling to their old holidays and then only in part. Still one hears, from perfectly safe with them. A sheep has also a dark-blue tongue."
time to time, older people complaining about the changes. Though (Ensermu)
they do realize that the social change which came over them has its
bright sides and is anyhow nobody's fault, they cannot help laying "Borana do not eat sheep, because sheep are borana; they are
the blame for it on the borana who started working on Friday and l
garami'." (Shagerdi Bukko)
gave up their ancient food-taboos, thus losing their power to bless.
When, more and more, Ethiopian priests settled in the area after
10. Food-taboos 1918, they often spoke against the traditional Matcha customs. The
Matcha know many food-taboos and the borana, too, have some of man who told us of the sheep and the baboon, had a story about this.
their own; they neither eat sheep or the forelegs of any animal.
"Because being borana we did not eat sheep, people were ac-
a. sheep (hola) customed to give us, everytime we came together, a hen. We
"Borana do not eat sheep. Some of them broke this law of theirs would eat the hen and they themselves would eat a sheep. One
and lost their power to bless and to curse." (Waquma Tollera) day, there was also a priest in the house. He had his bible with
him and said to us: 'I am going to ask you something; will you
"My wife's grandmother who was a borana, would never enter a oblige me?' — 'Yes,' we said, 'we will do what you ask from us.'
house where a sheep had been killed." (Mirresa Gamtesa) At that he said: 'Let there not be two knives at the same meal
and between the same people.'
"Once a baboon caught a sheep of mine. I ran after the baboon [Hens and sheep had to be killed with
and he let go of my sheep. But it was badly wounded and I cut different knives.]
its throat. After this I became half blind. It was because I had So all of us ate sheep. I did not come to any harm."
killed that sheep." (An old borana)
[On which Mirresa Gamtesa commented:
b. The forelegs (irre)
"He was a borana and saw the blood of
that sheep with his eyes. Therefore his Here, too, any myth seems to be lacking. But the following explana-
eyes became blind."] tion of Gammachu Magarsa deserves to be mentioned. (A.=Author)

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 GM.: "You know that we call a man's forearm and an animal's There is, howcvn , .1 gri M <lillrnn< e between the children of a gaba
forelegs 'irre'. But 'irre' also means strength, power. While speak- ro wife and those of female slaves, even those of the first category.
ing of a man's strength, our people think first of all of his arms. Though the latter in everyday life arc called such a man's wives, neither
We say of such a man: 'Irre qaba — he has irre'. We say the same borana or gabaro were accustomed to marry them in the proper sense
of Waqa: 'Irren Waqa si hadhau — May Waqa's irre strike you'. of the word. Oromo marriage proper is performed by the slaughtering
Our people believe that it is an animal's forelegs that makes it of a sheep in front of the groom's house, a ritual called 'rakko\ The
run fast. It's with his forelegs that a lion or a leopard grasps his sheep here is a symbol of the bride who is going to shed her maiden-
prey and attacks man. When we fire at an animal, we always try blood for the sake of motherhood, or rather for the sake of giving
to hit it behind the forelegs." children — and especially sons — to her husband's lineage. Only the
A.: "Is that not because you want to hit its heart?" children of such a marriage can claim a part of the heritage as it is laid
GM.: "We do not think of the heart. We see it this way: by down in Matcha law. Such a 'real' marriage was only contracted with a
hitting the animal there, we separate its forelegs from his body. Matcha girl.
You remember that old woman whom I interviewed a few The children of female slaves could not claim any part of the heri-
weeks ago. You yourself asked me to ask her about the irre, tage though the father could, and normally would, give them some
after I had told you that she knew very much and had still a sur- land and cattle.
prisingly clear brain. So I asked her, why the borana did not eat
the forelegs of an animal. She replied immediately: 'Irren irre "Sometimes, when somebody had not enough money, he could
hinnyatu — irre does not eat irre, power does not eat power.' first 'marry' a slave and later on a real wife. But the son of the
This means: the borana are people of power; they have power slave never would be his eldest son, though his father could give
to bless and to curse. The forelegs of animals have also power. him some land and cattle." (Shagerdi Bukko)
Therefore, the borana do not eat them.
It is the same with the sheep. The sheep is an animal of peace
and the borana, too, are people of peace. Therefore they do not It is in this light that we must read the following texts.
eat sheep."
"We borana have two branches: the pure borana who are children
"It is like eating oneself. Man does not eat man." of a pure borana father and a pure borana mother, and those
(Gammachu Magarsa) who are children of a pure borana father and a gabaro or slave
[The association arm-forelegs-power and mother. The latter do have boranaship, but they cannot bless or
the prohibition of eating the animal's
forelegs are not only found among the curse. Only the pure borana can do this." (A borana man)
Oromo. We also find them e.g. with the
early Hebrews, whose ways of life and "Let us say, a pure borana has three wives: the first a pure bo-
thought have many features in common rana like himself, the second a gabaro, and the third a slave. All
with the Oromo's.] his children form one single lineage. All of them are called 'bo-
rana'. But those of the second and third wife are not of pure
11, Second rank borana descent. Accordingly, they are not allowed to take part in the
There are pure borana and less pure borana; and the latter are, again, rituals of the pure borana. So even in the same lineage the blood
differently ranked. Highest are the children of a borana father and a is not the same." (Shagerdi Bukko)
gabaro mother. Next come those who are born from a borana and a fe-
male slave who is considered as his wife. The lowest ones are those "In regard to a female slave two kinds of relationship were pos-
born from a borana father and a slavemaid who is not considered as sible: If the man gave her everything she needed — a house,
his wife. food, land, and cattle — she was called 'gaya'by all his children

156
 ('ffaya' is the name for a father's wife who is not your mother), band's, the second tO ili<- Itfti thl third i<> the left of the second and so on. The
even if he did not perform the rakko ritual with her. land to the right was foi thf ~*<>iis of (lie first wife. The land to the left was for the
sons of the 'little wives'.
If, however, he did not build a house for her, she was not 'gaya' 2. Less formal sexual relationships (without rakko) were influenced by eco-
for his children. In this case a man and woman were said to be nomical considerations.
one another's 'sanyo'.
[Sanyo are people who have regular "In former times, people often did not want to have many children [from
sexual intercourse with one another, but a marriage proper], because of the land they had to divide among them."
who are not considered as husband and (Mirresa Gamtesa)
wife.]
My grandfather has a younger brother, called Kaluja. He was a
son of my grandfather's female slave to whom he had given a 12. Once more the borana's ay ana
house and everything she needed. All my grandfather's children So far we paid little attention to 'the invisible part' of the borana's
called her 'gaya' and Kaluja called my grandfather 'father', but world, their ayana. It is an aspect of their world with which we must
my grandfather himself never called him 'my son'. deal of necessity, if we wish to understand what boranaship means to
(Gammachu Magarsa) people.
None of my older informants ever made it clear to me. What follows
"The children of a female slave had boranaship and were free is a compilation of several talks I had about the matter with my young
people. But in spite of this they had to acknowledge the pure assistant Gammachu Magarsa. He says:
borana as their masters, and had to work for them. If they failed
to do so, they were cursed. Such a curse had effect; I saw this "According to our view of things, the eldest son alone possesses
myself." (Ambassa Waqo, second rate borana) full boranaship. The other brothers have less of it according to
their being younger, i.e. at a greater distance from their eldest
"Take N.N. His father had a slave-maid and he slept with her. brother.
They were sanyo to one another. He had two children from her, On the one side stands the eldest brother, on the other side all
a boy and a girl. These children were counted as gabaro by peo- his younger brothers. The distance between the eldest brother
ple, though they did have boranaship, if only a little. Because and the second one is much greater than the distance between
his father was a borana, the boy even succeeded in marrying a the second one and all the others.
borana girl." (A borana man) This is reflected in our law that the eldest son inherits much
more of his father's land and cattle than all his younger brothers
Commenting on this text Mirresa Gamtesa added: together. Much more than all the other sons he is the father. So
when an eldest son dies without leaving a son, this means a great
"But such boys had to go far away in order to find such a girl. loss of boranaship for the whole lineage. It is irreplaceable. The
They had to go to a country where their family was not known. eldest son of a younger brother has the degree of boranaship of
We have a saying: 'A dough-jar, after it has crossed a river, says his father which is always much less than his eldest brother had
that it always contained honeywine'." (or his eldest brother's eldest son). The more remote a borana-
[In a far away country it is easy to boast lineage is from the lineage of the eldest sons, the weaker the bo-
at one's high descent.] rana's ayana is in them.
Another way along which boranaship decreases in a lineage is
Some remarks marriage — marriage with a gabaro woman or a slave. The chil-
1. It was custom that the first wife in rank, always an Oromo wife (she did not
dren of such liaisons have only a little boranaship left, but those
need to be the first wife in time) would have her house to the right of her hus- of a gabaro mother have somewhat more. You must not look

158 159
 at what these degraded borana say of themselves, you must look Chapter 17
at what people say of them in their absence. They regard them
practically as gabaro; the borana especially do this. THE C.ABARO
Hence the boundary between borana and gabaro is not clear-cut
Boranaship grows less and less, and in the end so little is left Borana sagal gabaro sagaltami
that it is no longer worthwhile. Nine are the borana, ninety the gabaro
In our country the purity of descent in even the highest borana
lineages is questionable. My own grandfather who was elected Though this is only a saying and as such not to be taken literally,
my people's ritual leader of their gada, was a son of a Mao the proportion in numbers comes fairly near to the real situation in
mother." western Matchaland in bygone times.
But as a borana made clear to me: "It is not needed that there are
The borana's purity of descent, then, is to a certain extent a fiction. many borana." Indeed, provided there are at least a sufficient number
Borana are also partly created by the people — a people in need of a of them to act as channels of blessing for their people in all fields of
link with the pure beginning. They consciously overlook factors of im- life.
pure descent and of a lower place on the genealogical tree for the sake That there are differences in status between them and the gabaro
of having a socio-religious group among them who link them to the has become abundantly clear in the previous chapter. In all things the
perfect life of their people — nearer to Waqa — as it was when they borana had to 'open the way' for the rest of the people and this obli-
were born from the Walabo lake in the far east long ago. gation of theirs was expressed in many ways. Here, I would like to
As Gammachu phrased it after he had read this chapter: bring to the fore some elements of equality.

"Our people want the ayana of their borana to be still perfectly

one with the ayana of their first ancestors through whom they 1. Features of equality
are united to Waqa."
First of all: both borana and gabaro were 'free people' (birmada) in
contrast to the slaves, and they could marry each other.

"There are no different laws for borana and gabaro. When they
went up the Mao mountain, every eighth year, to proclaim the
law anew, borana and gabaro sat together; only the elder clans
[consisting of borana and gabaro] were sitting higher up the
slope.
Two men would proclaim the law again. One of them had to be
a borana, the other a gabaro. They were standing facing one an-
other; one was standing to the east, the other to the west. The
former had to be a borana. It was also the borana who had to
start the ritual with his blessing.
While borana and gabaro are praying together, the gabaro are
standing in the midst and the borana on both sides."
(Ambassa Waqo)
[Thus expressing that the gabaro were
always shielded by the borana.]

160 161
 "There is no difference between gabaro and borana in regard to "Ii could .il-<> i>< explained by the fact that thegabaro'i ayana
marriage regulations. Neither of them may marry a girl with is thai much Inferloj to the borana's, that in everyday life this
whom they have a grandfather in common until the ninth gene- inferior ayana is experienced as rather ineffective. The borana
ration [on the father's side]." (Waquma Tollera) are the eldest ones. The eldest brother's ayana protects and
helps his younger brothers, whose ayana are much weaker than
his. The borana is pure, the gabaro not so. The borana can bless
Another example of equality was to be found in the ritual stick
and curse, the gabaro cannot.
(dhaabbata) a son used to receive from his father on his wedding-day.
So the borana's ayana permanently overshadows the ayana of
It was a symbol of the new twig he was about to start on the genealog-
the gabaro, not to say a word of the ayana of slaves set free and
ical tree. Accordingly, it had to be of the same kind of wood as his
the ayana of those who, without passing through slavery, have
father's ritual stick. The wood had to be fragant, termite-proof and it
been integrated into Oromo society." (Gammachu Magarsa)
had to be perfectly straight — all of them symbols of its owner as a
man who has good relations with other people and is respected by
them, a strong man, too, (resistant) and a man whose life would be 3. Where do the gabaro come from?
'straight' and steadily 'going upwards'.
Since the stick was a symbol of the genealogical tree, it would have a. A first answer
been natural that its quality had been different according to pure or
less pure descent. In fact, however, this was not the case. Whether the It is given by Waquma Tollera in an interview with his son Ensermu:
groom was a borana or a gabaro, his ritual stick was always of the
Ens.: "Where do the gabaro come from?"
same wood, urgesa. The only difference was that a gabaro father had
to cut his son's stick on a place near the river more downstream than a WT.: "Gabaro and borana are all of them children of Raya (the
borana father. (I am pretty sure that he did not, unless a borana first ancestor of all Oromo according to Matcha tradition). The
happened to be around to curse him.) borana are the eldest sons; the gabaro are his younger sons. The
Under the surface of this seeming equality, we may well presume an difference between them is that the borana can bless and curse,
age-old struggle on the gabaro's part to blur out the differences as far while the gabaro can not."
as possible. There is no doubt they were deeply convinced that they Ens.: "Perhaps the gabaro became weak because they mixed
could not do without the borana in view of their relations with Waqa, with slaves."
but, on the other hand, the borana needed the gabaro badly in every- WT.: "The reason is that the younger sons of Raya started eat-
day life, and besides the gabaro outnumbered the borana many times ing sheep and the forelegs of animals. They broke the law."
over.
Waquma Tollera's answer only deals with degraded borana: it
stresses common descent for borana and gabaro and confirms the
2. The gabaro as a group. Some more characteristics words of Gammachu Magarsa (Chap. 16:12) about the pre-eminence
of the lineage of eldest sons.
We saw in the previous chapter that the boundary between borana
and gabaro is rather vague and fluctuating. It was clear, however, that, b. A second answer
at least for part of them, boranaship (boranumma) was linked up with
a sharing of the same ayana, the ayana of the borana. "When we took possession of the land, we made the people who
With the other gabaro things are different. Though they cannot but were living there, gabaro."
accept an ayana, common to all of them as a social group, the idea
does not seem to appeal much to them. Probably they are too keenly^ Indeed, they did not make all of them slaves. We find to the west of
aware of the differences in descent among them. Dembidollo an Oromo clan called 'Waqalale' (or Waqilale). The name

162 163
means literally 'I looked at Waqa' but could be translated 'For Waqa's Remark
sake'.
After reading these answers Gammachu Magarsa commented:
It is a composite clan, consisting of non-Oromo like the Anuak and
Hadiya (a people in the east of S.Ethiopia). Dinsa Sarba, a reliable in- "There are many other reasons by which people try to explain the differ-
formant and himself a Waqalale, told us: ences between gabaro and borana on the one hand and those between the
gabaro themselves. Many aspects of our people's life are not referred to in
"Five Yambo [Anuak] men had killed other people. They fled these answers."
from their country and stayed with us. They formed a group
We still see nowadays how individual people of other ethnic groups insert them-
under protection of the Amumma clan [Matcha], married selves informally and on their own account into a Matcha clan. They settle among
Amumma girls and were called Waqalale." them, assume an Oromo name and call a befriended Matcha their father. Whenever
they are likely to be believed, they give as their genealogy that of their Oromo
Dinsa Sarba himself was a Hadiya: "I myself am a Hadiya. We Hadi- father.
ya do not eat sheep. We are a little like the borana."
So with these non-Oromo peoples brought together into such an
artificial 'Oromo' clan we still found, until recently, old traditions of
their own. In order not to fall victim to other Oromo clans, a compo-
site clan like the Waqalale needed the protection of a real Matcha clan
like the Amumma.

From the foregoing it also becomes understandable why the Waqa-

lale were a clan without borana. All my informants were unanimous in
asserting that the Waqalale had become gabaro without ever going
through a period of slavery.

Note

It is interesting to note that the Oromo know more of such composite clans,
also called 'Waqalale'. My assistant Gammachu Magarsa also found such a clan
among the Arsi Oromo in the east, of whom he says that they were also called
'Hadiya' and that they were said to be borana (probably because they did not
eat sheep).

c. A third answer

"Also a slave who was set free, became gabaro."

He, too, needed the protection of a Matcha clan who could revenge
the shedding of his blood in case he was killed by others.

"From now onwards, he is no slave anymore. He is more than a

slave: he is free. But he is not an Oromo. I think he is now 'a\
little gabaro'." (Dinsa Sarba)

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 Chapter 18 <:. Yabata

SLA VES Gammachu Magarsa:

"In contrast to the garbota who had been bought, the yabata
Before the abolition of slavery in the nineteen-thirties, slaves consti- were prisoners taken in war or on a raid. As such they were
tuted the lowest social stratum in Matcha society. We still find a given somewhat more honour, but, for the rest, they had to
number of former slaves in the Dembidollo area. Some of these people serve their master in the same way as the garbota or manbate.
are still called by their slave-names (non-Oromo names or a name like We connect the name yabata with the verb yabachu - to mounl,
'Slave of N.N.') by the people of their neighbourhood. a verb we use for mounting a horse or a mule. Their master
could mount them as he mounted his horse, forcing them to go
1. Three kinds of slaves wherever he wanted and to go as quickly he wanted them to go.
A slave-woman or slave-girl who was not a manbate could be
'mounted' by her master or his sons as they pleased, but always
a. The garbota keeping in mind our law that a son never would have sexual
intercourse with the same woman or girl as his father."
The word 'garbota' is the plural of 'garba-slave'. They represented
the first stage and the lowest grade of slavery. In western Matchaland
the name was reserved for those slaves who had been bought. Garbota
could never pass on their own name to their children. The latter were 2. Freed slaves
simply called 'Slave of N.N.'. Their master could sell them again and What it meant for a slave to be set free and what it meant for the
even freely dispose of their lives. Normally, however, mutual relations others, is best illustrated by the ceremony of the setting free of a slave
tended to be rather paternalistic. and by the people's comments on it.
The ceremony in question was called 'lubabasu'. The second part of
this word, 'basu' means 'to free, to set free'. The first part 'luba' means
b. The manbate 'service'. In this sense it is used both for the service of a slave and for
the service of free men on behalf of their people i. e. for the successive
The name is formed from Wna-house' and the verb 'bau-go out'. responsabilities taken by a man in the frame of the gada-system. A
Literally translated it means 'she left the house' (the female gender of man who had fulfilled all these responsabilities was called 'lubabaesa'
the verb indicates contempt). or simply 'luba'. The plural of the latter word is 'lubota'. In this cere-
mony we will see them act as ritual leaders.
After their ruling period was finished the lubota continued to act ;is
"The manbate were slaves who no longer like the garbota, were ritual leaders in all rituals where the relations between clans and lin-
living in their master's house or huts, but had been allowed to eages were concerned. They could be either borana or gabaro. These
marry and to have a house of their own within the master's lubota usually were of two kinds. First, men who distinguished them-
compound. During day-time, they would work and eat together selves among their equals (other lubota) by wisdom and by the fad
with the garbota, but they would spend the night in their own that they had been visibly blessed by Waqa in their lives. As such they
house. Their children would be slaves like their parents but had a rather priestly function.
would bear their father's name. Such manbate could earn some [Onesimus Nesib or, as the Oromo call
money on their own account. With this money they could buy him Abba Gammachisa, who made I In-
their freedom later on. First, however, they had to buy another first bible translation in Oromo language
slave in their place." (Dinsa Sarba) (an indefatigable searcher for the right

166 167
 word) uses the word 'lubota' for the [These songs arc the triumphiongl <>l
Jewish priests (linguistically the words the killers of big game. In former limes
'lubota' and 'levites' are cognate).] such killers' songs could also mention
manslaughter. Since the slaves normally
Second, there were others, rather experts in law. They could well be were non-Oromo the mentioning of
gabaro who, in this way, ensured for themselves a higher place in soci- the killing of a Mao or Anuak would fit
ety. the ritual.]
It was custom that also the gada group in power was represented by
prospective lubota. "They would be there in order to learn." The older men would pass the night eating, drinking and sleep-
Here now follows the ceremony. I owe this record to Shagerdi Bukko ing and they would also speak about the laws of our people in
and Waquma Tollera. regard to freeing of slaves. Early next morning they would beat
the law."
"When a slave wanted to purchase his freedom, he could do so,
but he had to give another slave to take his place. The whole This 'beating' of the law here (they used a whip) is a simplified ver-
lineage had to agree with it, since the slave would become one sion of the solemn proclamation of Matcha law every eighth year by
of them. the gada-set assuming power. As on that occasion, here, too, the 'beat-
Before the ritual proper started, the kallacha could be used in ing' of the law is done as the day approaches.
order to stress the slave's request.
After all these things had been settled, the master had prepared "Two lubota took their stand in front of the house, facing one
much beer and honeywine. The lubota always came the day be- another. One of them, a borana, would stand to the east facing
fore. On that day people would dam up a nearby river so that the west, and the other, a gabaro, would stand to the west fac-
there was much water. Then they would take the slave to this ing the east. The master of the slave would give his own praying-
place, shouting: 'Who will take care of you?' To which the slave stick to the borana who, however, would keep it in his left hand,
replied: 'Your dhaabbata (praying-stick, a symbol of the lin- since it was not his own stick. The gabaro would keep another
eage), your utuba (supporting pole of the house, also a symbol stick. The gabaro would start:
of the master) and Waqa will take care of me.' (1 = borana, 2 = gabaro. The gabaro invites the borana, the peo-
While shouting this way, they pushed him towards the river us- ple of the morning-light, to bless.)
ing their spears. He dropped into the river and they washed him
with their feet, shouting: 'Kill him. Leave him there. Let the
vultures eat him!'
2. Kottu. Come.
l.Dhufe. I have come.
[The ritual expressed that he could not
live without the protection of his master 2. Aka ati dhufte nagan In the same way you came, may
and the latter's lineage; that being set biya hadhufu. peace come to the country (pco-
free would mean his death. The very pie).
time of the day is part of the symbolism: l.HADHUFU. MAY IT COME.
the day is dying. (All those present confirm the ga-
His emergence from the water anticipates
his rebirth as a free man, but this rebirth
baro's words. From now onwards
will not take place until early morning, they join in his answers.)
when the day is still young.] 1. Waqni kan bokka hatau. May Waqa give us plenty of rain.
2. HATAU. MAY HE GIVE US (PLENTY OF
After this they went back to the house, dancing and singing RAIN).
their killers' songs. 1. Lafti kan marga hatau. May the earth give plenty of grass.

168 169
 2. IIATAU. MAY SHE GIVE (PLENTY OF 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARK SAFFU IN
GRASS). DEED.
1. Margi kan sawa hatau. May the grass remain with the 1. Hintalif hati wolli saffu - Daughter and mother arc saffu to
cattle. dhaka. one another.
2. HATAU. MAY IT REMAIN (WITH THE 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
CATTLE). ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
1. Sawi kan abba hatau. May the cattle remain with their 1. Garbichif goftaan wolli Slave and master are saffu to one
owners. saffu dhaka. another.
2. HATAU. MAY THEY REMAIN (WITH 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
THEIR OWNERS). ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
1. Malkaan kan boru hatau. May the drinking place remain 1. Garbittinif giftin wolli Slave-maid and mistress are saffu
muddy. saffu dhaka. to one another.
2. HATAU. MAY IT REMAIN (MUDDY). 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
[Owing to the great number of cattle.] ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
1. Namni wolli naga hatau. May people be in peace with one 1. Hangaftif kutisun wolli The eldest brother and the younger
another. saffu dhaka. one are saffu to one another.
2. HATAU. MAY THEY BE (IN PEACE). 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
1. Waqni namaan naga ha- May Waqa be in peace with men. ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
tau. 1. Bishaanif sawi wolli Water and cattle are saffu to one
2. HATAU. MAY HE BE (IN PEACE WITH saffudhaka. another.
MEN). 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
[Mutual peace is a condition for Waqa's ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
blessing.] 1. Guddanif thinnon wolli Big and small are saffu to one an-
saffudhaka. other.
Once these general blessings have been pronounced (others could be 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
added) the two men pass on to the proclamation of the saffu. ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
[Saffu is a fundamental and all-pervad- 1. Qoraatif fani wolli Thorns and foot-soles are saffu to
ing concept in the Matcha's life. It im-
plies that all things have a place of their saffudhaka. one another.
own in the cosmic and social order, and 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
that they should keep this place. Their ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
place is conditioned by the specific aya- 1. Gufunif qubni milaa Tree-stumps and toes are saffu to
na each of them has received from Waqa. wolli saffudhaka. one another.
Every creature, and especially man, has
to act according to its own ayana and to 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
respect the others' ayana. Saffu implies ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
both rights and duties. In the people's 1. Daaraanif dakun wolli Ashes and dough are saffu to one
eyes wisdom is "knowing saffu and saffu dhaka. another.
abide by it".] 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU (TO
1. Saffun jiraka. There is saffu. ONE ANOTHER) INDEED.
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THERE IS SAFFU INDEED. [The list could be extended at pleasure.]
1. Ilmi abbaan wolli saffu- Son and father are saffu to one an- 1. Saffun kun kan mali? Whose saffu is this?
dhaka. other.

170 171
 2. SAFFUN KUN KAN n is THE SAFFU OF WAQA 1. Garbichichi qomo gofta The slave shall be attached to his
WAQAF KAN LAI'A 11. AND THE EARTH. satirra lakaamak a. master's clan.
[According to the Matcha the saffu was 2. EYE, LAKAAMAKA. YES, HE SHALL BE ATTACHED
given to them by Waqa and the earth (TO IT).
from the very beginning, prior to their 1. Lafa goftasatirra jirataka. He shall live on his master's land.
gada-laws 'which they took from men' 2. EYE, JIRATAKA. YES, HE SHALL LIVE (THERE).
as they say themselves. These gada-laws,
1. Goftaansa lafa qodafka. His master shall offer him a piece
in their turn, were no more than a man-
made shrine for their saffu. of his land.
At the solemn proclamation of these 2. EYE, QODAFKA. YES, HE SHALL OFFER HIM (A
laws, every eighth year, the proclama- PIECE OF HIS LAND).
tion of the saffu preceded that of the 1. Garbichichi goftasatif The slave shall continue working
gada-laws with a ritual all of its own for his master.
ammayu hinergamaka.
(see chapter 27).
2. EYE, HINERGAMAKA. YES, HE SHALL CONTINUE
Accordingly, here too, its proclamation DOING SO.
is followed by the gada-law, the 'law of 1. Guma goftasati hinba- He shall take part in his master's
Makko Billi', as far as it has bearing on saka. blood-feuds.
the ceremony in question. This law is 2. EYE, HINBASAKA. YES, HE SHALL TAKE PART IN
'beaten' with a whip, made of the
strongest material possible, hippopota- THEM.
mus-skin, a symbol of the law itself. It 1. Goftaan guma garbichasa The master shall take part in his
handled by the second man who is often hinbasaka. slave's blood-feuds.
an expert in law, if not a former gada- 2. EYE, HINBASAKA. YES, HE SHALL TAKE PART IN
judge (foye). THEM.
The hippopotamus is also associated 1. Kun tuma Makko Billi- Such is the 'beating' (law) of
with water as a source of life.]
tika. Makko Billi.
1. Seri Makko Billi jiraka. There is a law of Makko Billi. 2. EYE, KUN TUMA YES, SUCH IS THE 'BEATING*
2. EYE.JIRAKA. YES, THERE IS INDEED. MAKKO BILLITIKA. OF MAKKO BILLI.
1. Garbichi birmadummasa A slave can buy his freedom.
hinbittataka.
At this the second man cracks his whip.
2. EYE, HINBITATAKA. YES, HE CAN (BUY HIS FREE-
DOM).
1. Iddosa garbicha bira He shall give another slave in his After they have beaten the law, the slave comes in with the new
busaka. place. slave he has bought for his master. If he wants to be freed to-
2. EYE, BUSAKA. YES, HE SHALL GIVE (AN- gether with his wife, he brings also a slave-maid.
OTHER SLAVE). While he does so, his master is sitting in the backroom together
1. Goftaansa maqa birmada His master shall give him the name with the lubota. Two of them are the main leaders of the ritual.
kennafka. of a free man. The slave himself cannot enter the backroom; he has to stay in
2. EYE, KENNAFKA. YES, HE SHALL GIVE HIM the frontroom.
(SUCH A NAME). Now they call him: 'Come.'
1. Dhaabbata murrafka. He shall cut a ritual stick for him. The slave approaches the threshold of the backroom and remains
2. EYE, MURRAFKA. YES, HE SHALL CUT (IT) FOR standing there. The master and the lubota ask him: 'Will you
HIM. continue to live on your master's land?' — 'Yes, I will stay on

172
 my master's land,' he says. 'Will you fight his blood-feud?' — [The buqe is a kind of pumpkin which i*
found near all houses and is part of the
'Yes, I will do so,' he says. kitchen-garden. It creeps very far. The
In this way they ask him all the things he must do when he is buqe is a symbol of fertility. The luba
free. In the end they say: 'If you fail to do these things, will wants to say: "You have set him free;
you return to slavery?' — 'Yes, if I fail to do this, let me return he will multiply. You cannot help that."]
to slavery,' he says. At that they say to him: 'Go back to your
place.' And the slave retires. Then one of the lubota will ask the master: 'What plot of land
[Another formula is: "Go back down are you going to give him?' The master says: 'I will give him the
under the knees" (your master's knees) land at the left side of my field where it borders N.N.'s land,
which implies that the slave has to go
back to his place as a slave where he from the river upwards the hill as far as the place where the
cannot claim descent (for all its being sycomore with the low branches is standing.'
only a nominal one) from his master. [Thus the plot is precisely defined.]
A son is born "from his father's knees".]

The master now addresses his slave: "My son, in the past I did After all these things have been done, they say to the slave:
not pierce you with my spear (though I had a right to kill you); 'Come in, Urgesa,' and the slave enters the backroom. His
in the future I will not even hit you with its lower end. If some- master and the lubota are sitting there with the dhaaba in front
body kills you, I will kill your murderer. If you kill another per- of them.
son, I will help you to buy yourself off. I am going to set you [The dhaaba are two clay-jars filled with
beer, a large and a small one (mother
free now. Accept this ritual stick from my hands." (See chapter and child). Between them, and touching
17:1) both of them, stands a little wooden
At that he hands him a short ritual stick and adds: "From now container with buna qala, coffee-fruits
onwards your name will be 'Urgesa' (an Oromo name)." stewed in butter. Together they form a
[The stick is only short — a symbol that symbol of fertility. Dhaaba are never
the slave's social position, 'his life' as lacking at any domestic ritual. While the
people say, must not 'grow high' after older men are sitting behind these dhaa-
he has been set free.] ba, the slave is standing in front, the
dhaaba standing between them.]

Before doing so, the master has also handed two short sticks to
the lubota who are sitting near him. While doing so, he tells Now the slave repeats all his promises. This time it is done
them: 'Keep them low. Keep them under your knees. Don't above the dhaaba. After this they all drink from the dhaaba.
make them touch the ground.' Now an ox is slaughtered in front of the house and eating and
[The two short sticks are (like the pray- drinking begins. Strips of the oxe's hide are given to people, but
ing-stick) a symbol of the slave. They the slave is given only a short strip."
must not get a chance of taking roots. [This short strip which is put at the right
The slave must never be more than a
wrist is a symbol of his modest position
slave set free.]
in the clan. Indeed, he is not even a full
gabaro. He will be called 'gabaro' but his
But the slave may say: 'Keep them somewhat higher' or 'Make non-Oromo descent is never forgotten
them touch the ground'. and will be Unearthed as soon as a mar-
At this, one of the lubota may say to the master: 'You have set riage is at stake or in case he fails to re-
him free. His buqe will not turn back.' member his low descent.]

174 175
 Here follows some further comment by Waquma Tollera in an inter- Ens.: "Did you < \< i •.<•<• what happened to slaves who wore set
view with his son, Ensermu. free and to the maslcis who set them free?"
WT.: "In the long run, it is not good for the masters; their for-
Ens.: "A man can set his slave free, but what about that man's mer slaves will, in the end, surpass the master's grandchildren.
sons? Can't they take back some of the land their father has The slave becomes a tree with many branches and the master's
given to his slave?" grandchildren will sit under that tree."
WT.: "They must not change the boundaries of that land. They Ens.: "Why then do they set him free?'"
must protect the former slave as their father did. If they fail to WT.: "There are slaves who earn some money by themselves
do so their hands will take leprosy." and then refuse to be slaves anymore. The master wants to get
Ens.: "Take a man who likes his slave very much and does not rid of them and to have another slave in their place. So he has
want him to give a slave in his place." them buy a new slave. In this way he gets the money back he
WT.: "Such a thing does not happen. He never will be a free paid for them."
man, if he does not pay. But even when he has given another Ens.: "What about if the slave is married? Has he to give also a
slave in his place, people will continue to say of him that once female slave for his wife?"
he was set free by such and such. Even if he grows rich, they WT.: "Yes, he has to. Otherwise his children will not be free,
will still say so." since their mother is still a slave."
Ens.: "You told me that the master says to the lubota: 'Keep
your sticks well down your knees and don't make them touch 3. The need for protection
the ground.' What does he mean by this?"
WT.: "There are several meanings. When the stick touches the Like the qollu the slave, too, needed to be nominally attached to
ground, the slave will take his master's land. When it touches his former master's lineage. So he became, at least nominally, 'one
the ground, it may take roots and grows many branches, and so blood' with them. The lineage took the obligation to revenge his blood
will the slave do. If they lift the sticks above their knees, the in case he was killed, though the blood-price for such a freed slave was
slave will surpass his master's sons. Because of all these mean-
rather low. The slave, on his part, was naturally eager to act as if he
ings, the master pays the lubota that they may act in the right
were really of one and the same blood with the lineage and to 'fight'
way."
his former master's blood-feuds (guma). He also would forget his own
Ens.: "What about the slave? He, too, has money. He, too, can ancestors in favour of his master's.
give the lubota money that they may touch the ground with
their sticks and lift them above their knees." "I never heard of former slaves who started a lineage of their
WT.: "He does give money to them, indeed, in order to have
own within their master's clan." (Gammachu Magarsa)
them do so." [He laughs]
Ens.: "But, if they take money from both sides, how can they But his real descent was never forgotten.
uphold the law?"
WT.: "While the master is looking at them, they keep the stick
below their knees. When the slave is looking at them, they 4. The survival of ancient values
make it go up a little. It is still early in the morning and dark in
the house, when they are doing this ceremony. Accordingly, the Until the present day, the traditional values with regard to descent
master says to the lubota: 'My friends, I am keeping my eye on are still much alive, despite all social change. They are still uphold in
you.' He will also take the sticks away from their hand, before the institutional insult-songs addressed to the groom, when he comes
they can lift them above their knees, at the end of the cere- to collect his bride, or — in case of elopement — when he comes to
mony." make peace with her parents. They are sung by his bride's girl-friends.

176 177
Before he is allowed to entei di< house, he has to wait for some time [These beads arc symbols of IKT mothcr'l
in front of it and to listen to the insults of these girls who protract ayanB who protects her virginity before
marriage and guarantees her fertility
their songs as long as he is in the house. after.
The ancient views of slavery also still come to the fore in proverbs The belt is a symbol of continence in
and riddles. general and of the girl's virginity in par-
ticular.]
IsTien si'malte The girl who marries you
a. Insult-songs garbitti' abbaye, is our father's slave-maid,
Since we have to do here with institutional insult, the words of these kan nudhih jawe, with a python from shoulder to
songs don't need of necessity to reflect the truth in regard to the boy waist,
in question. birraan maratta. and besides this a black snake.
[The boy should marry a slave-maid,
1. An wadesa 'nyabu, I do not climb a wadesa tree, since he is a slave himself; a slave-maid
who has been everyone's maid, un-
obbolesa moye. brother of the mortar. protected by the ayana of an Oromo
[Mortars are made of wadesa wood. In mother. Instead of beads and a belt she
addition, they are symbols of sexual wears snakes around her waist, symbols
intercourse.] of sexual intercourse.]
An dabesa 'njalu, I do not like a coward,
obbolesakole. even if he were my brother.
4. Gammada gurba This boy Gammada
[The word gurba = boy is intended here
2. Olun nii 'nfutu. An undeveloped man will not
marry us. to remind the audience of the word gar-
If he marries us, ba = slave.]
Yona nu fute, fuli fokisa, with his ugly face,
homma mi 'ndhaantu. he will (not be able to) beat us.
[It is accepted by both partners that a midhaguf kolfa: when he laughs, he looks nice:
man beats his wife from time to time. It ilal karrusa. look at his karru.
implies that a wife of character does not [Kami = opening between the upper
yield to her husband, and that a man cutting-teeth, held to be beautiful.]
who never beats his wife is considered as Dur horri' abbako Once he was my father's slave,
a weakling, also by his own wife. Gammada gurba. this boy Gammada.
As a woman phrased it: "When my hus- Dhaq' godo tchisi'; Go and sleep in the (slaves') hut;
band did not beat me for some time, I achi iddon garb da. that's the place for slaves.
start rubbing my back against the utuba
(centre-pole, a symbol of the master of
5. Ijako ilali' Look at my eyes,
the house)." In other words, I start
challenging him.]
rja boranaa, eyes of a borana,
Garbicha kenya, He is our slave, bora darbata. beaming forth pure morning light.
kan abbaan bite, bought by my father, [The light of the pure beginning of our
garba jennani'. and 'slave' we will call him. people.]
Ijake ilali', Look at your eyes,
3. Addensi''nmalle The girl who does not marry you rja yabataa. eyes of a yabata (slave),
kan mudhi'n tchalle, wears beads from shoulder to waist, tchi'mma darbata. sticky with discharge.
birraan sabbata. and besides (she wears) a belt. [Your descent is neither clean nor clear.]

178 179
 b. Proverbs 2. Garbitti gurrattin fula goftaa dura ijajite finchofti.
A black slave-maid stands in front of her master and passes uriiu-.
1. Barreni mana hundesati. Answer: A blackened coffee-pot.
The beauty of a house (family) lies in its roots (descent).
A dark complexion is always traced to descent from 'Shankila',
2. Waen garbaa qoraani. earlier peoples whom the Oromo made their slaves. Not only the dark
The work of a slave is collecting firewood. (Meaning: do not complexion but also the laziness of slaves are proverbial.
meddle with things above you.)

3. Garbitti lubbuf katu, ollaan jabina sea.

When a slave-maid works through necessity, the neighbour thinks:
she is not work-shy. (Meaning: Don't think easily that a slave
works hard of his own free will.)

4. Garbittin gargarsa argatte maji dhoksiti

A slave-maid who gets help, hides the little grindstone. (Grinding
between two stones was the work of slaves. The meaning is:
don't be too lenient towards a slave-maid, otherwise she stops
working and prevents other slaves from doing so.)

5. Garbittinif giftin wo lit saffudha.

Slave-maid and mistress are saffu to one another. (Meaning: they
should know their place with regard to one another.)

6. Garbichi quufe gombisa goftaa dhita.

A slave who ate his fill, kicks his master's granary.

7. "Dur si 'nqabaa?" jedhe garbichi, dadhi booka balaqamee.

"Did I have you before?" said the slave and he vomited the best
honeywine. (Meaning: What suits the master should not be given
to or taken by the slave. An application of the rule: slave and
master are saffu to one another.)

c. Riddles

1. Amalaan gifti, bifaan garbitti.

As for her demanour a mistress, as for her colour a slave-maid.
Answer: Gura seeds. They are black but delicious as spices.

180 181
 Chapter 19 I). Tanners

DESPISED CASTES OF ARTISANS In former times, they made shields and provided people, and parlir
ularly the women and girls, with skin clothing.
The Matcha recognize two despised castes of artisans: tumtu and The Dutch traveller, J.M. Schuver, who saw these dresses in the nor-
faqi. Their social position was of old below the gabaro but above the thern part of western Matchaland in 1881, was surprised by their high
slaves. quality.
Tumtu, 'beaters' (from the verb 'tumu — to beat'), are first of all He wrote: "The women dress themselves in skirts of calf- and goat-
the blacksmiths, but the weavers are also called 'tumtu' in everyday skin of a marvellous smoothness." (1883:25)
speech. Faqi are the tanners. The word is Amharic and means 'scraper'. The girls' dresses were preferably made of calf-skin, since 'girls are
The old Oromo word 'duugdu' is not used anymore in the area, calves' (not of goatskin, since goats are a symbol of sexual dissolute-
though the verb 'duugu' is. ness). The women's dresses were also sometimes made of cowhide
(hides of fertile cows) since women are commonly compared with
28
1. Their trades cows.
Nowadays, they still make the leather parts of harnesses for horses
a. Blacksmiths and mules, sleeping-skins, whips, and sheets for spears and knives. In
They provide people with spears and plbughpoints, choppers, sick- present-day songs (many of these songs are rather old) the ancient
les, and axes of various kinds. In addition, they make the iron parts of skin-dresses are still mentioned.
harnesses for horses and mules, and bracelets and anklets for the wo- Thus in this praise-song of the cattle:
men.
I never saw any decoration worth mentioning on these artifacts, Sawa sawileko Cows, o my cows,
though most blacksmiths 'sign' their pieces with a few dots and lines. birraan watileko! and also you, my calves!
Blacksmiths normally do not make complete spears or choppers. Sawa esajibu? What part of our cattle is useless?
The purchasers are supposed to provide themselves the wooden Sawa qensa qfchu. Our cattle with soft hoofs.
handles. As it runs in a song: Kotten shihi tae; Their hoofs become shini (small
drinking cups);
Utiin tumtu tae, If I were a tumtu, gogaan wallu tae; their skins become wallu (a wo-
tumtu Dhae tae, a tumtu of Dhae, man's dress in former times);
soma ebo 'ntolchii, I would not make the spear-shaft, fon irbata tae. their meat becomes our evening
qaraf jinfu male. but only the point and the jinfu. meal.
[Dhae: a lineage of the Doyu clan. Jin-
fu: an iron spiral at the opposite end of And in a girl's song:
the point which reinforces the shaft
where it comes in touch with stones.] Wan sadih jaala: Three things I like:
toko harmekoti, my mother,
Halale durbaa tumtu, Attractiveness of tumtu girls, toko qarrekoti, my qarre (tonsure of girls, a sym-
ya 'ka 'shen bifa toltu; oh, how good-looking they are; bol of virginity),
hingababate male! if only they were not so short! and my kalle (skin-dress).
toko kallekoti.
['Halale' has strong sexual connotations.
'Short' here does not point so much at
their being undersized than at their low The Matcha don't see anything derogatory in these comparisons. Leather strips to carry
position in society.] the babies are still seen in other parts of Oromoland.

