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 his breath. See Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, bk. xiv. p.
824, ed. P. E. Müller (p. 393 of Elton’s English translation).

787. P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland, i. 335 sq.;

Standish H. O’Grady, Sylva Gadelica, translation (London,
1892), pp. 15, 16, 41.

788. See above, pp. 94 sq.

789. See above, p. 229.

790. Douglas Hyde, A Literary History of Ireland (London, 1899), p.

158. The tradition of the oak of Kildare survives in the lines,

“That oak of Saint Bride, which nor Devil nor Dane

Nor Saxon nor Dutchman could rend from her fane,”

which are quoted by Mr. D. Fitzgerald in Revue Celtique, iv.

(1879-1880) p. 193.

791. Douglas Hyde, op. cit. pp. 169-171. At Kells, also, St.
Columba dwelt under a great oak-tree. The writer of his Irish
life, quoted by Mr. Hyde, says that the oak-tree “remained till
these latter times, when it fell through the crash of a mighty
wind. And a certain man took somewhat of its bark to tan his
shoes with. Now, when he did on the shoes, he was smitten
with leprosy from his sole to his crown.”

792. Garcilasso de la Vega, Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, pt. i.

bk. iv. chaps. 1-3, bk. vi. chaps. 20-22 (vol. i. pp. 292-299,
vol. ii. pp. 155-164, Markham’s translation); P. de Cieza de
Leon, Travels, p. 134 (Markham’s translation); id., Second
Part of the Chronicle of Peru, pp. 85 sq. (Markham’s
translation); Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies,
bk. v. chap. 15 (vol. ii. pp. 331-333, Hakluyt Society).
Professor E. B. Tylor discredits Garcilasso’s description of
these Peruvian priestesses on the ground that it resembles
Plutarch’s account of the Roman Vestals (Numa, 9 sq.) too
closely to be independent; he thinks that “the apparent traces
of absorption from Plutarch invalidate whatever rests on
Garcilasso de la Vega’s unsupported testimony.” See his
Researches into the Early History of Mankind, 3rd Ed., pp.
249-253. In particular, he stumbles at the statement that an
unfaithful Peruvian priestess was buried alive. But that
statement was made by Cieza de Leon, who travelled in Peru
when Garcilasso was a child, and whose book, or rather the
first part of it, containing the statement, was published more
than fifty years before that of Garcilasso. Moreover, when we
understand that the punishment in question was based on a
superstition which occurs independently in many parts of the
world, the apparent improbability of the coincidence vanishes.
As to the mode of kindling the sacred fire, Professor Tylor
understands Plutarch to say that the sacred fire at Rome was
kindled, as in Peru, by a burning-glass. To me it seems that
Plutarch is here speaking of a Greek, not a Roman usage, and
this is made still clearer when his text is read correctly. For
the words ὑπὸ Μήδων, περὶ δὲ τὰ Μιθριδιατικά should be
altered to ὑπὸ Μαίδων περὶ τὰ Μιθριδιατικά. See H. Pomtow in
Rheinisches Museum, N. F. li. (1896) p. 365, and my note on
Pausanias, x. 19. 4 (vol. v. p. 331). Thus Plutarch gives two
instances when a sacred fire was extinguished and had to be
relit with a burning-glass; but both instances are Greek,
neither is Roman. The Greek mode of lighting a sacred fire by
means of a crystal is described also in the Orphic poem on
precious stones, verses 177 sqq. (Orphica, ed. E. Abel, p.
115). Nor were the Greeks and Peruvians peculiar in this
respect. The Siamese and Chinese have also been in the habit
of kindling a sacred fire by means of a metal mirror or
burning-glass. See Pallegoix, Description du royaume Thai ou
Siam, ii. 55; A. Bastian, Die Völker des östlichen Asien, iii.
516; J. H. Plath, “Die Religion und der Cultus der alten
Chinesen,” Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akademie der Wissen,
 i. Cl. ix. (1863) pp. 876 sq. Again, the full description of the
golden garden of the Peruvian Vestals, which may sound to us
fabulous, is given by Cieza de Leon in a work (the Second
Part of the Chronicle of Peru) which it is unlikely that
Garcilasso ever saw, since it was not printed till 1873,
centuries after his death. Yet Garcilasso’s brief description of
the garden agrees closely with that of Cieza de Leon, differing
from it just as that of an independent witness naturally would
—namely, in the selection of some other details in addition to
those which the two have in common. He says that the
virgins “had a garden of trees, plants, herbs, birds and
beasts, made of gold and silver, like that in the temple” (vol. i.
p. 298, Markham’s translation). Thus the two accounts are
probably independent and therefore trustworthy, for a fiction
of this kind could hardly have occurred to two romancers
separately. A strong confirmation of Garcilasso’s fidelity is
furnished by the close resemblance which the fire customs,
both of Rome and Peru, present to the well-authenticated fire
customs of the Herero at the present day. There seems to be
every reason to think that all three sets of customs originated
independently in the simple needs and superstitious fancies of
the savage. On the whole, I see no reason to question the
good faith and accuracy of Garcilasso.

793. B. de Sahagun, Histoire des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne,

pp. 196 sq., 386; Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the
Indies, bk. v. ch. 15 (vol. ii. pp. 333 sq., Hakluyt Society); A.
de Herrera, General History of the vast Continent and Islands
of America, iii. 209 sq., Stevens’s translation (London, 1725,
1726); Clavigero, History of Mexico, i. 264, 274 sq.; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de
l’Amérique Centrale, i. 289, iii. 661; H. H. Bancroft, Native
Races of the Pacific States, ii. 204 sqq., 245, 583, iii. 435 sq.
However, Sahagun (pp. 186, 194), Acosta (vol. ii. p. 336) and
Herrera seem to imply that the duty of maintaining the sacred
fire was discharged by men only.
794. Brasseur de Bourbourg, op. cit. ii. 6; H. H. Bancroft, op. cit.
iii. 473. Fire-worship seems to have lingered among the
Indians of Yucatan down to about the middle of the
nineteenth century, and it may still survive among them. See
D. G. Brinton, “The Folk-lore of Yucatan,” Folk-lore Journal, i.
(1883) pp. 247 sq.

795. Letter of the Rev. J. Roscoe, dated Kampala, Uganda, 9th

April 1909.

796. Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22; Ateius Capito, cited by Plutarch,

Quaest. Rom. 50. On the other hand, Servius on Virgil, Aen.
iv. 29, says that the Flamen might marry another wife after
the death of the first. But the statement of Aulus Gellius and
Ateius Capito is confirmed by other evidence. See J.
Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 329, note
8. As to the rule see my note, “The Widowed Flamen,”
Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 407 sqq.

797. Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 7; Festus, p. 106, ed. C. O. Müller.

798. Livy, v. 52. 13 sq. In later times the rule was so far relaxed
that he was allowed to be absent from Rome for two nights or
even longer, provided he got leave from the chief pontiff on
the score of ill-health. See Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 14; Tacitus,
Annals, iii. 71.

799. Tacitus, Annals, iii. 58; Dio Cassius, liv. 36. As to the honours
attached to the office, see Livy, xxvii. 8. 8; Plutarch, Quaest.
Rom. 113.

800. See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, i. 241 sqq.

801. P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen

Sprache (Göttingen, 1896), pp. 127 sqq.; O. Schrader,
Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, pp. 637
sq. For a different derivation of the name Flamen see above,
 p. 235. Being no philologer, I do not pretend to decide
between the rival etymologies. My friend Prof. J. H. Moulton
prefers the equation Flamen = Brahman, which he tells me is
philologically correct, because if Flamen came from flare we
should expect a form like flator rather than flamen. The form
flator was used in Latin, though not in this sense.

802. W. Crooke, The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western

Provinces and Oudh, i. 30-32. Compare Monier Williams,
Religious Thought and Life in India, pp. 364, 365, 392.

803. Aulus Gellius, x. 15.

804. Homer, Iliad, xvi. 233-235; Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1166 sq.;

Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 284-286.

805. Ch. Hartknoch, Selectae dissertationes historicae de variis

rebus Prussicis, p. 163 (bound up with his edition of
Düsburg’s Chronicon Prussiae, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1679);
Simon Grunau, Preussischer Chronik, ed. M. Perlbach, i.
(Leipsic, 1876) p. 95.

806. W. Crooke, op. cit. i. 31-33.

807. W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India

(Westminster, 1896), ii. 194 sq.

808. J. C. Nesfield, in Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. p. 12, § 77.

809. Rigveda, iii. 29, translated by R. T. H. Griffith (Benares, 1889-

1892), vol. ii. pp. 25-27; Satapatha Brâhmana, translated by
J. Eggeling, part i. p. 389, note 3, part ii. pp. 90 sq., part v.
pp. 68-74; Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, translated by M.
Bloomfield, pp. 91, 97 sq., 334, 460; W. Caland, Altindisches
Zauberritual, pp. 115 sq.; A. Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers,
2nd Ed., pp. 40, 64-78, 183-185; H. Zimmer, Altindisches
Leben, pp. 58, 59. The sami wood is sometimes identified
 with the Acacia Suma (Mimosa Suma); but the modern
Bengalee name of Prosopis spicigera is shami or somi, which
seems to be conclusive evidence of the identity of Prosopis
spicigera with sami. The Prosopis spicigera is a deciduous
thorny tree of moderate size, which grows in the arid zones of
the Punjaub, Rajputana, Gujarat, Bundelcund, and the
Deccan. The heart of the wood is of a purplish brown colour
and extremely hard. It is especially valued for fuel, as it gives
out much heat. See G. Watt, Dictionary of the Economic
Products of India, s.v. “Prosopis spicigera.” For a reference to
this work I am indebted to the kindness of the late Professor
H. Marshall Ward.

810. A. Kuhn, op. cit. pp. 40, 66, 175.

811. Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, translated by M. Bloomfield, pp.

97 sq., 460; W. Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, pp. 115 sq.

812. See above, pp. 195 sqq., 230 sqq.

813. Rigveda, x. 95, translated by R. T. H. Griffith, Satapatha

Brâhmana, translated by J. Eggeling, part v. pp. 68-74.
Compare H. Oldenberg, Die Literatur des alten Indien
(Stuttgart and Berlin, 1903), pp. 53-55. On the story see A.
Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 71 sqq.; F. Max
Müller Selected Essays on Language, Religion, and Mythology
(London, 1881), i. 408 sqq.; Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth
(London, 1884), pp. 64 sqq.; K. F. Pischel and Geldner,
Vedische Studien, i. (Stuttgart, 1889), pp. 243-295. It belongs
to the group of tales which describe the marriage of a human
with an animal mate, of a mortal with a fairy, and often,
though not always, their unhappy parting. The story seems to
have its roots in totemism. See my Totemism and Exogamy, ii.
566 sqq. It will be illustrated more at length in a later part of
The Golden Bough.
814. Homer, Hymn to Mercury, 108-111 (where a line has been
lost; see the note of Messrs. Allen and Sikes); Theophrastus,
Histor. plant. v. 9. 6; id., De igne, ix. 64; Hesychius, s.v.
στορεύς; Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1184; Pliny,
Nat. Hist. xvi. 208; Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 22; A. Kuhn,
Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 35-41; H. Blumner,
Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste, ii.
354-356. Theophrastus gives the name of athragene to the
plant which, next to or equally with ivy, makes the best
board; he compares it to a vine. Pliny (l.c.) seems to have
identified it with a species of wild vine. According to Sprengel,
the athragene is the Clematis cirrhosa of Linnaeus, the French
clématite à vrilles. See Dioscorides, ed. C. Sprengel, vol. ii. p.
641. As to the kinds of wood employed by the Romans in
kindling fire we have no certain evidence, as Pliny and Seneca
may have merely copied from Theophrastus.

815. Pausanias, i. 31. 6, with my note.

816. E. H. Man, On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman

Islands (London, N.D.), p. 82. Mr. Man’s evidence is confirmed
by a German traveller, Mr. Jagor, who says of the Andaman
Islanders: “The fire must never go out. Here also I am again
assured that the Andamanese have no means of making fire.”
See Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für
Anthropologie, 1877, p. (54) (bound with Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie, ix.). I regret that on this subject I did not question
Mr. A. R. Brown, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who
resided for about two years among the Andaman Islanders,
studying their customs and beliefs. Mr. Brown is now
(December 1910) in West Australia.

817. N. von Miklucho-Maclay, “Ethnologische Bemerkungen über

die Papuas der Maclay-Küste in Neu-Guinea,” Natuurkundig
Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indie, xxxv. (1875), pp. 82, 83.
Compare C. Hager, Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und der Bismarck-
 Archipel, p. 69; M. Krieger, Neu-Guinea, p. 153. The natives of
the Maclay Coast are said to have traditions of a time when
they were ignorant even of the use of fire; they ate fruits raw,
which set up a disease of the gums, filling their mouths with
blood; they had a special name for the disease. See N. von
Miklucho-Maclay, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft
für Anthropologie, 1882, p. (577) (bound with Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie, xiv.). The reports of people living in ignorance of
the use of fire have hitherto proved, on closer examination, to
be fables. See E. B. Tylor, Researches into the Early History of
Mankind, 3rd Ed., pp. 229 sqq. The latest repetition of the
story that I know of is by an American naturalist, Mr. Titian R.
Peale, who confirms the exploded statement that down to
1841 the natives of Bowditch Island had not seen fire. See
The American Naturalist, xviii. (1884) pp. 229-232.

