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The Archaic (ca. 10,000 to 3,000 B.P.) 309 Control of the Past 343
The Woodland Period (ca. 3,000 to 1,100 B.P.) 310 NAGPRA 343
The Mississippian Period (ca. 1,100 to 500 B.P.) 310 Native American Historians, Anthropologists,
The Contact Period 311 and Archaeologists 344
SIDELIGHT: The Development of Health and Welfare 345
the Seminole 313 Preservation of Tradition 345
The Impact of European Contact 314 Religion 346
Education 346
A Brief History of Ethnographic
Research 314 Language Revitalization 347
Misuse of Native Images and Traditions 347
A Broad Portrait of Southeastern
Groups 315 Economic Development 348
Political Organization 315 Gaming 349
Social Organization 316 Tourism 350
Economics 317 Natural Resources 350
Material Culture and Technology 318 Fishing, Hunting, and Gathering 352
Religion 319 Climate Change 352
Southeastern Indians Today 320 Expression 353
The Future 353
Learn More About Contemporary
Southeastern Peoples 320 SIDELIGHT: Visiting Native North
America 353
The Cherokee: A Southeastern Case Study 322
VIP PROFILE: Sequoyah: Cherokee Leader 324 Internet Resources for Materials on
Native Americans 354
The Natchez: A Southeastern Case Study 332

Glossary 355
13 Contemporary Issues 339 References and Suggested Readings 358

Index 380
Sovereignty and Decolonialism 340
Tribal Recognition 341
Land Claims and Settlements 342

Contents vii
This page intentionally left blank
Preface

One of the major goals of this fourth edition was to reorganize and expand the chapter
on Contemporary Issues; add some new photos; correct errors; and update all of
the other materials in the book, particularly the sections on prehistory. The recently
published A Prehistory of North America (Sutton 2010) is also organized by culture
area and can serve as a companion volume to this edition of An Introduction to Native
North America.

What’s New in This Edition

• Revised treatments of prehistory for each culture area
• A major reorganization and expansion of Chapter 13, Contemporary Issues
• Expansion of the section on governmental policies
• Addition of new research findings and updating of existing information

Acknowledgments
A number of colleagues have taken the time to suggest improvements to this book,
and I am indebted to them for their efforts. Excellent suggestions were provided by the
reviewers of this edition: Joseph Wilson, University of Florida; Stephen Saraydar, State
University of New York; Jeanne Saint-Amour, Glendale Community College; Alston
Thoms, Texas A&M University; Katherine Woodhouse-Beyer, Rutgers University, New
Brunswick. In addition, I benefited from the thoughts and advice of Jill K. Gardner,
James Helmer, Brian E. Hemphill, Henry C. Koerper, William L. Merrill, and Richard
H. Osborne.
M.Q.S.

ix
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 1 Introduction

In 1492, Christopher Columbus sailed west from Spain, looking for a shorter and
more direct route to the Indies. Instead, he landed on a small island in the Caribbean
and encountered a New World occupied by many millions of people belonging to
many hundreds, perhaps as many as a thousand, different cultures. These cultures
were incredibly diverse, ranging from very small groups of hunters and gatherers to
large groups of farmers living in cities, and having social and political institutions of
varying complexities comparable to any in the world.
Europeans wanted to believe that they had “discovered” a new land, untouched
and pristine, a land occupied by wandering, primitive savages who did not “prop-
erly” possess the land. They believed it their duty to drag these native peoples from
their state of savagery into the light of civilization. These beliefs served to justify
the conquest of the New World and are still widely held today. But despite the
onslaught of Europeans, native peoples have survived.
Why are we interested in learning about Native North America? In the abstract,
Native American culture is part of the larger human experience. Each culture is unique
and the more we know about different cultures, the more we know collectively
about all people. Anthropology holds the view that all cultures are valid, that they
have the right to exist, and no one has the right to suppress them. Following this,
the more that is known about a group, the better it is protected.
Another tenet of anthropology is that no culture is better or worse than any
other (with some exceptions such as Nazi Germany) and that cultures should not
be judged. We all live in a multicultural world and it is important that everyone
comprehend and appreciate cultural diversity so that bias, ethnocentrism, and rac-
ism can be conquered. As all cultures are unique, each has lessons to teach others
and there is much (good and bad) that Native Americans can offer, such as their
environmental practices, philosophy, literature, and the like. Their knowledge is
useful to everyone and we can all learn from their successes and failures.
A bit closer to home, American culture has been shaped, in part, by contact
and interaction with native peoples over hundreds of years and an appreciation