182 183
 c. Weavers Professional weavers belong, together with the blacksmiths, to (IK-
despised caste of the tumtu. They are from old subject to the same
Chiefly they make so-called 'shamma', wide shawls, 1.5 — 2 meters taboos regarding marriage, participation in the ruling of Matcha so< i
each way, which form the most distinctive part of the national Ethio- ety a.s.o. However, in one aspect they differ from the blacksmiths
pian dress. The thread is spun by their daughters and wives. and tanners: their trade itself is not considered as less honorable.
That weavers, too, are called 'tumtu' comes to the fore in this love- Weaving is also practised by other Oromo. We will come back to this
song: later. So, if in the quotations given below reference is made by the in-
formants to 'the tumtu's trade' as something despicable, they have-
only forging in mind.
Ya tumtu, waya dha'f, Oh tumtu, weave clothes,
walakan kuula hataii. and let the kuula be in the midst.
N.B. It is noteworthy that wood-workers and potters do not belong
Achitu naga ta'i"; As for you (my love) stay in peace
to the despised castes.
up there;
wal argaan suta hatau. let it take some time before we see
one another again. 2. Their traditional position in society
[The singer here speaks of special kind
of shamma, called 'waqaalo', which is What people say themselves about the tumtu and faqi.
only worn by women past child-bearing.
This shamma, a wide shawl, is thicker "Tumtu and faqi live together, apart from each other and from
than other ones; it is white like the us. The faqi always live near a river, since they need water for
others but through the midst runs a
wide red band, called 'kuula'.
their work.
To the lovers such a waqaalo is a symbol We have a saying about the faqi: 'Obbolesa laga gamarra faqi
of two contrasts in their life: like the olla oft waya — Better to have a faqi as neighbour (despite the
fabric of the waqaalo the fabric of life stench) than a brother on the other side of the river.' We also
brings both separation and unity. The have another saying: 'Faqin yero duuga dadhabdu, sarre arisa
very red band that separates the waqaa- kati — When a faqi has grown tired from scraping, he runs after
lo's white parts, keeps them also to-
gether. Their very separation makes the dogs' (the gender of the verb is female — an indication of
their love only deeper and more beauti- contempt).
ful. Scraping skins is hard work, and there are always dogs around
As far as the wish 'stay in peace' is con- who want to pick up the meat from the skins. This saying is
cerned, we should remember that 'peace' used for people who do not want to work and always find a rea-
not only stands for peace with other son to withdraw from it.
people but also for good health, and be- Another saying is: iJerri kuni tumtu faq id ha — These people are
ing free from trouble — in short, for
God's blessing in general. As long as this like tumtu and faqi', they do not like one another.
peace lasts, as long as the two white Faqi are higher than tumtu, since their work is wet and the tum-
parts remain perfect and undisturbed, tu's is dry.
the waqaalo of their love is fine. We do not marry with tumtu or faqi. Honestly speaking, as far
Besides, the very use of the waqaalo as the tumtu girls are concerned this is a pity in a way. Their
guarantees that the two white parts will
girls are the handsomest of all.
meet one another again, i.e. whenever
the woman wraps herself up in her In former times, when a tumtu man slept with a gabaro or bora-
shawl. So the lovers have only to wait na woman, the punishment was as follows: half of the woman's
patiently until this happens.] hair was cut off on the left side and half of her clothes were cut

184 185
 off on the left side 10 far up as her thighs, and they did not eat country, nor to partake in rituals together with borana and ga
or drink with her anymore. She was thrown out. It was a harsh baro.
law. The man had to pay a fine in cattle." (Mirresa Gamtesa) They could not go to war with us. Even nowadays we do no I
[The symbolism of the punishment is like taking them with us when we go out to kill buffaloes. 11
that the woman has allowed somebody would bring us bad luck.
to 'enter' her husband's lineage 'from Nowadays, we work together with them in our fields, but our
the left (wrong) side', which means in fathers did not. They believed that it would harm their crops.
this case that she allowed a tumtu to do
so.]
They would never enter a tumtu's or a faqi's house, and never
allowed them to enter theirs. They never ate with them."
"People said: 'That woman had brought bad blood into our clan. (Mirresa Gamtesa)
Therefore, they sent her away from the country. Her own hus- Another point of view was brought to the fore by the last ritual lea-
band, however, could go with her. If he did not want to do so, der of the gada in the area, Ruda Kurra. When my assistant, his grand-
people collected money for him to take another wife." son Gammachu Magarsa, asked him: "Tell me, my grandfather, why
(Dinsa Sarba) don't we marry tumtu?" his answer was: "Those people know how to
make tools of death. That's a dangerous skill, my grandson. Therefore
"Tumtu do not marry faqi. As a result, tumtu can only marry we must keep them well under us."
tumtu and faqi can only marry faqi. But, since they are few, Faqi and tumtu were allowed to imitate the way of life of the 'real
they do not count seven grandfathers as we do, but only three Oromo', also in the ritual field. But their rituals were not considered
or four on the father's side and two on the mother's side. to be of importance for the country's well-being at large, and any at-
[A Matcha boy cannot marry a girl with tempt on their part to put themselves on equal terms with the others
whom he has the seventh grandfather in
common on his father's side and the
was rebuked.
fifth on his mother's side.]
"Once a group of tanners asked the gabaro and borana to allow
them to partake in their New Year celebration. To this effect
Each clan had its tumtu and faqi who were living on that clan's they offered the elders clothes and other things made by them.
land. They could, however, not choose the land themselves: it The elders accepted their gifts and began to speak among them-
was the borana who assigned the land to them. They did not selves about the matter, while the faqi were awaiting their ans-
have to pay for that land in any way. wer some distance away. The answer was: 'The faqi will not ce-
If a tumtu or faqi had enough money to buy a new plot of land, lebrate their New Year ritual [masqal] with us. Their bribes will
he was not allowed to do so himself. He had to give the money not be returned to them.'
to the borana who would buy it for him. The same held good
After this, they started their own masqal feast without the faqi."
when he wanted to sell some of his land.
(Mirresa Gamtesa)
Tumtu and faqi could not plough for themselves. If they did,
the earth would grow dry. So the others ploughed for them, and In spite of all these things, there were also compromises. Ultimately
the tumtu and faqi paid them with products of their trade. faqi and tumtu constituted a precious possession to any clan. They
Tumtu and faqi did not take part in peace negotiations. So if were clan-members and in everyday life considered as Oromo.
one of them was killed, it was the borana who took upon them-
selves his blood-vengeance and who negotiated about the blood- "Tumtu and faqi were allowed to be members of the iivegada-
price. The blood-price for a tumtu or faqi was lower than for a sets. True, they could not partake in the proclamation of the
borana or gabaro. law; they must keep at a distance, though the faqi were per
Neither were they allowed to speak in meetings on behalf of the mitted to come somewhat nearer than the tumtu.

186 IK7
 All, however, would brin^ kumbi [myrrh] as an offering to the
a cowhide. This ll why we have a feeling that the faqi ITC IIKIK
ayana of the tree under which the law was proclaimed anew.
alien to us than the Itimtu.
The others would accept their gift and put it under the tree.
Our people needed both of them. We really wanted them to be
When we go up the mountain to give thanks to Waqa for the
there for all their doing things against saffu. You know, our
good harvest; when we put there our beer and our buna gala
fathers did not like to kill snakes. Once the wife of an American
(coffee-fruits stewed in butter) under the tree and slaughter a
pastor killed a snake in the house. All Oromo women present
bull or a sheep, the tumtu and faqi cannot come with us. They
started shouting, but in their hearts they were glad that the
must do all these things at the foot of the mountain. But they
pastor's wife had shot that snake. They themselves never would
can pay for the sacrificial animal of the borana [a bull], and, in
have done so, not only because it was a snake but also because
this case, the latter will bring them some of the sacrificial meat."
women are forbidden to shed blood. It is the same with the
(Dinsa Sarba) tumtu and faqi: they do things we ourselves cannot do, but
Shagerdi Bukko, an expert in the field of ritual, confirmed Dinsa things which need badly to be done. So you can understand
Sarba's statement. When speaking about this extremely marginal par- why every clan wanted to have their own tumtu and faqi. They
ticipation of the artisans in the gada-rituais, the same Shagerdi Buk- were really members of the clan and they themselves, too,
ko said: claimed this membership.
On the other hand, the people's attitude against the tumtu and
"Blacksmiths are not allowed to partake in the beating of the faqi is not everywhere the same. My wife's clan, the Ganka, for
law, since they beat iron. If they would beat the law, people example, lay much more stress on the gap between themselves
would start beating each other. and their faqi than others. To express this they have a saying:
Weavers are always moving their hands. If they would beat the 'We are like the two parts of a broken stone: we are severed
law, people would grow unstable and confused. from one another for ever.' Another thing you should not for-
Tanners scrape skins. If they would beat the law, people would get is that both tumtu and faqi had their own slaves, and that
get a skin-disease and start scratching their skin." they had sexual intercourse with them just as we had ourselves.
Tumtu are intelligent people and they themselves are well aware
There is certainly something of a joke here. Whenever Shagerdi
of this. I had a tumtu friend of our clan. Whenever we were to-
brought these reasons to the fore, he was smiling. Probably the real
gether on our land, he always sang about tumtu. There was
reasons — at least in the Matcha's eyes — of their attitude against these
pride in him. Just as there was pride in the tumtu on that day
artisans were best formulated by Gammachu Magarsa:
when the government forced people to make a road and the
people themselves claimed that their tumtu would be dispensed
"The tumtu work on iron, and iron is dead and brings death. from this work in order to be able to provide them with tools.
The faqi dry the wet skins of our cattle and take the last life out Another good friend of mine, also a tumtu, is now a mechanic
of them. with the Ethiopian Airlines. Once I heard him talking with an
It's therefore that we do not eat and drink with them, a degree old man. He mentioned his present job, and the old man said
of avoidance we do not even practice with slaves." smiling: 'So you continued your trade up there.'
More than the farmers the tumtu sent their children to school.
The following remarks of Gammachu shed a further light on the fa- So it is that a fair number of educated Oromo are tumtu.
qi's and, especially, the tumtu's place in Matcha society. Do you know that most of these tumtu who continued their
trade on a higher level still remain strongly attached to their
"To us there is a notable difference between tumtu and faqi. As roots and go on calling themselves Oromo?
I told you before: tumtu make something dead out of a lifeless Oh, I would feel happy, if ever it could be proved that they
thing, iron, but faqi take the last bit of life out of a living thing, were Oromo from the very beginning!"
188
189
5. Where do tumtu and faqi come from? On the othei hind, the economic situation of both weavenand
The Matcha themselves give different answers to this question. blacksmiths w.is iteadily rising.
As far as the lormn are concerned, demand for their products
a. They originated together with the people as a whole increased.
As for the blacksmiths, first it was the petty Oromo despots
This view is laid down in the mythical story of their birth as a peo- (last decades of the 19th century) who needed the blacksmiths
ple from the water. more and more to repair the many guns they acquired. Then
came the Greeks and other foreigners who needed them for
"When they crossed the Ghibe river, there were people among their garages, mills and little factories.
them who were carrying the tools of a blacksmith. They were But if a farmer became a blacksmith or a professional weaver,
smart, however. They asked others: 'Please, keep my tools for a he became a tumtu. He himself was said to have learned the
moment; the water swallows me. And they gave their tools to trade 'by day', but his son was said to have learned the trade 'by
the others. When these others had reached the far side, they night'." (Gammachu Magarsa)
found themselves with the tools of a blacksmith in their hands.
They had become tumtu."(CL Chap. 8)
d. The tumtu themselves always say that there was a time
This answer remains entirely within the-mythical way of thought, that their ancestors were not tumtu
b. Tumtu and faqi came to us from other peoples This answer may point to a time when they belonged still to an-
other people where they practised the trade without being despised
"Did not our fathers tell us that tumtu and faqi were in this castes; but it can also mean that their Oromo ancestors once were
country already before us?" (An old man) forced to become blacksmiths.
c. Some Matcha people became tumtu of their own free will

"I know a tumtu who does not remember that his grandfather e. The tumtu were made tumtu by force
was a tumtu at all. Such a thing comes about in this way. Some-
body is a tumtu and his neighbour, sitting near him, looks at his "It happened already before we crossed the river Ghibie. Our
work. He wants to learn the trade also. So he does. People say people were very dependent on the blacksmiths. They made our
of such a man that he has learned the trade 'by day-time' (i.e. spear-points, our knives, our plough-points and even the needles
he is not a tumtu by descent). His sons continue working iron. with which we sewed our shields. They looked down on us and
In this way they become tumtu. they showed their pride in many ways. They even refused to
But most tumtu were already tumtu in their own country and marry us: they only married their likes.
joined the Oromo." (Bulcha Kurra) On a fine day the blacksmiths organized a feast. They slaughtered
oxen for us, but they did not skin them and they gave us the
"Shifts from farming to forging or weaving are not something of legs, the heads and other big parts of the oxen. 'Eat,' they said.
modern times only. But we replied: 'How can we eat them? We have no knives to
The farmers' economic situation was often deplorable and has skin and cut these big pieces of meat. So, please, give us your
worsened drastically for the last century. Much of our best land knives.' — 'Make them yourselves,' the tumtu replied.
was taken from us and there were periods of cattle-diseases and At that the leaders of our people convoked a great meeting.
poor harvests. 'Those blacksmiths ought to be made dependent on us,' they

190 191
 said. 'We must keep I hem well under US. We must prevent them Comment
to unite themselves ftgtinii us. So let us make a law that on the
land of every clan there must be only a few tumtu who belong The answers given above are widely diverging and if we feel a little
to that dan.' We also made many other laws to prevent the confused, indeed suspicious at this, so do the Oromo themselves. Still
blacksmiths from dominating us." their attitude is different from ours.
(Qajela Magarsa, Gammachu's brother) They perceive very well the difference between what is historically
true in a western, scientifical sense and what is not. But they are hard-
ly interested in history for its own sake; in other words, they do not
f. Those tumtu who are now weavers once were blacksmiths take distance from the past as something to be studied in itself.
To them the past is a chair for the living to sit on and which the
"Weaving is not against saffu. It was practised from the very be- latter ajust to their needs. In their 'historical' records the past is made
ginning by all house-wives, including those of the blacksmiths subservient to the present and manipulated in order to support the
and tanners. needs and values of the living. As a result the answers given here refer
Cotton was cultivated by the men, but taking out the seeds to present values rather than to historical facts.
(hiddu) and spinning the tread (fou) was done by women and The past is seen as the source of their highest values and as the
girls only. Why it was this way, I do not know. ultimate explanation of their way of life in all its major aspects, but
Weaving with shuttle (kollo) and loom (arbi), however, was with this its function is exhausted. More, where the historical past is
again practised by both women and men. forgotten, it is re-created if need be.
The ancient clothes I know were 1. the buluko, a kind of blanket. Accordingly, the answers as they are given should not be seen as at-
There were several kinds of them: those wrapped six times, tempts to meet the western historian's concern, though they may well
those wrapped three times and others wrapped only one time. harbour historical facts.
The latter were white, but the others were woven in blocks of Thanks to his education, the extent of his reading and his long-time
red, white and black. They were worn by both sexes, but on cooperation with me, a gifted man like Gammachu Magarsa shows
their holiday, Friday, the borana men wore them with their more sense of history in his answers than the others and as such his
right shoulder bare. This fashion was called 'olga'. 2. The final conclusion is worth quoting:
women wore a wandabo, woven in one piece, with openings for
the head and the arms, and worn with a belt. 3. Another wom- "I really feel that the coming into existence of tumtu and faqi is
an's dress was the waqaalo (see above). a result of many factors in the way of life and the history of
I think the loom was rather primitive in those days. But soon both our own people and the peoples with whom we came into
our people got acquainted with more perfectioned looms which contact. One cannot say: these or those are the reasons. Many
enabled them to increase the production with less labour. factors have not been touched in the answers we have given."
The blacksmiths' wives asked their husbands to make for them
such better looms. The use of woven clothes must have increased As far as the tumtu's and faqi's physical appearance is concerned,
at that time in addition to that of skin-dress. Because of this a though we cannot deny some credit to the people's own statements
fair number of blacksmiths turned to weaving. They also started that tumtu girls are often handsome, that tumtu often distinguish
making more and more shamma, the wide shawls as the Amha- themselves by a lighter complexion, and that faqi sometimes have long
res wear them. Hence the name 'shamane' which they are also faces (a non-Oromo feature in their eyes), we can say that on the
given. But for all their changing their trade, they remained tum- whole (at least in the Dembidollo area) the tumtu's and faqi's physical
tu and we did not marry them. Oromo men who only wove for appearance is the same as that of other Oromo.
themselves and not for the market did not become tumtu." In addition, the people's answers regarding these despised castes'
(Gammachu Magarsa) origins differ from clan to clan. In my assitant's clan, the Dhae, oral

192 193
tradition < lc;irly tends (<> considering them as Oromo 'from the very
beginning'. This view is also reflected in Gammachu's remark:

"Don't forget that the very names 'tumtu' and 'faqi' point at
their ayana (skill) and not at their descent."
I made a contribution .ill oi thcil own to the improvement of the f:i<ji*s
and tumtu's social position. They did so by their Christian message, by
the number and quality of llicir schools and by the equal treatment
they tried to meet out to all people indiscriminately. One of the
church elders in Addo has been for years a tumtu. His election as such
by the people, however, would not have come about without some
It is worth mentioning that we find such occupational castes with pressure from their parish priest.
many other peoples and not only so in the Horn of Africa. So the However, they did not succeed in overcoming the marriage taboo
answer concerning their coming into existence should certainly be which still creates such a painful obstacle for the boys and girls of
looked for in a wider field. these occupational castes. Yet exceptions occur and increasingly so.
Eminent scholars such as E. Cerulli (1922:200 ff.), Haberland Gammachu knew several Oromo boys who had married tumtu girls.
(1963:134) and W.A. Shack (1964:50) have argued that the artisan On the other hand he did not know of any Oromo girl who had
castes are remnants of earlier peoples, while others, like H.S. Lewis married a tumtu or faqi boy. The latter, and especially the tumtu boys,
think that there is no reasonable evidence to support this. Lewis nowadays often find their brides among the Amhares and the Gurage.
suggests that they may well have come into existence as a result of "a (The Gurage are traders who have spread throughout southern Ethio-
distinctive division of labour, a system for production and distribution pia.)
of goods and services which demand special skills and training."29 Here follow some statements which shed more light on the present
Additional research may well result in discovering that both pro- situation.
cesses have taken place.
Finally, in regard to Lewis' suggestion, we should take into account "Nowadays, we work together with tumtu and faqi in our fields.
that not only economical factors but also religious views have played If they are with us, we will not sing songs in which they are
apart. mentioned." (Ensermu Waquma)

4. Social change during the last decades "For some time past, tumtu can buy land in our country. But
all of us are angry, when Mammo Ruda [the landlord] sells it to
Though there are still from old hamlets where tumtu or faqi are liv- them. I myself, too, am angry, since, according to Oromo law,
ing together, we observe presently: 1. that even in their own hamlets they cannot buy land like the others." (Mirresa Gamtesa)
tumtu are not all of them blacksmiths any more; 2. that in a little
village like Addo tumtu are living in the midst of other people, though "True nowadays, tumtu and faqi can speak in our meetings like
they still prefer to be neighbours to their own people. In this village others. But as soon as they say something people do not like,
we find nowadays tumtu teachers and tumtu traders. With the faqi it there are always some of us who say: 'He is only a tumtu'."
is somewhat different. They still are living together in their former (Mirresa Gamtesa)
hamlet; their work ties them to the river. But here, too, we find peo-
ple who are not tanners any longer. The mother of my assistant Asafa Disasa put it this way:
In my own area of research social change has been rather strong for
the last fifty years. Besides the factors mentioned already we should "In our country of Sayo we do not make any difference be-
also point here to the impact of the missions. The missionaries, indeed, tween ourselves. Tumtu women as well as women of other peo-
ples like the Mao and Yambo [Anuak] do everything together
29 with us.
The quotation is from H.S. Lewis in his article "Wealth, influence and prestige among the
Shoa Galla" in: SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN AFRICA, edited by Arthur Tuden and ["Everything" indeed, including birth-
Leonard Plotnicov, 1970,185. rituals.]

194 195
 * A person's eyes CM tlfO gTOW harmful out of anger, reproach, disil-
Were the latter noi helping us even when our mothers were still
lusion, or simply out <>l Itdneil because a beloved friend has to say
children? At that time Mao and Yambo women and girls were
goodbye. Whenever I had to say goodbye to my assistants and the final
their slaves. Faqi women, too, do help us. But after they have
words had been said, they invariably turned away from me and went
eaten or drunk, we still secretly clean the plates and cups they
away without looking back.
have used with ebbicha leaves, without saying a word about
their being faqi. Once I was waiting for the bus to Addis Ababa together with a boy
who liked me very much. As soon as the bus had stopped in front of
[The bitter leaves of the fragrant ebbicha
tree are still used for cleaning things and us, he stepped • aside, turned his back to me and continued to stand
people in various rituals.] this way until the bus moved on again, without even saying a single
However, in countries like Anfillo (to the west) and in others word of goodbye. A father brought his son to the landrover which
beyond Dembidollo tumtu and faqi are still forbidden to work would take him to the airport; the son was going to Addis Ababa for
along with the others." his studies. As soon as the boy had taken a seat in the landrover, his
[These areas are less under the influence father turned away from him and remained standing this way until
of both the town and the missions.] the landrover drove off.

"When I am thirsty and I ask a woman who just comes from the
river to have a drink from her jar, she will hand me her jar but
5. The evil-eye, 'hyenas' and sorcerers
at the same time she will turn away her head that she may not
It is said sometimes, that tanners and blacksmiths are invariably con- see me drinking." (Mirresa Gamtesa)
sidered as bearers of the evil-eye, 'hyenas' and sorcerers. Such general
"I am sure that the existence of hyena-people is connected with
statements fail to do justice to the Oromo's concept of man in this
our food-taboo of not eating horses, mules and donkeys (ani-
respect, to the various shades in their attitude against these despised
mals without cloven hoofs) who are a delicacy to the hyenas.
castes, and to the effects of social change.
People who did eat them had taken something of the hyenas'
ayana.
a. The people's views and attitudes in general Perhaps they were freed slaves who returned to the custom of
Matcha distinguish between three kinds of evil eye. their ancestors. Perhaps they were true Oromo who did so in
times of starvation. The people who nowadays are called 'hye-
* First there are people who have the evil eye against their will; it is a nas' could well be their descendants. But Waqa knows how few
matter of inheritance, of descent; it is like a disease. They are called of them ever tasted donkey-meat.
'budda'. Such unlucky people often do their utmost to prevent them- Anyhow, 'hyenas' (warabesa) do not harm living people unless
selves from harming others. they have the evil-eye. But they do not have it more than others.
In our clan we had only one family of such 'hyenas' and they
"When they see a fine calf, they will spit on it to give it back were good people.
the life their eyes can take from it, or they will throw some wet
As far as other stories are concerned people tell about them. I
grass on it to this effect." (Gammachu Magarsa)
really do not know what to think of them. They could well be
fantastic elaborations of our belief that they have something of
* Second, anyone can have an evil-eye, on occasion, by jealousy, by
the hyenas' ayana. Some of them may have come from eastern
begrudging others the good things they have. Such people are called
Oromoland or even from other peoples. Many of them I do not
'hinhaftu' or 'gomatu' which just means 'jealous people'. Despised
believe at all." (Gammachu Magarsa)
people are naturally more liable to be jealous.
197
196
 These 'other stories' are about hyena-people who change themselves A. "Yes, he <!<>< s. Itui we are afraid."
into real hyenas by night and together with other hyenas dig out hu- Q. "Are people ever born a tolcha?"
man corpses to eat them (which hyenas do) and others in which hye- A. "No, it is not a matter of descent. But a son can learn it from
na-people eat even living men (which hyenas also do occasionally). his father."
We have already touched on the change in the people's attitude,
In contrast to people who harm others by their looks, sorcerers brought about by the missionaries and by social change in general. The
(tolcha) harm them by doing something or by charms, put f. i. under following statements of my assistants — all of them younger men —
the threshold. Sorcery always goes with malevolence. are certainly a result of it.
"I have said that blacksmiths make something lifeless out of a "Tumtu and faqi are not all of them evil-eyers, sorcerers or
dead thing, and that, because of this, they are better than the 'hyenas' by far." (Asafa Disasa)
tanners who take the last bit of life out of a living thing. But
sorcerers are even more powerful than the blacksmiths in a way: "There are no more sorcerers and evil-eyers among the tumtu
they make something that kills out of nothing. They do not and faqi than among other people." (Beqele Lamu)
even need iron.
A sorcerer, be it a man or a woman, always works alone and in "We can not say that all tumtu and faqi are budda or 'hyenas'
secret. This mere fact in itself proves already that his work is or sorcerers. That is not true. Budda, 'hyenas', and sorcerers
evil. As soon as he is detected, he loses all his power." are to be found among all people, and even borana can be peo-
(Gammachu Magarsa) ple with a jealous eye. There are many good people among the
tumtu and faqi who do not harm anybody."
"Once I was sitting under a tree guarding my crops. Of a sudden (Gammachu Magarsa)
I saw a tolcha coming. He was stark naked. He wanted to destroy
my crops. I jumped to my feet and shouted. At that the tolcha b. A few illustrations
ran away. (Ayelle Tura)
"One of our neighbours was a budda. She was a distant relative
Asafa Disasa's father: of mine. She liked me very much and I liked her and never felt
any fear that she would harm me. People knew that I liked her
"One of our neighbours is a tolcha. I saw him take earth from and that, on occasion, I bought a dress for her, and they laughed
the mud-wall of our house. I shouted: 'Drop it!' He dropped it. at me. Once I said to her: 'I would like to ask you something,
Nothing happened to us." though I know that it could grieve you. Tell me: people say that
you are a budda, but do you feel yourself that you are a budda,
After I had heard this little story, I asked Asafa: that you are harming people? I am that sad that people say such
things of you; perhaps I can help you.'
Q "You say, that there are tolcha everywhere, but did you ever At that she first started weeping; she could not say a word.
see a tolcha at work?" After this she said: 'I do not know what I am. Perhaps I am a
A. "I myself never saw it." budda, perhaps I am not. I do not understand what people see
Q. "Couldn't somebody make another man a tolcha only by in me. As for me, I feel nothing of a budda in myself. What the
telling a false story about him?" others see in me I do not know'." (Gammachu Magarsa)
A. "O no. People do not believe it that lightly."
Q. "What will you do, if a tolcha enters your house? Does he The following stories and statements all come from a teacher,
eat and drink with you?" fourty years of age, who spent his youth in an area somewhat to the

198
north of our area. I have no reason to assume that his country differed did not f^ive ili< LX< ii.nrjil lo the tumtu. She first gave il lo
much from the Dembidollo area al that time. In the latter, however, another woman and this woman passed it on to her neighbour,
social change in favour of the despised castes has been greater for the and in this way it reached the tumtu. Every woman spat on I he
last decades. axe and said: 'Si busera — I have dropped you [the sick child].'
Kassay Wolde Yohannes: Those other people were not budda, but they acted as if they
were for the sake of the tumtu. In the end, the axe reached the
"In my youth there were people who, as soon as a tumtu ap- tumtu. He spat on it and said: 'I have dropped you. May Waqa
peared near their house, immediately hid their young calves cool down my heart on your behalf like this iron. May he
from his look. My own mother was not like this. She had many restore your child to health.'
friends among the tumtu. When a tumtu passed by our house This tumtu gave a very fine blessing and everyone clapped his
and we had a little calf, my mother would call him in. 'Please, hands.
bless my calf,' she would say. 'Spit on it.' She knew that, when ["Cool down" = take away bad (hot)
a tumtu has blessed a calf, he will not harm it anymore. [He is feelings]
evidently speaking here of the jealous-eye.] It is like an oath on
But not all tumtu are like this. Once, on a similar occasion, a
his part. So the tumtu came in and he spat on our calf, saying:
tumtu woman was with us in our backroom. Everyone said in
'May Waqa cause it to grow up for you.' After this, my mother turn: 'I have dropped you', but the tumtu woman grew angry
brought him a calabash with milk. The tumtu took the calabash and said only very reluctantly: 'I have dropped you.' The others
in his hands and said: 'Have many young cattle. May there al- protested, but she did not yield.
ways be milk in your house.' Next my mother poured some of The next day, however, my mother called her again. She came
this milk into a smaller calabash and passed it to the tumtu that along. This time, she gave my little sister a very good blessing.
he might drink from it. After this both of them were happy.
But we did not call in the faqi in such a case. We were more
Once I also saw a tolcha at work.
afraid of them than of the tumtu.
I was a boy of some twelve years old. One fine day, I went out
However, when we had Saa daabbachu (a ritual of thanksgiving
early in the morning to fetch an ox with whom our own ox had
after the birth of a calf), we invited not only our neighbours but
to plough that day. I was not far from our house, when I saw
also tumtu and faqi who were living further away. We did not
a man. He had a long ankasa (a stick, provided at its foot with a
invite other people who were living further away. Then the tum-
long iron point). While walking, he was muttering to himself
tu and faqi entered our house and they blessed the cow and her
continuously. He did not see me. I hid myself quickly. After a
calf. In this way we did not need to be afraid of them anymore.
while, he stopped, still muttering to himself. He planted his an-
[We see here another feature in the
kasa in the ground, stripped off all his clothes, and, wholly
mutual relations: the tumtu and faqi oc-
casionally profited from the people's naked, he started rolling about in our neighbour's field. That
discrimination.] field had been recently sown with wheat. The wheat had
Tumtu could even enter our backroom. sprouted and was very promising. The man rolled about in the
Once, my little sister was sick. My mother said to me: 'Call N.N. young wheat everywhere. I ran home and said: 'O mother, I saw
(a tumtu) that he may bless your little sister.' Our backroom was a man who did such and such a thing. What is that?' My mother
full of neighbours. The tumtu came in and sat down with them. was frightened. 'O, o, o, that man is a sorcerer,' she said. 'Did
My mother now took an axe and said: 'My neighbours, our little you recognize him?' — 'Yes', I said, 'It was such and such.' —
daughter is very sick. Perhaps, someone is 'eating her' [someone 'That man is a sorcerer, indeed,' she said.
with an evil-eye]. Therefore, please, all of you, bless my child.' After this, the whole fine field of wheat was spoiled. Weeds came
The blessing was only intended for the tumtu, but my mother up everywhere and killed all the young wheat-plants. I remember

200 201
 how, when the weeds were high, all of us helped our neighbour to
pull them out and to burn them."

There is still a lot of talk about the evil-eye, sorcery and 'hyenas'.
Whenever people do so in earnest, they often speak in a low voice or
with a hand before their mouth. I also never heard of public accusa-
tions in regard to particular persons. It is evident that this is from fear
of the accused people's vengeance. To a great extent belief in the evil-
eye and in sorcery provides people with easy explanations for mis-
fortunes otherwise unexplicable. A normal way of saying that some-
body is sick is still the expression "Ijatu isa tuqe — he has been hit by
the evil-eye."

"Even among ourselves there is much confusion about the evil- PART FOUR
eye, the jealous-eye, hyena people and sorcerers.
It would not be good if you tried to describe in a clear way THE IMPACT OF THE BLOOD
what is not even clear to ourselves. It would be falsifying the
truth." (Gammachu Magarsa)

202 203
I Chapter 20

THE LINEAGE

"The world of clans and lineages could be compared with the

undergrowth of a forest", we have said, "an undergrowth so dense
that it is impossible to disentangle all its constituents." Some lines,
however, can be perceived, though they are not always very sharp and
cannot always be traced to their end.
One line is the clear distinction between clans and lineages. The clan
(qomo)30 is first of all a social group, consisting of several descent
groups who need not all be Oromo. The heart of every clan is com-
pounded of a cluster of lineages tracing their descent to the ancestor
who gave his name to the clan.
In contrast to the clan, the lineage (balballa-door) is in practice con-
sidered by people as of homogenous descent. "All people of the same
lineage are of one blood", they say. Outwardly this results, among
other things, in the obligation of blood-vengeance, when somebody
of their lineage has been killed by a member of another lineage. In-
wardly it results in the prohibition against 'shedding one's own blood'.
This can be done in two ways, either by manslaughter or by sexual
intercourse. Lineage members may not marry one another and any
sexual intercourse between them is regarded as incest, though the de-
gree may differ. In other words: all people of the same lineage are seen
to be brothers and sisters to one another.

1. Manslaughter within a lineage

A man who has killed a member of his own lineage cannot be killed
by his victim's family, either peace is made or he is expelled from his
lineage.

"My own father told me that, in former times, people thought

that a man who had killed his 'brother' would contract leprosy.
My own lineage does not kill me." (Mirresa Gamtesa)

"If you killed your 'brother' unknowingly, you could make

peace. If you killed him knowingly, you were expelled from the

The word 'qomo' is often used instead of 'balballa' but never the other way round.

205
 country. ('Country' often means both the place and the peo- MG.: "Did you go i<> makepeace there as uluba (ritual leader)?"
ple.)" (Shagerdi Bukko) SB.: "Yes, I did."
[It is probable that the parents have
[The verb 'beku-to know' has usually
taken good time to display their grief.
the connotation of 'knowing by experi-
The blood-price cannot have been much,
ence'. In this sense the Matcha say: "He
and must have had a rather formal cha-
has known a woman," i. e. he had sex-
racter.]
ual intercourse with her. The word 'un-
knowingly* (beka male) does not mean The boy kept hidden from his parents until everything was
that the killer did not know that the ready for the peacemaking ritual. An old ewe was bought.
other person was his brother or sister, [A sheep past bearing, since it is sinful
but that, in one way or another, there to kill a sheep wich can still bear. There
were extenuating circumstances such as is another reason as well why it should
drunkenness, sudden anger, misunder- be an old sheep: it is not eaten in this
standing,. 'Knowingly' implies a deed case. Rams are always eaten before they
with malice aforethought.] are old.]
"A man who had killed a member of his own lineage was not We told the boy to cross the river for the peacemaking ritual.
killed in his turn but expelled. Others could kill the killer but The name of that river was Haraya. His parents and his brothers
not members of his own lineage. They also could make peace. and sisters remained on this side of the river. Two men held a
There were not two parties: there was only one, they were one piece of cloth between the boy and the rest of his family that
blood. So it is with a lineage, but it is not the same for the clan they could not see one another (to prevent the boy from being
at large. harmed by the evil eye). There was another luba to assist the
So if a man had killed a member of his own lineage 'unknowing- boy. They shook hands in the sheep's stomach.
ly', they made peace. If he had killed 'knowingly' they threw [The stomach is cut open above the
him out. They were afraid of becoming lepers, if they would flowing water and both parties shake
hands in the blood.]
kill him. His expulsion was decided immediately, the matter was
not brought before the gada-)udges." (Dinsa Sarba) While doing this they did not see one another. Had not the boy
killed his sister? Taking the leaves of the maracha plant, the
Peacemaking included: 1) protracted peace-negotiations; 2) the pay- other luba and I myself splashed blood and Aorra-water over the
ment of a blood-price (generally in cattle, never in money);3) an elab- killer and his family. After this the piece of cloth was removed.
orate peacemaking ritual taking place near a river. We threw the sheep in the river. After this we prayed."
Shagerdi Bukko was invited to act as a ritual leader at peacemaking
rituals on several occasions. Here is a short interview with him by In view of the circumstances, it must have been a simplified ritual.
young Mirresa Gamtesa. (For a more complete record of such a ritual see chapter 22.)
MG.: "Were you ever invited by people to help them to make
peace after a killing?" 2. No marriage within a lineage
SB.: "Yes, on occasion."
MG.: Are you willing to describe for me such a peacemaking rit- "We are all children of Sayo. Our clan is called Abbichu. We
ual, please?" have five balballa (lineages): Doye, Hanu, Unu, Hinu and Fullo.
SB.: "Once a boy threw away a pointed stick and hit his own We do not marry within our own lineage, for we are of one
sister. The stick hit her head and she died from it. The boy had blood. The same blood should not be mingled. I cannot marry
not intended to hit his sister. He fled from home and hid him- a Fullo woman, since I am a Fullo myself. But I may marry a
self from his father and mother." woman of another lineage of the Abbichu. An Abbichu can not

206 207
 marry a girl if her lineage and his arc the same. Within each line- I d e a l l y , t h e n , e a c h Individual i h o u l d k n o w t h e n a m e s o f s e v e n I<>I<

age we call each other brothers and sisters. A man who lays with fathers, (the general name Of whom is 'akakayu', a word that Itrictly
his sister sheds her blood; it is like killing somebody. One should speaking means 'grandlather') in order to know which people he can
not shed one's own blood." (Shagerdi Bukko) marry or rather the names of all grandfathers who are seen as belong-
ing to the lineage, but in fact only a minority do this. Whenever then-
Shagerdi's last words reflect his people's view of the act of sexual are doubts, however, they can consult specialists. The rule of lineage
intercourse in general. The whole wedding ritual emphasizes that exogamy is still upheld, and not only where marriage proper is at stake.
the bride is 'pierced' by the groom and that she sheds her maiden- "We do not dance with girls who are of one blood with us. We
blood for the sake of motherhood (and also later on, this idea of always remember of the seven grandfathers on our father's side
blood shed as connected with female fertility remains connected with and the five on our mother's side. We do not kiss girls we can-
sexual intercourse). not marry. Kissing and sexual intercourse have something in
Incest, then, is in the Matcha's view primarily 'shedding one's own common." (Asafa Disasa)
blood'. The verb they use for it is 'haramu' and the act itself is called [It should be noted that 1. the normal
'harama'. There are, of course, degrees of 'harama', but the more seri- way for youths and girls to kiss is inside
ous cases are certainly seen as great sin. the mouth, 2. kissing and dancing are as-
sociated. During the dance boys and
"Having sexual intercourse with your own sister, a daughter of girls withdraw among the bushes to kiss
one another. They may also remain in
your own father or mother is worse than killing your brother." the open, covering their heads with a
(Gammachu Magarsa) shamma (a wide shawl). Instead of say-
ing of someone: "He has gone to dance",
"Incest is a great sin. It is worse than stealing. It is as bad as people may say equally: "He has gone
murder. People will say: 'That man shed his own blood; he lay to kiss the girls."]
with his sister.' A man who kills another person and a man who
lies with his sister, that is the same. It can only be washed away 3. The ritual of purification following incest
by blood. It is bad, very bad." (Shagerdi Bukko)
This is performed after both actual and classificatory incest. Matcha
So far we have not said a word about the extent of a lineage as an society recognizes several examples of classificatory relationships: bro-
exogamous descent group. This extent is indicated by the following thers, sisters, fathers and mothers.
rule: Even in earlier times, the ritual of purification was not always per-
"A man cannot marry a woman with whom she shares the formed. A great deal depended on 1. the degree of incest involved,
seventh grandfather on his father's side or the fifth on his mo- 2. whether the deed had become public or not, 3. (the most important)
ther's side." whether bad consequences had resulted from the incest such as an un-
healthy child, sickness, or barrenness. People still strongly believe that
While speaking of a lineage in Matcha society, we have only to do such bad consequences may ensue, so I presume that the ritual is still
with the father's side. Here the rule means exogamy within nine gene- performed occasionally in secret and in a simplified form. Either the
rations. The concept of lineage, then, supposes nine generations. man or the woman could take the initiative.
NB. Shagerdi Bukko sees the rule of the seventh grandfather as a relaxation: "Ac-
cording to the law of Makko Billi, we should count nine and not seven grand-
The following record was given me substantially by Shagerdi Bukko.
fathers on our father's side. In former times, when people married after seven
grandfathers, we said: 'They act in a hurry. Perhaps their children will not be
"When somebody has committed incest and wishes to be purified
healthy.' But, in fact, every one nowadays ignores this prohibition." from it he first contacts one or two elders in his lineage. These

208 209
 Iwo riders, in their linn, invilr (wo others, since there should be | Regarding the l y m b o l i i m <>l maracha
four altogether. Of these four two should be gula (men who had (a creeper) and ulmaya (a bush) W;i<|<i
ma Tollera told me: "When Waqa created
gone through all the rites and grades of the gada-system). man in the beginning of time he blessed
These four men first discuss the matter in hand. After this they them with ulmaya and maracha, sayinj;
call the guilty man. Having spoken with him about his crime, 'By these ulmaya and maracha incest
they pray. will be removed.'
Maracha does not hurt people. It is very
'O Waqa, this man has told us his crime, cleanse him for us.' gentle and produces many shoots. When
[Thus one gula. The others answer:] people pass by and touch it, it is enough
'CLEANSE HIM FOR US.' for the maracha to stick to their clothes
'From what he has committed unknowingly, cleanse him for us.' and to give them its blood which is like
'CLEANSE HIM FOR US.' milk (i.e. the whitish juice of the plant).
It ties things together, especially plants,
'He went in to his sister, cleanse him for us.' which it does in a very gentle way.
'CLEANSE HIM FOR US.' There is nothing about it that is not
[That he committed his sin 'unknowing- good for man. It does nothing thai
ly' is always assumed for a first trans- makes us dislike it. People call it 'qul-
gression.] qullu' (faultless, 'holy'). It also does not
They agree on the day of purification. On that day he must be burn easily nor feed fire. It is impossible
washed in the horra (spring of mineral water). Before taking to use it for any evil purpose."
As seen through the eyes of this old
him there, they give him a beating. man maracha is magnificent symbol of
On that chosen day they go to his house early in the morning. blessing from Waqa and of peace be-
They tie his hands and feet to the bed and beat him with rods. tween people.] 31
Every elder in turn beats him, until his rod is broken. While he
is doing this the others question him thus: 'Why do you beat After reaching the horra, the two gula, together with the elders
him?' And he answers: 'He has gone into his sister. He has shed first proclaim the law of saffu.
his own blood. He has done wrong against his people. He should [The law of the world order and social
be punished so that he will never transgress again.' To the culprit order as given to them by Waqa from
he says: 'Do not do this again. If you do, there will no longer be the beginning.]
a place for you in our country.'
After the beating, they take him to the horra. The woman, too, [In the following dialogue 1 is the first
accompanies them. In our country (that of the Abbichu clan) gula, always a borana, 2 is the second
one, 3 is the group as a whole. The sec-
we used to go to the horra of Abba Gorba; the same horra to ond gula asks the borana to bless.]
which we bring our cattle.
On the way to the horra, the man who has sinned must wear the
clothes he wore when he sinned as must the woman also. The 2. 'Come!'
latter brings also the 'sleeping-skin of her sin'. She is accom- 1. 'I have come.'
panied by the sister of one of the two gula (she is calledgultu) 2. 'In the same way you have come, may good come to the
who will cleanse her. country.'
On their way the gula and gultu will collect branches of ma- 1. 'I am going to say the saffu. Thorns and soles of feet are saffu
racha and ulmaya. They need the leaves of maracha and ulmaya one to another.'
to wash the culprits. The gula and gultu must collect these bran-
31
ches themselves. Cf. Strelcyn, S. 1973:198, about the qualities of maracha.