818. B. Hagen, Unter den Papuas (Wiesbaden, 1899), pp. 203 sq.
Mr. Hagen’s account applies chiefly to the natives of Astrolabe
Bay. He tells us that for the most part they now use Swedish
matches.

819. G. Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria (London and New York,

1891), i. 157. Another writer says that these dwarfs “keep fire
alight perpetually, starting it in some large tree, which goes
on smouldering for months at a time” (Captain Guy Burrows,
The Land of the Pigmies (London, 1898), p. 199).

820. F. Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin,
1894), pp. 451 sq.

821. Sir Harry H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897),

p. 439; id., The Uganda Protectorate (London, 1902), ii. 540.
If we may trust Diodorus Siculus (i. 13. 3), this was the origin
of fire alleged by the Egyptian priests. Among the
Winamwanga and Wiwa tribes of East Africa, to the south of
Lake Tanganyika, “when lightning sets fire to a tree, all the
 fires in a village are put out, and fireplaces freshly plastered,
while the head men take the fire to the chief, who prays over
it. It is then sent to all his villages, the people of the villages
rewarding his messengers.” See Dr. J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on
the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and Wiwa,”
Journal of the African Society, No. 36 (July 1910), p. 363. The
Parsees ascribe peculiar sanctity to fire which has been
obtained from a tree struck by lightning. See D. J. Karaka,
History of the Modern Parsis (London, 1884), ii. 213. In Siam
and Cambodia such fire is carefully preserved and used to
light the funeral pyres of kings and others. See Pallegoix,
Description du royaume Thai ou Siam, i. 248; J. Moura, Le
Royaume du Cambodge, i. 360.

822. Oscar Peschel, Völkerkunde 6th Ed. (Leipsic, 1885), p. 138.

Mr. Man thinks it likely that the Andaman Islanders got their
fire from one of the two volcanoes which exist in their island
(On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, p.
82). The Creek Indians of North America have a tradition that
some of their ancestors procured fire from a volcano. See A.
S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, ii. (St.
Louis, 1888) p. 11 (43).

823. O. Peschel, loc. cit. As to the fires of Baku see further, Adonis,
Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 159.

824. R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants,

2nd Ed., p. 367; W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of
Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 194; A. Kuhn,
Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 92, 102. Lucretius
thought that the first fire was procured either from lightning
or from the mutual friction of trees in a high wind (De rerum
natura, v. 1091-1101). The latter source was preferred by
Vitruvius (De architectura, ii. 1. 1).
825. Sir Harry H. Johnston, ll.cc. Professor K. von den Steinen
conjectures that savages, who already possessed fire, and
were wont to use tinder to nurse a smouldering brand into a
blaze, may have accidentally discovered the mode of kindling
fire in an attempt to make tinder by rubbing two dry sticks or
reeds against each other. See K. von den Steinen, Unter den
Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, pp. 219-228.

826. J. Dumont D’Urville, Voyage autour du monde et à la

recherche de la Perouse, i. (Paris, 1832) pp. 95, 194; Scott
Nind, “Description of the Natives of King George’s Sound,”
Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, i. (1832) p. 26; E.
J. Eyre, Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central
Australia, ii. 357; A. Oldfield, “The Aborigines of Australia,”
Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S., iii.
(1865) pp. 283 sq.; J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, p. 15;
Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xvii. (1845) pp. 76 sq.

827. R. Brough Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, i. 396.

828. R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants,

2nd Ed., p. 567. Other writers confirm the statement that the
carrying of the fire-sticks is the special duty of the women.
See W. Stanbridge, “On the Aborigines of Victoria,”
Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S., i.
(1861) p. 291; J. F. Mann, “Notes on the Aborigines of
Australia,” Proceedings of the Geographical Society of
Australasia, i. (1885) p. 29.

829. Melville, quoted by H. Ling Roth, The Aborigines of Tasmania

(London, 1890), p. 97. It has sometimes been affirmed that
the Tasmanians did not know how to kindle fire; but the
evidence collected by Mr. Ling Roth (op. cit., pp. xii. sq., 96
sq.), proves that they were accustomed to light it both by the
friction of wood and by striking flints together.
830. Mr. Dove, quoted by James Bonwick, Daily Life and Origin of
the Tasmanians, p. 20.

831. Wilfred Powell, Wanderings in a Wild Country (London, 1883),

p. 196.

832. Captain J. Wilson, Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific

Ocean (London, 1799), p. 357.

833. J. G. Wood, Natural History of Man, ii. 522; J. G. Garson, “On

the Inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego,” Journal of the
Anthropological Institute, xv. (1886). p. 145; Mission
scientifique du Cap Horn, 1882-1883, vii. (Paris, 1891) p. 345.

834. J. B. Ambrosetti, “Los Indios Caingua del alto Paraná

(misiones),” Boletino del Instituto Geografico Argentino, xv.
(1895) pp. 703 sq.

835. E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, pp. 257 sq.

836. A. Widenmann, Die Kilimandscharo-Bevölkerung (Gotha,

1899), pp. 68 sq. (Petermann’s Mittheilungen:
Ergänzungsheft, No. 129).

837. Sir Harry H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897),

p. 438.

838. A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, Up the Niger (London, 1892), p. 37.

839. Miss Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, pp. 599 sq.

840. P. de Tournefort, Relation d’un voyage du Levant (Amsterdam,

1718), i. 93 (Lettre vi.); Sibthorp, in R. Walpole’s Memoirs
relating to European and Asiatic Turkey (London, 1817), pp.
284 sq.; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus (London, 1858), p. 111; J.
T. Bent, The Cyclades (London, 1885), p. 365. The giant
fennel (Ferula communis, L.) is still known in Greece by its
 ancient name, hardly modified (nartheka instead of narthex),
though W. G. Clark says the modern name is kalami. Bent
speaks of the plant as a reed, which is a mistake. The plant is
described by Theophrastus (Histor. plant. vi. 2. 7 sq.).

841. Hesiod, Works and Days, 50-52; id., Theogony, 565-567;

Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 107-111; Apollodorus,
Bibliotheca, i. 7. 1; Hyginus, Fabulae, 144; id., Astronomica, ii.
15.

842. See my article, “The Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the

Vestals, Perpetual Fires,” Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp.
169-171.

843. Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ii. 67.

844. See my article, “The Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the

Vestals, Perpetual Fires,” Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp.
145 sqq.

845. G. Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia (London, 1861), p.

326.

846. Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle

Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1893), p. 145.

847. J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale, i.

256 sq.