1
 of that history can help to better understand where we all are now and how we
got here. It is important for everyone to grasp the issues that surround minorities
within a larger dominant culture, and to look for solutions to problems inherent
in that situation. Many native peoples have gotten a “raw deal” and everyone should
understand how that happened and what can be done about it. In some cases,
the culture and practices of some native peoples were, at least in part, preserved
for later generations by anthropologists. Lastly, Native American cultures are not
“vanished races” consigned to natural history museums but modern, active, and
vibrant groups. Everyone should celebrate the survival and revival of those cultures.

The Geography of North America

Prior to 1492, Europeans thought they knew the geography of the world and the
location and extent of the various major landmasses and bodies of water. The
landmasses known at that time consisted of Europe, Africa, Asia, and many of
the islands of the western Pacific. However, when they encountered a huge new
landmass full of unfamiliar people, it was seen as a “New World,” a name that
continues to be used today (Fig. 1.1). The world known to the Europeans prior to
1492 was subsequently referred to as the Old World, a term also still used. Today,
the New World is also known as the western hemisphere and the Old World is the
eastern hemisphere.

FIGURE 1.1 Simplified map of the world, showing both New and Old Worlds

2 Chapter 1 Introduction
 FIGURE 1.2 Major cultural divisions of the
New World

The New World is often described as comprising two continents: (1) North
America, which extends from the Arctic to Panama, and (2) South America,
which runs from Colombia to the southern tip of Chile. However, it is now com-
mon for the New World to be thought of as three regions: North, Central, and
South America. Many people consider North America to consist of the United
States and Canada, Central America to include Mexico and all the countries
south through Panama, and South America to extend from Colombia to the
southern tip of Chile. A third way to conceptualize the New World is based on
broad cultural distinctions, leading to the specification of three somewhat differ-
ent regions: North America, Mesoamerica (meso meaning “middle”), and South
America (Fig. 1.2). According to this frame of reference, the southern boundary
of North America is located in northern Mexico; this definition is used in this
book. The modern border between the United States and Mexico is not relevant
to a definition of past cultures.
After defining the southern boundary of North America, the question arises as
to whether to include Greenland to the north. Some researchers consider Greenland
a part of Europe, others a part of North America, while most simply ignore the
problem. In this book, Greenland is considered a part of North America, primar-
ily because the Inuit that inhabited much of Arctic North America also lived in
Greenland.
The geography of North America is complex, and many regions can be defined
within it, based on a number of criteria. For the purposes of this book, seven gen-
eral natural areas are defined (Fig. 1.3); these overlap with the culture areas defined
later. In the far north lies the Arctic, a largely treeless region covered with snow and
ice for most of the year, roughly corresponding to the Arctic culture area. To the

The Geography of North America 3

 ARCTIC
OCEAN Greenland

Arctic

Mount
C
on

ai
Fo ifer

ns
re ou
st s

Pacific
Coast

Plains

Temperate ATLANTIC
PACIFIC
Forest
OCEAN OCEAN
Desert

0 500 1000
Miles
Kilometers
0 500 1000
FIGURE 1.3 Major natural areas
of North America

south of the Arctic lies a region containing mountains and a vast, cold, coniferous
forest with thousands of lakes that generally coincides with the Subarctic culture
area. Farther south, and east of the Mississippi River, lies an extensive temperate
forest, much of which has been destroyed over the past 150 years, and this region
is divided into the Northeast and Southeast culture areas. West of the Mississippi
River, an immense region of grasslands called the Plains (both the geographic re-
gion and the culture area) extends west to the Rocky Mountains, which run north
to south along much of North America. The Plains is now mostly covered by fields
of corn and wheat. A large desert occupies much of western North America and
includes both the Great Basin and Southwest culture areas. Lastly, the Pacific coast
lies along the western boundary of North America and encompasses the Northwest
Coast, California, and Plateau culture areas.