210 211
 J, 'YES,THEY AKi: SAFFU INDEED.' dirt may remain They <•<> not bury this hair and nail ptlingl
1. 'Toes and tree-trunks are suffu one to another.' (as on othei 0( < uioni), but throw them under a tree in a spni
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' where wild animals will not find them.
1. 'Ashes and flour are saffu one to another.' After this the gultu washes her with maracha or ulmaya. She
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' dips the leaves in the horra and passes them across her body,
1. 'Mineral water and ordinary water are saffu one to another.' from above downwards. She passes them over her face, her
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' breasts, her abdomen, her thighs, and legs.
1. 'Small and great are saffu one to another.' During this, the guilty woman stands beside the horra. The
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' horra is very pure (qulqullu); therefore she may not enter it
1. 'Old and young are saffu one to another.' until she has been cleansed.
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' While she is washing the woman, the gultu prays:
1. 'Slave-maid and mistress are saffu one to another.' 'O my horra water, o my maracha, this woman has sinned;
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' cleanse her for our sake.
1. 'Father and son are saffu one to another.' O Waqa, she has sinned, she has committed incest. Replace that
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' incest (or rather its bad consequences) by something good.'
1. 'Mother and daughter are saffu one to another.' The woman who is washed also prays herself.
3. 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU INDEED.' She washes 'the clothes and the sleeping-skin of her sin' beside
2. 'Why did you recite the saffu law, my friend?' the horra.
1. 'This saffu is from Waqa and from the earth.' When this is done she enters the horra and is totally immersed
[The list of saffu items given on such oc- in it. She comes out of the horra and puts on a new dress. Dur-
casions may be much longer. It points ing this time both women continue to pray.
to the fact that by the incest 'a bound-
ary has been broken'.]
After this they proclaim anew the law of Makko Billi. Now the man is washed in the same way by one of the gula, fol-
lowing the same procedure as for the woman. The gula prays:
1. 'Say the law of Makko Billi.'
'O Waqa have mercy on him. Take away his incest. Make him
2. 'The law of Makko Billi as we learned it, runs like this:
pure again. Cleanse him for our sake.'
If blood passes the boundary set for it in regard to other blood;
Before returning home, they put some horra water in a calabash.
if a man sheds his own blood,
This calabash should be decorated with straw work around the
the blood that was shed must be washed away by other blood.
brim. The gula themselves must draw this water.
The guilty persons must be washed and immersed,
Together they say to the man and the woman: 'Let us go home
and the man must pay a 'bull of guilt'.
now. We have prayed Waqa for you. You were impure, now you
Such is the law of Makko Billi.'
[Here Shagerdi Bukko's account was are pure again.' Thus they speak to both of them. If the woman
interrupted by some questions asked by has proved to be barren, they say to her: 'May Waqa give a a
my assistant Asafa Disasa.] healthy womb again.'
As.: 'Can other people, too, go with them to the horra?'
SB.: 'Yes, but they must keep at a distance. Only those who They go to the woman's house, never the man's. Other people
wash and are washed go to the horra.' have already removed from this house the grass which lay be-
As.: 'Who is washed first?' neath her sleeping-skin, and have replaced it with fresh grass.
SB.: 'The woman. She is washed by the gultu. Within the house an old woman starts making buna qala (coffee
First she takes off all her clothes. All the hairs of her body are fruits stewed in butter). The woman making this buna qala
cut, except the hairs of her head. Also her nails are cut that no should not have had sexual intercourse the night before, as

212 213
 should be everyone taking part in the ritual. How can they As.: "They killed nol in <>x but a bull. Is this because the RiMl
cleanse others if they are not clean themselves? is a bull?"
While preparing this buna qala, the old woman says many SB.: "Yes, so they must kill a bull."
prayers. 'O Waqa', she prays, 'make this house a house of peace As.: "Didn't you say that the woman, too, had to be washed
again. Have mercy. Keep this woman from incest in the future.' with the bull's blood?"
After the coffeefruits have burst open, she puts a few on either SB.: "Yes, she should be washed as well."
side of the threshold (a short beam between the front- and the As.: "But she did not pay for that bull; how then can she be
backroom) saying: 'O Waqa, let this threshold never again be- cleansed by its blood?"
come a threshold of incest.' SB.: "It is not she who went to that man's house, it is the man
She also puts some fruits against the borro (the backwall of the who 'broke her fence'. Therefore it's he who pays the bull."
backroom) saying: 'O Waqa, let this backroom never become a [His passing through the fence is seen
backroom of incest again.' here a 'breaking through it' because he
made it unlawful by his evil intention.
The gula splash horra water in the backroom with ulmaya or It should be noticed here, that the wom-
maracha leaves. an was also cleansed first.]
The man who was cleansed kills a bull near the house. This bull As.: "Is the woman's husband present at the ritual?"
is called 'korma yakka — bull of guilt'. The colour of the bull SB.: "No, he is not."
does not matter. As.: "Does the woman always take her sleeping-skin to the
[It is not a sacrificial animal, so the horra?"
colour is immaterial. An ox, however, SB.: "Not always. If she left it home, it is cleansed in the house
is not appropriate on this occasion,
since, in a sense, the animal is the man with horra water. Sometimes, the woman does not go to the
himself who has acted like a bull.] horra at all. She is cleansed then in her house."
The man and woman are sprinkled with the bull's blood, in the [Custom leads to make the situation
same way that they were sprinkled with horra water. The wom- easier for the woman since in Matcha
eyes the chief fault is always with the
an is sprinkled in her house. The blood is later washed off with man.]
horra water.
The guilty man must provide plenty of beer. This then is the ritual Shagerdi Bukko saw performed in his own
lineage. Minor variations according to clan-traditions and circumstances
Before they begin to eat and drink together, the elders pray: are common. It should be observed that only a few prayers are given
'May Waqa give you peace. He took away your incest, may he here. People pray much more, not only are there other prayers, but as
now give good things to you.' well those used are repeated many times.

To the woman they say: 'May your next child not be a child of
incest; may Waqa keep it from dying before your eyes. Your 4. Expulsion from the lineage
thighs have been cleansed, may the child that is born from be- Expulsion from the lineage following a killing and the one following
tween them also be undefiled.' " incest were much the same. Waquma Tollera here describes an expul-
sion following incest as it was done in his own country, Tchaliya
A supplementary interview: (eastern Matchaland). It is very similar to the scattered information I
obtained from my informants who were born in the Dembidollo area.
As.: "What do they do with the knife that was used to kill the
bull?" "When a boy and a girl of the same lineage have committed in-
SB.: "It must be cleaned with horra water." cest and their sin has become public, usually through the girl's

214 215
 pregnancy! theii parenti will come together and call th<- |vv.K|.i .Hid the earth tit called ai wit
dren before them. IHSSCS.]

'We are the same lineage,' they will say, 'why did you do this They blow aihei from their hands in their direction, saying:
evil thing? If we were of different lineages, you could at least G.: "Be blown away like ashes."
marry one another, but now you will have to separate, before P.: "BE BLOWN AWAY LIKE ASHES."
your child is born (which means that the child will not be bom And they throw hantati after them, saying:
normally at all, but will be killed by abortion). And you, our G.: "Be like hantati. "
daughter will be unable to contract a decent marriage after this.' P.: "BE LIKE HANTATI."
If the boy and girl say that they want to stay together, their [Hantati are little dry twigs, too thiny
parents will call two gula. As soon as the gula arrive, they call to be useful even for firing — a symbol
their children again and now the gula, too, will speak to them in of utter uselessness and of death.]
the same way. All the people of their lineage repeat this, whenever the boy and
If the boy and the girl are obdurate, their fathers will take their the girl pass by their houses.
ritual praying-sticks (used both to bless and to curse) and the And so they leave and generally they will have no other children
two gula will say these words which the parents must repeat because of the curse.
after them. Not only their parents repeat them, but their entire Their parents will never visit them, nor will they ever return to
kin do the same. their parents. If the parents hear that their child has died, they
G.: "Until now, we were all of us the same lineage. You de- will say: 'It is nothing. Our child was already dead to us. Our
stroyed our lineage. Be without lineage." hearts have turned to stone in his (her) regard.' "
P.: "BE WITHOUT LINEAGE."
G.: "Be lost." Since both of them are now without lineage, unprotected and out-
P.: "BE LOST." lawed, they will flee at the first opportunity to some wealthy man and
G.: "Be dry." ask him to take them into his service, which offers very poor prospects.
P.: "BE DRY." The Matcha call such people 'tchirrata', meaning they have cut them-
G.: "May Waqa make you childless." selves from their kinsfolk. They would be unable to approach any line-
P.: "MAY HE MAKE YOU CHILDLESS." age in their clan and would be obliged to flee to another clan.
G.: "May he refuse you life."
P.: "MAY HE REFUSE YOU LIFE." 5. My 'brothers' wives
G.: "Stay in a land without water."
P.: "STAY IN A LAND WITHOUT WATER." As with all Oromo the Matcha know the levirate, an institution by
G.: "Stay in a land without grain." which a widow as a rule marries her husband's brother. In old times,
P.: "STAY IN A LAND WITHOUT GRAIN." this man was normally a son of her husband's father or, at least, his
G.: "Water has no resting place, may you have even less." father's brother's son, a cousin. Under pressure from the Ethiopian
P.: "MAY YOU HAVE EVEN LESS." Church cousins began to be preferred to full brothers or even half-
G.: "Be reduced to nothing on the earth." brothers.
P.: "BE REDUCED TO NOTHING ON THE EARTH." All these brothers and cousins of her husband then were potential
G.: "Be reduced to nothing under the sky." husbands of a woman. The kinship-term for this relationship between
P.: "BE REDUCED TO NOTHING UNDER THE SKY."32 a woman and them is 'warsa', which means that both parties are warsa
towards one another.
32
The whole curse is very reminiscent of the curse put on Cain after he had killed his brother. "I am warsa to my brothers' wives. A man can ask his brother
(Genesis chap. 4) to take care of his wife in his absence (this includes sexual intcr-

216 217
 course) that she may not have sexual intercourse with lower With regard to the number of her lovers, people used to say: "If slur
people." (Shagerdi Bukko) admits too many men, she is like a cow."
It was customary among neighbours not to speak to the husband of
Sexual intercourse between warsa, however, was rather limited. As a his wife's lovers.
wise old man told one of my assistants:
But another law has a part here, too; the law that every man is
"A sensible woman would 'know' only one warsa. With this in his own compound and that no other man may enter his house
man — always a younger brother of her husband — she would without his permission. So, if a man discovered one of his wife's lovers
have a permanent relationship, and with him she would marry,
in his house, he could claim a fine from him, even if the intruder was
in the event of her husband's death. It is not good for a woman
his wife's warsa. This, too, was laid down in Matcha law.
to have several of her husband's brothers as lovers at the same
time; it causes friction in her husband's family." "When a man at his coming home saw a spear standing against
his house, he often knew whose spear it was. He could then re-
However, she had not only to make a choice out of her warsa, but tire out of friendship for the intruder. He could also go to the
also from other men. There was a law that all men of the same lineage latter's house and repay him in kind. He could also take away
could have sexual intercourse with one another's wives. the spear or enter his house, take the man's clothes, and bring
"When men of the same lineage go to one another's wife, people them to the elders. 'N.N. went to my wife,' he would say to
do not speak about it, even though the priests disapprove of it. them. 'Therefore I have taken his spear and his coat. Here they
We continue in many things to apply to our ancient laws." are. Did I not pay for my wife, when I married her? Why did
(Mirresa Gamtesa) he take what is mine?'
Once I did this kind of thing when my wife's warsa had gone in
Of a virtuous woman it was said: to her. Why did he pass by his own food? Why did he steal my
sleeping-skin? Why did he milk my cow? So I claimed a young
"Only men of her husband's lineage put their spear against her bull from him. He paid that bull. He never went to my wife
house."
again. But for the rest, there is nothing wrong with it. It is good,
if men of the same lineage go to each others' wives."
When a man entered another man's house to make love to his wife,
it was customary for him to put his spear against the house, as a sign (Shagerdi Bukko)
that the 'house' was occupied. The husband always takes his spear
with him into the house, other men may never take their spear with Shagerdi tells us that he claimed a young bull. Here, too, it had to
them into another's house. be a bull, and not an ox. Had the man not acted like a bull?
Even so, the compensation Shagerdi Bukko claimed was only half
It was to a woman's credit to have several liaisons of this sort. A
sensible choice was the ideal here also. of the fine established by Matcha law, which said the intruder must
pay a cow-calf as well, a symbol of the woman he had taken. But at
"She would admit only a few men of her choice, men who were that time it was no longer the custom to do so.
not of lower blood than her husband and were on friendly terms For the rest, the many fines fixed by Matcha law for all kinds of
with him. Even within the same lineage blood is not the same. transgressions were not expected to be paid fully in practice. One had
She would, however, keep the names of her lovers secret; it is always to display understanding and flexibility so that in a case like
best if only the woman herself knows who shares her sleeping- this the husband would often be content with a ram or even with a
skin." (Gammachu Magarsa) calabash of honey.
[A woman's children were all legally her Ancient Matcha society did not know prostitutes. During my stay
husband's.] in the area, a woman, known to be a prostitute, attempted to settle in

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the village of Addo. The whole population was angry. Prostitutes, they too, replied: "No, no, my mother, never, never will I kill my
said, should remain in town. father. But, il you want so, go out and call the women of our
There is still something left of the good old days when going to one neighbourhood thai they may protest publicly.'
another's wives and trying to escape problems with the husband was a After this, she did the same with her third son. This third son,
beloved sport, indulged in by both sexes, and only blameworthy if one who was the son of a halaga (people of another lineage), grew
brought 'lower blood' into another man's legal offspring. very angry and said: 'I will kill him', and he went out raging.
The following story of Shagerdi Bukko illustrates further the peo- After some time, the father came home. 'What did my sons say?'
ple's view of these matters. he asked his wife. She told him what they had said.
Then the father called the man who had begotten his third son
"A man had married a woman. He said to his wife: 'Don't sleep and said to him: 'I return you my third son, the one you begot.
with any other man of my lineage.' 'Allright,' she said, and she Take him back.' The man replied: 'Allright, I will take him.'
had a son by her husband. Then he called his brother (his wife's warsa) and told him the
After this he told her: 'Now you must sleep with your warsa.' same. But the warsa replied: 'No, no, my son is yours for all he
So this she did. He himself took care not to sleep with her, until is mine. Let him stay with you.'
she had conceived a child from her warsa. This child, too, Thus men of the same lineage must watch each others' houses.
proved to be a son. An enemy breeds an enemy, a halaga breeds a halaga, a brother
After this he said to her: 'Now you must sleep with a man who breeds a son. If a halaga begets a child in your house, it is not
is not of my lineage.' This, too, she did, and she had a third son. good for our lineage. The man to whom you trust your wife in
The boys grew up together. your absence, should be a man as near to you as possible. So we
One day, the man gave his wife a beating. 'Look', he said to her, trust our wives to their warsa.
'I have beaten you badly. Now call your eldest son. Give him
something to eat that he likes very much. Then you must start When we want to know if a girl will be a good wife for our son,
weeping and say: 'Your father has beaten me, my son — me, we will ask whether her mother ever slept with a man of an-
your mother who gave you life. Look at the bruises. Why don't other lineage than her husband's. If we are told that her mother
you kill him?' Thus you must speak to our eldest son. After this never did so, we will take her daughter for our son."
you must do the same with our second and third son. I myself
am going away now for some time. When I come back, tell me
what they have said.' 6. Every lineage has its own ay ana
So the father went away and the mother did as she had been
told. She made a fine meal for her eldest son, and, while he was Every lineage like every being on this earth has its own ayana in it,
eating, she started weeping and said: 'O my son, do you know something of Waqa's creative power, making it as it is. At the same
that your father has beaten me, me your mother who gave you time, the word 'ayana' indicates the product of this divine activity, a
life, me your mother who gave you my breasts? Look at the lineage's characteristics, its 'personality'.
bruises. Why don't you kill him?' Thus she spoke. But the son Accordingly, people speak of lineages who have the ayana of good
replied: 'No, no, my mother, never, never I will kill my father.' farmers, good fighters, good singers. Or they say: "It is the ayana of
And he went out. that lineage that their girls are handsome, that the men are good bee-
After this she invited her second son, and, while they were eat- keepers," or "it is that lineage's ayana that they do not eat such and
ing, she showed him the bruises of her beating, and again she such an animal."
said: 'Look, my son, how badly I was beaten by your father, me We came already across a lineage in the Waqalale clan who did not
your mother who has given you life.' And she pointed to a spear eat sheep, though they were not borana. Other lineages have different
in the house and said: 'Why don't you kill him?' But this son, food-taboos.

220 221
 "I know a boy at the university. His lineage does not eat dwarf- deeds or words of wisdom <>l I In ii ancestors, thus passing on their wis-
antelopes. This is because one of his ancestors once had taken dom to the youn^i generation!. (Some of such stories are found in
kosso (a laxative anti tapeworm medicine) and went out to re- chapter 9.4.)
lieve himself. A dwarf-antelope butted him with its horns and
he died from the wounds." (A student) Lineage-consciousness from old was also reflected in the custom of
keeping secret certain knowledge within one's own lineage exclusively
Most such food-taboos are traced to such an experience among their such as: knowledge of the medical qualities of plants, skill in curing
ancestors. In the case just mentioned the people would explain their cattle-diseases, the art of reading the future in a goat's peritoneum
custom by saving: "We do not eat dwarf-antelopes, because the ayana (morra), the gift of prophecy, knowledge of the stars (in connection
of the dwarf-antelopes does not like us." with rain and favourable or unfavourable days for certain activities),
When a certain food has proved fatal one member of a lineage, the knowledge of the law and of the birth and history of clans and line-
others tend to abstain from it henceforth. ages. Such specialities were normally passed on from the father to his
Every lineage has its own minor variations in the performance of eldest son and from the mother to her eldest daughter.
domestic rituals, specific traditions to which they believe they have to All members of a lineage have to manifest their lineage's ayana in
adhere 'because such is the ayana of their lineage'. In connection with their lives, to live up to its good qualities. There may, for example, be
this they prefer — or, in former times, preferred — to be assisted at a relatively strong tradition of killing big game. In such a lineage a
those rituals by ritual leaders of their own lineage, since the efficacy prospective buffalo-killer may sing:
of the ritual will be enhanced thereby.
If people say: "Such is the custom of our lineage", they usually also Mud in the water,
mean that this custom has proved its efficacy throughout several gene- exasperation in my heart:
rations. what his father calls his own (a buffalo-trophy)
Their thought in this respect is illustrated by the following example, why should his son lack it?
though it does not refer to one lineage's ayana, but to the common
ayana of all Sayo. To be a good fighter was one of the most highly prized qualities of
In eastern Matchaland it was a custom that the men whose turn it a lineage. In a praise-song for the young warriors girls sing as follows:
was to slaughter their butta bull in accordance with the rites of their
gada system, did so near a marsh (tchaffe), which is normally part of a On a field ploughed by its owner
river-bed, i. e. on the wet place, a symbol of fertility. may there grow no weed;
In Sayoland this custom was changed. 0 son of a fighting father,
may it not be lost in you.
"In the beginning all people slaughtered their butta bull near [Not killers are like weed in the field of
the river. But once upon a time, there was a lame man who their lineage.]
could not go there. Therefore, he slaughtered his bull in front of
his house. That year, he had a very good harvest and many, Or even more eloquently in a similar praise-song:
many young cattle and sheep. Seeing that Waqahad blessed him,
the Sayo made a new law: they would not slaughter their butta 1 eat, surety I eat,
bull near the river any longer but in front of their house." but intestines don't choke me:
(Shagerdi Bukko) intestines are not meat.
I praise, surely I praise,
Besides food-taboos and ritual variations of their own, the people of but I am not satisfied:
a lineage would also share specific lineage stories celebrating great they (the warriors concerned) are not of my lineage.

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 The close knit t liai.u (< i oi the lineage, too, is praised. One of the write for me die n.iini \ <>l llien .in« estors. There were .'59 children who
indispensable vessels of (lie traditional Matcha kitchen is the wachiti, a did so; the greal majority The nsult was: 2 x 1 3 names, 5 x 12 names,
half spherical clay-pot, used exclusively for the preparation of buna 1 x 11 names, 13 x 10 names, ( ) x 9 names, 2 x 8 names, 1 x 7 names,
qala (coffee fruits stewed in butter), a ritual closely connected with 4 x 6 names, 4 x 5 names, 1 x 4 names. We were unable to check the
generation. Here the wachiti is seen as a symbol of the cohesiveness of lists but in any way it can be seen that the lineage as a proof of identity
the lineage as a descent-group. A song of young warriors of the same has not yet lost its importance.
lineage:
The wachiti in the backroom 7. Friendly lineages
is soil and rolls of earth (put together)
There have always been lineages which live on particularly friendly
A fine sight we are together,
terms with one another. The most characteristic feature of this friend-
o my lineage, good!
ly relationship is that they take their wives from one another. It creates
The wachiti of the housewife
a variety of permanent relations and contacts in everyday life.
they wash and prepare it;
proud and eager to fight Matcha marriages are contracted for life. If the husband dies, his
they (the warriors of the same lineage) fight beyond their lineage arranges for his widow to marry one of his brothers. For the
borders and spear the enemy. birth of her first child a woman goes back to her parents' house. In
[Mounted on well caparisoned horses former times, she went back also when her eldest brother brought a
they are dressed in fine clothes, well sacrifice for his deceased father. When her brothers performed their
washed and clean.]
butta ritual in the frame of the gada system, she would be present (she
followed her brothers not her husband in this respect). Both she and
As well as their being of one blood and guided and guarded by the
her husband pay visits to each other's families in case of sickness, and
same ayana, a great factor in a lineage's cohesiveness was, especially in
they attend one another's funerals. A son-in-law should always be pre-
former times, the land they called theirs. It could not be given to
pared to help his wife's parents in special circumstances. Children
others without the permission of the lineage as a whole. The ayana of
often live for a long time with their grandparents on the mother's
this land was seen as associated from of old with the ayana of this
side.
lineage.
There exists a special relationship of sympathy between children
In former times, fathers were accustomed to teach their children all
and their mother's brothers. Children often have more friendly rela-
the names of all their lineage ancestors. Even if they had no reason to
tions with their cousins on the mother's side than with those on their
be particularly proud of their lineage, it was a matter of necessity in
father's side. Between brothers we find often some latent antagonisms,
view of possible marriages that they knew not only their own ancestors
and this operates both for the father and his brothers and for the sons
but also those of others. Nowadays this general knowledge of the line-
of the same father. There may easily be frictions here over inheritance.
ages in their area has become increasingly difficult for people, since
Such things do not exist with the family on the mother's side. The
many people have settled in the country from other parts. In addition,
role of the women as links between lineages then is extremely impor-
the many schools nowadays encourage the feeling that many customs
tant.
of the past are bound to disappear.
When speaking of these friendly relationships between their lineages,
However, a person's lineage is still a great factor in his sense of
people say: "The ayana of our lineages like one another."
identity. As a westerner I was again and again impressed when a boy
of twelve years recited the list of his ancestors back as far as the tenth 8. My lineage my fate
generation: "My name is Gammachu son of Taka — Taka son of Desta
— Desta son of Magarsa ..." and so on. Once I asked the children in an Until now we have spoken rather positively about the lineage. It is
elementary school, children between 10 and 15 years (grades 3—5) to readily seen, however, from previous chapters that Matcha society
224 225
containi many lineagei tncmbenhip <>l which is experienced ai •> la church-elder, The latt< • '•• " ply w.is: "Father, if I tell you luch things,
rather than ai a privilege. will it make me i ixii< i Chriitian?" Here the matter ended.
In addition, even the higher lineages normally have a number of What was said about the information I gathered in regard to the <lcs
things to hide. pised castes of artisans, holds good also for people of lower lineagei.
In everyday life, these darker sides are usually not referred to for When speaking of these people's descent, my informants were always
the sake of mutual peace. Direct reference to a person's low descent cautious not to be overheard.
is rather rare, even at quarrels, since such 'insults' are liable to produce The people's attitude of regard for one another's sensitivity on this
permanent enmities. In addition, the offender often runs a risk of issue is supported by religious views: Everybody has his own ayana
being repaid in kind. Indeed, the saying: "A person's descent and what and this personal ayana shares with many others one and the same
he eats are known to all" is still current in modern Matcha society. lineage-ayana. All ayana are something of Waqa. So there are sayings
Nowadays, it is particularly with regard to marriage that a lower such as these:
descent is still experienced as a fate, and even more so a dark com-
plexion since the latter is invariably associated with descent from "If you laugh at someone who is very black or has slave-hair Wa-
slaves. qa punishes you by giving you children of the same kind."
I now give examples of the people's regard to one anothers' sensi-
tivity in this matter. "Waqa had a purpose when he made that person as he is. If you
A boy I knew we'll was the son of a man his mother had married mock at such a person, you mock at Waqa.
after her first husband had died. This second husband, however, was It's that person's ayana who made him as he is."
of considerably lower social status than the first. According to custom,
this boy (let me call him Alemayo) should have been called after his
real father 'Alemayo N.N.'. He called himself, however, always after
the father of his older brothers (thus changing his lineage) and so he 9. Some final remarks
was called by everyone.
When at some communal work one of the workers has a darker In this chapter we have said that the concept of a balballa (a word
complexion, his companions will avoid singing songs in which slaves we translated as 'lineage') is that of a descent group of one and the
are derided or even mentioned. same blood, exogamous and comprising nine generations. This held
true whenever my informants tried to explain to me the difference
My research caused me regularly to ask my assistants about a per-
between a balballa and a qomo (a word I translated as 'clan'). So did,
son's descent. If it was not particularly honourable, they were always
for instance, Gammachu Magarsa when he said: "First we have the bal-
somewhat reluctant to tell me. Especially in the beginning of our
balla. What comes after the balballa is qomo."
working together, they feared that I would pass on their information
to the parish priest. If ever their parish priest would show himself in- It should, however, be noticed that in daily speech
formed about it, people might well trace his knowledge to their coope- a. people nearly always use the word 'qomo' when they speak of a des-
ration with me. This could well result for them in a bitter confronta- cent group, also when they have their balballa in mind;
tion with the person concerned and the general animosity of all the b. the word 'balballa' is also used for a lineage of more than nine gene-
people. rations; accordingly they say also that one can marry within one's
In 1969 I was carrying out a survey of some 300 houses — a research own balballa, provided the law of the nine generations is upheld.
which included a search for the people's descent. Since the local priest In speaking of the borana, we saw that they are regarded as being of
was helping me in many ways, it was natural that we discussed this re- pure Oromo descent, as a link with the pure beginning, and as such as
search in general terms. What I told him increased his interest and he the channels of all blessings from Waqa; but we also saw that this pure
started making some inquiries of his own. One of the first people he descent is, at least to a certain extent, a fiction, and that people are
asked regarding various lineages in his parish was his most trusted well aware of this.

226 227
 The same applies In general to the lineage as an exogamous group of Chapter 21
nine generations. Here, again, fiction plays a part, and people are well
aware of it. They know well that the genealogical tree they construct
in order to account for nine generations may well be historically false. RITUALS OF PURIFICATION AFTER HOMICIDE
But they are simply not interested in history as a value in itself. Oral
tradition is passed on for the sake of the living. Blood is what pounds and pulsates. It demonstrates life. It has life.
According to their concept of man and his world they need borana One could even say, in a sense, it is life. Life, however, is conferred
and they need lineages of nine generations. Whether all details given in by Waqa and is under his dominion.
their genealogical tree are historically true is irrelevant, and anyhow, This is a fairly accurate picture of the Matcha's idea of blood in
impossible to trace or to prove. general. It does not explain, however, the fear they have of the human
It brings to mind the words of Shoi Robe, 'the wisest man Sayo blood they shed — a fear that is greater with them than with many
ever knew' as people say. other peoples who have a similar view of blood and life.
It is said that this Shoi Robe on one occasion, after mentioning his The Matcha are fighters and killers. Since olden times killing a man
father, casually added: "... If he is my father." Very surprised some- brought honour. They also have the law of blood for blood and tin-
one asked: "But is Robe then not your father?" To which Shoi Robe obligation of blood-vengeance. But we also see that in most cases die
smilingly answered: "Nobody knows who my father is unless it is my killer can make peace again, that he can wash the blood from his
mother." hands, that he can substitute other blood for his own, and that he can
add a blood-price to this to be paid in cattle.
Over and over again fighting and killing occurred, yet always pca< <
was made. Indeed, the custom of a permanent feud between two faun
lies, the situation of endless mutual killing which among other peoples
sometimes leads to the extinction of entire groups, is still unknown
among them.
I shall not try to explain this, but will simply mention one impor-
tant idea of theirs in this connection. It is the conviction that Waqa
does not bless them, if they are not at peace one with another. 'Peace'
here does not so much mean friendly feelings as respect for other peo-
ple as Waqa's creatures who are under his dominion. Waqa demands
from them that they uphold saffu in regard to each other, which means
in this connection, respect for the fact that Waqa gave that man a
place under the sun and that Waqa withdraws from anyone who kills
someone else, except in self-defence. Though shedding of blood
is seen as a condition for procreation the Matcha also uphold the view
that killing a man is a violation of the world-order as given by Waqa.
This view also includes people who are not Oromo, and Oromo who
have been expelled from their clan. There is only one difference here:
the 'naga Oromo — peace of the Oromo' is not broken in their case;
hence a ritual of peacemaking with the victim's family is not required.
For man-slaughter within Matcha society the law is operative that
not only the killer and his family but their whole lineage is involved
and that the same holds good for the victim's party.
228 229
 In the next chapter we will describe the peacemaking ritual between 'They kill .1 man !<>• d" ..ike of honour and this they should do.
the two lineages. Here we are concerned with the ritual the killer has But they arc alr.iid; llu-y are afraid of his blood. Mu< li n •
to perform as soon as possible for personal reasons, i. e. in order to than you, Father, I feel in the words and attitude of an infor
protect himself and his nearest of kin from the dangers which threaten mant whether he is really afraid of the blood he shed. When they
them immediately and directly because of the blood he has shed. have killed someone, they never tell others the way they did it
They will tell how they killed a buffalo, but never how they
killed a man. When, in the old days, they were expected to sing
1. The killer and the blood he shed their killer's song, they would simply say: 'I killed a man', but
for the rest they would not say a word about it.
"We are not speaking here of a man who attacks you. If you kill Recently, I was at court. I saw there a man who was brought
such a man there is no 'dhiga dhangalasu — bloodshed'. His before the judge; he had killed another man. Everyone was
blood is like the blood of a dog. We only say 'dhiga dhangalasu' afraid and kept their distance from him. Their fear was of the
when a man is killed who had no intention of killing you. We blood on his hands.
only use this expression when human blood is involved. On the radio I heard of people who kill without any fear; we
Only then we say of the killer that 'he has blood on his hands'. Oromo are not like this. We are very afraid of blood, no1
People are very afraid of hands stained with blood." because we are cowards but because blood is very dangerous.
(Shagerdi Bukko) We are not afraid of the blood of a buffalo, at least only a little,
but a man's blood — that is different. The killer must wash the
"If, after killing, he does not wash his hands immediately with blood from his hands as soon as possible, because the blood of
other blood, Waqa will strike him with leprosy or madness." a man is much more dangerous even than that of a lion.
(Mirresa Gamtesa) I think it is as with Cain and Abel: the blood of a man cries to
Waqa from the earth. The earth drank that blood."
"His family, too, may be struck at the same time: his brothers (Mirresa Gamtcsa)
and sisters, his wife and his children. Even if he washes the
blood from his hands, the blood he shed may strike later on his Indeed, the whole of creation is expected to react to such a murder.
children and grandchildren. I know several families where the
grandchildren were struck by misfortune, because their grand- "I spoke with an old man, Jigo. He told me: 'It happened thai 1
father killed a man." (Gammachu Magarsa) man had killed another man. He had killed him near a horra (a
spring of mineral water considered as holy). He washed his
"When a man has killed another man and some member of his hands in the horra. From that day onwards, the horra stopped
family becomes leprous or mad or is struck repeatedly by mis- flowing. The cattle could no longer drink there.'Jigo did noi
fortune, our people still say: 'This happened to him because want to tell me the name of that man." (Mirresa Gamtesa)
there is blood in his family.' " (Mirresa Gamtesa)
To see human blood frightens people, even when bleeding is only
When, after these words, I asked Mirresa: "Can you tell me the slight.
name of the man you have in mind?", he replied: "Father, I would
prefer not to mention his name. So many people are telling me many "When two boys fought and some blood was shed, there should
things from their heart; they are so kind to me; I do not want to abuse be a ritual of peacemaking with tchokorsa grass (a symbol of
their confidence." peace). For instance, suppose my son has fought with Enter
Certainly any specific case of man-slaughter remains a topic most mu's son, and there was blood. Then I, Asafa, will to to Enter
difficult to touch upon. mu's house and we will have a talk with some elders under 1

230
 tree, ll mutt be done iindci i lire 1 say: 'I will pay (he doctor.1 When IK < OHM . OUti he 'Iocs nol look back. In (his way, the ha
After this, Enscrrnu and I make peace with one another. The lu will siay behind in the ground.
elders now call the boys and ask them why they were fighting. While he is doing this, all his kinsfolk pray: 'O Waqa, take I his
Then they say to the boys that they must make peace. They halu away from him.' " (Waquma Tolleia)
have tchokorsa grass brought to them. They divide this tchokor-
sa into two parts and give one part to each boy. Then the boys The word for root is 'hidda', but 'hidda' also means 'vein'. A lineage
exchange their tchokorsa and put it in their hair. They must not can be seen as a cluster of roots, but these roots are also carriers of the
take it out of their hair themselves; they must leave it until il same blood, and outwardly a vein is like a root. The root then is a
falls out of itself." (Asafa Disasa) symbol of the lineage.
The lineage was split by the killer: therefore he has to cut the root
2. Halu basu himself and 'in the clothes he wore when he killed'. While creeping
through, he has to touch both halves of the root, thus making it one
The ritual of 'washing the blood from one's hands' is also called by again. He must pass through on his belly, a symbol of death: he gives
a more general name 'halu basu — taking away the halu'. 'Halu' can life for life.
mean many different things, but always indicates something bad. In He does not look back: to look back is to re-establish contact. It is
this case it is best described as a condition of vulnerability to threats a ritual device we find also in other rituals of this nature. The kinsfolk
by evil powers. Halu basu rituals usually consist in walking through
present are only people of his own lineage; no kinsfolk on his mother's
some plants which are planted in the ground for this purpose. The pas-
sage is kept narrow, so that the person must touch the plants whose side will be there.
ayana is believed to take away the halu. They must pray for him:
Waqa, the killer's personal ayana and his lineage's ayana are believed
to withdraw from him, leaving him to the vengeance of his victim's "How could he pray himself? His tongue is tied by bloodshed;
ayana and the ayana of his victim's lineage who, in their turn, use dis- he has cut himself off from his people: his lineage's ayana has
eases (in former times 'evil ayana', nowadays 'setana') such as blind- withdrawn from him. How then can he pray to Waqa?"
ness, leprosy, or craziness to strike him. (Gammachu Magarsa)
"Waqa is angry with him as is the ayana of the man he killed "Only after this ritual is he allowed to enter his house and to ac-
and the ayana of that man's lineage and they wish to harm him cept food from other people's hands. If they had allowed him
by striking him with blindness or leprosy." (Gammachu Magarsa) to enter their house before, all of them would have been struck
by sickness and death." (Waquma Tollera)
3. Bloodshed within the lineage
In this case the killer's blood and the blood of his victim are the
same. So the law of 'blood for blood' does not apply. To put it in 4. Bloodshed outside the lineage
other words: there is no sense in washing off one's own blood with The creeping-through-the-root ritual can be seen as a substitute for
one's own blood. the ritual we are about to describe now.
As well both rituals are brought together in the following account
"Helped by his kinsfolk, the killer digs a deep tunnel under a of Shagerdi Bukko:
tree with long roots. While doing so, he must wear the clothes in
which he killed. Under the ground he himself cuts one of the "There are roots, long roots of a tree. Such a root must be cut
roots lengthwise; after this he creeps through that root. He must lengthwise and the killer has to creep through. But this is only
creep on his belly and take care to touch both halves of the root. done when he has killed somebody of his own blood. When he

232 233
 has killed a man of oilier Mood, he must first kill a little black So it is that wr lilt up the sheep that all its blood may drain
ant, cut it in two and pass between the halves. away." (Gammachu
As soon as possible after this he kills a sheep, cuts it in two and
passes between the halves. This is called 'qupha'. Until he has The symbolic meaning of this cutting in two is the same as thai of
done this, he cannot accept any food from anyone's hands. He the root: the killer has separated, has split that which was one.
does not eat the qupha sheep; it is thrown away after. He only
washes his hands in the blood." "By touching the two halves of the sheep he makes them one
again. By lying on his belly he shows that he is dead."
"He must cut the sheep in two and wash the hands which per- (Gammachu Magarsa)
petrated the killing in the blood. After this, he passes between
taking care to touch both halves. He cannot enter a house be- Thus far the sheep symbolizes the people's unity. However, this
fore he has killed the qupha. If he did so everyone in that house does not prevent the Matcha from regarding the sheep's blood as
would die. He must kill the qupha dressed in the clothes he symbolizing the killer's blood as well.
wore when he killed." (Waquma Tollera)
"When a Danqa clansman had killed an Abbichu, he would kill a
"When after killing an ant the killer sees a sheep, he can kill that sheep. This means: I am free from the blood; my hands have
sheep even without asking its owner. The colour of the sheep been cleansed. He gave something to replace what he had taken;
does not matter. It should, however, be a qupha, a female past he returned the blood he had shed." (Dinsa Sarba)
bearing." (Shagerdi Bukko)
"The sheep's blood is certainly the killer's. He can only wash
"Qupha means an animal that is of less value than others. Take off the blood of the man he killed with his own blood."
the case of three lambs, born on the same day from the same (Gammachu Magarsa)
mother. Two grow well, the third one lags behind in every way.
Such a laggard is called 'qupha'. The animal which is killed by Other points of view extend the symbolism:
the killer must be of minor value, since it is not eaten. It is only
killed for the sake of its blood, used for washing the hands." "The sheep must be a qupha, a weak animal, an animal of minor
(Beqele Lamu) value, because the killer wants to show that he is very weak and
of no value in Waqa's eyes, just like the little ant. The animal
The meat of an old female is less good to eat than that of a younger should be a ewe, because women connect two lineages."
sheep. While rams are always killed before they have grown old, ewes (Gammachu Magarsa)
are left as long as they can bear. Killing a cow or an ewe before the
animal is past bearing is regarded as a sin. Normally the killer will be at As with the creeping-through-the-root ritual the killer also needs his
pains to find a suitable sheep. As well he needs some kinsfolk to pray kinsfolk to pray for him:
for him.
Shagerdi's remark that he can take such a sheep without the owner's "He calls his kinsfolk and asks them: 'Please, pray to Waqa for
permission does not mean that he does not pay for it. me.' And his kinsfolk will pray: 'O Waqa, take this halu away
Cutting the sheep in two renders it unfit to be eaten. from him. We ourselves have forgiven him his deed. O Waqa, do
you forgive him also, because we ask you for this.'
"All animals that are eaten must have their throat cut to drain After they have done all these things they throw the sheep away,
the blood together. With the blood the animal's ayana also es- and also the knife with which it was killed; and they go away
capes. It is something of Waqa, it is life. life belongs to Waqa. without turning to look back." (Beqele Lamu)
234 235
 Animals of peace if they deserved .1 hanhei punishment, they were buried excepi for
their head. Their head was shaved, and salt was put on the si alp, all< r
Though, sometimes, a cock is killed, the ideal qupha animal is a which the cattle were allowed to lick it off until death ensued. There
sheep. were also other methods of execution, but always without bloodshed.
Oral tradition abounds in stories about the petty kings of the nine
"It should be a sheep, since the sheep is an animal of peace. A teenth century, among others Jote, who used to administer justice in-
sheep brings peace to people. It does no harm to man; a man dependently from the gada judges, but nevertheless adhered to the
feels safe in the midst of even many sheep." same custom when disposing of their adversaries, after they had cap-
(Gammachu Magarsa) tured them. As well as drowning them hanging was introduced, a way
of capital punishment hitherto unknown. In this way the executioners
But if the killer cannot find a sheep (and kinsfolk to pray for him) did not stain their hands with human blood.
immediately, he first tears an ant in half as a temporary substitute for
the sheep. His deadly fear of the blood he has shed induces him to do
this.

"It should be a little black ant, a chifi or a donda. These little

black ants have no evil in them. They have no poison; they do
not bite man. So it is that we call ourselves little black ants
when we pray to Waqa.
In former times, when the little rains failed to come, our people
went out to the road, men and women. There they would pray:
'O Waqa, we are your little black ants.' They say so to make
themselves small in Waqa's sight, and to show that they are
peaceful towards one another.
Large ants are poisonous; they bite people. They are therefore
not suitable for qupha." (Waquma Tollera)

The ants' black colour endears them to Waqa who himself is also
called 'the dark-coloured Waqa'. But for the qupha ritual this dark
colour is only incidental. The fact that they do not harm man is de-
cisive in making choice of them. Another informant assured me: "Little
red ants are also good, because they, too, do no harm to people."

Final remark
Man-slaughter for the sake of honour as a general custom is some-
thing of the past now, but I am sure that the qupha ritual is still per-
formed occasionally, when somebody has killed another person. Fear
of the human blood is still deep-seated among the people.
The same fear was at the origin of the age-old custom of executing cri-
minals without shedding their blood. In most cases they were drowned.