848. J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the

Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii.
(1902) pp. 43, 51 sq.; id., in a letter to me dated Mengo,
Uganda, 3rd August 1904.

849. W. G. Browne, Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria (London,

1799), p. 306.
850. J. J. Monteiro, Angola and the River Congo (London, 1875), ii.
167.

851. P. Pogge, Im Reiche des Muata Jamwo (Berlin, 1880), p. 234.

852. A. Bastian, Die Völker des östlichen Asien, iii. 515 sq.

853. Du Pratz, History of Louisiana (London, 1774), pp. 330-334,

346 sq., 351-358; Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France,
vi. 172 sqq.; Lafitau, Mœurs des sauvages Ameriquains, i. 167
sq.; Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, Nouvelle Édition, vii.
(Paris, 1781) pp. 7-16 (reprinted in Recueil de voyages au
nord, ix. Amsterdam, 1737, pp. 3-13); “Relation de la
Louisianne,” Recueil de voyages au Nord, v. (Amsterdam,
1734) pp. 23 sq.; Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes
Occidentales (Paris, 1768), i. 42-44; Chateaubriand, Voyage
en Amérique (Paris, 1870), pp. 227 sqq.; H. R. Schoolcraft,
Indian Tribes, v. 68. The accounts differ from each other in
some details. Thus Du Pratz speaks as if there were only two
fire-temples in the country, whereas the writer in the Lettres
édifiantes says that there were eleven villages each with its
fire-temple, and that formerly there had been sixty villages
and temples. The account in the text is based mainly on the
authority of Du Pratz, who lived among the Natchez on terms
of intimacy for eight years, from the end of 1718 to 1726.

854. Hennepin, Nouvelle Découverte d’un très grand pays situé

dans l’Amérique (Utrecht, 1697), p. 306.

855. Xenophon, Cyropaedia, viii. 3. 12; Ammianus Marcellinus,

xxiii. 6. 34; Quintus Curtius, iii. 3. 7.

856. Dio Cassius, lxxi. 35. 5; Herodian, i. 8. 4, i. 16. 4, ii. 3. 2, ii. 8.

6, vii. 1. 9, vii. 6. 2.

857. H. Schinz, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, p. 320.

858. O. Dapper, Description de l’Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), p.
392.

859. O. Dapper, op. cit. p. 400.

860. Quintus Curtius, v. 2. 7. Curtius represents this as a signal

adopted by Alexander, because the sound of the bugle was
lost in the trampling and hum of the great multitude. But this
maybe merely the historian’s interpretation of an old custom.

861. Xenophon, Respublica Lacedaemoniorum, xiii. 2 sq.; Nicolaus

Damascenus, quoted by Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (vol. ii.
p. 188 ed. Meineke); Hesychius, s.v. πυρσοφόρος.

862. Herodotus, iv. 68.

863. Aeschylus, Choëph. 604 sqq.; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 8. 2

sq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 34. 6 sq.; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 445
sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 171 and 174.

864. Servius, on Virgil, Aen. x. 228.

865. Le P. H. Geurtjens, “Le Cérémonial des Voyages aux Îles Keij,”

Anthropos, v. (1910) pp. 337 sq.

866. J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 237,

321; C. Julian, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des
antiquités grecques et romaines, ii. 1173. As to Vesta and the
Vestals, see above, vol. i. pp. 13 sq.

867. C. Julian, l.c.

868. See above, p. 186 note 1.

869. Above, pp. 261-263.

870. Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 114.

871. Thus in some African tribes the household fire is put out after
a death, and afterwards relit by the friction of sticks (Sir H. H.
Johnston, British Central Africa, p. 439; L. Concradt, “Die
Ngumbu in Südkamerun,” Globus, lxxxi, (1902) p. 352). In
Laos the fire on the hearth is extinguished after a death and
the ashes are scattered; afterwards a new fire is obtained
from a neighbour (Tournier, Notice sur le Laos français, p. 68).
A custom of the same sort is observed in Burma, but there
the new fire must be bought (C. J. F. S. Forbes, British Burma,
p. 94). Among the Miris of Assam the new fire is made by the
widow or widower (W. H. Furness, in Journal of the Anthrop.
Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 462). In Armenia it is made by flint
and steel (M. Abeghian, Der armenische Volksglaube, p. 71).
In Argos fire was extinguished after a death, and fresh fire
obtained from a neighbour (Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 24). In
the Highlands of Scotland all fires were put out in a house
where there was a corpse (Pennant’s “Tour in Scotland,” in
Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, iii. 49). Amongst the Bogos
of East Africa no fire may be lit in a house after a death until
the body has been carried out (W. Munzinger, Sitten und
Recht der Bogos, p. 67). In the Pelew Islands, when a death
has taken place, fire is transferred from the house to a shed
erected beside it (J. S. Kubary, “Die Todtenbestattung auf den
Pelau-Inseln,” Original-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen
Abtheilung der Königlichen Museen zu Berlin, i. 7). In the
Marquesas Islands fires were extinguished after a death
(Vincendon-Dumoulin et Desgraz, Iles Marquises, p. 251).
Among the Indians of Peru and the Moors of Algiers no fire
might be lighted for several days in a house where a death
had occurred (Cieza de Leon, Travels, Markham’s translation,
p. 366; Dapper, Description de l’Afrique, p. 176). The same
custom is reported of the Mohammedans of India
(Mandelsloe, in J. Harris’s Voyages and Travels, i. (London,
1744) p. 770). In the East Indian island of Wetter no fire may
burn in a house for three days after a death, and according to
Bastian the reason is the one given in the text, to wit, a fear
 that the ghost might fall into it and hurt himself (A. Bastian,
Indonesien, ii. 60). For more evidence, see my article “On
certain Burial Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological
Institute, xv. (1886) p. 90.

872. For the list of the Alban kings see Livy, i. 3. 5-11; Ovid, Fasti,
iv. 39-56; id., Metam. xiv. 609 sqq.; Dionysius
Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 70 sq.; Eusebius, Chronic.
bk. i. vol. i. coll. 273, 275, 285, 287, 289, 291, ed. A.
Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3rd ed. L. Dindorf; Sextus
Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 17-19; Zonaras,
Annales, vii. 1.

873. See B. G. Niebuhr, History of Rome, i. 205-207; A. Schwegler,

Römische Geschichte, i. 339, 342-345. However, Niebuhr
admits that some of the names may have been taken from
older legends.

874. H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent (London, 1878), i.

380; C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian
Soudan (London, 1882), i. 197; Fr. Stuhlman, Mit Emin Pascha
ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin, 1894), pp. 192 sq.; J. Roscoe,
“Farther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,”
Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 25,
with plates i. and ii.; Sir Harry Johnston, The Uganda
Protectorate, ii. 681 sq.