Culture Areas
Researchers recognized early on that cultures in similar environments tend to be
similar to one another, sharing some aspects of economy, politics, and even lan-
guage. Large-scale geographic regions where environment and culture were similar
were defined in the late 1890s and called culture areas, first in North and South
America (Mason 1894), then in other areas of the world. The definition of a culture
area is never precise, and there is considerable argument over how many there are,
where their boundaries are, which groups should be included in each, and even

4 Chapter 1 Introduction
 Russia
Asia

ARCTIC
OCEAN Greenland

Arctic

Subarctic
North America

au
Plate

Northwest
Coast

Great Northeast
Basin
Plains
California
ATLANTIC
t OCEAN
as
the
Sou
Sou
thw

PACIFIC
est

Gulf of
OCEAN Mexico
N
Mesoamerica
CARIBBEAN FIGURE 1.4 Culture areas of North America
0 1000500 SEA
Miles Adapted from Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 4,
Kilometers History of Indian-White Relations, W. E. Washburn, ed.,
0 500 1000 p. ix; copyright © 1988 by the Smithsonian
Institution. Used by permission of the publisher.

whether culture areas should be defined at all. Ten culture areas are defined herein,
following the Handbook of North American Indians (see Fig. 1.4).
Using the culture area concept gives anthropologists the opportunity to com-
pare societies within broadly similar environments and to determine the extent of
influence from groups outside a particular culture area (diffusion, migrations, etc.).
In spite of many weaknesses—such as defining a single area that contains consider-
able cultural and/or environmental diversity, the use of somewhat arbitrary criteria,
the assumption that a static cultural situation exists, and the tendency to equate
environment with cause—the culture area concept continues to be useful as a point
of comparison and reference. Most anthropologists use this concept, even if infor-
mally, to refer to geographic regions and general culture. Most laypeople also inher-
ently recognize culture areas, having, for example, at least some idea that the native
peoples of the Plains are different from those of the Arctic.

Native North Americans

Prior to the arrival of Columbus, all of the people living in North America were na-
tive. After 1492, however, immigrants of many ethnicities and cultures flooded the
continent, mixing both among themselves and with native peoples. While many
“full-blooded” native people still exist, the majority have a mixed biological and
cultural heritage (some have even formed new groups, such as the Métis of Canada

Native North Americans 5

 and the Great Lakes area, the Choctaw-Apaches of Louisiana, and the Lumbee of
North Carolina), complicating their classification (see Snipp 1989) and group
memberships (see Basson 2008). Recently, many more people have claimed Indian
ancestry, based on a desire to be Indian, newfound pride in their previously
unclaimed ancestry, or changing definitions of what an Indian is.
Today, a good definition of Native American is elusive. At least three general
defining categories apply: biological, administrative, and mystical (see Snipp 1989).
Biological definitions are usually based on some percentage of “Indian blood,”
commonly called “blood quantum” (e.g., one-quarter, one-eighth). Many tribes
require a certain percentage of blood quantum to classify a person as a tribal mem-
ber. Administrative definitions, often based on mystical and biological definitions,
are also used to serve whatever agency formulated them, such as a government defi-
nition of natives for benefit and/or settlement purposes or a tribal definition of
members for benefit and/or voting purposes. Mystical definitions may consist of
romantic, spiritual, and even fictional views of a people descended from an ancient
past. A person can claim to be an Indian if he or she somehow feels like one (such
as in the census). All of these definitions are used, sometimes interchangeably. To-
day, more than 4.4 million Americans identify themselves as (at least part) Native
American.