236 237
 Chapter 22
2. Request for />, in <
PEACEMAKING AFTER MANSLAUGHTER Meanwhile his family w<>ul<! send some elders to the other party in
order to appeal for reconciliation. At least two of these intermediaries
This chapter concerns the manner of making peace when a man had must be gula. If possible one of them had to be a former gada -judge, a
killed 'unknowingly' someone of another lineage. specialist in law. These two men, in their turn, would chose some assis
The description of this elaborate ritual as given by my older infor- tants. The whole group had to be of another lineage than the people
mants refers to a time when the gada was still somewhat active as a rit- involved in the blood-feud.
ual system.
Whatever previous relations between the two parties had been, the
victim's party never yielded immediately to the request. First, they
1. The law of mutual avoidan ce must show their grief; second, they wished to make as much as possible
of the blood-price.
"Even if the people concerned were previously on friendly terms
with one another, they now must stop talking, trading and eat- Accordingly, the request was repeated several times. The resistance
ing with each other. They could no longer drink from the same of the victim's party could be such that the others had to call in the
river. They could no longer herd their cattle together. They had help of the kallacha. The kallacha (see chapter 16, 6a) was an iron ob-
to forget all friendship there was between them, until peace had ject, guarded by one particular borana lineage in every clan. People be-
been made. If they failed to do this, they would contract lepro- lieved that this kallacha came from heaven, at least in the sense that
sy. The law applied to the whole of both lineages." the iron from which it was fashioned came down from heaven by
means of lightning. Seen as a symbol of Waqa's anger, it was a ritual
(Waquma Tollera) object for cursing only. This kallacha was taken solemnly to the other
[In fact the two lineages as a whole were party's house, covered with a cloth to protect people from its influ-
only involved in so far as they lived in
the same area.] ence. It was kept with tchokorsa grass, a symbol of peace.
It was always accompanied by a group of crippled and lame people
who supported the request in their own way.
The killer's plight
After having performed the qupha-ritual, for which he needed his "They would stop in front of the house and say: 'Our brother
kinsfolk, he could do one of two things: he could stay at home or flee killed your brother unknowingly, as you know well. Remember
away to some relatives, living at distance. that he is only a man like all of us, a man born from man.
Therefore, in Waqa's name, do forgive him. Make peace.'
"If he stayed at home, he could not sleep in the backroom with If the others still persisted in their refusal, they would be cursed
the others. He could not sleep with women. He kept himself thus: 'Waqa's kallacha met with refusal from you, from now on-
wrapped in his shamma (a wide shawl) against the evil eye. If wards, may your prayers be refused by him. May they no longer
people of the dead man's lineage sought to kill him, men of his be heard by Waqa. May they no longer be heard by the earth. If
own lineage would guard him day and night. All these things ever you should kill this man, may killing persist in your lineage,
had to be done, until peace was made at the river." may blood remain on your hands for ever.'
Thus they spoke. And after this, the crippled and blind people
It took a long time before this was achieved. But as soon as the shouted: lMuu-muu-muuu!' which means: 'May you grow crip-
peace negotiations began his life was no longer in danger, at least ac- pled as I am. May you be blind as I am.' " (Waquma Tollera)
cording to the law. But this, too, could take time, and, therefore, he
would sometimes flee away to some distant relatives and keep himself It would seldom, however, proceed so far. After an impressive silence,
hidden there, until the peace negotiations were well under the way. the bereaved party always ended by agreeing to peace negotiations.
Their response would call down abundant blessings by the others.
238
289
 present, iinc< there would be n<> further decision aftei this.
ii should be noted that l><>ih at the requeit for reconi iliation and at
O n l y t h e killci iimr.< II .ni<I h i s c l o s e s t r e l a t i v e s t o g e t h e r w i t h il><-
the negotiations which follow, the two parties never address each victim's nearest relatives would be absent." (Waquma Tollera)
other directly. Rather they speak through their go-betweens who are
of other lineages. The meeting had the character of a general announcement, and also
set a ritual seal on the peace negotiations. It is again Waquma Tollera
3. Negotiations regarding the blood-price who gives us the following record in an interview with his son Enscr-
"The peace negotiations took place under a lafto tree. The lafto mu.
(umbrella acacia) is a tree of peace. Its branches spread far in all Ens.: "Tell me, my father, what words of the law they say on
directions and many can sit in its shadow. Such is also the peace
this occasion."
of the Oromo. If there is not a big lafto in the neighbourhood,
they can sit under any other big tree. They choose to sit in the WT.: "First they pray.
shadow, since the sun makes people hot-tempered. For the same There is an open space between the parties. In this space the gu-
reason they should sit on wet grass or wet leaves. There are al- la of both parties stand. After the gula of the victim's party
ways several meetings. have prayed with their people, those of the other party will say
a similar prayer. Everyone else is sitting.
The blood-price was never paid in money; always in cattle,
sheep or slaves." (Waquma Tollera) The first gula says:
G.: 'O Waqa you helped us; praise be to you.'
Blood-prices were fixed by law. The blood-price for a borana was After which everyone repeats:
higher than that for a gabaro, and the blood-price for a gabaro was P.: 'PRAISE BE TO YOU.'
higher than for someone like a blacksmith. I once heard of a blood- G.: 'We have finished these negotiations; praise be to you.'
price for a borana which was thirty head of cattle. There would be P.: 'PRAISE BE TO YOU.'
differences according to the gada-areas. They were never claimed to G.: 'We talked and became reconciled with one another; praise
the limit. The victim's party had to manifest not only their social be to you.'
standing and their grief but also their willingness to make peace for P.: 'PRAISE BE TO YOU.'
the benefit of the country at large. G.: 'Since these people have made peace, praise be to you.'
P.: 'PRAISE BE TO YOU.'
"In the beginning of the negotiations there were always three G.: 'Since they did not kill each another, praise be to you.'
gada-judges. If one of the parties did not agree with the final P.: 'PRAISE BE TO YOU.'
decision of these judges, they could appeal to five judges, and G.: 'Since there is only peace and love now, praise be to you.'
after this, even to nine. But against the decision of the nine P.: 'PRAISE BE TO YOU.'
there was no further appeal." (Waquma Tollera) After this, they ask Waqa's blessing. One gula is standing to
the east and the other to the west, and they are facing one
Anyone who knows something of the endless talk people can delight another. The gula who is standing to the west (2) starts speak-
and indulge in — talk at which one elder after an other puts his point ing. He says to his companion (1):
of view based on his knowledge of similar cases in the past, will expect 2.: 'Come.'
a rather protracted series of meetings to take place. And the. other answers:
1.: 'I have come.'
2.: 'As you have come, may peace come to the country.'
The final meeting [All people join in the answers. Gula 1 is
"After the final decision was pronounced, they conveyed a spe- always a borana; all blessing comes to
the people through the borana.]
cial meeting. At this meeting anyone of either party could be
240 241
 I- 'MAY IT COME.' The f• isI rul.i. ilx IHH.III.I, H O W c o n c l u d e s w i t h these wolds;
I 'Blessing he to Sayo.' 'The law foi peacemaking hat been fulfilled. Waqi listened lo il
p, 'SO BE IT.' sitting. The giila his beaten it standing. It will keep continue I<I
1, 'May Waqa give rain.' stand. It will not he wasted like water.'
p 'MAY HE GIVE.'
1. 'May the earth give grass.' But peace is still not completely restored. (They have prayed tepi
p. 'MAY IT GIVE.' rately.) The rule of mutual avoidance still holds good and will remain
1. 'May there be grass for the cattle.' so, until after the great ritual of reconciliation at the river.
p. 'MAY THERE BE.'
1. 'May there be cattle for the owners.'
p. 4. The ritual at the river
'MAY THERE BE.'
1. 'May the earth's back be bare of grass' (grazed away by The place at the river is carefully chosen. It is not essential that thil
many cattle). river flows between the land of both parties but "it must be at some
p. 'MAY IT BE BARE.' distance of any road". (Shagerdi Bukko)
1. 'May the drinking-places be muddy' (from many cattle). A road is, in the Matcha's eyes, a symbol of their unity as a peo|>l<
p. 'MAY THEY BE MUDDY.' 'they go the same road'. The two parties are still not 'going the same
1. 'May disease and war vanish from the country.' road'. When people want to pray together to Waqa, they choose to
p. 'MAY THEY VANISH.' emphasize their being at peace with one another by praying on a road.
1. 'May lasting peace be given to us.'
p. 'MAY IT BE GIVEN TO US.' "On the appointed day, both parties go to the chosen place at
1. 'May our mutual agreement bring us blessing.' the river. It should be a place where the river is calm and placid
p. 'MAY IT BRING BLESSING.' and not deep — a place easily forded (again a symbol of peace-
1. 'Such are my words. What do you say, my friend?' making). They are led by the same gula, those ritual leaders,
2. 'Your words are good. May good come to these people (the who conducted their negotiations. Other elders will join them
two parties).' to help them to pray.
P. 'MAY GOOD COME TO THEM.' The leading gula themselves have gathered maracha and ulmu v«
2. 'May what is evil disappear from between them.' leaves to use for the sprinkling. They have also gone themselves
P. 'MAY IT DISAPPEAR.' to the horra to draw the pure and beneficial horra-water in call
2. 'May they be given peace.' bashes. These calabashes should be new, giving the water a bitter
P. 'MAY THEY BE GIVEN PEACE.' taste.
[The peacemaking has a bitter taste]
Only the people of the two lineages partake in the ritual.
After this the second gula who is standing on the west-side [Women who are married into these
repeats the decision of the judges: 'Lineage such and such have lineages can go, but only as onlookers |
made peace with lineage such and such, after N.N. killed N.N. The ritual leaders and their helpers, the killer and his near re I a
He killed him unknowingly. So we applied the law of Makko tives and also the victim's nearest relatives must be free of se\
Billi: If the killer is not a bad man, if he killed unknowingly, ual intercourse the night before.
peace will be made. We decided that the lineage of N.N. will pay The two parties approach the river from opposite sides. The kil
to the lineage of N.N. two bulls and three cows. This is our ler, too, is with them, but he keeps himself entirely wrapped In
decision. The matter is finished.' a shamma, so that he may be protected from the evil eye. It also
After these words he slashes his whip. signifies that he is cut off from his people. He has bought .i

242 243
 qupha-ihetp, .1 ewe pail bearing. n<- hinuelf hai paid moil of
the price of this sheep, but his kinsfolk, too, must contribute. spite of iin-, they grew and flourished. Hiddi plants are thorny:
(It is a matter of the whole lineage.) Only a sheep can give w e , t o o , a i t thorny •<> each o t h e r . T h e h i d d i b u s h e s .in the
peace; goats cannot. The killer must wear the clothes he wore f a t h e r s a n d mothers, the bulls a n d t h e c o w s . T h e h i d d i l i u i l s .n<
on the day he killed. If one of the parties is borana and the the children and calves.'Such were the words of my grandfather.
other gabaro, the latter will ask some borana to join them. Later, while I was working in eastern Oromo land not far from
As soon as the two parties have reached the river, several people Shashamane, I, sometimes, stopped my car only to look at the
will held stretched out shammas (wide shawls) between them many hiddi bushes around me and at their fine yellow fruits
that they may not harm one another with the evil eye. In former the colour of the morning light.
times, they would turn their backs to each other, or raise a I now understand why our people, if they had neither bull noi
smoke-screen." (Shagerdi Bukko) cow nor sheep for a sacrifice, would 'kill' a hiddi-fruit by mil
ing it in two. What sheep are to us among the animals, hiddi
fruits are among the plants.
The hiddi ritual I also understand now, why in former times, a girl who wauled
The hiddi plant is really a bush with fruits which are yellow and to become the second wife of a man, would go to that man's
perfectly round, 2—4 cms in cross-section. 33 house, and there sit down on the ground and spread hiddi-fruits
Gammachu Magarsa had the following to say of the symbolism of in front of herself as a symbol of the children she would j^ive
the hiddi plant. him."
Here is a description of the ritual in question, as given to me by an
"Hiddi plants commonly grow on dry places. In spite of this
old man.
they even flower in the dry season and have many fruits. We
have a riddle about the six greatest wonders on earth: the first is
"The gula and the leading elders of both parties would put
'the hiddi that grows without being fed'.
many hiddi fruits in the grass, each group on their own side of
Hiddi fruits are good for our calves: we cut them in half and rub the river. After this they would kneel down behind the fruits
our calves' skin with them. and, creeping slowly forwards, they would roll them towards
But as well as these good qualities, the hiddi plant bears thorns. the river. The leaders of the killer's party were followed by the
As children we often played with the fine yellow fruits, while killer's nearest kin and so were the other leaders by the dead
we were watching our sheep. We collected as many as possible man's kinsfolk. The prayers they said while crawling towards
of them in our clothes, put them together somewhere and the river and pushing the hiddi fruits in front of them, were like
counted them. 'These are my calves', we would say. But we this:
never counted all of them, since it is not good for people to
[GE = gula and elders; P = people]
count their cattle.
At that time I did not know the deeper meaning of the hiddi GE.: 'Blood has been shed. O Waqa, have mercy on us.'
fruits. I had to wait for the day my grandfather explained it to P.: 'O WAQA, HAVE MERCY ON US.'
me. One day he told me: 'My grandson, I am going to tell you
GE.: 'Now the blood-feud has gone. O Waqa, have mercy on us.'
the secret meaning of the hiddi plants. The hiddi plants are our
P.: 'O WAQA, HAVE MERCY ON US.'
people. They are numerous and so are the Oromo. The hiddi
GE.: 'Evil thoughts have gone. O Waqa, have mercy on us.'
keeps alive and grows in dry places and still bears much fruit. In
P.: 'O WAQA, HAVE MERCY ON US.'
the same way our people lived in difficult circumstances, but in
GE.: 'Evil talk has gone. O Waqa, have mercy on us.'
33
A Solanum variety. Cf. Streleyn, 1973, and Haberland, 1963. P.: 'O WAQA, HAVE MERCY ON US.'
GE.: 'O Waqa, forgive us.'
244
245
 P.! o WAQA, FORGIVE US.'
GE.: '(Jive us your peace.' .: 'MAY [TSPREAD FAR.1
P.: 'GIVE US YOUR PEACE.' . : ' M a y o m «.ilil< l<MVC l l i r d r i n k i n g - p l a c e s m u d d y . '
.: 'MAY THEY LEAVE THEM MUDDY.'
Thus they pray and everyone answers. Those who do not creep .: 'May pain in I!i<-side (a sickness) and war disappear from (IK
with them on their knees towards the river, are sitting around country.'
on the grass. In the end, the hiddi fruits from both sides mingle P .: 'MAY THEY DISAPPEAR.'
in the river." 1 .: 'May Waqa give us lasting peace.'
P ,: 'MAY HE GIVE US.'
The ritual is an eloquent anticipation of the peace which is about to 1, : 'May he give us mutual agreement.'
be made between the two parties. P..: 'MAY HE GIVE US.'
1. : 'May our mutual agreement bring us blessing.'
Introductory prayers P. : 'MAY IT BRING BLESSING.'
1. : 'O Waqa, come and cleanse us.'
As the former ones they are said by both parties independently P. : 'CLEANSE US.'
from one another.
1..: 'From the blood that we shed, cleanse us.'
Gula 1, a borana, is standing to the east. Gula 2 to the west. Every- P..:'CLEANSE US.'
one joins in the answers (P).
1.: 'The one who died is a dead tree; the one who lives (the kil
Apart from some minor remarks, the whole further record of the
peacemaking ritual comes from Shagerdi Bukko. ler) is a living being. Will there be forgiveness for him?'
P .: 'YES, THERE WILL BE.'
"Before they kill the sheep, both lineages pray in this way: 1 .: 'Will Waqa cleanse us?'
2.: 'Come.' P .: 'YES, HE WILL.'
1.: 'I have come.' 1 ,: 'Will he take away this evil thing from us (the blood-feud)?'
P : 'YES, HE WILL.'
2.: 'In the same way you came, may peace come to the country.'
1 : 'Will he give us peace?'
P.: 'MAY IT COME.'
P : 'YES, HE WILL.'
1.: 'May the Sayo be blessed.'
1. : 'Will he comfort the living?'
P.: 'MAY THEY BE BLESSED.' P. : 'YES, HE WILL.'
1.: 'May Waqa give rain.' 1. : 'Will he have mercy on he who died?'
P.
n
: 'MAY HE GIVE.'
1. P. : 'YES, HE WILL HAVE.'
: 'May the earth give grass.'
P. : 'MAY SHE GIVE.' [Here we could perceive some Christian
1. : 'May there be grass for the cattle.' influence which makes people pray for
P. : 'MAY THERE BE.' their dead. However, it could also refer
1.: 'May there be cattle for owners.' to the dead man's offspring in which he
lives on.]
P.: 'MAY THERE BE.' 1. 'Will he forgive us this blood-feud?'
1.: 'May the back of the earth be grazed far and wide.' P. 'YES, HE WILL.'
P.: 'MAY IT BE SO.'
[Shagerdi has given here the prayer of
1.: 'May the cattle leave the pastures bare.'
the killer's party.]
P.: 'MAY THEY LEAVE THEM BARE.' 1. 'Is this a matter of saffu?'
P. 'YES IT IS A MATTER OF SAFFU.'
1.: 'May the mud in the river spread far (meaning: may there be
many cattle).' [With this the gula pass on to the recitl
tion of the saffu, the Matcha's view of
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 the COItnlc and sue i.il order U il was From ili<- othei ilde, ion, now some elders come down t<> die
given to them by Waqa from the beginn- river, people oi (lie dead man's family. They CUUlOl see I lie
ing. Only part of it is given here. 'Being
others sinre (lie sli.imm.i is still stretched between them.
saffu to one another' means having to
respect one another's place in the cos- The killer's parly lilt the sheep above the water, the head point
mic order and in society.] ing downstream, and cut open its belly behind the ribs with a
1. : 'Are father and son saffu to one another?' vertical slash on each side. After this the parties shake hands in
p. : 'YES, THEY.ARE SAFFU.' the sheep's belly. While doing this they say: "Peace, peace,
1. : 'Will they not pass the boundary between one another?' peace. Let us leave the matter in Waqa's hands." The gnla
p. : 'NO, THEY WILL NOT PASS IT.' sprinkle them with horra-water and with the blood of the sheep.
1. : 'Are mother and daughter saffu to one another?' They do this with maracha leaves. In this way the killer's nearest
p. : 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU.' kin and those of the victim shake hands in the blood of the
1. : 'Will they not pass the boundary between one another?' sheep, and all of them say: "Peace, peace, peace. Let the matter
p. : 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' be left to Waqa."
1. : 'Are great and small saffu to one another?' It is only after they have done this that the shamma is taken
p. : 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU.' away from between them.
1.:: 'Will they not pass the boundary between one another?' The killer also takes off his shamma at this stage. He strips him-
P.:: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' self off all his clothes, those clothes in which he killed. They
1.:: 'Are old and young saffu to one another?' shave all his hair: the hair of his head, the hair of his eye-brows,
P.:: 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU.' the hair of his body. They bury these hairs under a leafy tree,
1.:: 'Will they not pass the boundary between one another?' where the wild animals will not find them. The killer is sprinkled
P.:: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' with the sheep's blood and with horra-water. After this, he im-
1.:: 'Are mistress and slave-maid saffu to one another?' merses himself into the river. When he comes out, he puts on
P.:: 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU.' new clothes.
1.: 'Will they not pass the boundary between them?' All that time the gula are praying: "O Waqa, cleanse him. O Wa-
P.: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' qa, forgive him. He has acted unknowingly. O Waqa, cleanse
1.: 'Are brother and brother saffu to one another?' him for us."
P.: 'YES, THEY ARE SAFFU.' He washes himself further downstream from the sheep. Does
1.: 'Will they not pass the boundary between them?' the water not flow? Does it not wash off that is bad? Does it
P.: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' not carry it far away? The one who was killed will not rise again.
1.: 'Whose is this saffu?' The killer emerges. What is done is done.
P.: 'THIS SAFFU COMES FROM WAQA AND FROM THE The knife used to kill the sheep is thrown away. The sheep itself
EARTH.' is thrown in the river, head pointing downstream. They do not
eat it. They only have come to wash the blood from their hands
The ritual proper with the sheep's blood.
During all of this, the gula are continually directing the people
Thus the people pray, each party at their own side of the river. about what they have to say and to do.
The killer himself has taken no part in the prayer, but has kept When everything else is finished, they proclaim the law of Mak-
himself hidden at a distance. ko Billi, that they have fulfilled, saying:
After the prayers have been said, he approaches the river, wrap- "We fulfilled the law of Makko Billi that says:
ped in his shamma. Together with some older kinsmen he leads 'When somebody has shed another's blood,
the sheep to the river. when he walked beside the road,
248 249
 WIHM he did so unknowingly, G..- 'So, tftei putting an end i<> this evil affair, will it n o longer
lie should be washed and immersed. be remembered? 1
Such is the law of Makko Billi; P.: 'NO, IT WILL NOT BE REMEMBERED.'
it continues to stand; it is not wasted like water.' G.: 'Will there be no question about it anymore?'
Thus they speak and they slash the whip." P.: 'NO, THERE WILL BE NO QUESTION ABOUT IT.'
G.: 'Will no one return to it?'
Final prayers P.: 'NOBODY WILL RETURN TO IT.'
G.: 'So, the matter is finished now?'
One of the gula prays again saying: P.: 'YES, IT IS FINISHED.'
(P = people)
G.: 'This was a deed done beside the road. Will Waqa forgive the
After this they slash the whip again.
man who killed?' [A similar prayer is said by a gula of the
P.: 'YES, HE WILL FORGIVE HIM.' other party.]
G.: 'Will Waqa have mercy?'
P.: 'YES, HE WILL HAVE MERCY.' On the same day, they all go to the house of the victim's party.
G.: 'Is the matter finished with this?' They slaughter a bull there and cut the meat in long strips. They
P.: 'YES, IT IS FINISHED.' hang these strips on branches and roast them over the fire. Both
G.: 'Is not the one who died a dead tree?' parties have also made nine qitta (small flat loaves of bread,
P.:'YES, HE IS.' nearly tasteless, made from flour and water. It is not a feastme.il;
G.: 'Will Waqa grant life to the one who remains alive?' there is still a 'taste of grief in this meal). They cut these little
P.: 'YES, HE WILL GRANT LIFE.' loaves of both parties into pieces and mix them. They eat from
G.: 'Will the (the two parties) no longer look at each other with one another's hands; they put these small pieces of qitta in one
hatred in their eyes?' another's mouth. They also eat from the same plates. While
P.: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' drinking beer, they say:
G.: 'Will they no longer look at each other with hatred in their 'O Waqa, prevent this water (a word often used for beer but
eyes when they are together at a feast?' only by the one who serves it) from harming us.
P.: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' Prevent this bread from harming us.
G.: 'Will they not look at each other with hatred in their eyes When we drink from the same jar, may it do us good.
when they come together at the horra (to water their cattle)?' Keep the need for avoidance away from between us.
P.: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' Keep away the blood-feud from between us.
G.: 'Will they not look at each other with hatred in their eyes Grant us your peace, o Waqa.
when they set out fighting the enemy?' Destroy for ever the evil that existed between us,'
[They feel themselves blessed because
P.: 'NO, THEY WILL NOT.' they have made peace with one another.
G.: 'So, this matter is really finished?' This very peace ritual can turn into a
P.: 'IT IS REALLY FINISHED.' curse, however, if they act as if it had
G.: 'O Waqa, you have forgiven us this evil conduct, never been performed.]
you sprinkled us with your own hands After this communal meal, the victim's party is invited in their
you sprinkled us with your maracha, turn to the killer's house, where a similar meal takes place.
you cleansed us with your breath, If one of the houses is too distant, they eat somewhere in the
will we not say thanks to you?' open, but always on a somewhat difficult and inhospitable place
P.: 'YES, WE THANK YOU.' such as a slope."
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 [Such a difficult site emphasizes like the "Why do peopll gO l«> lli<- |n<lj',c for SO many things? ll is <>ui
tasteless little leaves that the meal is not own fault, if we do. Dors (lie government ask us to come:'"
a feastmeal.]
If, after this, one of the parties begins to fight again, their whole This does not mean, however, that the ritual is never performed at
lineage will perish. any rate, at least in a modified form and without the participation of
the lineages as a whole.
Some remarks Beyond my own area of research but still in western Matchaland, I
was told two years ago of such a peacemaking ritual taking place be-
1. That everyone in the two lineages could take part in the ritual is
tween two Catholic families, Christians for several generations. It says
only partly true in a sense. According to Matcha concepts, unmarried
much about the tenacity of Oromo traditions, that such people felt
people can only be onlookers. As Mirresa Gamtesa phrased it:
compelled to make peace in the traditional way. They called for some
older men in the remote interior who were still familiar with the ritual.
"Only married people take part,
With their help they performed the ritual at the river. Even a priest, a
unmarried people are not 'full' (not socially adult)." brother of the killer, took part in it. When, after the ritual at the river,
the two parties came together for the shared meal, they first sat facing
This holds good for all rituals. Though boys and girls can freely mix one another for a long time, without saying a word. Finally the killer's
with the others, they have no part in the efficacy of the ritual. party broke the silence: "Forgive us. Are we not Christians? Forgive
us." But the others persevered in maintaining silence. After some time-,
the priest insisted again: "Let us leave the matter to Waqa." It was
2. An important remark of my assistant Gammachu: only then that the victim's family answered: "Yes, let us leave it to
"You must not forget that there are not two but three parties. Waqa. May he forgive you. May he bless you." After which they began
The third party is Waqa with whom peace is made, too, and to eat together.
through whom people make peace with each other." One of the victim's sisters, a nun, had not been able to take part in
the ritual since she was sick. Later, the killer's brother, the priest,
3. When borana participate in such a ritual and have to kill a sheep went to her house. First he sat in front of her for a time. Then he said:
— which they are forbidden to do — they apply the ritual device of "You know why I have come. Please, forgive us in the name of Waqa.
saying: "Fancho nuf hatau — May it (the transgression of the law) Are we not all of us Christians? You are even a nun. So, in the name
turn to something good for us." of Jesus Christ, forgive us." But, here too, he first met with silence.
It is a device the Matcha commonly use when they are confronted The sick nun slowly took her cross in her hands and kept on staring at
with the necessity of making a choice between two contrasting obliga- it for a long time. Eventually she, too, said: "Let us leave it to Waqa."
tions. To give another example. When a cow has given birth, the milk After they ate and drank something together.
cannot leave the house before the ritual of thanksgiving has been per- The story sheds a light of its own on the need for the victim's fami-
formed. But if a sick neighbour or a pregnant woman needs the milk ly to show their grief. Christianity has not changed this. I think the at-
badly, it is always given with the words: "May it turn to something titude of these two Christian families was well captured by another
good for us."
Christian Oromo:

4. During my ten years of research, I never heard of any such peace- "Our fathers had the kallacha, we have the cross.
making ritual between lineages in the area to the west of Dembidollo. Our fathers said: Forgive him because he acted unknowingly:
Cases of manslaughter were brought before the government court. The Christ on the cross prayed his Father: 'Forgive them since they
borana were still protesting against this new custom; but even Shagerdi know not what they do.'
Bukko, who is not a borana, once remarked:

252
253
 Our fathen said: 'Waqa will withdraw from anyone who breaks
the peace with others.' Christ says: 'My Father will not forgive
you your sins if you do not forgive others from your heart.' "

5. Once an old informant told me: "The peacemaking at the river is

also a qupha ritual." And indeed, much of the qupha ritual is found
here. In a way, here too, the sheep is cut in two, but instead of creep-
ing between the two halves, people shake hands as a symbol of the
peace that is made in the blood of the sheep which symbolizes the
killer's. The old man saw yet another symbol: "While they shake their
hands in the sheep's belly, the sheep must still be alive." Which means
that the ayana of the sheep as an animal of peace should still be there
to ensure the efficacy of the ritual.
PART FIVE

6. An additional remark of Gammachu Magarsa: VARIOUS INSTITUTIONS, RITES, AND VALUES

"At the communal meal at the house of the victim's party a bull
is slaughtered. While this is done, the killer takes some blood of
that bull in his mouth and spits it out. The bull is he himself. He
wants to express that he would have been prepared to die, if the
others had not allowed him to stay alive.
In order to express both their grief and caution the victim's
party does not allow the others to start eating immediately.
First both parties keep silent for a long while, facing one an-
other. It is only after the victim's party has said: 'Waqayo bira
hahafu — Let the matter be left with Waqa', that they start eat-
ing."

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1 Chapter 23

KILLING AND BEARING

We have now heard Matcha people telling us that killing is good,

that it bestows honour, and that this is the case even when human
blood is shed. But we also heard them saying that human blood is
dangerous and that 'a man with blood on his hands' has to cleanse
himself from it as soon as possible.
In this chapter we will consider another view of bloodshed — a view
which connects it with generation. Indeed, shedding of another's blood
on the man's part and shedding of her own blood by the woman are
seen by both of them as a condition, a strict requirement for having
children. For the woman this bloodshed (seen as passive in her case)
occurs through menstruation and sexual intercourse. For the man (his
is seen as an active role) it happens at any sexual intercourse (but par
ticularly when maiden-blood is shed) and by the killing of other living
beings. For men this killing bestows honour, whether men or big game
are slain, since such exploits, normally, ask for courage. For the wom-
en the shedding of their own blood brings honour, whenever it is as-
sociated with the pains and risks of childbirth.
In all these forms shedding her own blood on the women's part and
bloodshed on the part of the men are seen as connected with one an-
other, as is clear in the following double prayer:

"Dhabdan haajesu; Who did not kill, may he kill;

dhabdun hadesu. who did not bear, may she bear.

In everyday life their concern for honour prevails over their con-
sciousness of fulfilling a cosmic law. Their rituals, however, speak an-
other language. Here, too, the element of honour is very evident, but
as well there is the universal law of the need of bloodshed for both
sexes in view of generation.

1. The 'sarara'ritual
Nowadays, the Christian Matcha keep the so-called 'Masqal-feasl'.
'Masqal' is an Amharic word and means 'cross'. It is a feast, based on
the legendary finding of the holy cross by the empress Helena, cele-
brated some days after the official Ethiopian new-year in September.

257
 A( this feasl 'inas(|,il trees' arc erected in all neighbourhood! —
2. Saram
'dees' coniilting of several thin saplings together with their leaves. The
stems meet at the top on which is fixed a bunch of yellow masqal I n s t e a d o f l h < i l l y o us . i y y o n k i l l e d
flowers. Wherever there is a church, the priests bless this masqal tree, I hit tigoftttt (colobui monkey) on its head
after which the people make a bonfire of it around which they dance and killed him.
and sing. The Matcha have enriched this Christian festival with many
rites of their own, most of which have the characteristics of a new- 3. Sarara...
year ritual. They say that their fathers, too, lit a fire at new-year (which Instead of the goresa you say you killed
probably occurred earlier in September). They also say that their own the one who steals our maize,
traditional ritual was performed not in the evening (as is the masqal a tota monkey I killed.
ritual) but in the early morning while the day was still young.Accord-
ingly, they still perform a ritual in the morning. They go to the spot 4. Sarara...
where, the evening before, the masqal tree was set on fire. Men and
Instead of the tota monkey you killed
boys only take part, women and girls stay at home; it is a specifically
the one who eats our kotcho (false banana),
male ritual.
a porcupine I killed.
First they inspect the ashes to see if they have remained untouched
during the night and they curse anyone who has trodden on them. (In 1. Sarara...
their eyes this is always the work of wizards.) The untouched ashes
Instead of the porcupine you killed
symbolize a perfect new beginning.
the one who eats our chicks,
After this, some outstanding men from the neighbourhood, killers a wild cat I killed.
of big game, begin to walk round the ashes, pointing their spears
(never guns) towards the centre of the ashes where the yet unburned
stumps are still hidden. These unburned stumps of the masqal tree are 2. Sarara...
called 'kormomsa', a word connected with 'korma — male'. Instead of that wild cat you killed
the one who is that hard to hit,
While going around the ashes, they mention in series the animals
they have killed, starting from the lowest like lizards and rats and a dik-dik (dwarf antelope) I killed.
gradually going up unto big antelopes, buffaloes, lions, and elephants.
The morning I witnessed this ritual there were four of them. Every 3. Sarara...
time one of them mentioned his kill, he lifted his spear, pointing to- Instead of the dik-dik you killed
wards the centre of the ashes. This pointing was accompanied by a the one with sharp horns,
rapid vibration of the spear. While doing this they said: "Sarararrraaa" a bosonu (a bigger antelope) I killed.
mentioning an animal they had killed. The song was extremely simple
and as a song was hardly worth calling by that name. It was started by 4. Sarara...
the oldest man present, the youngest singing last. Instead of that bosonu you killed
the one who eats our potatoes,
a wild pig I killed.
1. Sarara...
An animal under the granary
that eats my grain, 1. Sarara...
the enemy of my wife Instead of the wild pig you killed
a rat I killed. the enemy of the little lambs,
a baboon I killed.
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 2. Sararu...
Instead of thai baboon you killed 2. The wedding ritual
the one with his huge teeth,
a wart-hog I killed. A gr&lf'plfcte arid sprouting grains
[Here number 3 fell out, he had no
bigger animal to mention.] On his wedding-day the groom takes his bride home accompanied
4. Sarara... by singing and dancing. If the traditional ritual is adhered to, the girl
Instead of that wart-hog you killed has with her a grass-plate (gundo), which she has made herself. This
the one with hair like dew, gundo is a symbol of her womb. Since, according to Matcha custom,
a buffalo cow I killed. she is expected to be a virgin, nothing should have been put in this
grass-plate beforehand. Gundo are plaited from the outside inwards,
1. Sarara... leaving a little hole in the centre.
Instead of the buffalo cow you killed
the one with fiery eyes, "This little hole is not filled in by the girls themselves, but they
a young buffalo bull I killed. ask a mother of children to do it for them. If they do it them-
selves, they fear they will close their womb to child-bearing."
2. Sarara...
(Shagerdi Bukko)
Instead of the young buffalo bull you killed
the one with his big horns, "Seated on a mule (in former times always on a fertile marc)
a full grown buffalo I killed. the bride is walked three times round the house, after which she
enters it.
[The three last killers imitated the
bellowing of a buffalo.] She hands her gundo to her mother-in-law who puts some
sprouting barley-grains in it. They are (a symbol of) the children
Waqa will give her if he will.
Comment
The gundo is the mother's womb and those grains sprout in her
womb.
a) It is evident here that it is killing as such that counts, regardless of the size of Placing those biqila (sprouting grains) on the gundo means:
the animal or the danger incurred.
'Sprout. Have children.'
b) No pride in personal achievement is manifest; no description of the hard-
ships suffered in the wilderness or any detail about the way the animal was killed The mother-in-law will also add some coffee-fruits."
are included. This is in marked contrast to personal triumph-songs of killers. It is (Shagerdi Bukko, Waquma Tollera)
forbidden to sing them on this occasion. [Coffee-beans are a symbol of the vagina
c) The very participation of a man who had killed no higher animal than a wild representing the girl to be a potential
pig (too little for a triumph-song) is also significant in this respect. mother. The beans are still hidden in the
d) The second man was by far the greatest killer in the area; he had killed two shell at this moment, protected and in-
elephants, which are counted to be more than lions. But he did not mention them. accessible as a virgin's vagina.]
When personal achievement is usually a source of boasting, such reticence is ab-
normal.
e) The pointing with the spear at the centre of the ashes, at the 'kormomsa',
signifies the connection between the killings and manhood. The piercing of the coffee-fruits
f) The whole sarara-ritual has to be regarded in terms of a new-year ritual, "The bride now gives the gundo to her groom's mother. She
where people pray for fertility for themselves, their cattle, and their crops. It ex-
hibits the value of killing as a universal law for men in association with fertility herself now takes his spear and his stool. She carries the stool
and generation. with her left hand, holding it against her breast. In her right
hand she grasps the spear. She brings them to the groom who
260
 is waiting outside. She must carry the spear point upwards. The The "blood <>i the girl 1
groom sits down in the stool in front of the house. The girl "As soon as tin )•,!(><>m II.IN cut the sheep's throat, an trusty <>l<l
hands him his spear and presents him the gundo. One by one man takes a little <>l the blood before it touches the carlli and
he takes the coffee-fruits from the gundo and pierces them with puts it on the gundo with the sprouting-grains. Then he quickly
his spear. Neither he nor the girl say a word during this ritual." takes the gundo into the house." (Shagerdi Bukko)
(Waquma Tollera)34 [As the Matcha understand, a child
[The spear symbolizes the male organ, cannot be conceived without the
the stool the husband's authority.] mother's blood mixing with the man's
sperm; and it is the man who causes the
woman's blood to flow. Any sexual
The symbolism of the spear is clear in the following song (a girl's
song): intercourse, then, is in a way a repeti-
tion of the first at which the bride gives
O sheath of a spear, her maiden-blood for the sake of
motherhood.]
handsome daughter of Bulli,
sister of the qarre [The old man acts quickly. He covers
let us weep for your sake. the gundo with his white shawl (sham
ma) in order to protect 'the bride's
[The qarre is the traditional tonsure of blood' from the evil eye. For the same
maidens. The song is sung by the girl's reason, he must be a trusted man him-
friends when she is about to leave her self, and is always a kinsman of the
parents' house for that of her bride- groom.]
groom and to lose her virginity.] "In the backroom the old man puts the blood of the sheep on
the bride's navel and, if she asks, on the inside of her thighs,
The slaughtering of a sheep that she may have a child soon. While doing this, he says: 'Have
After this the bride goes back into the house. She is not allowed to children. May your blood sprout (into children).' "
watch the slaughtering of the sheep, because it is her own blood that is (Shagerdi Bukko)
going to be shed. "The sheep is the girl," as people say. [It is always an old man who is asked to
do this. Only men can anoint with
blood. Women are forbidden to touch
"The spear should be new as is the gundo. Its shaft should be it.]
made of fragrant from a flowering tree, ulaga or abayi. If the "And while he is doing this, the mother-in-law says: 'Be a wom-
wood is new, so much the better, since it is still moist. But you an who bleeds to give birth. Be a woman who, when she has
can also make an older shaft moist again by anointing it with given birth to children, is given to bring them up (may they noi
butter. The point, however, should not be anointed or it will die). May this blood bring you pregnancy and honour.'
not cut well."
After this she touches the bride's belly and her thighs with the
[Flowering wood and butter are both coffee-fruits and the sprouting grains, saying: 'May your womb
symbols of fertility.] carry children. May your thighs produce sons and daughters.' "
"In former times, we had two spears, one for rakko (the wedd- (Shagerdi Bukko, Waquma Tollcra)
ing ritual) and for sacrifices, and one for fighting. We could not
walk about with the first spear. It was always kept in the back- The preparing of buna qala
room." (Ambassa Waqo)
"After this she begins immediately to prepare buna qala. Sin-
This piercing of the coffee-fruits is no longer done in the Dembidollo area, nor is the spear puts the coffee-fruits from the gundo in butter together with
any longer used to slaughter the sheep. others and puts them over the fire." (Shagerdi Bukko)

262 268
 [The buna gala ('slaughtered coffee') —
ritual eloquently expresses the 'killing' I IM .in.ill Mood stained cloth
of the woman for the sake of mother-
hood. It will be described fully in the
The bride must eniUIt thai her maiden-blood is caught in a small
next chapter.] cloth. As soon as the Uliltlng woman sees this blood, she Utteri .1
shout of joy "Ililililili!" which is continued by the women who .in-
waiting to hear it outside the backroom.
A final remark of Waquma Tollera deserves to be quoted here:
Later, this blood-stained cloth is shown by the bride's minje (<•
"The girl is intact (lit. 'closed'), everyone present; on this occasion he collects money for the bride.
the butter is newly prepared (lit. 'hot'), This minje is a man chosen by the groom to be his wife's advisor and
the gundo is new; helper in married life, if there is trouble with her husband or with he!
in-laws. This minje later brings the blood-stained cloth to the bride's
all these things are new.
parents, congratulating them with the words: "Ofkalte herumtc she
By these symbols (fakenya) they perform the ritual." achieved it: she married indeed a virgin."
The first sexual intercourse "If the girl proves not to be a virgin, the boy can send her back
to her parents. He will say then: 'I thought I married a virgin,
The chief issue in this matter is the idea of a 'killing'. It is empha- but she was a woman.' " (Shagerdi Bukko)
sized by the fact that the bride is expected to offer resistance. This be-
comes clear from the following short interview between my assistant [In such a case t h e w h o l e w e d d i n g ritu.il
was false.] 3 S
Asafa and Shagerdi Bukko:
3. Some rituals at the birth of a child
As.: "Why must the girl resist her groom?"
As soon as the child is born, the women who are assisting the mother
SB.: "Should she then lie quietly and not resist at all?"
utter the customary shout of joy lIlilili\ four times for a girl and five
As.: "But why should she put up resistance?" times for a boy. They anoint her with butter and feed her with morsels
SB.: "Today she changes into a woman. She has to show that of a special porridge, made for this occasion. While doing this they
she is a virgin. She is intact." say: "Tadomi — give birth again and again." The baby, too, is given
[There are even stories of brides who butter in his mouth.
emerged victorious from this battle.] After the birth the women of the neighbourhood gather three times
in the house of their companion (the third, fifth and ninth day) to
This first coitus is marked by another custom. sing praise-songs. In these songs Maramis praised first, she who assisted
the mother in delivering her child. Other themes are the honour and
"At the first sexual intercourse, a man and a woman should be joy of motherhood and the unhappy fate of a childless woman. As
present to help the boy and the girl to do everything in the right well as this stanzas are heard which have direct bearing on the subject
way. If the girl does not behave as she should, the woman will of this chapter, namely verses in which giving birth on the woman's
tell her what to do. If the boy does not act as he should, the part is associated with killing on the men's part. A few examples:
man must point out it to him. The boy must beat his bride, but
on entering her he must not go too far. It is enough that her
35
maiden-blood is shed. If he is unrestrained, it is not good for the It is, however, not only a shame for a girl and her parents but also for the boy who has
girl." (Beqele Lamu) been taken in. This latter is a reason for keeping the matter secret. We can safety say: 1.
that the great majority of the girls are still virgin at marriage; 2. that in the opposite caae
[On this occasion it is bloodshed rather the stability of the marriage is seriously threatened. Matcha marriage is a marriage for life.
than orgasm that is sought.] In case of barrenness the man may take a second wife, but his first wife retains position ai
the first wife in the household and would adopt one of the second wife's children.
264

266
 a) Gifixsi koll).'i jaju
People speak with awe of the buf- ness especially that put of Ins triumph
falo's horns, NOIIK which bears on his own ipccifll
arba humbisa jaju
they speak with awe of the ele- achievement.]
phant's tusks,
litu dhagau dhaqa
but hearing even this he (the man Utii Maramin tac, If I were Maram,
who did not kill as yet) sets out. Maram dub art? tae, Maram of the women,
Ya Balas dhabaaf kenni'.
O Balas, give a trophy to the one dhabdudhaf ilma kennen, I would give a child to the woman
who has none. who has not,
[Balas: the guardian spirit and master of finchan kesa 'she tchibse, I would make her ly in cher child's
wilderness.] urine,
Tchihinsu afa butu; akka 'shen tatii 'lala. that I may see how she feels.
She (the woman in labour) clutches [In everyday speech 'finchan' also in-
at the grass (under her sleeping- cludes sperm. Here the baby's urine is
skin); seen already in connection with his
mftu dagale butu; sperm. It is not only seen as perfectly
in pain she clutches at the dagale
clean but also as a good omen for God'l
(horizontal stems in the wall); blessing in offspring.]
litu dhagesii bosf
But hearing even this groaning she
(the childless woman) cries for a
child herself. d) Adamsan gurra male, The value of a hunter is bein^ a
Ya Maram, dhabduf ke nni.
O Maram, give a child to the one brave hunter,
who has none. facho qaban dowidhaa; having a trophy is only a prove that
b) Ajesan baqa 'njilu, he is;
A killer never stops going to the Daumsi gurra male the value of a woman is bravely
wilderness, accepting the pains of labour,
Desun tchihinsu 'njilu.
nor a fertile woman to labour. mutcha qabden dowidhaa. having a child is only a prove thai
[There is a saying which echoes the she did so.
above verse: "Dhalaf mirga hinqufani —
There is never enough of children and
trophies."]
c) Utu Balasih tae, 4. A buffalo-killer comes home
If I were Balas,
Balasf Bonga tae,
Balas of Bonga (an area in the wil- As soon as a man has killed a buffalo, he sends word to his kinsfolk
derness), at home. He himself stays in the wilderness, or in the house of a friend
dhabaadhaf mirga kennen, I would give a trophy to the man to give the others ample time to prepare everything needful for his
who has not, homecoming-feast. Some distance from his house, he is welcomed by
dhadha kesa isa tchibse,
I would make him ly in the butter, his friends and by the girls and boys with appropriate songs. With his
akka geraru 'lala.
that I may see him telling about weapon (in former times a spear, nowadays a gun) and his trophies
his exploit. (the horns, tail and heels of the buffalo) he approaches his house
[Killing in itself is not enough: one slowly, singing his triumph-song in which he is joined by the songs of
should also be able to report one's deed the youths and the girls. In front of the house his father and mother
well. Accordingly, after killing his buf- are waiting for him. He puts his trophies at their feet and embraces
falo, the killer composes in the wilder-
them both.
266
267
 ilic killer .iiul his mother
si galera, ganun;i<lf! now I have come back •<> you, re-
At this time, he usually pays particular honour to his mother. joice!
Nowadays, he does this only in song, but in former times, he would [Galla: provisions such as grains of har-
bring a special gift for her from the wilderness. It consisted of three ley and wheat, usually roasted in butter.)
giant snail-shells, kept together with a string made from his buffalo's
skin. The present, called 'tchatchu'-was worn on the right wrist. b) Immamanko, ya Age, O my mother Agitu,
atam, atam gallafnaan, how well, how well did you pre-
Ya hadhako guratti' pare my galla,
enyutf hati* garba ? 0 my mother, your face is dark, gallaanke gala dhume; still it was finished when I started
Anaf situ warqedha. but to whom is his mother a slave?
my way back home;
Anu sf fiderattf: To me, your son, you are gold. atam, atam ebbifnaan how you blessed me from your
1 have brought (something) for
you: heart;
tchatchu hfdhachun gese. mutchanke gala ture. still your son was long in coming
Time has come (for you) to put
on a tchatchu. back.
A man I knew well had tried to kill a buffalo for many years, and
The full meaning of this is that his mother has not only risked her each time another had succeeded in doing so, he was in a bad mood
life in giving him birth, but also that she has accepted the burden of for several days. At last he succeeded. His mother, a lively old wom-
rearing a son who, in his turn, will risk his life by setting out to kill. an, looked rejuvenated. She went everywhere to share her joy with
The Matcha have a saying, indeed: "Ilmon dhira duaf dhalate — a son other people. She sang and danced in anticipation of her son's festive
who is a real man is born for death."
homecoming. Later, I saw her dancing with her son; the latter with his
trophies in his hands and singing his triumph-song. There was no
"The killer presents his mother with the tchatchu to honour tchatchu on this occasion and I did not notice if, in all the stir and
her. He is saying: 'You gave me birth, and now I have killed; I bustle another ritual was performed. This is a short ritual by which
am honoured and now I wish to honour you.' His mother looks the happy mother expresses once more her willingness to have a son
well with that tchatchu on her wrist, and people look up to her who risks his life again and again. This ritual is as follows:
and do her honour.
The mother sits down on a mat as if very tired. Another woman
It is as if you give me a paper on which you have written that I takes her little finger, saying:
was helping you in your research. You gave that paper to me in W. "Rise up."
the presence of many people. The paper itself is not of much M. "I feel too weak."
value, but the honour is great." (Mirresa Gamtesa) W. "Feel weak to curse (your son) and feel strong to bless (him)."
This is repeated three times. The third time, the mother gets up.
In addition, the killer not only praises his mother for the pains of [The ritual is also performed after the
childbirth endured for his sake and for accepting the responsibility of birth of a child and some days after
rearing a son who is a real man, but he also thanks her for other things wedding, in the latter case in view of
she did for him. Indeed, it was his mother who, again and again, pre- the hardships of married life. Here it
pared his provisions, when he was about to set out, and who gave him points to the burden of having a son
her blessing, saying: "May Waqa give you a buffalo." who again and again risks his life.]

a) Nan ajese, ya hadhako, Anointing the killer

hadha gallaa qamadf; I killed, o my mother,
Though the killer is usually already anointed with butter on his
you who gave me wheat as galla homecoming, the festive anointing is postponed until the day he
268
269
 me i;u.ii(h,in spiril of (lie 1ml/aloes and with the
bufftlo'l tytna. After h<- ha» done thil by means of the sacrifice of a i nph l o n g i <>l the killers
sheep, he and his hunting-companions have their heads anointed with
butter by his mother and another woman of her generation. Here we The act of killing is MM1 i<> be in away identical with sexual inter-
should remember that butter is a symbol of female fertility. While course, especially the firs I sexual intercourse on wedding-day.
the two women are doing this, the killer sings :

Ya 'she dhadha na dibde, a) A killer who had borrowed his father's gun, acknowledged this
O you who anointed me with gesture on his father's part in this song:
butter,
lamu ba'aa 'nbatinf
yo qorrasumma male; don't carry anymore a heavy load Mai an godhe qaweke? What did I do with your gun?
unless it is qorrasumma (fragrant dhigaan qaben sfgalche, I returned it to you with blood on
lamu ela 'nadinf leaves); it,
don't groan anymore under a bur- aka giiddeda durbe. as (on) the thighs of a girl (on her
den wedding-day).
mitu daumsaa male.
unless under the pains of child- Mai an godhe gallake? What did I do with your galla (o
birth. my mother)?
toko dhigaanan laqe, part of it I mixed with blood,
After which he spits in their hands, saying: "Tadomi — Give birth toko dhfrafan laadhe.
again and again." (Lit.: Do it again and again.) part of it I shared with heroes (his
companions).
To which the women reply: "Tadomi — Kill again and again."