875. Romulus and Tatius reigned for a time together; after

Romulus the kings were, in order of succession, Numa
Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Marcius, the elder Tarquin,
Servius Tullius, and Tarquin the Proud.

876. See A. Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, i. 579 sq.

877. According to one account, Romulus had a son and a daughter

(Plutarch, Romulus, 14). Some held that Numa had four sons
(Plutarch, Numa, 21). Ancus Marcius left two sons (Livy, i. 35.
 1, i. 40; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iii. 72 sq., iv.
34. 3). Tarquin the Elder left two sons or grandsons (Livy, i.
46; Dionysius Halic., Ant. Rom. iv. 6 sq. iv. 28).

878. Pompilia, the mother of Ancus Marcius, was a daughter of

Numa. See Cicero, De re publica, ii. 18. 33; Livy, i. 32. 1;
Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 76. 5, iii. 35. 3, iii. 36.
2; Plutarch, Numa, 21.

879. Numa married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius (Plutarch, Numa,

3 and 21); Servius Tullius married the daughter of the elder
Tarquin (Livy, i. 39. 4); and Tarquin the Proud married Tullia
the daughter of Servius Tullius (Livy, i. 42. 1, i. 46. 5).

880. Numa was a Sabine from Cures (Livy, i. 18; Plutarch, Numa,
3; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 58); Servius Tullius,
according to the common account, was the son of Ocrisia, a
slave woman of Corniculum (Livy, i. 39. 5; Dionysius
Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 1.), but according to another
account he was an Etruscan (see above, p. 196 note); and
Tarquin the Proud was a son of the elder Tarquin, who was an
Etruscan from Tarquinii (Livy, i. 34; Cicero, De re publica, ii.
19 sq., §§ 34 sq.). The foreign birth of their kings naturally
struck the Romans themselves. See the speech put by Livy (i.
35. 3), in the mouth of the elder Tarquin: “Se non rem novam
petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari
mirarive posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum
adfectet; et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex
hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum urbis non petentem
in regnum ultro accitum: se, ex quo sui potens fuerit, Romam
cum conjuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse.” And see a
passage in a speech actually spoken by the Emperor Claudius:
“Quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem, nec tamen domesticis
successoribus eam tradere contigit. Supervenere alieni et
quidem externi, ut Numa Romulo successerit ex Sabinis
veniens, vicinus quidem sed tunec externus,” etc. The speech
 is engraved on bronze tablets found at Lyons. See Tacitus, ed.
Baiter and Orelli, i. 2nd Ed., p. 342.

881. “In Ceylon, where the higher and lower polyandry co-exist,
marriage is of two sorts—Deega or Beena—according as the
wife goes to live in the house and village of her husbands, or
as the husband or husbands come to live with her in or near
the house of her birth” (J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient
History (London, 1886), p. 101).

882. The system of mother-kin, that is, of tracing descent through

females instead of through males, is often called the
matriarchate. But this term is inappropriate and misleading,
as it implies that under the system in question the women
govern the men. Even when the so-called matriarchate
regulates the descent of the kingdom, this does not mean
that the women of the royal family reign; it only means that
they are the channel through which the kingship is
transmitted to their husbands or sons.

883. Ancient writers repeatedly speak of the uncertainty as to the

fathers of the Roman kings. See Livy, i. 4. 2; Dionysius
Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 2. 3; Cicero, De re publica, ii.
18. 33; Seneca, Epist. cviii. 30; Aelian, Var. Hist. xiv. 36.

884. Ovid, Fasti, vi. 773-784; Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 17.
Compare L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii. 180 sq.

885. See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 266 sqq., 328 sqq.

886. See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 203 sqq.; The
Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 318 sq.

887. Plutarch, Numa, 3.

888. T. E. Bowdich, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee,

New Edition (London, 1873), pp. 185, 204 sq.; A. B. Ellis, The
 Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 287, 297 sq.; id.,
The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 187.

889. J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the

Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii.
(1902) pp. 36, 67. In Benin “the legitimate daughters of a
king did not marry any one, but bestowed their favours as
they pleased.” (Mr. C. Punch, in H. Ling Roth’s Great Benin
(Halifax, England, 1903), p. 37).

890. C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian

Soudan (London, 1882), i. 200; J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on
the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the
Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 67.

891. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 27, 62. Mr. Roscoe says: “The royal
family traces its pedigree through the maternal clan, but the
nation through the paternal clan.” But he here refers to the
descent of the totem only. That the throne descends from
father to son is proved by the genealogical tables which he
gives (Plates I. and II.).

892. Proyart’s “History of Loango,” in Pinkerton’s Voyages and

Travels, xvi. 570, 579 sq.; L. Degrandpré, Voyage à la côte
occidentale d’Afrique (Paris, 1801), pp. 110-114; A. Bastian,
Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango Küste, i. 197 sqq.
Time seems not to have mitigated the lot of these unhappy
prince consorts. See R. E. Dennett, At the Back of the Black
Man’s Mind (London, 1906), pp. 36 sq., 134. Mr. Dennett says
that the husband of a princess is virtually her slave and may
be put to death by her. All the sisters of the King of Loango
enjoy these arbitrary rights over their husbands, and the
offspring of any of them may become king.

893. Father Guillemé, “Au Bengouéolo,” Missions Catholiques,

xxxiv. (1902) p. 16. The writer visited the state and had an
 interview with the queen, a woman of gigantic stature,
wearing many amulets.

894. Pausanias, i. 2. 6.

895. Pausanias, ii. 29. 4. I have to thank Mr. H. M. Chadwick for

pointing out the following Greek and Swedish parallels to
what I conceive to have been the Latin practice.

896. Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 7. According to Apollodorus (iii. 12.

7), Cychreus, King of Salamis, died childless, and bequeathed
his kingdom to Telamon.

897. J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 450. Compare Pausanias, ii.

29. 4.

898. Apollodorus, iii. 13. 1. According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 72.

6), the king of Phthia was childless, and bequeathed his
kingdom to Peleus.

899. Apollodorus, iii. 13. 8; Hyginus, Fabulae, 96.

900. Pausanias, i. 11. 1 sq.; Justin, xvii. 3.

901. Apollodorus, i. 8. 5.

902. Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 37; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 459 sq.,
510 sq. Compare Virgil, Aen. xi. 243 sqq.

903. Diodorus, iv. 73; Hyginus, Fabulae, 82-84; Servius, on Virgil,

Georg. iii. 7.

904. Thucydides, i. 9; Strabo, viii. 6. 19, p. 377.

905. Apollodorus, iii. 10. 8.

906. Schol. on Euripides, Orestes, 46; Pindar, Pyth. xi. 31 sq.;

Pausanias, iii. 19. 6.
907. H. M. Chadwick, The Origin of the English Nation (Cambridge,
1907), pp. 332 sq. In treating of the succession to the
kingdom in Scandinavia, the late K. Maurer, one of the highest
authorities on old Norse law, also remarked that “some
ancient authorities (Quellenberichte) profess to know of a
certain right of succession accorded to women, in virtue of
which under certain circumstances, though they could not
themselves succeed to the kingdom, they nevertheless could
convey it to their husbands.” And he cites a number of
instances, how one king (Eysteinn Halfdanarson) succeeded
his father-in-law (Eirikr Agnarsson) on the throne; how
another (Gudrodr Halfdanarson) received with his wife Alfhildr
a portion of her father’s kingdom; and so on. See K. Maurer,
Vorlesungen über altnordische Rechtsgeschichte, i. (Leipsic,
1907) pp. 233 sq.

908. G. W. Dasent, Popular Tales from the Norse, pp. 131 sqq.; S.
Grundtvig, Dänische Volksmärchen, First Series (Leipsic,
1878), pp. 285 sqq. (Leo’s German translation); Cavallius und
Stephens, Schwedische Volkssagen und Märchen, No. 4, pp.
62 sqq. (Oberleitner’s German translation); Grimm, Household
Tales, No. 60; Kuhn und Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen,
Märchen und Gebräuche, pp. 340 sqq.; J. W. Wolf, Deutsche
Hausmärchen, pp. 372 sqq.; Philo vom Walde, Schlesien in
Sage und Brauch, pp. 81 sqq.; I. V. Zingerle, Kinder- und
Hausmärchen aus Tirol, No. 8, pp. 35 sqq. No. 35, pp. 178
sqq.; J. Haltrich, Deutsche Volksmärchen aus dem
Sachsenlande in Siebenbürgen, 4th ed., No. 15, pp. 103 sqq.;
J. F. Campbell, Popular Tales of the West Highlands, No. 4,
vol. i. pp. 77 sqq.; A. Schleicher, Litauische Märchen,
Sprichwörte, Rätsel und Lieder, pp. 57 sqq.; A. Leskien und K.
Brugmann, Litauische Volkslieder und Märchen, No. 14, pp.
404 sqq.; Basile, Pentamerone, First day, seventh tale, vol. i.
pp. 97 sqq. (Liebrecht’s German translation); E. Legrand,
Contes populaires grecques, pp. 169 sqq.; J. G. von Hahn,
Griechische und albanesische Märchen, No. 98, vol. ii. pp. 114
 sq.; A. und A. Schott, Walachische Maehrchen, No. 10, pp.
140 sqq.; W. Webster, Basque Legends, pp. 36-38; A.
Schiefner, Awarische Texte (St. Petersburg, 1873), No. 2, pp.
21 sqq.; J. Rivière, Contes populaires de la Kabylie, pp. 195-
197.

909. Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, bk. iv. p. 126 (Elton’s

translation). The passage occurs on p. 158 of P. E. Müller’s
edition of Saxo.

910. The story of Hamlet (Amleth) is told, in a striking form, by

Saxo Grammaticus in the third and fourth books of his history.
Mr. H. M. Chadwick tells me that Hamlet stands on the
border-line between legend and history. Hence the main
outlines of his story may be correct.

911. Herodotus, i. 7-13.

912. Nicolaus Damascenus, vi. frag. 49, in Fragmenta Historicorum

Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 380.

913. Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 F-516 B; Apollodorus, ii. 6. 3;

Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, iii.
64; Lucian, Dialogi deorum, xiii. 2; Ovid, Heroides, ix. 55 sqq.;
Statius, Theb. x. 646-649.

914. Athenaeus, l.c.

915. Herodotus, i. 93; Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xii. 11, p.

516 A B. The Armenians also prostituted their daughters
before marriage, dedicating them for a long time to the
profligate worship of the goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 14. 16,
p. 532 sq.). The custom was probably practised as a charm to
secure the fertility of the earth as well as of man and beast.
See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 32 sqq.

916. Herodotus, i. 7.
917. Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 31, p. 573 A B.

918. See E. A. Freeman, History of the Norman Conquest of

England, i. 3rd Ed., 410-412, 733-737. I am indebted to my
friend Mr. H. M. Chadwick both for the fact and its
explanation.

919. Procopius, De bello Gothico, iv. 20 (vol. ii. p. 593, ed. J.

Haury). This and the following cases of marriage with a
stepmother are cited by K. Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen 2nd
Ed., (Vienna, 1882), ii. 359 sq.

920. Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ii. 5. 102;

compare i. 27. 63.

921. Prudentius Trecensis, “Annales,” anno 858, in Pertz’s

Monumenta Germaniae historica, i. 451; Ingulfus, Historia,
quoted ibid.

922. This is in substance the view of Dr. W. E. Hearn (The Aryan

House-hold, pp. 150-155) and of Prof. B. Delbrück (“Das
Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen,” Preussische Jahrbücher,
lxxix. (1895) pp. 14-27).

923. Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 2. p. 555 D; John

of Antioch, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C.
Müller, iv. 547; Charax of Pergamus ib. iii. 638; J. Tzetzes,
Schol. on Lycophron, 111; id., Chiliades, v. 650-665; Suidas,
s.v. Κέκροψ; Justin, ii. 6. 7.

924. Ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀθηναῖος Σόλων ὁμοπατρίους ἐφεὶς ἄγεσθαι, τὰς

ὁμομητρίους ἐκώλυσεν, ὁ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτης
ἔμπαλιν, τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς ὁμογαστρίοις γάμον ἐπιτρέψας, τὸν πρὸς
τὰς ὁμοπατρίους ἀπεῖπεν, Philo Judaeus, De specialibus
legibus, vol. ii. p. 303, ed. Th. Mangey. See also Plutarch,
Themistocles, 32; Cornelius Nepos, Cimon, 1; Schol. on
Aristophanes, Clouds, 1371; L. Beauchet, Histoire du droit
 privé de la République Athénienne, i. (Paris, 1897) pp. 165
sqq. Compare Minucius Felix, Octavius, 31.

925. Polybius, xii. 5.

926. Strabo, xiii. 1. 40, pp. 600 sq.; Plutarch, De sera numinis
vindicta, 12; and especially Lycophron, Cassandra, 1141 sqq.,
with the scholia of J. Tzetzes, who refers to Timaeus and
Callimachus as his authorities.

927. Justin, xxi. 3. 1-6.

928. Strabo, iii. 4. 18.

929. Tacitus, Germania, 20. Compare L. Dargun, Mutterrecht und

Raubehe und ihre Reste im germanischen Recht und Leben
(Breslau, 1883), pp. 21 sq.