[A woman who bears again and again is b) After a day of communal work, it is the custom to sing praise-
still called 'tadomtu' and a man who songs for the cattle, the grain and the honeywine. These are the ritual
kills again and again is still called 'tado-
songs for this occasion. After this there is free singing. However, the
ma\ These words are used exclusively
for child-bearing and killing. first of these free songs must be the triumph-song of a killer. An old
The two older women act as representa- killer began thus:
tives of all the women. It does not mat-
ter if they themselves will not bear any-
more. However, we should also remem- Dadhi maltu kutare Who will stop the song for the
ber that people of the same generation honeywine
cannot bless one another.] gerartii kuta male? if not a singer of a killer's song?
Gure, ya talileko Buffalo, o my beauty,
After thi$ anointing, a good friend of the killer — he should be a
wajin gala minjeko. come to my house with my minje.
killer himself — puts three morsels of porridge, a porridge in his mouth,
under the joyful 'Ililili' of the women, one time for every morsel.
[It is under the protection of her minjc,
At this the killer sings: her protector and advisor in married life,
that the bride is brought to her groom's
Askutflaman kute; house. The singer says 'my minje', since
I took two times askuti (the ritual the minje is chosen by the groom him-
Dili's laman bute. morsels concerned); self. So the buffalo is compared here
I got two times 'Dili'. with a bride who is about to be 'killed'
[A reference to the butter and the by her groom. This is why in this song
shouts of 'Ilili' he received at birth.] he is made female, even if he was in fact
270 a bull.]

271
 like these: Shortly before I itarted my research, a law had been issued foi
will make comparisons
bidding the killing <>l big game like elephants, buffaloes, leopards and
lions. This obliged the people to drastically reduce their celebration!
Ulfa kop'a 'ndhfsina; in honour of killers and to hold them towards nightfall. At thai lime,
Don't leave a pregnant woman
alone; these killers' feasts had become so numerous (there could be even
gafa desu 'nbekanf. several killers at the same time in a 'biya') that this reduction was, in a
you do not know when she'll give
birth. way, welcome to the people, because making beer and giving money
Gurgudii 'ntuffatina: to the killers had become a real burden to them.
Don't despise a gurgudu (a man
who has not killed as yet): In ancient times, a killer had a right to wear a gunfura, a full hair-
gafa ajesu 'nbekanf. dress. This right was shared by the mother of a son. It was a symbol of
you do not know when he will kill.
the 'fullness' of the person in question.
Dubartf qay'ulatu Killers and their wives enjoyed a right of precedence on many oc-
A woman who smokes her belly
(to get pregnant) casions, e.g. whenever a killer's wife went to draw water with other
gaf ulfoftu bekure? women, she had the right to draw first.
do people know when she'll get
pregnant? In addition, killers had a right to wear rings in their ears. There was
gaf ulfoftu 'nbekanf. quite a hierarchy in these rings, both in regard to the material and to
Gurb' ajesuf marmaru No they do not know.
A youth who longs to kill the ear (left or right) in which they could be worn. It depended on the
gaf' ajesu bekure? kind of animals they had killed.
gaf ajesu 'nbekanf. do people know when he will kill?
No, they do not know. On the other hand, all of these people were expected not to insist
[The woman who smokes her belly does too much on their privileges. Until the present day, the singing of per-
so with fragrant leaves. The youth who sonal triumph-songs is frowned upon outside certain ritual celebrations
aches for killing shows his courage and (killers' feasts for example). Even then, they should be sung without
anticipates his exploit in songs which display of pride and in a subdued voice, quite in contrast with the
please people (which are 'fragrant' to words of their content.
them).]
A killer's wife who, for instance, in the row of women reached the
5. Privileges connected with killing and child-bearing river or source third, would always be offered by the others to draw
water first, but in fact she would be expected not to stick always to
"The feasts connected with killing were our greatest feasts. I this privilege, giving precedence to the two women who reached the
have seen this myself. The killer was not only anointed in his water before her.
own house: he was invited in all homes of the country around
and further. With a woman who had given birth to a son it was
the same: she would not enter a house, unless she was first Trophy-stands
anointed there." (Mirresa Gamtesa) The trophies, generally speaking called 'facha', were hung in the
[When people use the word 'biya' which house. After the killer's death, however, they were removed from the
is best translated by 'country', they house and hung on a stand, erected near the road-side, as near as possi-
usually have in mind a more limited area ble to the killer's house.
than the English word suggests. To them The stand was always made from two stems or big branches of the
a 'biya' is a rather limited area, separated
from others by little streams or hills. dembi-tree, which take new roots on the spot where they have been
Such a 'biya' rarely contains more than planted. The trophies themselves, hung on a cross-bar between the
some twenty houses.] dembi-stems, were often protected against rain by a roof of corrugated
272 iron in order to prevent them from decaying too soon.

273
 Williiii .1 lew yens the trophies wither ;iw;ty, but the dembi-trees (llii'i.i IIIIIMJ.II I
keep on growing. Theie dembi-trecs continue to be called 'facha', When you tOU( Ins .i ni.ni in Ins
'since something of the facha is still in them'. honour, lie will be set our lor sine.
[The Oromo verses are so intricated thai
one cannot translate them in two linei. |
"The trophies are removed from the house, because the father
has to give way to the son. As long as the father was alive, some-
thing of his ayana was also in his trophies; though they were dry, Mothers may still encourage their sons to set out for killing will) a
song like this:
something of the father's ayana was still in them. Now the father
has died. He is buried and his trophies, too, are removed from
the house and hung on the stand. The killer's ayana is not in Hantuta mata dhabe, 0 little child with uncut hair,
them anymore but, in a way, they still are linked to him, testify- an sutan galla kae. 1 took all time to prepare your gal-
ing that he was a hero. It is the killer's eldest son who has to la (provisions).
erect his father's trophy-stand." (Gammachu Magarsa) Wollega jela taf. Stay at the foot fo Wollega's hills.
Ya Garbaa garaa dadhi O Garbaa with a belly full of
I found several of these trophy-stands in my area of research. One honeywine
of them carried several buffalo-trophies and, in addition, at the far arsasi garaa kaf. Put a bullet in his (the buffalo's)
right a fake-penis, made of a maize-ear wrapped in a reddish piece of belly.
cloth, an indication that the deceased one had once killed a man. Its [Hantuta: a little rat. Mothers call their
place to the far right was a clear indication that this human trophy babies sometimes 'my little rat'. Garbaa
was considered as the most important one. is her son's name. The song comes from
eastern Matchaland from where the men
In those days there were still people who used to bow to such a used to set out for Wollega province
trophy-stand while passing by it.
(western Matchaland) in order to kill
buffaloes.]
6. Men and women

When older people are in a talkative mood, they still sometimes tell
Girl's songs
'stories of their fathers and mothers', stories about women told by
men, and stories about men told by women, in which one sex derides
the other. We find the same in old sayings and songs. It is especially the girls who are prolific in songs which praise the
heroes and scoff at cowards.
One of the things women have always despised most in men is
cowardice. In spite of the fact that during the last decades new values
have sprung up, words such as 'You are like me (you are a woman, a) The following song was recorded from a group of girls who sang
you did not kill)' are still a common challenge in quarrels between it while they were weeding. They were weeding in a row, and the two
women and men, girls and boys. soloists were standing in the centre, relieving one another.
In killers' triumph-songs and in songs of would-be killers the singer
often mentions as a motive for his setting out the mockery of women
Soloist: Gota sihara warqe, Warriors with golden cartridge-
and girls. Such mockery is hinted at in the following song:
belts,
Ti'yitu tuqat kassa tiyiti sif fidure? Shall I bring bullets for you?
When the finger touches the trigger Kesa si funanure? Shall I pick out the best ones for
the bullet shoots out for sure; you?
274
275
 CHOIR: GOTA SINARA WARQE WARRIORS WITH
GOLDEN CHOIR: GOTA ...
CARTRIDGE-BELTS,
TIYITI SIF FIDURE?
SHALL I BRING BULLETS FOR
YOU? Soloist: Nan nyuddhi, nan nyaa- I eat, I eat them certainly,
KESA SI FUNANURE? dha,
SHALL I PICK OUT THE BEST
ONES FOR YOU? garaachf na 'ndhuddhu: intestines don't block my throat:
[Normally one of the soloists starts the garaachf fon miti. nevertheless they are not meal.
song by singing the choir.] Nan farsa, nan farsa, I praise, I praise them certainly,
jarra farse 'nqiifu; but I am not satisfied while doing
Soloist: Farsotan bishan naqa,
I add water to the beer, this;
utu giitu 'ndanfinf. before it ferments and starts rising. anaaf qomo miti. they are not of my lineage (the
Bakar ilma Nagao, Bakara, son of Nagao, warriors in question).
takan maqake farsa, let me praise you for a while, [She compares them with intestines,
utu dute 'nbadinf. before death takes you away. while the youths of her own lineage
[Just as the water causes the beer to rise, are meat to her.
may my song encourage you to perform The song is a challenge to the youths
great deeds. of her own lineage.]
Besides this there is also another sym-
bolism in this song: being a girl I am CHOIR: GOTA ...
only water, you are the beer.]
Soloist: Yona walun mofae, Soloist: Why do you force a warrior's door
When our skin-dress grows old, pushing it against the dagale?
ji'rbi fone uffanna.
we dress ourselves in cotton. [Dagale: horizontal stems, used to rein-
Yewu jagni godanii,
When the brave ones set out, force the walls of a house and keeping
lugna fulattf tufna. the vertical stems together.
we spit the cowards in their face.
The dagale are a symbol of the house's
CHOIR: GOTA ... (the family's) cohesiveness. The intruder
does violence to this cohesiveness.]
Soloist: An babalin hama, Why do you call a real man's wife
I am cutting the babali,
babalf 'fan yabba. in a low voice, you coward?
the rushes up there on the hill.
An dargagon wama, May a deadly sickness call you
I praise our slender youths,
dargaga abba farda. away from your father's house (may it kill you)
our slender youths on horseback.
[People still make raincoats of these in these days so hard for others.
rushes: they protect, as the youths pro- [This is in fact part of a warriors' song.
tect the girls of their lineage. May a deadly sickness bring you the
The thin rushes are a symbol of the same fate that our courage may bring to
slender boys. us.]
The girl says: she cuts the rushes on the
hill, i.e. she selects them: those on the
hill are the youths who are 'above the CHOIR: WARRIORS ...
others', and as such seen by everyone.
While cutting them she presses them
Soloist: I am looking for a friend;
against her breast.]
he is tall and slender.
276
277
 I take <arc not to anger him.
CHOIR: GOTA...
O, my hands arc trembling (for him, while I am weeding);
he is such a brave warrior!
Soloist: Me* 'III Look, look at my salt,
He presses on into the kusaye
isa biinarr' hafc. my salt that survived the coffee.
and drives the cowards out from it. Look, look at my lord,
Me 'lal gotichako,
[The fragrant kusaye plants are a sym- my lord who survived death.
bol of the girls themselves.] isa diiarr' hafe. [Note the perfect rhyme from the be-
ginning unto the end of verses 1 and 3,
2 and 4. Nowadays, the introductory
CHOIR: WARRIORS... verses could well be understood of
the modern coffee which is drunk with
Soloist: What is the good of making beer, salt. However, we have to do here with
if you don't add any water? a very ancient song, which in fact points
What is the good of setting out, to the buna qala, the coffee-fruits
if you don't achieve great deeds? stewed in butter, to which salt is added
for a good taste. Here the salt disappears
When a buffalo-tail is hung up, entirely, it only survives in its taste. In
your father's ears feel good (hearing your praise). the same way a hero who is killed sur-
vives in another way as an inestimable
treasure in his lineage's memory or
CHOIR: WARRIORS ... better (as the Oromo see it) in his lin-
eage's ayana.]
Soloist: Gurban fiila daanisa,
O boy with the good looking face,
qoratfrra qatisa,
tracking about in the thorns,
ya Waq kennif mirgasa.
O Waqa give him his trophy.
Si'f halaatu mirgake, May he give you your trophy,
dabale wallft anse. and still more (trophies) one after CHOIR: GOTA SINARA WAROE. WARRIORS WITH GOLDEN
another. CARTRIDGE-BELTS,
TIYITI SIF FIDURE? SHALL I BRING BULLETS FOR
CHOIR: GOTA ... YOU?
KESA SI FUDANURE? MAY I PICK OUT THE BEST
Soloist: An wadesa 'nyabu, ONES FOR YOU?
I do not climb a wadesa tree,
obbolesa boye;
that brother of the wild pig (as
ugly as a wild pig); b) The next song is sung on the occasion of a killer's making peace
jigu biyot nyaata.
when it falls, it is eaten by the soil. with the particular ayana of the buffalo he killed and with the guardian
Malif bor hindu'u?
Why does it not die tomorrow? spirit (tchato) of his buffalo's clan as a whole. Prospective killers walk
An dabesa 'njalu,
I do not like a coward, around a little lafto tree, planted not far from his house. An undercut
obbolesakole;
even if he were my brother; of the sheep that has been slaughtered is hung on a branch of that tree.
dhirarra baqaata.
he flees away from real men. The one who succeeds in pulling down this little piece of meat with
Malifqille'nbu'u?
Why does he not disappear in the his spear is obliged to set out to kill. The fine taste of this undercut
grave? is a symbol of the coveted buffalo-trophies.
278
279
 CHOIR: i s n o V'OBBOLOTA i s n o , BROTHERS, CHOIR: ISIIO...
EN ION LUQE FUDHA? WHO WILL PULL DOWN THE
UNDERCUT? Soloist: Y a dlia^.i 'ncl.ikim, O big grinding-stone, don't grind,
[Isho: shout of encouragement.] majin sff hudaku. let the small one grind for you.
Ya dhaba 'ndaffni, O you who did not kill as yet,
Soloist: Mfla dur gufiin nyaate,
Before tree-stumps ate the feet, don't lose hope,
har'a tchamatu nyaata. now shoes eat them. Maram sif halaatu. may Maram give you your trophy.
Mata qarabaan nyaate, Before the little knife ate the hair, [The first two lines express the s.inu-
har'a dhadhatf baata. now it is covered with butter. idea as the first lines of the previous
[In the wilderness tree-stumps hurt the stanza. Significantly, Maram who gives
hunter's feet; now he wears shoes that children to the women also is invoked
he received as a present. here to help the men who set out to kill.
Until now he had his head shaved with a However, Maram's help can only be
'qaraba', a little knife; now it is anointed asked by women and girls. Men do not
with butter and he enjoys the privilege pray to Maram.]
of letting his hair grow freely. Nowa-
days, such hairstyles are not seen any
longer, but they still figure in ancient CHOIR: ISHO ...
songs like this.]
Soloist: Wayu ilmo Dube, O Wayu, son of Dube,
Bayu flmo Walde, Bayu, son of Walde,
B6qu flm' Awano, Bequ, son of Awano,
CHOIR: ISHO ... offspring of heroes!
ilmole gotota!
[Wayu, Dube, Bayu, and Bequ are
Soloist: Ya Guder, ya Giiden, O Guder, o Guder, shortened names. Wayu stands for Waq-
Glider goddetflafa. Guder is an ugly land. jira, Dube for Dubaala, Bayu for Bayen-
Ya durbe, ya dubari', O girlhood, o womanhood,
ne, Bequ for Beqele. The shortened ver-
dubartummatu fafa. sion expresses tenderness, love, sym-
being a woman means being less. pathy.]

CHOIR: ISHO ... CHOIR: ISHO...

Soloist: Ana dhaanu, haadhoke, Soloist: Asu 'lma Disasa, Asu (Asafa), son of Disasa,
O may your hardships hit me, Sathenyi" 'lma Lamu, Sathenyi, son of Lamu,
your sister,
ana rasu fddoke. 6 Diso 'lma Lamu, o Diso (Disasa), son of Lamu,
may they hurt me instead of you. ya gota dulome.
Bakon kop'a bulte, o aged heroes.
In the wilderness you were lonely,
galte basa tiilte. [Here rather the fathers than the sons
but at your homecoming you get are praised. Heroes beget heroes.]
butter.
[Back home you are surrounded by
well-wishers. "May it eat me" i.e. "May CHOIR: ISHO...
your misfortune hit me instead of you",
is a common expression of sympathy in Soloist: Yewu bokan robe, When it was raining (the way you
everyday life.]
told us),
280
281
 where <lid the sun go?
Ycwu 's;i g6te, "Die, you girl," he says.
When you achieved this,
hibbuke 'tam gote? [He is angry with me, because I praise
where did you put your life?
the heroes and scoff at the cowards. |
CHOIR: ISHO ...
CHOIR: ISHO ...
Soloist: Yewu 'sa 'kas gote, Soloist: Da 'sa ajese, Look at the killer,
When you achieved this,
liibbuke 'tarn gote? fachodha mirgisa; a buffalo-tail is his trophy;
how did you risk your life?
Geraii, na sirbi, ajeset dibata. he killed and is anointed.
Sing your triumph-song and dance
for me, Inni dhabe gale He who came home without
waesa nat himi. tell me all about it. trophy
guddadha gadisa; is very, very sad;
CHOIR: ISHO ... boet sit jimata. he weeps while he tells you of his
failure.
Soloist: An wadesa 'nyabu, Ya Waqa kennffi; O Waqa give him (what he longs
I do not climb a wadesa tree,
obbolesa moye. that brother of the mortar. for);
An dabesa 'njalu, I do not like a coward, kennifka gafarsa. give him a buffalo.
obbolesakole. even if he were my brother.
Goni bora damaksa, Heroes cause the buffalo to rise, CHOIR: ISHO, Y'OBBOLOTA, ISHO, BROTHERS,
lugni moqa salaksa. cowards lick moqa. EN FON LUQE FUDHA? WHO WILL PULL DOWN THE
[A mortar is made of wadesa-wood. At UNDERCUT?
the same time it is also a symbol of sex-
ual intercourse, a thing girls do not want
before marriage. A young killer's comment
While the hunter causes the buffalo to
get up, the coward goes to the latter's "Our whole society obliges us to set out. They want their men
wife who gets up to prepare porridge for to be killers and if they have killed a lion or a buffalo, everyone
him. The name used here for this must know it. But it is especially the women and girls who put
despicable porridge is 'moqa' which in pressure on us. When I myself set out I sought honour but, at
fact is only dough mixed with much the same time, I had feelings of hatred against the people who
water, often given to children when
they are fretful. forced me to risk my life and to face the hardships of the wil-
The buffalo is the hero's trophy, the derness. Still I felt the women and girls were right. They con-
moqa is the coward's trophy.] sider a man who has not killed to be less courageous as they are.
They themselves risk their lives again and again in order to give
CHOIR: ISHO ... children to their husband's lineage. It is natural to them: all
women do it; they shed their blood again and again. A man does
Soloist: Gota kan'ilali, not need courage in order to have sexual intercourse with them.
Look at this hero,
na duba dhabaate, If the woman fights back and resists, it is to challenge the man's
standing behind me (while I am
singing), strength, but the man does not risk his life in shedding the
"Bui', durbeko,"jedha. woman's blood. Therefore, in order to be equal in courage with
"Live long, you girl," he says.
Liigna kan' ilali, women, the man must set out to kill big game.
Look at this coward,
na duba dhabaate, Women have also another reason for wanting their husbands to
standing behind me,
be killers. If a man kills a buffalo or a lion, he is himself as a
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 buffalo or .1 lion, even stronger than a lion or a buffalo. Such a
man will give her a son who is a buffalo or a lion. She desires their ayana. These uvunti »aimol IK- looked upon as entirely detached
such a son. You must remember that her link with her husband's from Waqa.
lineage is not her husband but her son. She wants to give to his I noted several remarks of older men having an element of excuse
for their killing of a buffalo or a lion — remarks which more or less
lineage real men. It is her honour and it is also her protection.
said that the animal's ayana had given the creature to them because of
Such sons will protect their mother." (Gammachu Magarsa) its misbehaviour in its own clan.
6. Sources of life b) Sexual intercourse, too, has its dark sides as has the blood shed
by it. On one hand it comes from Waqa and is blessed by him with
children and with great pleasure; on the other hand it affects people
Matcha society has several rules of behaviour which enshrine the
woman's dignity as a source of life. with gadidu.
The word 'gadidu1 (its first meaning is 'human shadow') in this con-
a) Matcha women are forbidden to kill; they should not even wit-
ness a killing. text means something impure in a person that also can affect his sur-
roundings. It renders him unable to play a role of importance in any
b) Female animals which are not evidently barren or past bearing
ritual whatsoever. The pilgrims to the Abba Muda, the great ritual
should not be killed, either for domestic use or for rituals.
leader in their country of origin, had to abstain from sexual inter-
c) This is even more the case if a girl or a woman is killed, and here
course from the first to the last day of their pilgrimage. Until recently,
fertility does not play a part at all. Far from being an honourable
act, to kill a woman would be spoken of with horror. a number of people believed that a person with gadidu should not
walk among flowering coffee-plants, lest the blossoms die. And even at
the present day a person having had sexual intercourse the night be-
7. Dark sides
fore is still forbidden to enter a house where a child has been circum-
cised: the wound would not heal.
Although bloodshed on the part of men and shedding their own A person with gadidu cannot enter the house of a pagan ritual ex-
blood on the part of women is apprehended as a natural law for the pert such as the qallu. Many Christians will still not receive holy com-
good of procreation, we also find notions and customs which clearly munion in these circumstances; others will not even go to church; still
show that the Matcha do not experience it as something good in every
respect. others do go, but not unless they have washed their body.

a) We saw already what it meant to have 'blood on one's hands' fol- "It is a mystery. All people like sexual intercourse very much,
lowing manslaughter.
and, at the same time, they feel that there is something wrong
But even with regard to the killing of animals, a feeling persists (in with it. But nobody can say what it is. Perhaps it is because it
spite of evident contrary practices) that their life is under Waqa's do- takes away reason from man." (Gammachu Magarsa)
minion — a feeling that Waqa has given to the Oromo only their cattle,
sheep and goats (later on, also hens were included) as animals they can In former times, men would not accept food from their wives while
kill for their food, and that they should keep their hands off all other the latter were menstruating. .
animals.
They do not have any peacemaking ritual for a bull's or a sheep's "It lasts five days. During these days, we do not eat any food
ayana after they have slaughtered them, despite the fact that bulls are our wife has prepared. It comes back every month. We call it
such strong animals and their ayana could harm them badly. With 'darara dubarti' — the blossoming of the women."
other strong animals that do not belong to the world of man, such as (Shagerdi Bukko)
lions, elephants, leopards, and buffaloes it is different. After killing
them, an elaborate peacemaking ritual has to be performed to appease "When a woman has adafi (when she is in her monthly period)
284 she sits down near the fire and puts ebbicha and ulmaya leaves

285
 on it (fragrant and purifying leaves) and keeps her body in the
(moke. She never enters the gola (part of the backroom where Chapter 24
food and drink are stored and where the young calves are kept).
She sits in her house for five days. Her husband does not eat
THE BUNA QALA RITUAL
from her hands; he eats with the neighbours. After this, she
washes her body, and after she has done this, she may enter the
gola again." (An old woman) The word 'buna' means 'coffee'. The word 'qala' is best translated
by 'slaughtered' since the verb 'qalu' means 'killing by cutting the
Nowadays, these customs are on the wane in most families. But throat'. The very fact that this verb is used is an indication that the
even in former times, a girl's menstrual blood was not regarded as im- coffee does not stand for itself here, but that it is a symbol of a being
pure. As Waquma Tollera phrased it: "A girl's bleeding is Waqa's work of flesh and blood. It is a symbol, indeed, of the woman. The verb 'to
in her."
slaugther' points at a killing at which blood is shed; in this case it re-
As people see it, the menstrual blood of the women, however, is an fers to sexual intercourse, at which, in Matcha view, the woman's
effect of sexual intercourse, of a 'piercing' on the part of the man, of a blood is shed.
killing.
Despite this, the ritual is not performed by the man who is the 'kil-
ler' but by the woman herself, and only by married women, never by
girls. It gives expression to the idea that the woman freely accepts be-
ing 'killed' in this way — for the sake of motherhood.
The cherry-like coffeefruits are bitten open and stewed in melted
butter. The butter enters the fruits and reaches the beans inside. These
beans which, because of their shape, account for the coffeefruits' use
as a symbol of the woman: their shape is reminder of the female or^an
much as cowrie-shells are.
The butter is by its very nature a symbol of the cow's, i.e. of female
fertility. In this ritual it is made extra tasty by the coffee and the
coffee is made extra tasty by the butter. The result is a new and even
more eloquent and effective symbol of sexual intercourse. In addition,
when the fruits in the end burst open they are a symbol of the hoped
for result of sexual intercourse: childbirth.
But not only human fertility is referred to in this ritual: the fertility
of cattle and sheep and the bursting open of seeds in the earth is in-
cluded. All these things are expressed and prayed for in a seemingly in-
exhaustible variety of symbols and prayers. But only the most impor-
tant ones will be given here.
Sharing the tasty buna qala with others is obligatory; one cannot
eat it alone. In fact, the word 'to eat' is entirely displaced here accord-
ing to the people's view. People never speak of 'eating buna qala' hut
always of 'chewing' it. "Buna qala is not made for the throat," as they
phrase it, "it helps us to pray." — to pray for offspring in children,
cattle and sheep, and for an abundant harvest.
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287
 /. Preparing the buna gala
It is first < ,m lull\ • I. I will) ebbtcfia leaves. I" the people's eyes,
a. The coffeefruits are bitten open this tree with ils bittCI !<MVCS, Itl sweet smelling flowers and its lasly
An old woman speaks : honey is an image of Waqa's purity and of his benevolence. "Waqa
likes the ebbicha tree," people say, and also: "The ayana of the coffee
and the ayana of the butter like the ebbicha. "
"We have first to bite open all the coffeefruits, before putting As soon as the butter has melted, the woman pours it out through
them in the butter. The first three of them should be bitten
open with a prayer. For these three fruits we choose the best a little hole, made in the clay-pot near the brim, that all dirt may slay
ones. behind in the wachiti. After this she cleans the wachiti again and pours
the purified butter back in it. Next she puts the coffeefruits in the
While biting open the first fruit we say: 'O Waqa, cut all evil butter and begins to stir the mixture with a short stick. All this is done
things from us.'
while the clay-pot is still standing beside the hearth-stones. In the
[I.e. in the same way as I myself am meantime, she says some prayers; for example:
cutting of the top of this coffeefruit.]
At the second fruit we pray: 'O Waqa, cut all fatal disease off " 0 Waqa, all the things I produce, make them grow well for me,
from us.' and, after having done so, keep them from death (children,
At the third fruit we say: 'O Waqa, cut all evil words off from calves, crops).
us.'
May Waqa send down good things to us (i.e. rain, and not hail
[The meaning is that Waqa may free her
and storms).
from all these things for the sake of fert- May the earth cause good things to grow for us (good crops for
ility in children as is also emphasized in people and good grass for the cattle).
the next words.]
Finally we say: 'This buna qala means fullness. O Waqa, make
us live day and night in the midst of plenty of offspring (off- c. The symbolism of the wachiti and the stick
spring of man, domestic animals and grain). The wachiti is felt to be an image of the lineage as a descent group.
By the very fact that it is made of many rolls of clay and every roll in
But these prayers express only part of the symbolism. Gammachu its turn is made of several handfuls of clay, it is a symbol of the lin-
Magarsa supplies the rest :
eage's cohesion. As it is demonstrated in this song:

"We compare this biting open of the coffeefruits with the first Wachitf dinqarra The wachiti in the backroom
sexual intercourse on the wedding-day, when the man has to biyo qobo bicho; is soil and pinches of clay
force the girl to open her thighs in order to get access to her wajinih middhanna, a fine sight we are together,
vagina.. By cutting open the coffeefruit herself, the woman ex- yaa qomoko, isho! o my lineage, good!
presses her willingness to be 'pierced' for the sake of mother-
hood at any sexual intercourse." [It is sung by men and youths of the
same lineage on setting out together.]

b. Melting and stirring the butter "While handling the wachiti, the woman really sees it this way.
She knows that she bears children for the sake of her husband's
Betore opening the coffeefruits with her teeth, the woman has put lineage, for its growth, strength and cohesion."
the butter on the fire — butter mixed with spices. The clay-pot which
is used for this is called 'wachiti' and is exclusively used for the prepa- (Gammachu Magarsa)
ration of buna qala.
The same Gammachu, however, gives also another symbolism of the
288 wachiti. After saying the last words, he immediately added:

289
 "Bui the nun luii is also the female organ in which the stick, the
male organ, is 'stirring'. So it is that we call this stick also 'mun- (. While stirring the butter with the coffeefruits
do' or 'dannaba' which are words for the male organ."
While she is stirring the butter and the coffeefruits — the process
Indeed, in a few traditional lineages like his, this is still done. By may well take hall an liour and more — the woman says over and over
stirring the butter and the coffeefruits with their many beans (seen as a little prayer. There are many of such prayers, a few examples may
so many vaginas), the woman creates a symbol of sexual intercourse — suffice.
not only of the act in itself but also of the sensual pleasure it brings.
The 'sweetness' of the butter, made extra tasty by the coffee, is a sym- "O Waqa, you made us spend the night in peace;
bol of the 'sweetness' of the orgasm. make us spend also this day in peace.
Make sprout what we have sown;
"In order to avoid that the mundo is only a dry stick which can- and having made it sprout, make it ripen.
not give life, our women, sometimes, made it from a bundle of Make our little ones grown up (children, calves, lambs, chicks);
strong fragrant grass-stems, tied securely together." make the grown-ups go on living.
(Gammachu Magarsa) May the children bury their parents (that is: may they not die
before their parents).
Keep our oxen alive under the yoke;
d. Putting the pot on the fire keep our cows alive above the milk-jar.
Give us good things from heaven (good rain);
"After the woman has put all the coffeefruits in the butter, she
give us good things from the earth.
takes the wachiti and moves it towards the fire. But she with-
Heal the sick;
draws it immediately, saying:
comfort those who are sad;
'O my coffee, look, I withdraw you from the fire:
support the aged."
in the same way withdraw all evil from me.'
Only after this does she put the wachiti on the hearth-stones,
saying: She may also address the coffee in her wachiti, praying for people,
'O my coffee, I made you reach the fire : animals, and crops.
in the same way, make peace come to me.' But if her preparing buna qala is only the first stage of a greater rit-
And as soon as the wachiti is standing firmly on the hearth- ual that is to follow, she always will also add prayers referring to this
stones (to remain there for some time), she adds: specific ritual.
'O my coffee, at the moment you burst open, grant us lasting On the occasion of a thanksgiving-ritual after the birth of a calf, I
peace.' heard an old woman praying:
[Peace with Waqa, with the ayana, with
her people, and all the benefits deriving "O Waqa, keep mother and child together (cow and calf).
from it.] Keep the mother alive above her child;
She does not pray to the coffee itself, she prays to Waqa. So it keep the child alive beneath its mother.
is that, while moving the wachiti towards the fire, she also prays May mother and child get on well together.
at times:
[Prevent the cow from pushing off her
'O Waqa, I am coming towards you; come to me to keep away calf.]
all evil.
May this calf be a lasting gift for us,
O Waqa, I have come to you (the wachiti stands on the fire) a true gift from you.
may your blessing stay with me.' " (Shagerdi Bukko) [I.e. a gift you do not begrudge us by
later causing the calf to die.]
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291
 Keep us from hanging d i e milk-jar (because (he c o w lias d i e d ) .
A woman bunti Into •> ihoul <>i triumph after she has risked her
Keep us from lack of buttermilk.
life and sustained (he hardships of pregnancy and labour; and
Keep us from pulling down our cattle-fence (for lack of cattle)."
these things aie also symbolized by the stirring."
(Gammachu Magarsa)
On her son's wedding-day, his mother will pray:
2. But it has also a second meaning: it also refers to the last awaken
"O my coffee, give my son's wife plenty of offspring (children, ing to lucid speech of a dying person.
cattle, sheep)
may she bear children,
give her long life, "When a dying father, after a long time of increasing weakness
give her good health suddenly comes to life again and starts speaking normally, we
give her lasting peace. say of him 'hindhaddhata — he bursts out'. Young people will
say then: 'He speaks — hindubbata; he'll get well again.' But
O Waqa, may she understand and enjoy my words; older people know better. They say: 'No, this is the last time he
may she understand and enjoy my son's words. speaks clearly — hindhaddhata. Now he will die soon."
Give them children together."
(Waquma Tollera)
f. The coffeefruits burst open
It is in his last lucid moments that a dying father may express his
The woman is still stirring her buna qala and suddenly the first cof- last will and give his last blessing — an especially powerful and signifi-
feefruit bursts open. The people say: "It says 'Tass'." Immediately the cant blessing which his children are eager to receive.
woman replies:
The exploding of the coffeefruits then is seen not only as a shout
of triumph, but also as a parallel to such last words on the part of a
"Ashama, my coffee, burst open to bring peace. dying father or mother.
There you opened your mouth: The reaction of the woman to this explosion, "O my coffee bursts
please wish me peace.
open to give peace, wish me peace", has to be understood also in this
Keep far from me all evil tongues." light.
['Ashama' is a customary greeting, espe-
cially addressed to someone carrying a
burden.] g. A summarizing interview — Waquma Tollera and his son Ensermu
WT.: "My son, every coffeefruit says only one time 'Tass'. A
The coffee 'has opened its mouth', it has spoken. But it has done so dying person, too, will never 'explode' into speech twice. So it
in a special way, as people see it. The verb they use here is not the is the same with the coffee and a dying person. Yet there is also
usual word for speaking 'dubbachu'bnt the word 'dhaddhachu', a verb
a difference. When a person speaks for the last time and dies, il
used to indicate an outburst into speech or sounds. Thus it is used
makes people weep. When the coffee says 'Tass' and dies, it
1. for a killer as he breaks into a triumph-song.
makes people happy; they begin to pray and thank Waqa."
Ens.: "But, my father, is the dying of the coffee then something
"Here it has the same meaning: the exploding of the coffeefruit good for people?"
is felt as a shout of triumph on the woman's part at the birth of WT.: "Of course it is, my son. Don't people rejoice at it? Don't
a child. She, too, has swollen like the coffeefruit." they start praising Waqa? Don't they say when it bursts open:
'Speak words of peace to us, and make us, too, speak words of
"A killer bursts into a triumph-song after he has risked his life peace to one another?' And don't they say: 'O Waqa, praise In-
and sustained the hardships of the wilderness. to you?'
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298
 Our people li.ivc done this from the very beginning. From the I n d o i n g s o I w n r . l n p < '.linsl. In (lie s a m e w a y w e w o r s h i p W . I « | . I
very beginning, (luy have slaughtered the coffee in order to in t h e buna
pray. Buna qala is the oldest thing of all. It was with our people
from the very beginning. It is the buna qala which keeps mother
h. A note about the woman who prepares the buna qala
and child together.
[I.e. which prevents our women from "When the buna qala is not prepared with a specific ritual in
being without children.] mind, the mother of the family can prepare it, even if she is
Therefore, the buna qala always comes first (in all rituals).
young. She needs not to abstain from sexual intercourse the
Whether we sacrifice a bull or an old cow,
night before.
whether we slaughter near our house or on a hill-top,
But when there is a ritual such as thanksgiving for the birth of a
the buna qala is always slaughtered first.
calf, the celebration of the birth of a child or a sacrifice for the
Since they invoke Waqa's name with it, our people regard it
deceased father's ayana, we prefer the woman preparing it to be
as higher and more important than their cattle.
Coffee is a plant of blessing, past childbearing. Even if such a woman has had sexual inter-
course the night before — and she will often avoid it — it is
it is a gift from Waqa for our good;
somehow less significant, since there is no longer shedding of
from the very beginning Waqa has blessed it for us.
blood involved." (Gammachu Magarsa)
Where there is buna qala, there is prayer.
Buna qala is prayer. It brings man nearer to Waqa.
People do not slaughter the coffee for their throat 2. The blessing of the house
(for the sake of eating it) but in order to greet Waqa with it.
When we bite the coffee open, we invoke Waqa; Let us now follow the woman and her ritual further. The buna qala
when we kill it, we invoke Waqa. has spoken; the buna qala has blessed her. Now she is going to pass on
We do not pray to the buna qala itself: the buna qala only helps the buna qala's blessing to her house.
us to pray." The ritual is more or less a repetition of the one performed on tin-
[I.e. when people address the coffee day the house was built. On that day buna-beans are put under the
they address its ayana, and this ayana is hearth-stones and into the holes for the supporting poles {utuba) and
'something of Waqa'. for the two main poles in the backwall. All these poles must be of a
Waquma Tollera is here deliberately de- wood that is of the house and its 'good smell'. This 'good smell' again
fending — not for the first time in my
contact with him — the religious views
symbolizes peace in the family and good relations with the neighbours.
and customs of his non-Christian ances-
tors.] a. The hearth-stones
First she takes four coffeebeans and pushes them, two by two,
Gammachu Magarsa commented on these words of Waquma under the little hearth-stones, saying:
Tollera:
"O my hearth-stones, be to us hearth-stones of peace."
"What Waqa gives has always something of Waqa in it. In the
buna qala Waqa comes near to us, giving us children, calves and In contrast to these smaller hearth-stones, the third one which is al-
crops.
ways bigger, cannot be moved. It stands fast in the ground as a symbol
To me buna qala is like the cross (he has in mind the Ethiopian of permanence. So she puts a further two coffeebeans against it, say
cross without an image of Christ on it). When I see it in the ing:
hand of a priest, I say: "Bless me, Father", and I kiss that cross. "O my fire-place, be to us a lasting fire-place."
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 l>. The lupporting pole
3. Sharing the buna i/iiin with othtrt
Now she puts two beans at the foot of the supporting-pole, or, if
there are more than one, at the foot of one of them, saying: To share the buna gala will) one's neighbours is essential. U empha
sizes that the family is in peace with them, an essential requirement
"O my utuba, keep this house standing for us. for them to receive the blessing of the buna qala. It also symbolizes
Plant here children, cattle and sheep." the family's friendly feelings in regard to their neighbours, their wish
[I.e. in the same way you were planted that they, too, may be blessed by Waqa.
here. The word 'house' also includes,
and even more strongly, the members of
the house, the family.] "We know the buna qala from of old. While I was still young, I
used to make it every day. It is not so long since I started mak-
ing coffee with water. Our fathers and mothers did not know
c. The threshold
this. When we pray, while preparing our buna qala, we do not
Next she turns to the threshold — a beam of strong, fragrant wood pray for ourselves only, but also for our neighbours.
— between the front- and backroom and puts four beans on it, two to When we chew our buna qala, we never do so alone; it ought to
right side and two to the left. While doing so she prays: be chewed along with other people. So, I used to call my neigh-
bours as soon as I began to prepare it. 'Come and chew my cof-
"O Waqa, make this threshold a threshold of childbirth for us; fee,' I said. If nobody was around, while my buna qala was still
[Children are born in the backroom.] hot, I began immediately to make a new lot, but only a few this
make it a threshold we cross to spend the night in peace. time, and called my neighbours again. Then I mixed the second
O my threshold, carry us; buna qala with the first." (An old woman)
keep away all evil from us."
The buna qala, indeed, has to be shared while it is still hot, a sym-
d. The two main stems in the backwall bol of the woman's eagerness to offer it and the guests' eagerness to
receive it — an eagerness which also expresses respect for the buna qala
The backwall is called 'borro', but the word is also used for the itself. In addition, it is more tasty, while it is still hot.
backroom as a whole.
This respect for the buna qala and the people's belief in the potency
She puts two coffeebeans under each stem, saying: of its blessing is also expressed in the way they receive it. At this mo-
ment they call this blessing 'kuma' which means 'thousand' and also
"O my borro, be a borro that is firm and up-standing 'plenty'.
a borro that does not fall down;
a borro where children are born; "The buna qala should be given to everyone in the house. Such
where people sleep and keep in good health; is the law. When they take the little cup with buna qala (always
a borro where sons marry with both hands) they say to the people of the house: 'Kuma
and where daughters are given in marriage. horra — produce thousand (thousand heads of cattle); kuma bo-
O Waqa, keep all evil people and everything evil away basa — lead out thousand (heads of cattle) to graze.' This must
from this borro; be said.
make it for us a borro of peace. It is very wrong to refuse such a cup of buna qala; one who does
[The borro is the place of the marriage so does not wish to see the others happy. The one who offered
negotiations and of the first sexual him the cup will be very angry and will curse him."
intercourse of sons and their brides.]
(Waquma Tollera)
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297
 "Every time you v,|V(' buna gala u> people, du-y bless you. 'Pro-
duce a / hotliand; lead out a thousand' they say. 'May Waqa give 1. Wlu-ii the i.iiii< i was about i<> say SOUK- prayers .is did, for in
you good things from above; may the earth give you good stance, a.naya>ilii(.u\ astl »mer and expert about the various ay ana <>l
things from below. Produce. Grow rich. Stay alive in the midst the days) when he was silling on his stool outside to pass part of the
of what you have produced.' night watching the stars, his wife would bring him the naga qilla and
Thus they say as they accept the buna qala and on returning the with a little spoon would give him some of it in his mouth. It helped
cup." (Shagerdi Bukko) him to pray.
2. "According to my grandmother a mother would, from time l<»
time, take her own naga qilla to the market-place, where she
The buna qala is eaten with primitive spoons, cut out from dry
sorghum stems. could meet a married daughter. If she met her there, she would
give her this naga qilla. It was a ritual gesture loaded with mean-
Out of reasons of economy it is often mixed with grains of barley
ing, since the present did not only express 'naga — peace' in its
roasted in butter, which does not mean, however, people ever eat it
broadest sense of well-being and blessing from above in general,
in quantity. Coffee is often scarce and there may be many guests. One
but also in a special way fertility.
thing our informants did not mention, because they take it for granted
is that they use to give and accept things with both hands, bowing In her turn the daughter would present her mother on occasion
slightly at the same time. Giving and accepting with both hands is a with her own naga qilla.
symbol of one's willingness to give and to accept. After explaining this to me, she added that it was Makko Hi Hi
Something should always be left on the plate or in the cup to ex- who proclaimed the law that no husband could prevent his wife
press that one was given more than enough. In the case of the buna qa- from going to the market in order to meet her married daugh-
la such customs use to be more accentuated. ters, her in-laws, and her own kinsfolk there."
(Gammachu Magarsa)
4. The 'peace of the qilla'
Remark