930. A. Giraud-Teulon, Les Origines du mariage et de la famille, pp.

206 sqq.; A. H. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, i. 13 sqq.; Sir
Harry H. Johnston, British Central Africa, p. 471; A. B. Ellis,
The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 297 sq.; id.,
The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 207 sqq.
Much more evidence will be found in my Totemism and
Exogamy.

931. R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 50, note 2.

932. Tacitus, Germania, 20.

933. A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 286

sqq. The reipus or payment made on the remarriage of a
widow is discussed by L. Dargun, op. cit. pp. 141-152.

934. W. F. Skene held that the Picts were Celts. See his Celtic
Scotland, i. 194-227. On the other hand, H. Zimmer supposes
them to have been the pre-Celtic inhabitants of the British
 Islands. See his paper “Das Mutterrecht der Pikten,” Zeitschrift
der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, xv. (1894)
Romanistische Abtheilung, pp. 209 sqq.

935. “Cumque uxores Picti non habentes peterent a Scottis, ea

solum conditione dare consenserunt, ut ubi res perveniret in
dubium, magis de feminea regum prosapia quam de
masculina regem sibi eligerent; quod usque hodie apud Pictos
constat esse servatum,” Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis
Anglorum, ii. 1. 7.

936. W. F. Skene, Celtic Scotland, i. 232-235; J. F. McLennan,

Studies in Ancient History (London, 1886), pp. 68-70; H.
Zimmer, loc. cit.

937. K. O. Müller, Die Etrusker (Stuttgart, 1877), ii. 376 sq.; J. J.

Bachofen, Die Sage von Tanaquil (Heidelberg, 1870), pp. 282-
290.

938. Θεόπομπος δ’ ἐν τῇ τεσσαρακοστῇ τρίτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν καὶ

νόμον εἶναί φησι παρὰ τοῖς Τυρρηνοῖς κοινὰς ὑπάρχειν τὰς
γυναῖκας ... τρέφειν δὲ τοὺς Τυρρηνοὺς πάντα τὰ γινόμενα
παιδία, οὐκ εἰδότας ὅτου πάτρος ἐστὶν ἕκαστον, Athenaeus,
xii. 14, p. 517 D E.
939. “Non enim hic, ubi ex Tusco modo Tute tibi indigne dotem
quaeras corpore” (Plautus, Cistellaria, ii. 3. 20 sq.).

940. Herodotus, i. 94; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 219; Tacitus, Annals, iv.

55; Timaeus, cited by Tertullian, De spectaculis, 5; Festus, s.v.
“Turannos,” p. 355, ed. C. O. Müller; Plutarch, Romulus, 2;
Velleius Paterculus, i. 1. 4; Justin, xx. 1. 7; Valerius Maximus,
ii. 4. 4; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 67. On the other hand,
Dionysius of Halicarnassus held that the Etruscans were an
indigenous Italian race, differing from all other known peoples
in language and customs (Ant. Rom. i. 26-30). On this much-
vexed question, see K. O. Müller, Die Etrusker (Stuttgart,
1877), i. 65 sqq.; G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria,
3rd Ed., i. pp. xxxiii. sqq.; F. Hommel, Grundriss der
Geographie und Geschichte des Alten Orients, 2nd Ed., pp. 63
sqq. (in Iwan von Müller’s Handbuch der klassischen
Altertumswissenschaft, vol. iii.).

941. It is doubtful whether Servius Tullius was a Latin or an

Etruscan. See above, p. 195, note 1.

942. “All over India the hedge-priest is very often an autochthon,

his long residence in the land being supposed to confer upon
him the knowledge of the character and peculiarities of the
local gods, and to teach him the proper mode in which they
may be conciliated. Thus the Doms preserve to the present
day the animistic and demonistic beliefs of the aboriginal
races, which the Khasiyas, who have succeeded them, temper
with the worship of the village deities, the named and
localised divine entities, with the occasional languid cult of the
greater Hindu gods. The propitiation of the vague spirits of
wood, or cliff, river or lake, they are satisfied to leave in
charge of their serfs” (W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India,
London, 1907, pp. 104 sq.). When the Israelites had been
carried away captives into Assyria, the new settlers in the
 desolate land of Israel were attacked by lions, which they
supposed to be sent against them by the god of the country
because, as strangers, they did not know how to propitiate
him. So they petitioned the king of Assyria and he sent them
a native Israelitish priest, who taught them how to worship
the God of Israel. See 2 Kings xvii. 24-28.

943. H. Jordan, Die Könige im alten Italien (Berlin, 1884), pp. 15-
25.

944. Livy, i. 56. 7; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 68. 1.

945. Livy, i. 34. 2 sq., i. 38. 1, i. 57. 6; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,

Ant. Rom. iv. 64.

946. I owe to Mr. A. B. Cook the interesting suggestion that the

double consulship was a revival of a double kingship.

947. As to the Regifugium see below, pp. 308-310.

948. Pausanias, iv. 5. 10; G. Gilbert, Handbuch der griech.

Staatsalterthümer, i. 2nd Ed., 122 sq.

949. The two supreme magistrates who replaced the kings were at
first called praetors. See Livy, iii. 55. 12; B. G. Niebuhr, History
of Rome, 3rd Ed., i. 520 sq.; Th. Mommsen, Römisches
Staatsrecht, ii. 3rd Ed., 74 sqq. That the power of the first
consuls was, with the limitations indicated in the text, that of
the old kings is fully recognised by Livy (ii. 1. 7 sq.).

950. It was a disputed point whether Tarquin the Proud was the
son or grandson of Tarquin the Elder. Most writers, and Livy
(i. 46. 4) among them, held that he was a son. Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, on the other hand, argued that he must have
been a grandson; he insists strongly on the chronological
difficulties to which the ordinary hypothesis is exposed if
 Servius Tullius reigned, as he is said to have reigned, forty-
four years. See Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. iv. 6 sq.

951. Livy, i. 48. 2; Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. iv. 31 sq. and 46.

952. Livy, i. 56; Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. iv. 67-69, 77; Valerius
Maximus, vii. 3. 2; Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus, x. The
murder of Brutus’s father and brother is recorded by
Dionysius; the other writers mention the assassination of his
brother only. The resemblance between Brutus and Hamlet
has been pointed out before. See F. York Powell, in Elton’s
translation of Saxo Grammaticus’s Danish History (London,
1894), pp. 405-410.

953. D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South

Africa, pp. 617 sq. Many more examples are given by A. H.
Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz (Oldenburg and Leipsic), i.
134 sqq.

954. D. Livingstone, op. cit. p. 434.

955. H. Hecquard, Reise an die Küste und in das Innere von West-
Afrika (Leipsic, 1854), p. 104. This and the preceding example
are cited by A. H. Post, l.c.

956. J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the

Winamwanga and Wiwa,” Journal of the African Society, No.
36 (July 1910), p. 384.

957. J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 784 sq.

958. Sir William MacGregor, “Lagos, Abeokuta, and the Alake,”

Journal of the African Society, No. 12 (July 1904), pp. 470 sq.

959. C. Partridge, “The Burial of the Atta of Igaraland, and the

‘Coronation’ of his Successor,” Blackwood’s Magazine,
September 1904, pp. 329 sq. Mr. Partridge kindly gave me
 some details as to the election of the king in a letter dated
24th October 1904. He is Assistant District Commissioner in
Southern Nigeria.

960. Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 66-75.

961. Livy, i. 17; Cicero, De re publica, ii. 17. 31.

962. As to the nomination of the King of the Sacred Rites see Livy,
xl. 42; Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. v. 1. 4. The latter writer
says that the augurs co-operated with the pontiff in the
nomination.

963. Th. Mommsen, Römisches Staatsrecht, ii. 3rd Ed., 6-8; A. H.

J. Greenidge, Roman Public Life, pp. 45 sqq. Mr. Greenidge
thinks that the king was regularly nominated by his
predecessor and only occasionally by an interim king.
Mommsen holds that he was always nominated by the latter.

964. Compare Lucretius, v. 1108 sqq.:

“Condere coeperunt urbis arcemque locare

Praesidium reges ipsi sibi perfugiumque,
Et pecus atque agros divisere atque dedere
Pro facie cujusque et viribus ingenioque;
Nam facies multum valuit viresque vigentes.”

965. Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (Frag.

Histor. Graec. ed. C. Müller, iii. 463). Other writers say simply
that the tallest, strongest, or handsomest man was chosen
king. See Herodotus, iii. 20; Aristotle, Politics, iv. 4;
Athenaeus, xiii. 20, p. 566 c.

966. Zenobius, Cent. v. 25.

967. J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal, pp. 4 sq. Compare D.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South
Africa, p. 186; W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa (Leipsic,
1893), p. 110.

968. Zenobius, Cent. v. 25.

969. Strabo, xi. 21, p. 492.

970. Hippocrates, De aere locis et aquis (vol. i. pp. 550 sq. ed.
Kühn).

971. Captain Guy Burrows, The Land of the Pigmies (London,

1898), p. 95. Speaking of this tribe, Emin Pasha observes:
“The most curious custom, however, and one which is
particularly observed in the ruling families, is bandaging the
heads of infants. By means of these bandages a lengthening
of the head along its horizontal axis is produced; and whereas
the ordinary Monbutto people have rather round heads, the
form of the head in the better classes shows an extraordinary
increase in length, which certainly very well suits their style of
hair and of hats.” See Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a
Collection of Letters and Journals (London, 1888), p. 212.

972. Lewis and Clark, Expedition to the Sources of the Missouri, ch.
23, vol. ii. 327 sq. (reprinted at London, 1905); D. W.
Harmon, quoted by Rev. J. Morse, Report to the Secretary of
War of the United States on Indian Affairs (Newhaven, 1822),
Appendix, p. 346; H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, ii. 325 sq.;
R. C. Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia, p. 277; G. M.
Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, pp. 28-30; H. H.
Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, i. 180.

973. C. Hill-Tout, The Far West, the Home of the Salish and Déné
(London, 1907), p. 40. As to the custom in general among
these tribes, see ibid. pp. 38-41. In Melanesia the practice of
artificially lengthening the head into a cone by means of
 bandages applied in infancy is observed by the natives of
Malikolo (Malekula) in the New Hebrides and also by the
natives of the south coast of New Britain, from Cape Roebuck
to Cape Bedder. See Beatrice Grimshaw, From Fiji to the
Cannibal Islands (London, 1907), pp. 258-260; R. Parkinson,
Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 204-206.

974. V. Fric and P. Radin, “Contributions to the Study of the Bororo

Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvi.
(1906) pp. 388 sq.

975. See The Spectator, Nos. 18 and 20.

976. Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41

(Fragmenta Historic. Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 463).

977. Simon Grunau, Preussische Chronik, Tract. ii. cap. iii. § 2, p.

66, ed. M. Perlbach. This passage was pointed out to me by
Mr. H. M. Chadwick.

978. Pausanias, v. 1. 4, vi. 20. 9.

979. Apollodorus, Epitoma, ii. 4-9, ed. R. Wagner (Apollodorus,

Bibliotheca, ed. R. Wagner, pp. 183 sq.); Diodorus Siculus, iv.
73; Pausanias, v. 1. 6 sq., v. 10. 6 sq., v. 14. 7, v. 17. 7 sq., v.
20. 6 sq., vi. 21. 7-11.

980. Pausanias, vi. 21. 3.

981. Pausanias, v. 13. 1-6, vi. 20. 7.

982. Pausanias, iii. 12. 1, 20. 10 sq.

983. Pindar, Pyth. ix. 181-220, with the Scholia.

984. Pindar, Pyth. ix. 195 sqq.; Pausanias, iii. 12. 2.

985. Apollodorus, iii. 9. 2; Hyginus, Fab. 185; Ovid, Metam. x. 560
sqq.

986. E. Schuyler, Turkistan (London, 1876), i. 42 sq. This and the

four following examples of the bride-race have been already
cited by J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient History (London,
1886), pp. 15 sq., 181-184. He supposes them to be relics of
a custom of capturing women from another community.

987. E. D. Clarke, Travels in Various Countries, i. (London, 1810),

p. 333. In the fourth octavo edition of Clarke’s Travels (vol. i.,
London, 1816), from which McLennan seems to have quoted,
there are a few verbal changes.

988. J. McLennan, op. cit. pp. 183 sq., referring to Kennan’s Tent
Life in Siberia (1870), which I have not seen. Compare W.
Jochelson, “The Koryak” (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 742
(Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vi.).

989. Letter of the missionary Bigandet, dated March 1847, in

Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xx. (1848) p. 431. A
similar account of the ceremony is given by M. Bourien, “Wild
Tribes of the Malay Peninsula,” Transactions of the
Ethnological Society of London, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 81. See
further W. W. Skeat and C.O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the
Malay Peninsula (London, 1906), ii. 68, 77 sq., 79 sq., 82 sq.

990. J. Cameron, Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India

(London, 1865), pp. 116 sq.

991. Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), p. 219.

992. Middle High German brûtlouf, modern German Brautlauf,

Anglo-Saxon brydhléap, old Norse brudhlaup, modern Norse
bryllup. See Grimm, Deutsches Wörterbuch, s.v. “Brautlauf”;
K. Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, 2nd Ed., i. 407. The latter