In former times, people took care to keep some buna qala in their The old custom of preparing buna qala for its own sake, without any link with
houses as a symbol of lasting peace, fertility and prosperity. It was a ritual has been replaced everywhere, nowadays, by cooking the coffee in water
kept in a little container, made of wadesa wood. and drinking it with salt. The change was probably fostered by a general decrease
in cattle husbandry. A fair number of poorer people, nowadays, do not even have
one single cow.
"Wadesa wood does not burst (when it comes into contact with But it is still prepared as an indispensable part of certain rituals such as thanks-
the hot butter). The wadesa tree is a good tree. Its flowers have giving for the birth of a calf, engagement (the final negotiations on engagement-
a fine scent." (Asafa Disasa) day are not started before the buna qala has 'spoken'), marriage (the blessing of
the bride and the groom in the bride's house, the blessing of the bride after the
This qilla was kept in the backroom to the right side, the place where sheep has been slaughtered, and her blessing after her time of seclusion has elapsed).
all ritual objects are kept. The buna qala in it was called 'naga qilla' — Also it is used at several minor rituals of which we will speak later on. At the two
the peace of the qilla. first rituals its use is still always combined with the so-called 'dhaaba — the things
put apart'.
Such a qilla was given to the bride on her wedding-day by her
mother. But nowadays, we find such qilla only in a few houses. 5. The dhaaba or the 'things put apart'

Besides having the naga qilla always in their houses, people, in a. The qualities of the dhaaba
former times, would also use it for other purposes. Suffice it to men-
tion two of them.
The three essential dhaaba are the qilla with buna qala and two jars
298 of beer, one bigger than the other. At certain rituals a calabash with

299
 milk and i j.n <>f honeywlne arc added, but the first only at the ritual
of thanksgiving alter the birth of a calf and at the blessing of the bride, After this, the woman I'Us the mother-jar once more to the brim.
and the second only at the blessing of bride and bride-groom.
Not every beer is suitable. It should be beer of the Matcha's ancient "Both mother and child should be filled to the brim. This signi-
grains, daguja and barley, the grains of their ancestors, which were fies fullness and plenty. Therefore, the mother prays while
given to them from the beginning of time. doing so: 'O Waqa, I filled the dhaaba to the brim; do you fill
Nowadays most beer is made from maize. But maize is a compara- our lives to the full.' (in years, offspring, wealth)."
tive newcomer among cereals. Hence maize-beer is not suitable for rit- (Shagerdi Bukko)
uals. So willgesho leaves — leaves mostly added nowadays for the sake
of fermentation, but which were unknown to their ancestors. c. The containers are put aside
This ritual beer, called 'borde' has a much lighter colour than maize- The place for this is on the right side of the backroom near the wall.
beer and is also thicker. First 'mother' and 'child' are put near one another, the mother on a
The sprouting grains, used for beer are a symbol of the children ritually higher place than the child, i.e. nearer the backwall or, as peo-
who 'sprout' in their mother's womb. This makes the beer in general ple say, 'higher'. They must touch one another. While putting them
a symbol of female fertility. thus, the woman says:
Apart from this, all dhaaba should meet three requirements :
1. They should be 'young' as people say, i.e. newly made, fresh. "O Waqa, keep me together with my children.
They should have a long life ahead of them and be pure, as all young Keep mother and child together.
living beings are pure. So the beer should be first-day beer. Keep the children alive under their mothers."
2. They should be untasted by man, i.e. pure as they come from the ['Under their mothers (or parents)' ex-
hands of Waqa. The woman has to taste, of course, whether her borde presses a position of dependency. Mat-
is good or not, but, after doing so, she will add some jikita (the initial cha say: "My child died from under
me" and "My father died from above
beer with only a little water) that the borde may be new again. me".]
3. Coffee and grains should be a produce by the family itself. As we
will see, a strong link exists between the people and their dhaaba. Next the qilla with buna qala is put against 'mother' and 'child', in a
way that it touches both of them. While doing so the woman prays:
b. The containers are filled "O Waqa, I have put the buna qala under 'mother' and 'child';
Since 'the buna qala is first of all things', the qilla is first filled from keep it thus, I pray you."
the wachiti.
[A prayer for lasting fertility in chil-
After this the mother fills the beer-jars. To understand this ritual we dren.]
must know that the bigger jar is called 'hadha — mother' and the
smaller one Hlmo — child'. People see further symbolic meanings in the position of the dhaaba.
First the 'mother' is filled with borde. While doing this the woman Thus Shagerdi Bukko:
says: "Ha hadha — this is the mother."
Next she fills the 'child' from the 'mother', saying: "Ila ilmo — this "The dhaaba should touch one another: people, too, do not
is the child." pray separately from each other.
They should also touch one another, because people should be
"The child has always to be filled from the mother, never the one.
other way round, since, from the very beginning, Waqa created Therefore we pray:
'O Waqa, give me the support of people,
them thus." (Shagerdi Bukko)
give me the support of (fertile) cattle.' "
300
SO 1
 (I. The dhuba ihould noi remain uncovered
E. "MAY IT BLOSSOM."
At least during the ritual proper. P. " M a y t h e <<>w within y o u r fence b l o s s o m . "
E. "MAY [T BLOSSOM."
P. "Have offspring."
"They do not cover the things they put apart for Waqa.
E. "HAVE OFFSPRING."
They are there to say thanks to Waqa." (Shagerdi Bukko) P. "O Waqa make them fertile for us."
E. "MAKE THEM FERTILE."
"They should remain uncovered. Not in fact to call Waqa down P. "Grant them good health."
on them, but that our prayers be heard by Waqa. They open for
us the way to Waqa. E. "GRANT THEM GOOD HEALTH."
P. "Grant them lasting prosperity."
They are not our gift to Waqa; but they help us to pray." E. "GRANT THEM THIS."
(Waquma Tollera) P. "Grant them lasting peace."
E. "GRANT THEM PEACE."
e. Blessing above the dhaaba After which the elders pronounce a series of blessings of their own.
The blessings are always spoken as people say 'above the dhaaba'. The parents, the bride and the groom, and the elders, all of them drink
To this effect, the dhaaba are moved a little way from the wall and from the dhaaba after the blessing has been spoken (or, sometimes,
put in a row in front of the backwall but at some distance from it. even while it is being spoken).
Chairs are put between the backwall and the dhaaba for the father and Other rituals may follow. For example, I once witnessed a ritual of
mother. thanksgiving after the birth of a calf, where a similar blessing-above -
It is noteworthy that in this new arrangement the small qilla with the-dhaaba is given. Here, the mother-cow is anointed with buna qala
buna gala must stand 'above' the 'mother' and 'child'. It must stand and is given some of it in her mouth that she may calve again.
'higher' since the buna qala is higher than mother and child. The gift
of human fertility, indeed, takes precedence over childbirth itself. 6. Some other buna qala rituals
An example of such a blessing 'above the dhaaba' is the one given
We are not speaking here anymore now of rituals at which dhaaba
by the parents the day their daughter is to leave the house with her
groom. The parents are sitting 'above' the dhaaba, the young couple is are put apart. The following are specifically women's rituals.
sitting 'beneath' the dhaaba, facing the girl's parents. They are sur-
rounded by some elders of the girl's family and of the neighbourhood. a. Childbirth
These elders answer the prayers of the parents. Most of the speaking "They also make buna qala when a woman is about to give birth
is done by the bride's father, but her mother may add some blessings to a child. When the first fruits burst open they pray:
of her own. Here now follows such a blessing. (P. = parents; E. = elders 'Ashama, my coffee, burst open to wish us a good delivery.
and other people) Make us happy." (Waquma Tollera)

"After the birth of a child, we make buna qala again, and when
P.: "Sprout, blossom."
it bursts open we say: 'Ashama, my coffee. You made us happy.
E.: "SPROUT, BLOSSOM."
O Waqa, you helped us, you gave our daughter a good delivery.
P.: "Produce, grow rich."
Praise be to you.'
E.: "PRODUCE, GROW RICH."
When we bury the afterbirth (the day after childbirth) we first
P.: "May the mare in your go la blossom (grow pregnant) put some coffeefruits (not buna qala) in the hole that the
[Gola: part of the house.] mother may give birth again." (Asafa Disasa's mother)
302 303
 b. When the child is brought outside for the first time
Matcha myths, liowrvcr, always exhibit something of their own
The mother sits on a mat in front of her house. An older woman, specific way of life Hid thought. In their myths we reach the roots of
usually her mother-in-law, takes her little finger and says: "Rise up." their identity as a people.
She answers: "I am tired." To which the older woman replies: "Be The narrator of the following myth is Shagerdi Bukko.
weak to curse and be strong to bless." This happens three times. After
which the young mother rises up. a. How Waqa gave the coffee-plant to man
It is a symbolic expression of the mother's acceptance of her child "Once upon a day, long ago, at the time when Waqa was still
with all the troubles child-rearing brings with it. walking on the earth, he called a man and said to him: 'Come: I
After this little ritual, the mother is given some buna qala and some am going to tell you the day you will die.'
is thrown around to impart its blessing to the whole compound. The man, however, replied: 'I will never die. Why should I die? I
want to stay alive for ever like you.'
7. Contrasting accents 'How is it possible for you,' Waqa said, 'to stay alive and not to
die? Come, and hear from me the day of your death. I will
While speaking of 'flexibility and variety in ritual' we pointed at
cause you to die after you have seen your grandchildren until
shifts of emphasis in the same ritual as found with western and eastern
the fifth generation. You will live for three hundred years. How-
Matcha. We indicated that e.g. in western Matchaland the bride is for-
ever, after you have seen five generations of grandchildren, you
bidden to see the blood of the sheep, slaughtered on her wedding-day,
will have to die. As you see, I'll postpone your death for a long
since it 'is' her own blood. In eastern Matchaland she must stand near
time.' The man replied: 'No, I do not want to die at all. I am
her groom while he slaughters, as a symbol of her willingness to shed
your son. I wish to stay alive together with you.'
her maiden-blood for the sake of motherhood. While the sheep is
In this way he opposed Waqa and refused to listen to him.
slaughtered, she is standing at his left; as soon as it has been slaughtered
Now Waqa said: 'Since you refuse to accept my decision, disap-
she moves over to his right, the ritual place of the house-wife.
pear from my eyes. You will die today.'
With buna qala we see something similar. Here, the contrasting Oro-
At that the man mounted his horse and galloped away. He went
mo tribes are the Matcha and the Arsi. With the Matcha the prepara-
as fast as he could. He went from where the sun rises towards
tion of buna qala is a exclusively woman's business and only married
where it sets. (This direction is already a symbol of death.)
women can do it, since it is a symbol of sexual intercourse whereby
In the evening, towards sunset, he reached a place where some
the woman suffers herself to be 'killed' for the sake of motherhood.
people had dug a grave and were sitting near it. When they saw
With the Arsi Oromo it is the man who prepares buna qala, even
the horseman coming, they said to one another: 'Look, there he
though Arsi men like the Matcha men never prepare their food them-
is.'
selves on hearth-stones. Why this exception for the buna qala? Be-
The man halted his horse. He asked them: 'For whom did you
cause the Arsi stress the fact that it is the man who 'kills' the woman.
dig this grave?' — 'We do not know,' they said, 'but we think it
A common view of things can give rise to quite contrasting rituals.
is you. This morning Waqa came here and told us: 'Dig a grave
for someone — for a man who refused to accept my decision.
8. A myth
He is bound to pass this way and, as soon as he is here, he will
The Matcha have few myths about the origin of things, and these die."So we have done what Waqa told us to do.'
are fast sinking into oblivion. 'O Waqa!' the man exclaimed. 'So it is true what people say:
Since myths are stories and stories travel fast and far, it is not sur- Even if you leave early in the morning, you cannot escape Wa-
prising to find echoes of these Matcha myths both in the Middle East qa.'
and in other parts of Africa, in a way that makes it impossible to be [A saying. Literally it runs: "You can-
sure where they originated. not escape from under Waqa (sky/
God)."]
304
305
 He dismounted and died on the spot, and they buried him. As ShagerdJ itnkk<> told them they were part of a set of tint-«
stories, the last being a myth about the creation of the bees out <>l ilie
After five days, Waqa remembered that man again. He went to worms already covering the corpse.
the spot where those people were living. They told him: 'O Wa- Shagerdi Bukko likes to tell stories in sets, mostly of three. Tin
qa, all things have happened as you told us. The man passed this stories of such a set had always something in common, if only a minor
way and he has died on the spot. We have buried him as you
detail. "It was the way my father told me them," he would say. It
told us to do.'
shows the way such stories were passed on from generation to genera
'Bring me to the grave,' Waqa said. tion; the sets help people to remember them.
So they did.
The link between these stories is that all three of them deal with life
'Now open the grave again,' Waqa said. and death, death and procreation. (The bees are seen as a symbol of
When Waqa saw that man lying in his grave, tears burst from his fertility and of procreation without sexual intercourse.) In the mythi-
eyes. They fell on the corpse of that man. And behold: at the cal part of this story the Matcha's view comes to the fore that Waqa
very moment a coffee-plant sprouted from the spot where the gave man children as a compensation for the fact that he must die. lie
tears had fallen. lives on in his offspring.

So it is that the coffee precedes all other things. So it is that it is "When somebody has died, we still ask: 'Does he have ason?' If
first prepared in all rituals. The coffee is our great medicine. people say: 'No, he has not,' we answer: 'Then he is truly dead.'
From among all trees it was blessed by Waqa, blessed by his If people say: 'Yes, he has,' we anser: 'Then he has not died.' "
tears. (Asafa Disasa)
All plants grow from rain, but the coffee-plant sprouted from c. The story is not generally known among the people of my area.
the tears of Waqa."
None of my other informants or my assistants knew it. It impressed
them deeply. Each time Shagerdi Bukko told it, they were moved to
Comment tears.
Only once, one of my older informants, Ambassa Waqa, who was
a. The story must be regarded along with other stories about the not of Shagerdi's clan, took up the idea, when he said:
beginning of time when Waqa still walked on the earth and 'people "The coffee-plants sprouted from the grave of the son of Waqa
could ask him whatever they wanted.' This idea of a paradisical time (probably: the first man). Therefore it is the oldest of all things
goes with the belief that, in the beginning, the sky (Waqa) was laying (in time and dignity). It sprouted from a place of blessing. All
on the earth, fertilizing it by rain. At that time everything was good. Oromo say so."
But as a result of man's rebellion against Waqa, the latter withdrew
from the earth, at least in part. He went upwards. His withdrawal Significantly, though he said he did not know the story, he started
resulted in a diminishment of life on earth in all its forms — in earlier telling another one with a similar motif, taken from the Ethiopian
death, in diseases, in drought a.s.o. All these misfortunes are represented Christian folklore:
in the myth as being against Waqa's will. Hence his tears.
"Once I was told a story. Yesus' mother was on the way to
"Waqa does not like death", as people say. "Is he not the source of Egypt with her child. Soldiers came after her to kill her son;
all life?"
soldiers of a bad king. At that she pressed her child against her
womb in order to protect him. While she was standing this way,
b. It is clear that we have here two stories. The first is rather a her tears fell on the ground, and on that spot the lemon-tree
moralistic one and is known throughout the Middle East. The second
sprouted. Therefore the lemon is a medicine for twelve dis-
is purely mythical and has to do with origins.
eases."
306
307
 (lhapter 25
/. The heart of the nmlln

When he did not use ritual language, Shagerdi Bukko furmulaU-d

OBO AND TCHORA
'the obo and tchora law' as follows:

One day my young assistant Mirresa Gamtesa entered my room "If the father is an obo, his son is a tchora, and his grandson an
radiant. He told me that an old man, Sabbo, who had been a hunting obo again. A man's daughters become obo, if they marry an obo;
companion of his father had come to pay him a visit. Mirresa had in- and they become tchora, if they marry a tchora.
vited him because the man had been a leader of hunting-expeditions Obo and tchora are father and son to one another. They must
for years. As such he would certainly be well acquainted with hunting keep their distance from one another in everything concerned
rituals, my special interest at that time. with married life. They are not even allowed to speak together
of such 'secret things'.
"Have you already spoken with him about hunting customs?" I An obo has priority over a tchora, since he is the older one. Obo
asked. "Yes ... At least I tried to do. But Sabbo seemed to be a little and tchora were given to us by Waqa from the very beginning.
uneasy. You know, killing always has something to do with sex, and They were given to us for the sake of marriage."
therefore he asked me if I was an 060 or a tchora. I did not know. I
felt ashamed. I looked for my mother to ask her, but she was not
there." When he spoke in ritual language, as it was used in old times at the
proclamation of the law (but sometimes also at home to pass on this
Mirresa had a similar experience with Shagerdi Bukko whose ac- law to the children) Shagerdi expressed himself this way:
quaintance he had made some weeks before. His interview with the
old man concerned marriage-customs. Before going into the matter, "Abbaan ooboo hatau Let the father be an obo;
Shagerdi Bukko asked him: "First, my son, tell me: are you an obo or ilmi tchora hatau. let the son be a tchora.
a tchora?" Mirresa had still not asked his mother, and once more he Ooboon tchora hadhaalchu let the obo beget a tchora;
was at a loss. Fortunately for him, Shagerdi Bukko did not press the Tchoraan ooboo hadhaalchu let the tchora beget an obo.
point and gave him some information about marriage-rites. When, later Saf fu wo Hi hafufadhu; Let them display saffu towards
on, it turned out that Mirresa was a tchora, while Shagerdi Bukko him- one another;
self was an 060, the old man said sadly: "I have been mistaken. I have wollitti hindarbina. they must not change place with
done wrong. You and I cannot speak with one another about such
one another.
things."
[Saffu: respect, keeping distance]
Yo kun jirachu bate, If this does not happen,
Two things emerged to me from these experiences. First, the exist- abbaan ilma hinbeku, a father will not know his son,
ence of two distinct groups of people who were not allowed to speak ilmi abbaa hinbeku. a son will not know his father.
with one another on matters of sex. Second, the young generation's
['Knowing' here means "behaving like a
ignorance about their own affiliation.
father should in regard to his son'.]
Ooboo tchoraan abbako
From that time onwards, I began to pay more attention to this dual
hajedhu; Let a tchora call an obo his father;
system of obo and tchora and its implications in the people's daily life
and in their rituals. I also looked for some information about the mat- tchora ooboon ilmako
ter in the books of Oromo experts, but in vain. So, to my best knowl- hajedhu. let an obo call a tchora his son.
edge, this whole chapter deals with a subject about which, until now, Ooboon lamatamo aka-
nothing has been published. kayu yo arge, When an obo has a grandson,
Obbolesako hajedhu.
308 let him call him 'my brother*.
309
 IVhoraan I.IIM.II.IIIM> .ik.i When a tchora has a g r a n d s o n , l». Women
kayu yo arge,
obbolesako hajedhu. let him call him 'my brother'. "If a woman lias become a tchora by marriage, loses her hns
Ooboon tchoraf abba hatau Let the obo be a father to the band, she will become the wife of one of her warsa (one of her
tchora; husband's brothers or cousins) who are all also tchora. If excep
tchraan ooboof abba hatau. let the tchora be a father to the tionally she marries another man of her husband's lineage, this
obo. man, too, must be a tchora. But if she returns to her parents'
home, she is no longer tchora, she is as a girl, and can marry
Wol dhaa; Let them go on begetting one an-
either an obo or a tchora." (Dinsa Sarba)
other;
wolli saffu bufata. let them abide by the saffu law in
regard to one another." c. Society at large
All married men and women then and all youths are either obo or
The obo-tchora dual system then draws a rigorous dividing line be-
tchora, which means that they can have only sexual relations with half
tween adjacent generations in matters of sex and procreation. This is,
of the people of the other sex, 'since obo and tchora are father and
indeed, the meaning of 'Let them display saffu towards one another.'
son'. To do otherwise is to commit classificatory incest.
A father can never have sexual intercourse with his son's wife, not
even after his son's death. A son can never have sexual intercourse This holds good for Matcha society as a whole.
with his father's wife, not even after his father's death. Nor can father
and son ever have sexual intercourse with the same woman outside d. Classificatory incest against the obo-tchora law
marriage.
"If an obo lies with a tchora, they transgress a boundary — the
boundary between father and son.
2. Some consequences in everyday life It is harama (incest), but it is not as seriously wrong as sleeping
with one's own blood." (Shagerdi Bukko)
a. Girls
Nevertheless, people sometimes react strongly against the most
People say that with regard to the obo-tchora law girls 'are nothing',
serious transgression against the obo-tchora law, the one between a
and that they only enter the dual system by marriage. Still the obo-
man and his son's wife. This happened during my stay in the area, in
tchora law affects them in a way, even before marriage. In a very tra-
the town of Dembidollo. The man concerned had been left alone for
ditional lineage such as the Dhae (the one of Gammachu Magarsa) a
life by his wife, his son and the daughter-in-law concerned. When we
feeling still persists that an obo's daughter is 'in small part a tchora'.
spoke of it with Shagerdi Bukko, his reaction was:
"She shares in part the tchora's ay ana. Accordingly, she does "Yes, he should be thrown out. No one can speak with him
well to marry a tchora, since all tchora share the same group- now. He committed incest ('haramofte' — the female gender of
ayana." (Gammachu Magarsa) the verb which is used in this case as a token of contempt). Let
him be as a dog to us. He acted against Waqa's law, since 060
In certain rituals involving young girls the fact of their being daugh- and tchora are saffu towards one another."
ters of an obo or a tchora plays a part. (See below in this chapter.)
Whether these things point to days long past when girls, too, were
fully obo and tchora — days when tchora girls only married tchora e. Talking about 'secret things'
boys and obo girls obo boys, remains, at the present state of our We have already said that young Mirresa Gamtesa did not know
knowledge, purely a matter of speculation. whether he was an 060 or a tchora. Most younger people are like him
310
31 I
 in this. Hiil the older people arc different. They grew up in a time
when the obo-tchora law obliged them to know of everyone whether "The J;H .•(< i s< • Ml 111 any Matcha family is sexual intercoune
he or she was an obo or a tchora. As Mirresa told me: "My father between the parents. Even as I am speaking to you now, my
knew about everyone whether he was an obo or a tchora. " As Shager- tongue grows burdened." (Gammachu Magars.i)
di Bukko phrased it:
[A western reader should keep in mind
here that sex life in general and sexual
"When I meet somebody on the road unknown to me, I first ask relations between people in their neigh
him: 'Are you an obo or a tchora?' If he is an obo as I am my- bourhood hold no secrets for Matcha
self, I say: 'You are my brother.' In this case we can talk with children. "As children we always peeped
through the backwall at a first sexual
one another about everything. If, however, he is a tchora, we intercourse. We were amused to see the
must abide by the saffu law while speaking with one another girl fighting back. Nobody chased us
and cannot speak then of 'secret things'. away." (Gammachu Magarsa)]
If the person is a woman, we ask one another the same. If she is
a tchora, I say: 'Nui jilba wolli mitt — our knees are not made
for one another.' f. Grandparents and grandchildren
[Lit.: 'We are no knees for one another.' "I can speak to my grandson about everything, even about things
The word'knees'here stands for 'thighs'.] he cannot speak of with his father. I can give him good advice
If she is older than me, I say: 'Let us not indulge in 'hasa balage with regard to his behaviour towards women and girls. I can tell
— dirty talk.' If she is younger than me, I say: 'We are mother him: 'Don't go that way. Don't do such things.' He is an obo
and son. Let us not indulge in dirty talk.' " and so am I. Therefore, I can do this." (Shagerdi Bukko)

f. Parents and children "Obo and obo can play with one another (he has in mind what
one could call 'erotic playing') even if their age diverges widely.
"Parents and children cannot speak with one another about sex. They can joke with one another. Especially is this so for a
If a mother wants her daughter to be advised about her conduct grandmother and her grandson. There is less respect, less dis-
with boys or about things concerning menstruation, she will ask tance. They are like friends. A grandmother can say to her
the girl's grandmother to do so, or she may ask any other wom- grandson: 'O my husband' or 'One day I will marry you.'
an who is an obo, if her daughter is an obo, too. The same holds
good for father and son." (Asafa Disasa) My own grandmother is very, very old. She is more than hun-
Indeed, while gathering information for me, my assistants, some- dred years old. She liked me very much when I was a child. She
times, told me that they had been unable to speak about certain mat- said to me: 'You are my husband.'She never suffered me to cry.
ters with their parents. She did not want me to sit on the ground; she would take me
on her lap and fondle me. So it is that we have a saying: 'You
"Children must not see their parents having sexual intercourse. are a boy who was reared by his grandmother,' a spoilt boy. But
As long as they are still sleeping on a sleeping-skin, people still she does not like my little son as much as she liked me. She
follow the old custom that the father lays to the mother's right, does not like him to touch her knees. 'If a little boy does such a
and behind him, further to the right, his young sons, while the thing to his great-grandmother, she will die soon,' people say.
girls are sleeping to the left of their mother. Older boys, nowa- She is a tchora and my son is an obo.
days, generally sleep in another part of the house. In former We also have the same name for both grandparents and grand-
times, they slept in a hut near the cattle fence to guard the children. I call my grandmother 'ako' and thus she calls me. I
cattle or outside the house under the roof." call my grandfather 'akakayu'or 'akaka'and thus he calls me."
(Mirresa Gamtesa)
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 "It is not good when .• Kn*llclmother lays with her grandson, All oho living at present feel at one with all the obo who pre-
even though both are 060 or tchora. It's only a manner of speech ceded them right back to the beginning of our people. It's
that they call one another husband and wife. In fact, they never through the ayana of all obo that they feel at one with their
have sexual intercourse with one another." (Shagerdi Bukko) ancestors, as do the tchora through their own ayana.
["It is certainly against the law; however, I know all my ancestors unto the ninth generation, but in my
people would not be too surprised if it heart I only count the tchora among them.
did happen. I have never heard of such a
thing happening in our country of Dem-
Our five gada-groups, too, that took office one after another,
bidollo." (Gammachu Magarsa)] were like obo and tchora. The one that had finished its ruling-
period never acted as advisor to the group succeeding them but
3. The dual system ofobo and tchora in a wider context always to the second-next group." (Gammachu Magarsa)
An old man confided to me: His last words were confirmed unanimously by all my other infor-
mants.
"I would like to be more friendly with my son. I would like to Children often pass part of their youth in their grandparents' house,
show him, how much I love him. But I cannot be to him what I both for the sake of company and in order to help them, especially
can be to my grandson." when their grandparents' children all left home. It is quite common
for a grandson or granddaughter to take care of an aging grandfather
Indeed, the active opposition between adjacent generations is in or grandmother until their death.
marked evidence in Oromo social life. Many people could make theirs Even if they do not live together, a grandfather may pay the school-
the words of an Oromo priest: "I have been educated much more by fee of his grandson and give him some clothes, if he is able to. The
my grandfather than by my father." boy's own father is often slow to do this: he leaves it to his young son
This does not mean that there are not fathers who often tell stories to earn the money needed by rendering all kinds of small services to
to their children at night around the fire and instruct them in the old others. A grown-up boy often prefers to sleep in his grandparents'
Oromo way about how to behave themselves and of what they have to house, not only because of the reasons mentioned but also because
know of the people of their neighbourhood and about great personali- their own house is too small and does not allow him to keep sufficient
ties of their clan or lineage. Mirresa's father did so and so did Gamma- distance between himself and his parents.
chu's. Generally, however, it is the grandparents who are the channels
of oral tradition. "In former times, a grandfather could give his house and some
land to his eldest son's son, thus bypassing the father.
"People have a feeling that it should be this way; that oral tra- 'Aradako daali — inherit the land around my house,' he would
dition should go from 060 to obo and from tchora to tchora. say, 'Gemmoko fudhaddhu — have my hearth-stones.' "
Obo and obo feel themselves to be one. Tchora and tchora feel (An old man)
themselves to be one. They have the same ayana, so they should ["It still happens. My grandfather did
this for my eldest brother." (Gammachu
resemble one another, and they should develop this resemblance Magarsa)]
still more. Parents and children are bound to be different, since
they are obo and tchora, and they should maintain this differ- At the time the gada system was still alive, one of the forms of
ence. My own grandfather who was a tchora once told me a well-wishing and blessing was: "May Waqa make cause you to see the
secret of the tchora and forbade me to speak of it with my butta of your grandson." Indeed, when a man slaughtered his butta
father. It was the secret of the hiddi-frmts that were a symbol bull in the course of his gada group's ruling period, his father could
of our people. I still do not understand why this was a secret of not witness this (a symbol of his son's reaching the height of social
the tchora, but, anyhow, this was what he told me. adulthood and thus replacing him) but the grandfather had to be there.
314 315
 /. Tchora and obo in the genealogical tree
b. The i)l)<> (. InM.I <lii.il lystem is also to be found willi the Tul.ima
Gammachu Magarsa spoke of this when he said that, being a tchora and Arsi Oromo, but under different names.
himself, he only counted in his heart his tchora ancestors. In this way
he reached back to the beginning of his people. We find, indeed, the
names Obo and Tchora at the very beginning of the Matcha's genealogi- 6. Obo and tchora in various rituals
cal tree. We also understand now why they should figure there: the
dual system was very much alive and of the greatest importance. 'Obo' a. Purification after incest
and 'tchora' are in fact proper names, the names of the first obo and
the first tchora, respectively the son and the grandson of Matcha. (See While dealing with the lineage we spoke of the purification after
this genealogical tree, chapter 10) real incest, i.e. the one against one's own blood. We have seen that the
The names remained in use as proper names for a long time. man and woman in question had to be sprinkled with Aorra-water,
that they had to be immersed in the horra (mineral spring) and that
"There are also lineages called Obo or Tchora after their first a bull had to be slaughtered in front of the woman's house, after
ancestor, but such a lineage has within it as have all lineages which both man and woman were sprinkled with his blood. Such an
both obo and tchora." (Bulcha Kurra) incest is seen as a shedding of one's own blood and, consequently, the
blood shed had to be washed off with other blood. With incest be-
That obo and tchora were there 'from the very beginning' points to tween people who are not of the same blood but who are obo and
the people's belief that the dual system in question existed before the tchora, the blood does not play a part. Hence at a purification ritual
Oromo accepted the gada system. In this system the active opposition after such a classificatory incest no bull is slaughtered, though all the
between adjacent generations was accounted for in many laws and rit- other parts of the ritual are the same.
uals. They are also the same in that the gula man who has to 'wash' the
man has to be an obo, if the sinner is a tchora, and a tchora if the
sinner is an obo. The same holds good for the gula's sister who has to
Precedence 'wash' the guilty woman. When before the purification the elders of
From the foregoing it becomes clear why in social intercourse an the man's lineage beat him they will say:
obo enjoys precedence over a tchora. He is the older one. The first
obo was the father of the first tchora. "Why being a father did you go the way of the son;
As Shagerdi Bukko put it: why being a son did you go the way of the father."
[An instance how obo and tchora can be
"A tchora must not pass by an obo, called both of them alternatively 'father'
unless the latter says: 'Pass by.' and 'son' in regard to one another.]
Even if the obo is still a child, he must say: 'Pass by. May Waqa
turn it (this transgression of the law of precedence) into some- b. Levirate
thing good for us.' " When a man died, his widow married one of her deceased husband's
brothers or cousins. But she could not do so before the customary
5. Remarks period of mourning had elapsed (one year). During this period, no obo
man could enter her house, if she was an obo, and no tchora man, if
a. Generally speaking, the women adhere to this obo-tchora law she was a tchora: she was forbidden to have sexual intercourse.
more than the men, both in everyday life and in their rituals. One of In the meantime she was entrusted to a man of her husband's lin-
the reasons for this is certainly that they are very afraid of the conse- eage. He had to look after her needs and act as go-between her and the
quences of obo-tchora incest: barreness or mis-shapen children. lineage. Since this man was forbidden to have sexual intercourse with
316
317
her, he had to be a tchora if the woman was an obo and the other way out to colled tchokorsa. She collects a great deal of it. In thil
round. way we do everything together.
In the ceremony by which he accepted to act as her helper and pro- The woman who has collected the tchokorsa, divides it into two
tector (his name was 'kennata — the one who is given) the elders parts. She throws one part of it into the hole. Next, I myself,
would lay her hand in his, saying: being an obo, took the afterbirth and turned it over into the
hole on top of the tchokorsa.
"Take your mother. My companion threw the rest of her tchokorsa on top of the
Every morning and evening ask her what she needs. Whatever afterbirth.
trouble she is in, may her (husband's) lineage attend to it. Then it was my turn to throw four coffeefruits on top of the
She calls him 'my son' and he calls her 'my mother'. Even if she tchokorsa, after which my companion added four sprouting
is young, she calls him 'my son'. Even if she is young, he calls grains of maize (a symbol of children).
her 'my mother'. (Shagerdi Bukko) Next we helped one another to pick up cowdung, one cake of
it. We picked it up carefully with some twigs that it not might
After the mourning-period she would marry one of her warsa (her be damaged, put it on an old gundo (grassplate) and turned it
husband's brothers or cousins) who naturally would be an obo or a over into the pit.
tchora as she was. Then we shouted five times HIM' (a shout of joy in honour of
the mother who had given birth to a son) and filled up the hole
"How could she marry an obo, if she is herself a tchora? Her with earth again."
children would stay what they are, tchora. How can their [A veritable wealth of many fertility
mother's husband be a tchora since they are also tchora? As for symbols. The important feature here,
however, is the cooperation between
herself, being a tchora she would be a mother to her husband.
obo and tchora women.]
They would be saffu to one another. How then could they be
husband and wife?" (Shagerdi Bukko)
During the days following the delivery, the women of the neigh-
bourhood come together several times in the house of their companion
c. Birth-customs to sing and to eat a special porridge, 'the porridge of birthgiving',
Asafa's mother describes her role as an obo at the birth of her grand- which is not eaten by men, not even by the smallest boy.
child. On these occasions obo and tchora women insult one another in a
playful dance.
"When the afterbirth was out, we put it on a little stool and
poured some water over it. After a short time, we took it off
the stool, put it in a piece of broken pottery and added some Tchora
water again to keep it wet. In the house of our tchora-companion
The next morning, I called another woman in order to bury the we intended to spend the night.
afterbirth. Being myself an obo I called a tchora woman from To the house of the obo
among our neighbours. Before starting the work we took one we intended to set fire.
another's hands. This means: we will do it together.
My companion began to prepare buna qala. I myself made a The house of my tchora-companion
hole in the backroom at a spot where people do not walk. Then what a fine building it is near the road!
one of us had to go out and collect tchokorsa grass (a symbol of The house of an obo
fertility). If an obo woman has dug the hole, the tchora will go what a decrepit hut at the roadside!

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 Obo assisted by a so-rallrd 'maila', a general name for any close assistant in
O well-fed obo, a ritual. This loaila is preferably one of his companions at the hunt.
0 thin tchora. But to be the first waila (there may be several of them) he needs to be
Why don't you give me precedence at the ford? an obo if the killer is an obo, and a tchora, if the killer is a tchora.

1 sing of obo and tchora, e. Sacrifice for a father's and mother's ayana
and make the tchora a laughing-stock.
Why don't you give me precedence at the ford? This was one of the more important domestic rituals at the time
[To be the first to draw water] when the Matcha were not yet Christians. Ideally this sacrifice of a
bull (for the father) or an old cow (for the mother) should have been
Tchora performed only in case of sickness or some other kind of misfortune,
When an obo gives birth, which was experienced as a punishment for untruthfulness to the
only a crumb of salt do we get, father's or mother's ayana, in other words, to the things they had been
only one little cup of coffee. taught by their parents. Food and drink were put on their grave and
Her husband is tied up in rags; an older man and woman were invited to take their place at the ritual
he weeps at what he has to give. meal.
When a tchora gives birth, "I invited an old man and woman. They had to resemble some-
we get a bag full of coffee
what my father and mother. Since my father and mother were
and a full sack of salt.
tchora, they, too, had to be tchora. On that day, they were
Her husband brings a sheep.
father and mother to me. I put a sirre (a low primitive table
He laughs as he does so.
made for the occasion) for them in our backroom (the gifts for
the dead had also been put on a sirre near the graves) and I
Obo
placed them sitting there, face to face, my 'father' nearest to
Tchora with long fingernails
the backwall (the ritually higher place). 'Eat and drink in my
with which you dig out my kanchote (potato-like tubers) father's and mother's place', I said to them. When, after the
your back is ashes (weak) meal, they blessed me, this blessing was to me as the blessing of
but your son is honey. my father and mother." (Shagerdi Bukko)
[Her son is an obo.]

f. Atete
d. Homage to a killer
We have seen now how the successful buffalo-killer is anointed with Atete is an exclusively women's ritual. In former times, it was per-
butter by his mother and another woman of her generation. formed every year by all women who were not beyond childbearing
While speaking of this anointing, a killer pointed out: according to their age. Later, under the influence of Christianity, it
was more generally performed by women who feared they would have
"Since my mother is an obo, she asked a tchora woman to no more children and who wished to have a further child.
anoint me along with her."
On this occasion a goat is slaughtered and the blood poured out on
After the killing of a lion, buffalo, leopard, or elephant, peace has the woman's breast and belly. The sacrifice is brought to the woman's
to be made with that animal's ayana. At this ritual the killer has to be ayana on whom her fertility depends.

320 321
 The goal is killed preferably by her mother'i brother (women are tchort!1 And I am sure, my bull understood me. If my bull tosi
forbidden to kill), but (be pouring out and sprinkling of the blood is the fight, I wepl. Alter this we boys often started fighting «>ui
done by her neighbour women. selves. At times, bigger boys would join us and it became ;i real
fight with sticks. When blood was drawn, even our parents goi
"If the woman concerned is an obo, a tchora woman will do involved and the whole affair could end up into big trouble.
this. She is as a mother to her. She blesses her as a mother We also sang obo and tchora songs, while leading our cattle to
blesses her daughter, saying: 'O ayana of my child, be good to the river. If you are a good singer, the cattle remain together
her, have mercy on her. Hear my prayer: give her a child, give more readily and they do not escape right or left. Obo and tcho-
her good health (that she may have a child).' ra boys with different herds would lead their cattle to the same
Two obo and two tchora women grind the maize from which drinking place. The point then was who would reach the drink-
the marqa (ritual porridge) is made. It is eaten by all women." ing place first.
(An old woman) Being a tchora I would sing:
Obee, obaan, obee! Obee, obaan, obeel
g. Adoption Obee laga Tchore. Obee, up towards the Tchore river.
Obee jenann qore. I feel proud while saying 'Obee!'
"If I would adopt a child, I could only adopt a child of an obo,
Korma 'boon guddise A bull brought up by obo
since I am an obo myself. My adoptive child must be a tchora."
jebbi tchorat kufise. a tchora-cdXl makes him fall (in a
(Shagerdi Bukko)
fight).
Obee, obaan, obee! Obee, obaan, obee!
h. Marriage [The first and the last line have no clear
meaning. We can only assert that it has
It is still the custom that a bride-to-be is given a protector, whose something to do with watering the
task it is to advice and to support her in the hardships of married life, cattle, since 'oba' means 'drinking place'
especially in regard to her husband and her in-laws. He is chosen by and 'obasu' means 'watering the cattle".
the groom himself from among his best friends. He should be an obo, Tchore: source.]
if the groom and his bride are tchora. As with the kennata of a levirate To which the obo boy would reply from some distance:
marriage, this law is intended to prevent sexual intercourse between Obee, obaan, obee! Obee, obaan, obee!
them. This friend, indeed (his name is 'minje') is the only man who is Obee laga Hidda. Obee, up to the Hidda river.
permitted to pay her a visit when her husband is from home. He is also Obee jenaan didda? When I sing 'Obee'why don't you
the only man in whose house she can take refuge when she has need. run fast?
We have already mentioned that at the first sexual intercourse on Obasen borresa. Having watered them I'll make the
wedding-day, the girl is assisted by a woman and the boy by a man. river muddy (for your cattle, o
Both of them should be obo if the groom is an obo, and tchora if he is tchora).
a tchora. Borun barbadesa. I will not even leave behind
muddy water (for you).
Ooboo ilkan badesa. Obo have fine (big white) front-
7. Little herdsmen, obo and tchora
teeth.
Gammachu Magarsa is speaking here. Tchora, maal odesa? What has a tchora to say to this?
Obee, obaan, obee! Obee, obaan, obee!
"When we were guarding our cattle, being a tchora myself, I [He gives the river another name as if to
liked to make my bull fight the bull of an obo boy. I would say: "It is our river, not yours." Hidda:
urge my bull on, shouting: 'Go ahead, o tchora. Beat him, my meandering as a root or a vein.]

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 Chapter 2(>
/. Groups "
HIRIYA
Nowadays, we still find several groups of people who call one an
other 'hiriya' and are referred to as such by others. The degree <>l < <>
Every Matcha keeps with him for life the social status ascribed to
hesion differs.
him by his descent. He can be a first or a second rate borana, agabaro
of a descendant of freed slaves. But there are groups in which these
differences are consciously overlooked. These groups are the 'hiriya'.
The word 'hiriya' is often translated by 'age-mates' and, in fact, in a. Girls
many cases this is its meaning, but from of old, the stress lies more on
All girls from puberty onwards are hiriya. Due to the fact that their
social equality than on equality of age. social contacts are so limited and closely watched, they form the
By the time the gada system was in full vigour — and to western closest group of all.
Matcha this is somewhat before they definitely settled in the extreme They go out together to fetch water and to collect firewood; they
west — all men of the same gada-set, whatever their age, had to pass go together to dance, either among themselves or with boys, they
through several grades of social adulthood, or social responsibility, be- work together in the fields, weeding or harvesting. Particularly while
fore their set reached its period of rule. 36 weeding, they sing songs of their own, mostly songs they will later sing
Only a few vague memories of these former gada-grades have sur- at wedding-parties (institutional insult of their parents and of the
vived, but the concept of hiriya continues to play an important part in bride and bridegroom; good-bye songs for the bride to be if she is one
the people's everyday life. of them; songs for the bride's advisor and for her mother) and songs
Between hiriya we find no barriers in social intercourse; differences they sing in honour of buffalo-killers. Other songs are ancient songs in
in descent are overlooked and so are rules of precedence and even honour of warriors.
what in society at large are considered to be good manners. In most of these songs sex is dealt with very markedly, which, to-
gether with the insult they contain, accounts for their being sung out
"Hiriya are equals. They can speak and sing together about
of hearing range.
everything. They can use 'dubbi yelo — shameful words', they
can freely insult one another in a playful way. When they are Finally, most of these songs stress, again and again, their happy
youths or men they can go together in search of sexual adven- youth and their feelings of togetherness as hiriya. An example of the
ture. There is no saffu between them, no distance, no form of latter:
respect."
Yemmu wal genyu, As long as we come together,
Being one another's hiriya involves a right to mutual help; lasting
walgenye tenyu, and sit down together,
friendships between hiriya are common; following from which the
word 'hiriya' has also a connotation of 'friend'. Sakko, nu baaddhu, O Sakkoland, carry us,
sirre fakaaaddhu. be like a bed to us.
The cohesion between hiriya is also stressed in a more negative way
by their custom of insulting other groups. It is noteworthy, however,
Yemmy gargarbanu, When we are separated (by mar-
that, in this case, the others should be out of hearing-distance.
riage),
36 yemmu farfarchanu, when we are scattered,
In western Matchaland every boy was 'raba' from his birth onwards, and remained a 'raba' biyo, nu nyaaddhu, o soil, eat us,
until the day he slaughtered his butta bull in the fourth year of his gada-set's ruling period, qille fakaaddhu.
after which he became 'luba' (a man in the full service of his country). Four years later, be like a grave to us.
after he had been circumcised, he became 'lubabaesa', a man who had performed his ser-
vice. Another name for such a man was 'gula'.

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325
 b. Women «. Young boys

All of them are hiriya one to another, regardless of their age; as this My assistant Gammachu Magarsa who is of a rather traditional lin
is very marked in another stanza, also taken from a girl's good-bye eage still distinguished two groups of hiriya among younger boys: one
song, sung to one of their number who is about to marry: from three to eight years of age and another from eight to sixteen
years. He pointed out, however, that tchora and obo boys of the same
Bar dhengadda yonale, Last year at this time, age could by no means be hiriya, "since they are father and son". A< -
hiriya durbatika, (you were) a hiriya of the girls, cording to him, until recently, this was the case also for the next
michu dargagotika. a lover of the youths. group.
Baranamo yonale, This year at the same time,
hiriya refatika, d. Youths from sixteen years onwards
(you are) a hiriya of corpses,
michu naddhenitika. a lover of married women.
[Women are referred to as 'corpses', They like to form work-cooperatives, to go dancing together willi
since they have been 'pierced' by sexual the girls, and, on occasion, to go out in search of sexual adventures.
intercourse.]
It is our feeling that boys should not have sexual intercourse be
An example of a song women sing only among themselves is the fol- for they are sixteen years old; and even then, we do not like
lowing. It tells of relations with lovers in their husband's absence: them to indulge frequently. Our people feel that it is good for a
boy to restrain himself in this matter, since this will keep his
Inni waya dacha rasa Wrapped in dirty clothes sperm strong and will give him a strong eldest son.
gara Anfilo achi kata. he sets out for Anfilo.
Daaku 'nqabdu, ya When I was still a boy all boys younger than sixteen, both bora-
Do you have flour, o my hiriya, na and gabaro, used to wear a 'rogge', a hair-style achieved by
hiriyako,
qittaen duka tchalasa ? shaving both sides of the skull, leaving a bridge of hair in llu-
that I may make qitta and throw middle. It was like the qarre (tonsure) of the girls; it was the
them after him? hair-style of a virgin boy. But already at that time, many boys
[Many men go to Anfilo to work there affected the hair-style without clinging to the practice it was
or to take care for their coffee. When
supposed to demonstrate." (Gammachu Magarsa)
they stay away too long, they are liable
to be suspected by their wives of having
a lover there. Qitta: tasteless small rolls] Here follow two songs that boys over sixteen sing when they arc
Inni kuta walalasa; The other one is well dressed (her among themselves.
lover); The first is addressed to married men:
borron dhufe nat hasasa. he approaches the backwall and Baddesa laga sariti The badesa tree at the Sariti river;
whispers to me (through the wall) qelon birraa gubatera. the qelo-plants of the birra season
Shito 'nqabdu, ya Do you have parfum, o my hiriya, were ablaze.
hiriyako, Baddesa, ya warra niti: You are lost, o married fellow:
kutasat an dhangalasa? that I may pour it on his dress? qeron sirra fudhatera. a youth took your wife away from
Nowadays, women rarely form a workgroup of their own, but they you.
still may sing such songs in their houses. In their birth-songs obo and [In the dry season after the heavy rains
tchora women still insult one another in a playful way as hiriya can the badesa (wadesa) tree with its while,
do (see the previous chapter). fragrant flowers is in full blossom — a
symbol of the youths themselves.
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327
 The sariti or wild aspcragus has sexual "Being among hiriya is always better. Hiriya can joke and
connotations.
At the same season, people burn the dry as much as they like; they can talk about anything; they need
grass, among which many qelo-plants not to be ashamed of one another."
are found — the fire is a symbol of sex-
ual passion.] As in all fields of social life we also find compromise in behaviour
between hiriya-groups. Older girls may join married women; newly
The next song is an example of a 'song with shameful words' married men often continue for some time to work and sing with their
Yemmu ishen buddean While she takes the bread from the former hiriya; men in their thirties who gained prestige in the country
baftu, fire, my be accepted in the hiriya-group of older married men.
an ibsa balbal godhera. I let in the light through the door
(while opening it).
Yemmu ishen guddeda While she moves her thighs,
raftu,
an finchan farfas godhera. I already sprinkle my sperm.
[She uncovers the fire, he lets the light
in, and both sources of light meet one
another.]

e. Younger married men

Their activities as hiriya are parallel to those of the former group,

but strictly separated. They often sing the same songs, but, despite
this, they never sing them together with hiriya of other groups. The
same holds good for all men's groups.

f. Older married men

By the time they are fourty years old, married men have passed to
another hiriya group, the group of mature men who are supposed to
play a part in their community as go-betweens for wedding-negotia-
tions and as peacemakers, and who have a say in decision making with
regard to the country's well-being.

g. Old men

They consider each other to be hiriya. Men of the former group

never address them as equals.
For all these hiriya groups the words of my assistant Ensermu hold
good:

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 Chapter 27
h) While speaking ••!><>• • I his relations with his son, a man says: "I would
THE CONCEPT OF SAFFU like to be more friendly with my son and show him how much I
love him. But I cannot deal with him as I can with my grandson:
In the course of this book we have several times referred to 'saffu' "Nui wollitti saffudha — We are saffu towards one another."
and have given short definitions of the concept. However, these short i) While speaking of alternate generations (both called 'obo'or 'tchora ')
notes were insufficient to do justice to this important concept in somebody remarks: "Obo and obo can play with one another, even
Matcha everyday life and to the frequent and varied use of the word if their ages diverge widely; they can joke with one another. Espe
saffu in everyday speech. daily a grandmother and her little grandson can do this. There is
less respect; both of them are obo or tchora; they are like friends:
"Saffu wollitti hintaani — They are not saffu towards one another."
1. The word 'saffu'in the Matcha's daily speech
It becomes clear from these examples:
* That the word 'saffu' is used at some times as an adjective, and at
A few examples: others as a substantive.
a) Two men are trying to pull up a big tree-trunk. In spite of their toil- * That it is used with regard to widely different situations. Some-
ing they have to abandon their endeavours for the present. One of times it has a clearly religious implication, sometimes it refers to
them heaves a sigh, saying: "Saffudha — It is saffu." such trivial situations that any religious implication seems to be ex-
b) For the first time in their life people see a plane take off. The iron cluded.
bird with people in its belly disappears in the sky, roaring. Visibly * That it is only possible to extract its precise meaning from these ex-
upset an old man remarks: "Saffudha — It is saffu." amples with the help of the people themselves and some previous
c) A man has just escaped being run over by a car. Still upset by his knowledge of their socio-religious values and customs and their con-
narrow escape, he concludes his account by saying: "Saffudha — It cept of the superhuman.
is saffu."
d) A wild bull causes trouble in the herd over and over again. The
2. Matcha comments
herdsman after commenting on the beast's unpredictable and quar-
relsome behaviour, states disapprovingly: "Saffudha — It is saffu." "Saffu stands for everything that we do not understand, includ-
e) An old woman, beloved by her neighbours because of her helpful- ing a person's evil deeds. When my youngest sister is, sometimes,
ness, has fallen sick. Her own children scarcely pay any attention to very disobedient, my mother will say: 'Saffu kanseti — It is her
her. She has already been suffering for months. A neighbour woman saffu.' It is like saying: 'How can you be this way, my child?
has brought her some buttermilk. After leaving the house, she heaves How do you dare to behave this way?' " (Mirresa Gamtesa)
a sigh, genuinely saddened by the old woman's fate: "Saffudha — It
is saffu." "Having saffu means that you know how to behave according to
f) Parents discussing the problems entailed in bringing-up children in the laws of our ancestors. Once I had to make peace before the
modern times, speak of their children's lack of respect for tradi- elders. According to our custom I brought some tchokorsa grass
tional values, their current indifference to their parents' orders and with me; another man had other grass in his hands. The elders
wishes. In the end, they condense their feelings in the statement: asked him: 'Why didn't you bring tchokorsa grass; is not tcho-
"Saffu kan saniti — It is their saffu." korsa the grass of peace and blessing?' To me they said: 'You
g) Someone has committed a very evil deed. His brother says to him did the right thing. You know saffu.' " (Asafa Disasa)
reproachfully: "Saffuketi — It is your saffu." To which the other
replies in self-defense: "Saffu kanko miti. Saffu kan Waqati — It is "A younger boy may not sit on a higher stool than older boys.
not my saffu. Saffu is of Waqa." If he does, people say: 'He does not know saffu.' "
(Mirresa Gamtesa)
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 "People say 'saffu' when they he;ir of things they do not want Q.: "We also s|>ok<- <>i thai man wlio committed an evil <l<-<d.
to hear. They allO say 'saffu' of things they do not understand; Ilis brother said l<> him: 'It is your saffu', and he replied: 'It is
it is as if they say: 'We do not understand these things. Only not my saffu. Saffu is of Waqa.' "
Waqa knows.' " (Waquma Tollera) A.: "Yes, I remember. Indeed, people often speak this way. On
occasion, they will also say: 'Saffu kan Waqaf lafati — Safin
From an interview of the author and his assistant Asafa Disasa: comes from Waqa and the earth.' "

"It is Waqa's will that saffu exists. He does not want saffu to
Q.: "What then of the word 'dinqi' which also means 'mysteri-
ous'? Don't you say on occasion: 'Dinqisisadha — It is some- disappear from among us. Saffu is something from Waqa and
thing we do not understand in him?' " the earth. When the saffu disappears nothing is left.
At their Yarabbi ritual under a tree the women would pray for a
A.: "It is true we use the word 'dinqi'. We use it for example
when we see someone doing things which are very, very difficult, sick man if he asked, and Waqa heard their prayers, because in
things no one else in the country can do. But, while speaking those times the women still knew saffu.
thus, we never think of Waqa, but only think of that person Saffu means paying respect. Hiriya do not recognize saffu
who is so clever. When we say 'saffu', however, even if we do among themselves, but my children exhibit saffu towards me.
not think of Waqa at that precise moment, there is always some- Saffu is not something in them, nor is it in me, it is between us:
thing of Waqa in it." they pay respect to me and I pay respect to them, and we do
this in many different ways. We say: we are saffu towards one
Q.: "What of that tree-trunk these two men were unable to pull another.
up and about one of them saying: 'It is saffu.'?"
Obo and tchora are saffu towards one another. The eldest son
A.: "It is like saying: 'Waqa has made this tree-trunk stronger
than man.' " and his younger brother are saffu towards one another. When
there is saffu, Waqa is near to man. It is Waqa who created saf-
Q.: "What about the old man who saw the plane taking off and fu. Waqa does not like people who abandon saffu."
said: 'It is saffu.'?"
(Shagerdi Bukko)
A.: " do not think he thought of Waqa at that precise moment,
but there is something in his words suggesting: it is beyond "In former times, people said: 'You should not step on food
human understanding, beyond human power." that Waqa has given to people.' There are still people who, when
Q.: "You also remember that man who had such a narrow es- they see some maize lying lost on the road, put a few grains in
cape from death."
their pockets to show their respect for it. Such food and man
A.: "Yes, I remember. He too, said: 'It is saffu.' But as I see it, are saffu to one another. Where there is saffu, there should be
at the depth of his feeling was something rather like this: 'It is respect. When there is no longer saffu, nothing remains."
Waqa who saved me; no man could have done it.' " -<-. (A middle aged man)
Q.: "What of that wild bull of whom the herdsman said: 'It is
saffu.'?" "Nowadays, people do not care for saffu anymore. But without
A.: "He wanted to say: 'That bull's ayana is very, very wild.' " saffu all good disappears; without saffu nothing is 'full' (perfect,
Q: "You yourself gave me the example of that woman who good).
brought buttermilk to her sick neighbour who had been ill for a
We have to abide by it on the road. We have to abide by it at
long time and had always been good to people. She, too, said:
'It is saffu.' " our work. Saffu is everywhere." (Harme Dinqa, an old woman)
A.: "She was at a loss to understand why Waqa made that good An important though silent comment is the custom some old peo-
old woman suffer so much."
ple have of bowing their head while pronouncing the word 'saffu'.
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333
 It is evidetli from these comments that saffu is a socio-religious con- Those who tum .iway from this law, turn away from Wa<|a.
cept of the highest importance in Matcha life.
Those who abide by it, abide by Waqa's law.
Still the most illuminating comment is that given by the great sol- It was also Makko Billi who ordered us to proclaim his law anew
emn saffu ritual as it was performed every eighth year by the gada-set and to accept the saffu from Waqa's hands every eighth year,
that was about to come into power.
and who told us how this should be done." (Shagerdi Bukko)

3. Saying the saffu and beating the law In these last words Shagerdi Bukko clearly points to a difference be-
tween the saffu and Makko Billi's law. In the next statement he is even
Every eighth year, when it was the turn of one of the five gada-sets more explicit:
to take over the responsibility for their people's well-being, this group "The law of Makko Billi was a good law; so it was that people-
accepted once more ritually the saffu from Waqa's hands and pro- accepted it. The saffu comes from Waqa and the earth. We never
claimed anew the law of Makko Billi, their great law-giver. The two say: 'Saffu comes from Makko Billi'; we always say: 'Saffu
rites had quite a different character, though they were associated with-
comes from Waqa.' Nor do we ever speak of the law of saffu; we
in time and place. Both of them were, in the Matcha's eyes, the very
only speak of the law of Makko Billi."
bases of their society, given to them by Waqa. The difference between
them is that the saffu was given to them by Waqa himself from the
very beginning, whilst the law of Makko Billi came to them through b. The two rituals
people, through their great leaders, given to them by Waqa.
We now turn to the ritual by which the Matcha, every eighth year,
re-confirmed their society's moral norms.
a. Makko Billi and his laws The ritual was performed on a mountain, i.e. closer to Waqa (in fact
it was for our area the Garaa Mao — the mountain of the Mao) under
In Matcha oral tradition Makko Billi's appearance coincides with an oda tree — a symbol of truth, truthfulness, integrity — and prefera-
their birth as a distinct Oromo tribe, when they emerged from the bly in mist or drizzle, in which Waqa comes down to man (the ritual
water of the Ghibe river. It was at this moment that Makko Billi, ac- time was during the rainy season).
cording to their myths, proclaimed his law. It was invariably performed during the latter part of the night when
Makko Billi's law coincides in practice with the gada-laws which people are awaiting the first light of dawn, a symbol of the new gada-
comprise among other things, the law of the gada-system as such, laws period which was about to begin. Here follows the account of Shager-
about annual public rituals (new-year ritual, thanksgiving for the har- di Bukko:
vest, etc.) and many other laws such as those regarding transgressions
against other people's rights. By virtue of the same laws every man is "While all those who were about to take over the ruling of the
king in his own compound, which ensures that the gada-laws do not country were seated under the oda tree, two men stepped for-
interfere with an individual's domestic affairs. ward. They took their stand opposite one another, one facing
the west, the other the east. The one standing in the east had to
However, Makko Billi was not the founder of the Oromo's gada-
system. be a borana, since it is in the east that our people were born.
The man standing in the west (and facing the east), agabaro,
"His law was not of his own making. He told us what other raji invited him to say the saffu. (l=the borana, 2=the gabaro)
(people who know the future and help others to abide by Waqa's 2. Kottu. Come.
laws) had said already. He was a raji himself. This custom and
1. Dhufe. I have come.
that and such another custom ... it was he who passed them on
2. Akka ati dhufte, As you have come
to us. It is from him that the 'six (grandsons) of Sayo' heard
tolan biatti hadhufu. so may good come to the country
them.
(people).
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 I. Saffu nan |cclli.i. I am going to say the saffu. 1. Ilniiiiil ihliuan wolli Son and father arc saliu to one
[At this both men knelt down, bowing
saffudli.i another.
their heads. All the others remained 2. EYE, SAFFUDIIAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN
seated.] DEED.
1. Koratinif fani wolli Thorns and the soles of the feet 1. Oobonif tchoraan wolli Obo and tchora are saffu to one
saffudha. are saffu to one another. saffudha. another.
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- 2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN-
DEED. DEED.
[Everyone joined in the response.]
1. Qubinif gufun wolli Toes and tree-trunks are saffu to Saffu maal jettere, ya Why did you say the saffu, o my
saffudha. one another. jalaye? honourable companion?
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- 1. Saffun kun kan Waqaaf This saffu is of Waqa and the earth.
DEED. kan lafaa.
1. Daaranif daakun wolli Ashes and flour are saffu to one
saffudha. another. Only after this did they turned to the law of Makko Billi. It was
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- proclaimed in the same way, i.e. by two men facing one another,
DEED. standing this time, however, not kneeling. The proclamation of every
1. Horrinif bishaan wolli Mineral water and (ordinary) water law was confirmed by a crack of the whip. This whip was made from
saffudha. are saffu to one another. hippopotamus-skin, the toughest material possible, a symbol of the
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- law itself, and through its origin associated with water, which means
DEED. life. It is because of this that Matcha say that their law is 'beaten'.
1. Thinnanif guddaan wolli Small and great are saffu to one The difference between the two rituals was stressed without equi-
saffudha. another. vocation by all my informants.
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN-
DEED. "While beating the law of men they stand;
1. Jarsinif ijolle wolli Old and young are saffu to one while saying Waqa's saffu, they kneel down.
saffudha. another. This saffu is like a prayer; while pronouncing it they pay hon-
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- our to Waqa by kneeling." (Shagerdi Bukko)
DEED.
1. Garbichif goftaan wolli Slave and master are saffu to one "Saying the saffu means paying honour to Waqa; the law of
saffudha. another. Makko Billi is beaten."
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- "When a rich and powerful man presents a poor man with some-
DEED. thing very worthwhile, for example a gun, the poor man should
1. Garbittinif gifti wolli Slave-maid and mistress are saffu accept this present on his knees.
saffudha. to one another. We took the gada-law from men, that's why we beat it while
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- standing.
DEED. The saffu comes from Waqa and the earth, that's why we accept
1. Intalinif hati wolli Daughter and mother are saffu it kneeling." (Waquma Tollera)
saffudha. to one another.
2. EYE, SAFFUDHAKA. YES, THEY ARE SAFFU, IN- Other gestures of the two men who pronounce the saffu shed further
DEED. light on this subject. They not only kneel, they do not only bow their

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heads, (hey also place their hands down on the earth and dun turn in the gada Institution <>l the gula or Iubabaesa, those people who had
them upwards in a gesture of supplication and of receiving. They may gone through all the rituals and public services of the gada-syslem, and
also take some tchokorsa grass in their hands, which is often found who became the 'priests' of their people and the advisors of the gada-
growing on the spot, and lift it up towards the sky in a gesture of sup- set in power.
plication: grant us life, grant us fertility, grant us peace.
5. Saffu and the concept of sin
4. The gada-system as a shrine for ancient values Matcha see the world and, particularly their own society, as Waqa's
creation in which all things have been given a place of their own ac-
Makko Billi's law, in the people's eyes, is a further application of cording to the specific ayana of each. All are unique and different
the saffu. It gives more concrete rules for the distance to be maintained from one another. As people put it themselves from their more prag-
between adjacent generations; it embodies the Oromo 's dislike of per- matic point of view: "They must keep distance from each other; each
manent leaders by the maintenance of a system of five gada-sets who, of them has to follow his own way; they must not overstep the bound-
in turn, take responsibility of their people's well-being; it stresses the aries put between them by Waqa; they must not get mixed up."
need for a quppa-ntuaX after the shedding of human blood and fixes Man must conform to this cosmic and social order. If he does not,
the blood-prices after manslaughter; it protects the saffu by administer- he acts against the saffu.
ing punishments; it prescribes a set of well-defined rituals to be per- Their use of the word 'ballesu' is worth noting in this regard. 'Balle-
formed by the gada-set in office to assure Waqa's blessing; it even goes su' is often used for 'sinning', but it means in fact 'to destroy, to
into detail about the way these and other rituals must be performed — damage, to spoil'. Not only is man's relationship with Waqa spoiled,
details which, most probably existed even before the gada-system was but Waqa's creation itself, and the latter consideration is the more im-
introduced. portant in the Matcha's eyes. This aspect and some others of their
An example of the latter is to be found in the purification ritual view of Waqa and saffu are clearly indicated in the following inter-
after transgressions against the saffu which Waqa established between view I conducted with Gammachu Magarsa.
obo and tchora and between people of the same blood. Makko Billi's
law on this runs as follows: Q.: "Is there any difference between what the orthodox priests
and protestants taught you about Waqa and sin and your own
Ooboof tchora yo wollitti If an obo and a tchora overstep view of things as an Oromo?"
darbe, the boundary between one another A.: "Yes, there is.
(by sexual intercourse), We Oromo believe that Waqa has created all things, but we did
yo kara maale hojete, if they forsake the right way, not know of a Garden of Eden. The bible tells us that Waqa was
hadhiqamu, hatchuppamu. they must be washed andimmersed. walking there in the cool of the day and that Adam and Eve
Dhigni dhigatti yo darbe, When blood passes the boundary could speak with him. This we like very much: it is our own Wa-
which separates it from (the same) qa.
blood, Our ancestors, too, had stories of Waqa walking on the earth in
hadhiqamu, hatchuppamu, he, the one who shed it, must be the shape of an old man. In those days at the very beginning of
washed and immersed, time, people could speak with Waqa and ask him everything.
korma yakka habasu. and he must pay a 'bull of guilt'. Our fathers also said that Waqa withdrew from man because
Tuma Makko BUM kanama. Such is the 'beating' of Makko man did not keep to the saffu Waqa had created in this world;
Billi. but they did not tell us that Waqa himself meted out punish-
ments to people. The orthodox priests told us of hell. The Pres-
The Matcha's idea that older people are nearer to Waqa and because byterians and Adventists told us that people who drink and
of this are the leaders designate at any ritual, was given concrete form dance will be thrown into hell. This is not our Waqa.

338 339
 The Adventiiti also told us of a great judgement-day on which
everyone who is not baptized will be thrown by Waqa into hell. ple, they know that saffu is lessened in the country; the) l< < I
This is not our Waqa." less friendly towards all other people. In addition, Waqa willi
draws from the thief: that's not good for his family.
Q. .• "But in the gospel itself you find a story about the Last
Q: "I agree, but let me give another example. A man and i
Judgement."
woman have committed serious incest, but no one knows about
A.: "That is true, and I have read and heard it many times. In
it. Whose peace then is disturbed?"
this story Jesus Christ says to the good people: 'Come you who
have won my Father's blessing. Come with me, stay with me, A.: "Both of them overstepped the boundary between them;
have eternal life.' This we understand: it is our own Waqa who both of them failed to respect the saffu Waqa put between them.
speaks thus. Jesus also says that all those good people will be So Waqa withdraws from them, and the woman will give birth
with him for ever, because they upheld the saffu and were good to a child without arms or legs. Her husband's lineage will be
to other people. This, too, we understand: wherever saffu is to very, very angry, because she brought such a child into their
be found there is Waqa. lineage. 'She and that man made Waqa withdraw from us,' they
will say."
But after this there comes something that has always puzzled
me: it is the words of Jesus to the evil ones: 'Go away from me Q.: "Take a man who wants to steal a very fine cow from an-
into the eternal fire.' This we do not understand. Here Jesus is other man. For weeks he thinks about doing this; his heart is
not acting like our Waqa would. Waqa would only have turned full of it, day and night. Then quite unexpectedly, that fine cow
away his face from them. dies. Now the man leaves all thought of stealing, but for many
weeks his heart was filled with it. Do you think this man has
However, you have told me that Jesus Christ did not have a real sinned by these bad thoughts?"
fire in mind, but that it is a milikita (a symbol): it stands for the
worst thing that can happen to man: being left alone by Waqa A.: "What did he spoil? Nothing. What did he do against saffu?
for ever. This, again, we understand: it is our Waqa who with- Nothing. I know that the Christian priests say that he was sinn-
draws from them. Such is the fate of everyone who does not ing; but we Oromo, we do not say so."
keep to the saffu.
Saffu is not a law inflicting all kinds of punishments for evil-
doers, like the laws of man. This is why it is not proclaimed
with a whip. The saffu is not 'beaten': it is accepted from Waqa's
hands with prayer. It is something Waqa created in this world
and in the heart of man. It is a thing that all good people like.
So it is that we have a saying: 'Wan namnijalatu Waqni jalata —
What people like Waqa likes also.' To us, Oromo, sin (tchubbu)
is always something against saffu; it is always something that
breaks peace among people. What does not harm other people is
no sin."
Q.: "But, Gammachu, what of a man who disregards saffu and
steals an axe from another man? If no one knows who is the
thief, the man is still in peace with everyone. What sin then has
he committed?"
A.: "True, nobody knows that this man has stolen the axe, but
the own owner knows that it has been stolen, and his peace is
disturbed. He and his family feel 'eaten' (harmed) by other peo-

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 Chapter 28 Matcha do not think of exterminating such harmful animals as inon
keys, porcupines, wild pigs, antelopes, wild cats, and the like, slill less
AN ASPECT OF SAFFU BETWEEN MAN AND ANIMAL of killing birds, which are seen as messengers from Waqa.
My own endeavours to induce boys to suffocate porcupines in their
holes did not meet with much success.
1. Customs in everyday life People prefer to keep watch on their crops day and night at coniid
erable pains to themselves rather than exterminating the pests syste-
Everywhere in Matchaland certain animals, birds and insects consti- matically.
tute a permanent threat to the people's domestic animals and their The same is to be seen with regard to their chicks, many of which
crops. are taken by wild cats and birds of prey. They suffer the loss with the
Towards harvest-time people have to defend their crops day and same equanimity that they undergo the setbacks of the various seasons.
night against such predators as monkeys, porcupines, antelopes, and
birds. During the day-time, they do this preferably while sitting on top "People have a feeling that it is good when the monkeys eat
of a primitive platform in the midst of their fields. from their maize. 'What is left will be the better,' they say."
The shouting of children in order to frighten away the monkeys and (Mirresa Gamtesa)
birds is one of the characteristic sounds in the countryside during the
last weeks before harvest-time. "It is good if the monkeys eat our maize. If we feed them, it
While doing this the children will scold the robbers and even pelt brings blessing. Sometimes, they eat too much. This then is a
them with stones; in short, they will behave in a very impolite way to- punishment of Waqa. In such a case people pray Waqa that he
wards them. "But since they are children," people say, "the monkeys may not turn away his face from them." (Shagerdi Bukko)
and birds do not feel too insulted."
But for grown-up people matters are different. As my young assis- "People are not angry with the birds and animals when they eat
tant Asafa Disasa put it: their grain. True, they chase them away, but in former times
they would always do so with soft words without insulting
them. They would say: 'Ushe, ushe, may Waqa make you feel
"People do not like a man who curses the monkeys and birds,
satisfied with little.' Waqa has given man more grain than he has
when they come to eat his crops. I know a man who is always
given to the animals and birds, and if the latter come to eat
doing so, and each year the monkeys come into his maize more
from it, they do this with Waqa's permission; without it they
than into that of his neighbours. 'If he continues cursing the
would not come. Waqa himself causes them to do so: it their
monkeys in this way,' people say, 'they will eat his maize still
ayana. Therefore man should never curse them by shouting:
more every year. They understand what he is saying and they
'Muuuuuu, muuuuuuf'and he should never say to them in anger:
will return, again and again, to steal more and more from his
'May Waqa 'eat' you!' " (Waquma Tollera)
crops.' Such a man will shout to the monkeys: 'You eat my
maize: may Waqa eat (kill) you.'
But a good man will say: 'May Waqa cause you to feel satisfied "Nowadays, people say: 'The crows and weevils eat nearly all
with little.' He will not scream loudly; rather he will address our maize.' But this is because they no longer abide by the cus-
them in a low voice: 'Ushe, ushe, ushe ... now go, and may you toms of our fathers." (An old man)
feel also satisfied with the little you have eaten.' In this way he
will also talk to the porcupines and the wild pigs who come in "You give to the birds and animals from your field and from
the night. True, nowadays, people will sometimes kill a monkey your grain-stores that they may bless you, and so you do with
\ but, generally speaking, they are not worried over much at the your chicks and sheep. We believe that Waqa can make them
' monkeys' presence in their country." satisfied with little. Didn't Jesus do the same, when he fed a

342 S4S
 huge crowd of people with seven loaves and a few small fish? So 2. The lion
it is that when a lion has taken a cow and roars, people say: Among the wild animals the lion ranks highest in the Matcha's eyes;
There will be peace in the country: the 'big father' (the lion) the male lion that is, for the lionness is distrusted and feared. They
has blessed u s . ' " (Gammachu Magarsa) call him 'moti — king, ruler, powerful one', as in the song
[Peace: not only mutual agreement be-
tween people but also its effects: Waqa's
Birbfrsa moti muka; The birbirsa is the moti of the
blessing in every aspect of life.]
trees;
Birbi'r moti'galana; the Birbir is the moti of the rivers;
"Waqa himself blesses us, if we do not begrudge the animals
dale moti binensa. the lion is the moti of the wild
their share in what he has given us. He blesses us, because we
animals.
uphold his saffu, the saffu he has put between us and the birds
and animals. If the baboon comes slowly into our maize, he will
take what he needs and run away with it. But if you insult him They also call him 'abba gudda — the big father'. Still his most hon-
he may well grow angry and start destroying your maize only ourable name is 'borana'. "The lion is the borana among the wild ani-
for the sake of destroying it. Don't forget: Waqa did not teach mals."
him to sow and to plough; therefore he allowed him to take a As with a borana among people, the lion is pre-eminently an animal
little from what man has cultivated. His ayana is different from of blessing and peace among the wild animals. Like the borana among
ours. So it is that we must watch our animals and crops but, at people the lion is considered as nearest to Waqa in the animal world.
the same time, we must abide by the saffu Waqa put between us Not in the same sense that a sheep is called an animal of peace, but in
and the animals. the sense that he of all wild animals abides by the saffu Waqa has
created in this world. Other animals may fall short in blessing those
It is therefore that we cannot be rough against the birds. It is people who do not grudge them a modest share in their domestic ani-
therefore that we do not only say to them: 'May Waqa make mals and crops, but the lion never forgets. In addition, since he is a
you satisfied with little', but that we also implore their pity. borana, his blessing is more powerful than that of other animals.
When I was still a young boy and I saw many abba gaya (little
birds with a long waving tail) in my barley, I used to sing: "Whenever a lion has taken a cow, he always blesses its owner.
Abba gaya O abba gaya When he first sets eyes on a man, he never attacks him. When
ya tchorrisa, who says 'tchorre', we meet him, he looks at us and goes his way. If someone fires
mi'dhan qi'tte; my grain is only half for me; at him, he does not run away but comes up to him at once. It is
(I have to give half of it to the only when he has grown very weak and old, that he may lie in
owner of the land) wait near a path to attack people.
ati yo fi'te, if you finish all of it, When we hear him roaring in the night, we say: 'The year will
jarsa dega me, poor man, be good.'
maal an ega? why do I watch my grain? If, in the morning, we see his footprints near a church, we say:
If the animals and birds bless Waqa because of the food we give 'Big father came here to pray last night.' "
them, it is very good. The birds praise Waqa every morning, and
in this way they make this earth a place where Waqa is praised, He proves his boranaship in other ways as well:
a place of blessing to all of us. Killing birds is a great sin."
(A young man) "The lion never eats an animal's forelegs and refuses to eat a
prey that has fallen on its left side.
[Any animal that is slaughtered should
fall on its right side. An Oromo mounis

344 345
 Ins horse from the right side. All danc- Three years ago a fatal disease spread among the cattle of Ihcse
ing and passing around a house or a tree
is done anti-clockwise. When seating, parts. Many people tried to sell their cattle as soon as possible.
the right side is the side of honour.] They said to me: 'Sell your cow, my boy, while she is slill
At the moment I caught sight of the lion, he had just killed two healthy.' But I replied: 'If she has to die, let her die, but I will
wild pigs and a big antelope. Both pigs had fallen on their left never sell her.' My cow did not even grow sick, and, while other
side, but the antelope had fallen on its right. Accordingly, the people had no milk, I continued to drink the milk from my cow.
lion had only eaten from the antelope." (An old hunter) These things happened I think, because the lion had blessed me,
after he had eaten that cow's mother."
"The lion's ayana is very strong but at the same time it is
magnanimous and gentle and full of respect for saffu. On the evening after the thanksgiving-ritual for his cow's seventh
People tend to believe that the lion is the first born among the calf, the young owner paid me a visit. He told me:
wild animals, just as the borana are the first born among men."
(Gammachu Magarsa) "After you had gone home, I asked my father again about my
cow's mother who was killed by the lion. He told me exactly
One day, I was invited to witness a ritual of thanksgiving following the same story he had told me ten years ago. Now I am sure
the birth of a calf. The young man who had invited me was my assis- that his first story was not invented in order to console me over
tant Ensermu. The mother-cow concerned was his. She was a daughter the loss of my cow."
of his first cow which was eaten by a lion. The story of this incident as
he had told it me, was as follows: Shagerdi Bukko has this to say:

"The misensa (the gada-set in power) always bought a bull for

"It happened about ten years ago. I had a cow which had al- the lion. They would take him to the wilderness and tie him up
ready given birth to two calves, a cow-calf and, more recently, a there. After three or four days, they would go back to look if
bull-calf. One evening I went to bring my cow home, where the the lion had eaten their bull. If so, everything would be well in
little bull-calf was waiting for her. But my cow went mad and the country and the lion would not eat people."
ran away, back to the grazing ground. I went after her, but she
did not stop running; I could not catch up with her. It was At my question how they could know that it was the lion who had
growing dark already, and so I decided to go home and to ask eaten their bull the answer was:
my father's help. But I could not find him. My mother forbade
me to go out again. When my father came home that night, he "They know it for certain because the lion blesses the bull he
promised to go after my cow next day. 'But you yourself must eats. He puts the bull's forelegs side by side, puts some grass on
go to school,' he said. top of them and spits on the grass. When the lion had done this,
It was three days later before he found my cow. 'I saw vultures they knew that their butta (their eight years' period of rule)
circling above Burqa country,' he told me. 'So I went there and would be a good one."
found your cow. She had been killed by a lion. But do not weep
my son: the lion has blessed her. He has put her forelegs side by
3. Three rituals
side. He has put grass on top of them and he has spat on the
grass. You shall get many cows from your cow-calf.'
a. Jari gatu
And so it happened. My bull-calf died soon, but my cow-calf
grew strong and healthy, and as soon as she had become a cow, "This we performed each year at the end of the rainy season. It
she gave birth to a calf every year. was done so that the rats and weevils, the birds and wild animals
346 347
 [Giving anil pnyitlg K<> tOgethfr. Waqa'il
would be satisfied wilh little in our grain-stores and fields. As a and the animals' blessing will not hap
child I enjoyed it very much. It was a feast for the whole neigh- pen, unless man fulfills the saffu.]
bourhood: all women did it on the same day. Then we went back to our house, but, first, my mother cut
[To prevent the rats and weevils from some tchokorsa grass, divided it in two and put it at each side of
being chased from their own grain-stores our door. We did not enter the house.
into the neighbours'.] From inside, my father called out to her: 'What did the jari say?'
First my mother roasted barley, sorghum, and maize, and added At which my mother replied: 'Plenty has come, hunger has
to them black pepper, fragrant plants like kefo and bakeri (mint) gone.'
and cooked rafu (a kind of cabbage). After this she ground all After this we began to eat from the same food in the clay-pot.
these things and put the food into a tuwe (big clay-pot). She We went also to our neighbours to eat there, and our neighbours
had us, her children, carry the tuwe and a small knife that she would come to eat with us. Everyone ate out of doors."
needed. She herself took her prayerstick and a tomborra (a (Asafa Disasa)
bundle of thin twigs neatly tied up, which serves as a torch).
Some shorter extra-torches were divided among us children. Remark
Later we used a flashlight. I always liked very much to keep it. The full meaning of the name 'jari gatu' never became clear to me. 'Gatu'
Together we went outside and in front of the house my mother means 'to throw' but the meaning of 'jari' still eludes me. "It is an old Ororao
took some handful of the food in the clay-pot and threw them word," some people say. Gammachu Magarsa gave the following explanation:
towards our kitchen garden and our fields near to the house. "The main idea is that we honour our fathers by doing so. It was they who first
started cultivating the land; they left their vestiges in it and in this sense they are
Since we had also fields in Qabdo and Humbi (nearby areas), still in our land. By cultivating the land they also provided the insects, birds and
she threw some in those directions as well, saying: 'This is for animals with food they never had before, according to the saffu Waqa gave us. It
Sakko (the area where they were living), this is for Qabdo, this is the latter aspect of their work that is expressed by this ritual: we too, we give
is for Humbi.' to the insects, animals and birds a share in our harvest, that they may bless us."
While throwing the food, she prayed:
'O Waqa, make the wild animals satisfied with little.' b. A sacrifice for Abdari
And we answered: 'MAKE THEM SATISFIED WITH LITTLE.' In contrast to the former this is an exclusively men's ritual. People
'Prevent the hail from harming our crops.' call it 'dibayu' which means 'libation, pouring out'.
'PREVENT IT.' Matcha have several such 'dibayu' the greatest of which is in thanks-
'Prevent the storm from harming our crops.' giving for the harvest, which, again, is a men's ritual, performed be-
'PREVENT IT.' neath a tree on a hill. An animal is slaughtered and its blood is splashed
'Make all animals satisfied with little.' on the ground in all directions, while beer and buna qala are poured
'MAKE THEM SATISFIED WITH LITTLE.' out or put at the foot of the tree.
[Note the difference between the prayers The ritual I will describe here ia s simplified 'dibayu' on the occa-
against hail and storm on one hand and sion of the opening of a new plot of land.
those against the animals on the other.
Storm and hail must not come at all; the Significantly, it was ten years before I was invited to participate in
animals should come but only not eat it and to add my blessing to their prayers.
too much.] When I arrived on the spot, the younger people were ploughing and
clearing the land, a form of cooperation with detailed rules in regard
After this we went to our grain-stores. Here my mother put two to everybody's future share in the harvest.
heaps of food on the threshold of each grain-store, saying: 'This [In spite of this rather practical aspect
is for the rats and weevils. O Waqa, make them satisfied with of their cooperation, one of my assis-
little.'
349
348
 hints remarked: "When we < oopcrate in 2. () Waqt, you cauied us to reach this (lay, praise be U> you.
this way, it is not only people who co-
operate: their ayana cooperate as well.] O. PRAISE BE TO YOU.
These young people would not take part in the sacrificial rite proper. 2. Give us also a peaceful day and, in the evening, receive OU1
[Here, too, is a characteristic feature of thanks.
most Oromo rituals: the ritual proper is O. RECEIVE OUR THANKS.
performed by a limited group, in this [It is a rule that prayers of praise and
case a few older men, whose task it is by thanksgiving to Waqa are repeated sev-
custom to perform it. But its importance eral times. He is the highest one. Hence
in the people's eyes is not expressed by the first words of the next leader.]
a large attendance on the part of those 3. Waqa's praise is double.
in whose name it is performed.] O Waqa, through your power cause the wild animals to be
At some distance from the workers three older men were ready to satisfied with little (on this our new plot of land).
carry out the ritual. I knew them very well: one was our neighbour, O. CAUSE THEM TO BE SATISFIED WITH LITTLE.
another Asafa Disasa's father, and the third, the oldest and as such the 3. Prevent them from eating too much.
leader, was a former slave, living not far from my home.
O. PREVENT THEM.
The sacrificial animal for Waqa was a pure black sheep. In general, 3. What we have sown cause it to yield fruit ninefold.
however, the ritual was said to be for Abdari, the ayana of the new plot O. CAUSE IT TO YIELD.
of land. Standing on the grass under two trees later to be felled, the 3. And after this we will say thanks to you.
three old men commenced their prayers. The first prayers were Chris- 0 . WE WILL SAY THANKS.
tian prayers. They were said jointly, while the men kept their hands 1. If we have done wrong against them, make the animals again
before their belly. Such joint prayers with the hands hanging are not kindly disposed towards us.
specifically Oromo. Oromo prayers normally take the form of a dialo- 0 . MAKE THEM KINDLY DISPOSED.
gue between one of the ritual leaders and the group (though these lea- 1. Make them be satisfied with little.
ders usually at a certain moment abandon set forms and start praying 0 . MAKE THEM SATISFIED WITH LITTLE.
spontaneously, each one in his own way). In addition, the perfect at- 1. Make grow up what is young (children, calves, lambs, crops).
titude at prayer in the Oromo's eyes is to lift the hands towards hea- 0 . MAKE IT GROW UP.
ven. These Christian prayers were: the 'Our Father', the Catholic 'Holy 1. Keep what is grown up alive.
Mary', and three times 'Glory be to the Father, the Son and the Holy 0 . KEEP IT ALIVE.
Spirit'. 1. Give us the strength needed to work.
[I was assured that they would have said 0 . GIVE US STRENGTH.
them even if I had not been present.]
1. O Abdari, o Waqa, o earth, make sprout what we have sown.
After these Christian prayers their own traditional ones followed,
O. MAY IT SPROUT.
prayers associated with this ritual from ancient times.
1-. May what has sprouted grow.
In turn one of the three men acted as a leader. (1, 2, 3, O = others) 0 . MAY IT GROW.
1. May what has grown ripen.
1. O Waqa, you caused us to spend the night in peace, praise be O. MAY IT RIPEN.
to you. After some further prayers in the same vein, the leaders of the co-
0 . PRAISE BE TO YOU. operation brought the sheep (the members had bought it jointly) which
1. You caused us to reach this day, praise be to you. was immediately slaughtered on the grass. The ritual leader collected
0 . PRAISE BE TO YOU. the sheep's blood in his hands straight from the throat and sprinkled it
1. Continue, please. around on the earth. By coming back hastily several times he collected

350 351
as much of il as possible. After this he went to a big tree, 'the tree of Here is a description of the ritual by an old woman, as she gave il to
Abdari', and smeared the blood on its stem. This tree was the only one Asafa Disasa.
which would be left standing in view of future rituals for the ayana of [For completeness sake I have inserted a
the land. few details gathered from other infor-
During the slaughtering and sprinkling of the blood, the old man (1) mants.]
prayed continually, prayers like the former ones and some new, such "On Yarabbi day we all went together to our dibayu tree, taking
as: with us beer and buttermilk, many loaves of bread, and coffee
1. O Abdari, have mercy on us. and butter. Our mother of the tchatchu with sarbofa leaves (a
0. HAVE MERCY. creeper) around her head led the way. At a short distance from
1. Prevent us from wounding ourselves and others with our the tree all of us sat down on the grass in a circle, and we put
choppers. everything we had brought with us in the centre. We had made
0. PREVENT US. our buttermilk tasty with fragrant kefo and bakari leaves, black
1. Protect us from all evil. pepper, and rafu, all things we had first ground.
O. PROTECT US. While going to the tree and while sitting there we sang and
prayed. In the meantime some of us started preparing buna qala.
From every part of the sheep (people say 'from nine parts') some- As soon as the buna qala had 'spoken' (exploded), each woman
thing was put aside on false-banana leaves for Waqa. Some fragrant cut two little pieces from her bread and dipped them into the
twigs were added and the sacrifice was lit. When the flames went up, buttermilk, the hadha tchatchu doing so first. We also took
all retired a little 'that Waqa might come down and smell our meat'. some buna qala in our hands and some tchokorsa grass. In this
Meanwhile similar prayers as before were said, but this time they were way we approached the tree, one after another in single file fol-
addressed exclusively to Waqa. After this, the ritual borde beer (made lowing the lead of the hadha tchatchu. We first put our tchokor-
of the people's ancient grain, barley and daguja) was poured out under sa on the ground at the foot of the tree. On top of the tchokor-
the tree by the leader. sa we put the buna qala, and on top of this we poured out our
In the afternoon, when the work was over, the rest of the sheep's beer. It was borde. While doing this all of us shouted 'Ilililili!'.
meat was roasted ritually in long strips above a fire, and a goat was We also prayed:
added in view of the many eaters. 'O Waqa, make the animals and birds satisfied with little.
The ritual had only once been interrupted to ask my blessing. I had Make the weevils and the rats satisfied with little.
given it in the same words people were using. During the whole of this Make from year to year our granary yellow (full of golden grain).
ritual a baboon on look-out had been sitting in a tree some distance Make grow up what is small.
away, undisturbed by people, and looking at their activities, as a sym- Keep alive what is grown-up.
bol of the saffu-covenant between man and the wild animals. Protect our cattle from the evil eye.
Give us plenty.
c. Yarabbi Prevent the hail from harming us.
Prevent the storms from harming us.
The ritual is also called 'the dibayu of the women'. Under the lead Make all wild animals satisfied with little.
of the hadha tchatchu — the woman who has the tchatchu, lit. the Make the animals of the road satisfied with little.
'mother of the tchatchu' — all the women of a neighbourhood bring Make the animals who dwell in holes satisfied with little.
their offerings together under a big tree. Such a tree should be leafy Make the animals in the fields satisfied with little.
and undamaged. It is often a sycamore. Such a ritual tree is called diba- Grant us our peace.'
yu tree. Such dibayu trees are found everywhere in the country. No After this we put many loaves of bread (round loaves, 20 x 5
one ever 'wounds' such a tree by cutting even a single leaf from it. cm) at the far side of the tree on leaves which the boys had put
352 353
 (here for us. And we poured our buttermilk on the breads. In "In the beginning, Waqa summoned all his creatures. 'Come,' he
the meantime all those boys stood waiting at some distance. For said, 'I am going to give each of you his share in the many good
the moment, they were not allowed to touch the loaves. things I have created.'
After this we went back to our place. While coming we had All the animals and birds came, and Waqa began to give them
passed by the tree on the right side, now we came back on its each his share. To the birds he gave the barley and sorghum, to
left side. We returned praying as we walked and not looking the baboons the maize, to the lion the cattle, to the leopard
back. sheep and goats, to the hyenas those animals which had no(
As soon as we had reached our place, the hadha tchatchu shouted cloven-hoofs (horses, mules, donkeys).
to the boys: 'Ofkalla — Go your way!' Man did not arrive until the distribution was finished. 'O Waqa,
Upon which all of them ran towards the loaves. Each took as I am too late,' he said, 'is there nothing left for me?' — 'Only
many loaves as he was able to carry. They ran away with them the water is left,' Waqa said, 'so, you man, take the water.'
and each had to eat them alone without sharing any with others. All animals began to eat the things Waqa had assigned to them.
[They represent the wild animals and The lion ate a cow and grew thirsty. So he went to man and
therefore are forbidden to behave like asked him: 'Please, give me from your water.' But man refused.
people.]
The lion kept on pleading. Man continued to refuse. In the end
As for us, we did not sit down again. Our hadha tchatchu turned the lion said: 'O man, I am dying from thirst. Please, give me
to the men and other boys and girls who had been waiting not water, and I'll give you all my cattle.' To this man agreed. The
far from our place, and told them: 'Now you must stay here
lion drank, but before going he said to man: 'Now I have given
and finish all food and drink that is left on the spot. And so
you all my cattle, but do not forget that they were originally
they did. As for us, we went home praying and singing without
my share, given to me by Waqa. On occasion I shall continue to
looking back.
take a cow or a bull from you.' And to this, too, man agreed.
Only a few newly married women from among us would stay
After the lion the leopard came. He had eaten a goat and he,
behind to dance with the boys and girls (their former hiriya)
after eating. too, was thirsty. He asked for water, but man refused. And, in
the end, the leopard, too, had to give man all his sheep and goats
While going home we sang:
for the sake of water. But, before going away he, too, said to
Ya Maram sugeko O Maram, blessed one,
man: 'Be sure that I'll come back from time to time to take
madhin warana siiga robe. the meal for these people has been
something of the share that Waqa gave me.'
blessed: it is plenty.
The baboons came, the hyenas came, the birds came. All gave
to man everything they had and man gave them water. They
O my son, how good all these things were! On such a day, we
could not do otherwise. Every creature that eats needs water; it
felt Waqa very near to us! O, if time would permit, how I would
needs to drink.
like to do these things again!
[Time, in the Matcha's eyes, is a power. However, it is still the birds' ayana that they like our grain,
It imposes itself on people as seasons and the lion's ayana that he likes our cattle. Waqa himself has
do. Man has to adapt to it. The old made them this way.
woman refers to social change and par- So it is that we say to the birds and animals when they come in-
ticularly to Christianity.] to our fields: 'May Waqa who gave you this from the very be-
ginning make you satisfied with little.'
4. A myth Thus it is that Waqa will not bless us, if we refuse to give to
them."
All these customs, rites, and attitudes, are given a charter in a well-
known myth. The narrator is Waquma Tollera.

354
 Chapter 29
Other versions of this myth are widespread both among Oromo and
other peoples. THE MA TCHA 'S SELECTIVE A TTITUDE IN REGARD TO
The Oromo, in making the myth their own, have associated it with BIBLICAL MYTHS
their concepts of saffu and ayana.
When their traditional way of life was shaken by a thorough so< i<>
religious change, Matcha did not undergo Christianity as a mere threat
to their most cherished values: they also sought and found in it a sup
port for these same values against the impact of social change.
In much of the Christian message they recognized their own con
cept of Waqa; their feelings of dependence on him, their idea about
peace among people being a condition for Waqa's blessing.
In the holy book of the Christians, and particularly in the life of the
Jewish patriarches, the laws of Moses, the lives and activities of the
early judges and kings, they saw their own ancient way of life reflected.
It provided them with arguments against the. attitude of those non-
Oromo Christians who condemned indiscriminately all their traditional
rituals as the devil's work. It is this attitude of an indiscriminate con
demnation that chiefly accounts for the present confusion in the lie-Id
of religion.
It is possible to say that people are still in a process of selecting those
Christian elements that can merge with their traditional way of life
and thought. In the words of a young educated man:
"I still feel myself to be an Oromo to the backbone and, on the
other hand there are things in Christianity that genuinely appeal
to me. Other things, however, I do not like, especially when it
condemns so many things our ancestors treasured. I still have a
feeling that I cannot become a true Christian without ceasing to
be an Oromo. So I feel myself in between."

1. The story of Abraham and Isaac

We know that the borana among the Matcha did not eat sheep. A
traditional explanation of this custom was that the borana are people
of peace and that the sheep, too, is an animal of peace. But nowadays,
another explanation may be offered, namely that they abstained from
eating sheep because Abraham, who was the first borana, ceased to do
so after Waqa had given him a sheep to be killed instead of his son.
Three things foster their view of Abraham as their first ancestor:
a) The great similarity between the Oromo way of life and that of the
early patriarchs.

356
b) The passages in the bible which speak of descendants of Abraham that very moment a voice was heard calling: 'Abraham, Abr.i
who were not admitted to the covenant with God, but not entirely ham, Abraham, do not kill your son. Kill this.' And at thai m<>
excluded from Waqa's blessing, namely Abraham's son Ismael and ment Waqa gave him a ram. This ram was white and his tail was
his grandson Esau. (On occasion they will enforce their argument very fat. Abraham killed that ram. 'This ram', he said, 'came
by pointing at the name of one of Esau's descendants, 'Orma'.) down from heaven to replace my son. Therefore, I shall nevei
c) The Matcha's lack of a myth of their own to support the borana again eat sheep.'
custom. From that day onwards the borana gave up eating iheep."

It brings them to explaining their becoming Christians by the very It strikes the eye that in this Christian Oromo version the relation
fact that Abraham, too, believed in God's promises about a Saviour of ship between husband and wife, father and son has greater justice
all peoples who would be born from his seed. done to it than is the case in the bible story.
So we find a new myth of descent in which their first ancestor Raya Satan who appears on the scene at the beginning reminds us of the
becomes a descendant of Abraham. 37 At the same time they enrich story of Job where again satan challenged God in regard to Job's vir
the venerable biblical story with elements of their own way of life. tue. It is a story which appeals strongly to the Oromo.
Here follows a Matcha version of it. It was told to my assistant Asafa
Disasa by his uncle Ambassa Waqo, a borana and now a Christian. The words "In the name of the Father, and the Son and the Holy
Spirit' reflect the Christians' custom when killing; it is a counterpart
of the Muslims' "In the name of Allah" and in both religions it is
"Waqa liked Abraham. Abraham was old and Waqa had given
based on the belief that God is ultimately the sole master of life. The
him only one son (by his first wife). Waqa said to Abraham: 'If
insertion of this passage shows how much Matcha identify Abraham
you are really a good servant of mine, you must kill your son
with Christianity.
for me.' Satan said to Waqa: 'Abraham will not do this for you.'
"The sheep was white" ... This is pure white. Under Christian infill
But Waqa said again to Abraham: 'Kill your son for me.'
ence pure white has come to be regarded somewhat more as a colour
Abraham told his wife: 'Waqa has asked me to kill our son for
suited to Waqa. Though we should note Gammachu Magarsa's com
him. Can I do such a thing?' Sara said: 'Yes, in this case you
ment on this passage: "The Oromo's feeling in regard to pure whiu- is
should kill him.'
still that it refers first of all to the inner Waqa, as when we say: 'Waqa
Abraham was a borana, our borana. So he took his knife and is dark but inside he is white like hail'." As we saw in the previous
went up the mountain. His son asked him: 'Father, we are going chapter, pure black still prevails in purely Oromo rituals. In the church
up the mountain now, but we have no bull or sheep to kill. You people commonly prefer to offer a pure white sheep, but they arc
have a knife and fire, but what about the animal we are to kill conscious that this constitutes a shift in the direction of Christianity.
there?' Abraham replied: 'Waqa knows, my son.' "Nowadays, when we give a white sheep to Waqa in the church, peo-
After some time his son said to him: 'My father, perhaps you ple say: 'Waqa likes a white sheep'." (Asafa Disasa)
are going to kill me. If so, you must tie my feet and hands, lest
"The sheep's tail was very fat" ... A fat tail is the first thing people
I kick you with my feet and beat you with my hands. And also:
look at when buying a sheep for slaughtering.
when you are about to kill me, do not look at my face, lest you
would say: 'He is my son: I cannot kill him.' So, when you are
about to cut my throat, keep my face downwards. If you do 2. Other biblical myths
not kill me, you would forsake what you were taught by our Not all the stories in the bible appeal to the Matcha as strongly as
fathers.' When he was about to kill his son, Abraham said: 'In the story of Abraham and Isaac. It depends whether they find in them
the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit', but at a validation of their own traditional ways of life and thought.
So it is that the biblical stories about the creation of the world l><
37
In the same way the Somali trace their descent from the prophet. fore the appearance of man are not greatly regarded. The Malrha's in

358 '(V)
Iciest is focuied on man and his relations with the world, not on this CONCLUSION
world in itself. In their own myths, too, no evidence is found for the
creation of the world and so we do not find with them impressive In this book I have allowed the Matcha Oromo to present themselves
creation myths as there are to be found with the Jews and a number to the reader in their own words as much as possible. Their own ai
of other peoples. count is more valuable than any number of learned speculations on a
On the other hand, the story of man's first ancestors in paradise and westerner's part.
their first sin, which is an echo of their own traditions about the sins Only to a limited extent can a westerner help them to articulate
of their first ancestors (but about which they had no actual mythical their own culture; ultimately they will have to do this themselves. So I
story of their own), is related time and again when they are speaking hope that in the near future Oromo scholars will be found to continue
of their present situation. In gatherings, they tend, again and again, to the work initiated by this book.
explain the abuses and problems of their present condition by refer- Once they had given me their confidence, it was natural to them to
ence to the sins of the first men. In this they reveal their tendency to tell me first of all about their religious view of man and his world,
mythical patterns of thought which cause them to go back quite their moral norms and the values to which they are most attached. It
naturally to the first origin of things. is these things which constitute their most precious heritage and their
identity as a people, and in this they can most enrich other peoples. It
is therefore that they deserve this book to be dedicated to them and
especially to those among them who actually contributed to it.
One day, after I had expressed to one of my assistants my apprecia-
tion for his help, he replied:

"My people gave me my language, my culture, my very life.

They sent me to school. What can I give back? I cannot give
money to all of them. So I give them my work with you.
Ultimately, however, this work of mine is not my own. It is Wa-
qa who brought me into contact with you, a priest with whom I
could discuss our Oromo religion on equal terms. By following
the way Waqa has led me, I have brought honour to him."

Some days later he handed me a paper. "This paper," he said, "is

for the end of your book. Did you not publish once the prayers we
say at the end of a day of communal work in the fields, and was this
work of ours not a communal work as well? So I would like us to con-
clude this book in true Oromo fashion. I made a prayer in the name of
all Oromo who cooperated with you, and whose words are to be found
in this book. Here it is:

Ya Waq hundaf angaffu O Waqa who exists before all things

arartike hundumarra tchala. your magnanimity surpasses all.
Galannike saffu. We praise you by abiding by your
saffu

360 361
 Dubbin tchafte kana ulfinake May the words of tliis book show BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Fisscha H. Maskal Cambridge Univ. Press. London.
1959 Atete.
B.U.C.A. 9. Addis Ababa. James, W.
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Greenberg, J.
1950 Studies in African linguistic classifications. Knutsson, K. E.
IV Hamito-Semitic. Albuquerque.
1967 Authority and change. A study of the kallu institution
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1940 I Mao. Roma. Etnologiska Studier 29, Goteborg.
1969 Dichotomization and integration. Aspects of inter ethnic
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Paideuma F/.-326-341. Frankfurt. 1969 Ploughland and swidden; a dual system of agriculture in
1963 Galla Sud-Athiopiens. Stuttgart. western Ethiopia. Addis Ababa.
1965 Untersuchungen zum athiopischen Konigtum. Wiesbaden.
Hinnant, J. T. Lewis, H. S.
1964 A reconsideration of the socio-political system of the
1970 Spirit possession, ritual, and social change: current research
in Southern Ethiopia. western Galla.
In: H. G. Marcus and D. E. Crummey (eds.), Ethiopia: Journal of Semitic Studies, Vol. 9, no. 1:139—143.
Land and History, 107—111. East Lansing (Mich.). 1965 A Galla monarchy: Jimma Abba Jifar, Ethiopia, 1830—
1978 The Guji: Gada as a ritual system. 1932. Madison.
In: P. T. W. Baxter and U. Almagor (eds.), Age, generation 1966a The origins of the Galla and Somali.
and time. In: Journal of African History, Vol. 7, no. 1:27—46.
1966b Kud'Arfan: a multi-function among the western Galla.
Holcomb, B. In: Proceedings of the Third International Conference of
1973 Oromo marriage in Wallaga province. Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 3:99-103.
1967 Occupational castes in Ethiopia. Addis Ababa.
Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 11, no. 1:107-142. 1970 Wealth, influence and prestige among the Shoa Galla.
HultinJ. In: A. Tuden and L. Plotnicov (eds.), Social Stratification
1977 Man and Land in Wollega, Ethiopia. in Africa.
Working Paper of the Dept. of Social Anthropology, 1975
Neighbours, friends and kinsmen: principles of social
University of Gothenburg, No. 10. organization among the Cushitic-speaking peoples of
366 Ethiopia.
367
 In: Proceedings of the First U.S. Conference on Ethiopian judication in the Shoa Galla Ayana Cult.
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1975 The Cushitic speaking peoples: a jig-saw puzzle for social Studies (1973). East Lansing (Mich.).
anthropologists.
Colloque International sur les langues Cushitiques. Paris. Negaso Gidada and D. Crummey
1972 The introduction and expansion of Orthodox Christianity
Lewis, I. M. in Qelem Awraja, western Wallaga, from about 1882 to
1955 Peoples of the Horn of Africa Somali, Afar and Saho. 1941.
International African Institute, London. Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 10, no. 1:103—112.
1957 The Somali lineage system and total genealogy. Hargeisa.
1959 The Galla in northern Somaliland. Onesimos Nesib
Rassegna di Studi etiopici, Vol. 15. 1894 The Galla spelling-book. Moncullo.
1966a Spirit possession and deprivation cults. 1899 The Holy Bible. London — St. Chrischona.
In: Man (N. S.), Vol. 1, no. 3:307-329.
1966b Sharif Yussuf Barkhadde, the blessed saint of Somaliland. Pankhurst, R.
Proceedings of the Third International Conference of 1961 An Introduction to the economic history of Ethiopia.
Ethiopian Studies. Addis Ababa. London.
1967 Spirits and the sex war.
In: Man, Vol. 2:626-628. Salviac, M. de
1901 Un peuple antique au pays de Menelik. Les Gallas, grande
Lienhardt, G. nation africaine. Paris.
1961 Divinity and experience. The religion of the Dinka. Oxford.
Schmidt, W.
Littmann, E. 1937 Die Religion der Galla.
Annali Lateranensi, Vol. 1:83—152. Roma.
1925 Galla-Verskunst. Tubingen.

McCreery, R. and M. Vandevort Schuver, J. M.

1972 The other side of darkness. 1883 Juan Maria Schuvers Karte vom Quellgebiet des Tumat,
Jabus und Jal.
McKenzie, J. Petermanns Mitteilungen, Vol. 29:105—107.
1976 Dictionary of the Bible. London.
Shack, W. A.
Michels, P. 1966 The Gurage: A people of the Ensete Culture. London.
1941 De godsdienst der Galla.
Katholieke Universiteit, Nijmegen. Strelcyn, S.
1973 Medecine et plantes d'Ethiopie II. Enquete sur les noms
Moreno, M. M. et Pemploi des plantes en Ethiopie. Napoli.
1935 Favole e rime Galla. Roma.
1939 Grammatica teoretico-practica della Lingua Galla. Milano. Temesgien Gobena
1957 Gege, dabo and other communal labours mainly among
Morton, L. L. the Oromo of western Sawa and Wallaga.
1975 Mystical advocates: Explanation and Spirit-sanctioned ad- B.U.C.A. 7:65-76. Addis Ababa.

368 MV)
 1958 SaaDabachu. OROMO WORDS
In: B.U.C.A. 8. Addis Ababa.
abba father, owner, leader, dispenser, guardian
Terrefe Woldetsadik
ayana Waqa's creative activity in any creature or group of
1968 The unification of Ethiopia (1880-1935), Wallaga.
creatures making them the way they are, assigning
Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 6, no. 1:73—86.
to them their place in this world and their relation-
Thiene, G. da ship to others. 'Something of Waqa' or 'Waqa in a
1939 Dizionario della lingua Galla. Harar. particular way'. The invisible part of man, his per-
sonality, good luck
Trimingham, J. S.
1952 Islam in Ethiopia. London. balballa door, a set of nine generations
borana people who are considered as being of pure Oromo
Triulzi, A.
descent; the highest socio-religious stratum of Matcha
1975a The background of Ras Gobana's expeditions to Western
society
Walalagga in 1886—1888: A review of the evidence.
budda a person with 'the evil eye'
In: Proceedings of the First U.S. Conference on Ethiopian
buna qala 'slaughtered coffee', coffeefruits stewed in butter;
Studies (1973:143-156). East Lansing (Mich.).
one of the most important ritual symbols
1975b The Gudru Oromo and their neighbours in the two genera-
buqe big pumpkin, a symbol of female fertility
tions before the battle of Embabo. one of the most important gada-rituals of the luba,
butta
In: Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 13, no. 1:47—64. the gada-group in power, consisting in the slaughter-
1975c Trade, Islam and Mahdia in North-western Wallaga, Ethiopia. ing of a bull by each member of the group
In: Journal of African History, Vol. 16, no. 1:55—71.
1980a Funj Rule over the Southern Ethiopian marches in the daumsa birthgiving
early 18th century. dagale horizontal stems, used to reinforce the walls of a
Working papers on society and history in imperial Ethiopia: house
the southern periphery from the 1880s to 1974. dhaabaa ritual food and drink put apart in most rituals
African Studies Centre, Cambridge. dhaabbata ritual stick of a married man
1980b Social protest and rebellion in gabbar songs from Qellam, dibayu ritual libation
Wallaga. Tubiana.
1981 Salt, Gold and Legitimacy — Prelude to the History of a ebbicha small tree whose bitter leaves are used for ritual
no man's land Bela Shangul, Wallaga. Ethiopia. cleaning, especially of containers, and whose fragrant
blossoms symbolize the effect of this cleaning
Tuden, A. and L. Plotnicov (eds.)
1970 Stratification in Africa.
faqi tanner
Turner, V. finchaan urine, sperm
1967 The Forest of Symbols. Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. Ithaca. marriage of the man
fudha
Tutschek, K.
second social stratum of Matcha society, those who
1846 Grammar of the Galla language. Miinchen. gabaro cannot pride themselves of pure Oromo descent
Wilson, M. socio-religious organization, ideally comprising fix-
1971 Religion and the Transformation of Society. gada whole of Matcha society, in which people pass

370 371
 through several grades of social adulthood. Kadi lubabasu the freeing of a slave
grade comprises eight years
gada-group one of the five groups who, each in turn, takes over maracha a creeper with soft leavesjan important ritual symbol
for eight years the responsability for their people's muda anointment
well-being
gadamoji people whose sons have reached their ruling-period naga peace with Waqa and man, and all the blessings re
gadidu human shadow, ritual impurity suiting from this, such as fertility, wealth, good
gadisa any other shadow health, honour
gerarsa a song about one's own experiences (f. e. poverty,
imprisonment) or exploits (f. e. a killer's song of ooda a sycamore chosen for the performance of rituals, a
triumph) symbol of Waqa's presence among men and as such
gula a man who ended his ruling-period eight years or also called 'muka Waqaa = the tree of Waqa'
more ago (ideally 56—80 years of age)
gultu a gula's sister qallicha ritual expert of a rather a-social type
gumi meeting for deliberations or for certain ritual pur- qallu ritual expert
poses such as purification after incest or peacemak- qaraba little knife, used for shaving and circumcision
ing (to be distinguished as such from a tchida) qiltu general name for any sycamore (fig-tree)
qulqullu pure, clean, both in a physical and moral sense
hadha mother, owner, leader, dispenser, guardian qupha a weak or retarded animal, or a female past bearing;
hala communal taboo as a result of ritual impurity, either a sacrificial animal, wholly or partly cut in two halves
or not caused by a-social behaviour in rituals of peacemaking after manslaughter
halu individual taboo as a result of ritual impurity, either qomo clan
or not caused by a-social behaviour
harama something to be avoided on moral grounds raaba all people who did not yet reach their ruling-period
herumma marriage of the woman in the gada-system
hidda root, vein
hiddi bush with round yellow fruit, a solanum variety; an sa a cow, cattle in general
important ritual symbol sa'a dabbachu ritual of thanksgiving after the birth of a calf
horra source of mineral water. The water is not only saffu the mutual relationship (rights and duties) between
drunk by people and cattle for the sake of good individual creatures or groups of creatures according
health but plays also an important part in rituals to their place in the cosmic and social order on the
basis of their ayana
kallacha important ritual object (iron) used to curse sanyo people who have regular sexual intercourse outside
kumbi myrrh marriage
sera law
lafto umbrella acacia shamma (Amh.) wide white shawl; Ethiopian national dress
luba service, a man in his ruling-period according to the shammane weaver
gada-system, any man who has performed his butta- siqe ritual stick of a married woman
ritual
lubabaesa a man during the first eight years after his luba-ship tchatchu ritual object of the women; a symbol of blessing
lubabaeti a lubabaesa's wife tchida feastive ritual with communal meal

372 373
i< hokorsa i g r u i ; tymbol <>i fertility, survival and peace INDEX
liuntu blacksmith, weaver
AbbaBoku 94, 116 f genealogy 7 7
lilma period of ritual seclusion AbbaDhasa 22, 74 f clan-families 77
ulmaya a small tree, used in rituals as a symbol of purity Abba muda 64 f mutual relations 80
AbbadieA. d' 67 adoption into a clan (ritual)
wachiti clay-pot for preparing buna qala; symbol of cohe- Adoption 136,322 81 f
sion between members of the same balballa or Amhares 19, 23 f. hierarchy among clans 86
lineage Anuak 18,21,82 CrumneyD. 28
warabesa hyena Andrzejewski B. W. 7 Culture (concept) 36 f
warra supe potters Asmarom Legesse 66
warsa term used to indicate the relationship between a Assistants 43 f Dhaaba, see Buna qala 175
wife and her husband's brother; both of them are Atete 129,321 Dadhi (ancestor) 59, 77
warsa to one another Ayana 112f Devil, see Ayana
something of Waqa 113 f Dinka 122f
yai meeting, especially for the purpose of peacemaking a child's ayana 115
yarabbi dibayu (libation) ritual for women, preferably per- father's and mother's ayana Earth
formed under a sycamore 116 Waqa and the earth 108 f
sayings about ayana 117 sayings about the earth 110 f
concept of ayana 118 f Eldest son 159
evil ayana (devils) 120 f Eliade M. 29
possession 123 Ethiopian Church 25, 155, 217
Evans-Pritchard 122 f
Baxter P. T. W. 7, 18, 85, 129, Evil eye, see Castes
146
Benedict R. 37 Gabaro 133-163
BlackhurstH. 18,21 Gada 15,20,24,85
Blood, human 229-236 GobanaDanchi 23
Borana (Oromo tribe) 64 f Grottanelli V. 21,27,67
Borrayu 22 f Gumnao 21
Buna qala 287 f Gumuz 21
Busasi 21,24, 75
Butta (ritual) 35,221,224 Haberland E. 7, 66 f, 111, 146,
193
Castes, despised 182-184 Haile Selassie I. 26
Cerulli Ernesto 7, 46, 194 HinnantJ. 21
Childbirth 124 f, 265 f, 270, Hiriya 324 f
308,318f HultinJ. 28
Clan 73 f
clan-stories 73 f Incest 208,317
important clans in the area 7 7 Informants 45 f
374 375
Il.ilians 2(> Oromo 13 18 Triulzi A. 21,28 Waqa withdraws 10.'$ I
Trophy-stands 273 Waqa dima 107
James W. 21,28 Pankhurst R. 23 Tullu Wallel 66 f Waqa and the earth 108 f
jolt-Tullu 22 f, 102 Peacemaking after homicide 238 Tumme 59, 77 Sacrifice 349 f
-243 Turner V. 32 Watta 21
Kallacha 65, 140 f Phonetic transcription 42 Weavers, see Castes, despised
Killing and childbearing 257— Poetical technique 124 VandevortM. 28 Wedding (customs and rituals)
284 Prayers 46, 69, 96, 108sf, 240, 36 207 f, 261 f, 322
Knutsson K. E. 7, 41, 66, 118, 244 f, 291 f, 295 f, 301 f, Wilson M. 122
123,145 351 f, 361 f Waqa 14,46,63,71 Wolabo 61 f
Koma 21 Proverbs 95, 180 Name 89 f Wollega 71
Supreme Being 91 f Women 128 f, 257 f
Leqa 59, 77 Qalitti Galabu (ancestor) 68,74 f,
Lewis H. S. 22, 62, 194 77 f
Lewis I. S. 37 Qallicha 123
Iij Yasu 48 Qallu 64 f, 123
IienhardtG. 89, 123 Qollu 81,82
Lineage 77,205-225
IittmannE. 124 Research 27 f, 38 f, 50 f
Rites 33 f
McCreery R. 28
McKenzie L. M. 30 Saffu 172,330-354
Makko Billi 60, 75, 173, 212, Sayo (ancestor) 77 f
248,334 f SchuverJ. M. 183
Mao 18,71,75,82 Shack W. 194
Maram 123, 124 f, 265 f, 281 SheiRobe 75,227
Matcha Sheti 21
history 20 f Sin 106, 339 f
their own view of their past Slaves 166-177
59 f StrelcynS. 243
genealogy 77 Symbol (concept) 32 f
Menelikll 23 Songs 124 f, 178 f, 182 f, 222 f,
Missions 25 f, 99, 122 266 f, 325 f
Myth 29, 60 f, 304, 354-7
Tchatchu 146 f
Negaso Gidada 28 Tchato 113 f
Nuer 122 f TempelsP. 40
Terrefe Woldetsadik 27
Obo-Tchora 77,308-322 Tigreans 17,19
Onesimos Nesib (Abba Gamma- Time (concept) 73
chisa) 99, 167 f Tribe 77 f

376
 • • • •Jnitrnaiiona/ bountlariei

'••' = O rom o

MATCHA z Oromo irtbei

jiar-t = Other

Oromo farmers

* f.'.'.'.'.'.'"'.'$ = Oromo hAsioralisii

Chrj&iianj,

(L Has //nis

X Traditional religion
(The y>tiu-ii htrt Me
tfadcHcfta-l imlt

THE OROMO OF ETHIOPIA

379
1. Assistant Asafa Disasa with his wife and children.

2. Asafa Disasa's parents.

 3. Assistant Ensermu Waquma with his family. From right to left: his parents, his little son, his sister and his wife.

cr

oc
(i Sh ^erdi Bukko, one of my best informants. He was known as a ritual expert 7. Assistant Gammachu Magarsa, grandson of the last abba bohku (holder of tb
th mghout the Dembidollo area. scepter) in the Dembidollo area.

I
 Ttti' author drinking beer at a ritual meal. The ritual 'plates' (those of the
Maicha's ancestors) are false-banana leaves.

38
10. Harvest time has come. Children sitting in the ripe tjef. 12. The cattle are driven over the tjef at threshing.

13. After threshing the workers dance in the grain. The day of communal w<» K ia
The tjef eai., are brought to the threshing floor. concluded with a beer-party, singing and prayers of thanksgiving.

1*88 |H
15. The old way of grinding the grain between stones is heavy work. H i. (he
task of women and girls. The little boy has a roggc hairstyle.
I (.. Nowadays the grain is usually ground in a mill. This boy comes back from the
mill on his head the ground grain, in his hand shumbura peas which he eats
C way
1 7a + b. Fetching water from the nearby river.
 19. Like water, firewood too belongs to the kitchen. Hence collecting it is the
work of women and girls.

a
-a

+
00
20. Beqele Lamu — still a boy at that time — with the fragrant blossoms ol the
ebbicha tree. The bitter leaves are used to clean whatever is rituiilly im re,
 I

2 1. Piny th 'rum, my little girl.

L'2. Girll singing insult-songs, addressed to the groom at a wedd;>
 •uos amil Hq qjiM jaqjom y ••-?

•>(JOM aqj S u u n p Suis o j 3>]i| Aaqx -SuipasM sj.no -gg

 25.
Young herdsman with his
cattle. Despite the fact
that cattle-holding is de-
creasing in Matchaland in
favour of agriculture,
Matcha are still to a great
extent pastoralists in
their hearts. Having some
heads of cattle is a
• •"*•' • * ' Jrf source of deep satis-
faction ... and of prestige.
27. A typical scene in western Matchaland.

26. The poorer people have only a few sheep nowadays. In Matcha rituals the
:
sheep p)ay • lant part as 'an animal of peace'.
28. Herding cattle is one of the things young boys like »

400
 c

B
S'

o
3
o

30. Matcha men dancing on the occasion of a church-feast. The movement is always anti-clockwise, which means starting from
the right i.e. 'from the better side'.
 33. A birth-ritual. Women of the neighbourhood singing birth-songs in the house-
where the child was born. While singing they beat a cow-hide. Ideally it
31. A blacksmith with his bellows. should be the skin of a fertile cow.

34. Alter tinging, the 'porridge ol i hiidbtrth1 li diftribui I . I . . I I I . M l . I 1'

32. A weaver's f.aughter spinning cotton-thread.

I 0'
35. Preparing buna gala, coffee-fruits stewed in butter. 36a+b.

36a+ b.
In former times, every father of a family had a ritual stick, made of strong tchokorsa, a symbol of life, fertility and peace. The wife holds I lie hi lie c on
and fragrant wood — a stick he received from his father on his wedding-day as tainer with buna qala, also a symbol of fertility. Against the wall I li<- 'rfluuibti'
a symbol of the new branch he was going to form on the genealogical tree. It are visible, a big and a small jar with ritual beet ('mollut .mil I hlld'j and '
was a symbol of its owner. This ritual stick was periodically anointed with small calabash with milk. After the anointing huiDMld mil will put lORIl
butter saturated with coffee (buna qala). Here Waquma Tollera and his wife buna qala in one another's moulli lli.il Wai|.i (Qod/lky) Rll) [lV( them ofl
re-enact this ritual. The stick is anointed going upwards from the bottom to spring in children and grandchildren. Finally thfv offer one anothi • i
t" i '» it th life ay go upwards'. The grass they keep in their hands is the beer and milk of the dhaaba, both of them e • 11 v nbo 1 ' ' \
 3. 0.
• s- 5? S- a-

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ill48*
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- -; 5 o
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'er's mother anoints her son and his companions with butter. The killer is seated to the right of his companions and
keeps his trophies, the buffalo's head, heels and tails, between his legs.
 40. A ritual at the clearing of a new plot of land. After the sacrifice <>l a black
sheep for Waqa (God/sky) a tree is anointed with the sheep's blood.

c
••!• essfu ! fal- -I er with his proud mother and his trophies.
41. Matcha men returning from a feast.

/
( ()l I I (TANIiA INSTITUTI ANTHROPOS
I [am Volker und Kulturen, St. Augustin bei Bonn

16. Josef Franz Thiel: Grundbegriffe der Ethnologic Vorlesungi n

zur Einfiihrung. Vierte, erweiterte und iiberarbeitete Auflage
XIV + 266 pp., ill. 1983. DM28,00
17. Alfred Hauenstein: Rites et coutumes lies a l'elevage du betail dam
le sud de 1'AngoIa. 222pp., ill. 1980. DM28,00.
18. Helmut Schindler: Karihona-Erzahlungen aus Manacaro. 191 pp,
1979. DM 38,00.
19. Hermann Trimborn: El Reino de Lambayeque en el Antiguo Peru.
89pp., ill. 1979. DM58,00.
20. Roswith Hartmann und Udo Oberem: Amerikanistische Studien
Estudios Americanistas. I. 357pp., ill. 1978. DM38,00.
21. Roswith Hartmann und Udo Oberem: Amerikanistische Studien
Estudios Americanistas. II. 350pp., ill. 1979. DM46,00.
22. Marian Szwark: Proverbes et traditions des Bassars du Nord Togo,
142 pp. 1981. DM36,00.
23. Jean Cauvin: L'image, la langue et la pensee. I. L'exemple <lcs
proverbes (Mali). 704pp. 1980. DM80,00.
24. Jean Cauvin: L'image, la langue et la pensee. II. Recueil <lr
proverbes de Karangasso (Mali). 751pp. 1980. DM80,00.
25. Hermann Trimborn: Sama. 80pp., ill. 1981. DM36,00.
26. Rosmarie Leiderer: La medecine traditionnelle chez les Bckptk
(Bafia) du Cameroun I. 360 pp., ill. 1982. DM125,00.
27. Rosmarie Leiderer: La medecine traditionnelle chez les Bekpak
(Bafia) du Cameroun II. 312pp., ill. 1982. DM85,00.
28. A. Van Exem: The Religious System of the Munda Tribe. 279 pp,
1982. DM 48,00.
29. Karl Bohm: The Life of Some Island People of New Guinea. A
Missionary's Observations of the Volcanic Islands of Manam,
Boesa, Biem, and Ubrub. With an Introduction by Nancy Lutkc-
haus. 416 pp., ill. 1983.
30. Monika Thiel-Horstmann (edit.): Bhakti in Current Research,
1979-1982. ca. 445 pp., 1983. ca. DM 68,00.
31. Renaat Devisch: Se re-creer femme: Manipulation sciiiaiitique
d'une situation d'infecondite chez les Yaka du Zaire. 1983.

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