The People
It seems impossible to find an objective, universally accepted term for the indig-
enous inhabitants of the Americas (see discussions in Churchill [1999]; and Yellow
Bird [1999]). Some use Native American, but others have argued that such a category
includes Native Hawaiians (although Hawai’i is not in North America and Native
Hawaiians are technically Polynesian) or even anyone born in North America
regardless of his or her ancestry. The widely used term Indian is sometimes considered
inappropriate since it is not even a native term, as it was misapplied by Columbus,
who thought he was in the East Indies. It is also possible to confuse Indians of the
New World with the people of India. The term American Indian would bypass those
issues but the people of the Arctic (e.g., the Inuit) are not biologically or culturally
Indian although they are still Native Americans. The terms Native Peoples and
Native Nations suffer from similar problems. Some prefer the term First People to refer
to indigenous people in general, a term that could include Native Americans. In
Canada, the term First Nations is commonly used. The term aboriginal is also used in
that same manner. Many Native Americans, such as Hopi, want their specific group
name to be used. In this book, the very general terms Native American, native peo-
ples, and Indian will be used and will apply to those people who were indigenous
to North America prior to the European invasion. Where possible, specific group
names will be used.
In the United States and Canada, native people are viewed as distinct from
the majority, non-Indian population. However, the situation is quite different in
Mexico, where Indians comprise the vast majority of the population. Some 75 per-
cent of Mexicans are of mixed Indian and non-Indian heritage (called mestizo),
about 20 percent are full-blooded Indian, and some 5 percent are white, mostly
of Spanish heritage (West and Augelli 1989:291). In Mexico, most people identify
themselves as Mexican and only those who speak native languages are considered
“Indios.”
Over time, many non-Indians intermarried and had children with Indians.
Escaped black slaves sometimes found refuge with native peoples (most Indians

6 Chapter 1 Introduction
were not concerned about skin color). Soon, people of mixed native–black heri-
tage, the Black Indians, came into existence (not limited to North America; see Katz
[1997]). In North America, Black Indians formed an important part of a number of
native groups in the American Southeast, including the Seminole (see Chapter 12).

Political Entities
As with the people themselves, it is difficult to find an accurate term for their
political units. Perhaps the smallest political unit is the band, typically a small group
of families living by hunting and gathering. The term tribe is often employed, but
it carries a certain anthropological meaning that does not apply to all groups (dis-
cussed later). Nation could be (and often is) used, but that term could imply an
organization and political autonomy that is not true of all groups. In this book the
generic term group will be used, and wherever possible, the appropriate political
term (e.g., tribe).
In the United States, about 900 groups claim native status. As of 2010, 564 tribes,
including some 229 groups in Alaska, have been formally recognized as having a
special “government-to-government” relationship with the United States (for a listing
of federally recognized groups, log on to www.bia.gov/idc/groups/xofa/documents/
document/idc012038.pdf). As of 2008, approximately 250 additional native groups
(about 50 of them in California) have applied for federal recognition (the number
changes frequently as applications are accepted, denied, submitted, or withdrawn).
Many other North American groups exist in Canada and northern Mexico.

Population
The native population of North America prior to 1492 has not yet been accu-
rately determined. It was first thought that there were about 500,000 native people
before the arrival of Columbus. This low estimate was made partly to minimize
native occupation of the land, further justifying European intrusion. In the early
1900s, however, this view began to change as a result of detailed work on popula-
tion by researchers from the Bureau of American Ethnology, who estimated that
perhaps as many as three million Indians existed in North America before 1492.
Today, after much more work, estimates of the native population of North America
just prior to the time of Columbus range from about eight million to eighteen
million (see Thornton 1987, 1997; Stannard 1992; Ubelaker 1992; Reddy 1995;
Ogunwole 2006). However, a recent analysis of archaeological data (Milner and
Chapin 2010) suggested that the population of North America at about A.D. 1500
was between 1.2 and 6.1 million, well below the other estimates. After 1492, it
has been argued (e.g., Stannard 1992:268), there was a population decline on the
order of about 95 percent before the trend was reversed and populations began to
recover (see Table 1.1).
Today, the number of people who identified Native American as their “race”
in the United States census has increased to more than 2.4 million people, plus
another two million more who identified Native American as one of their races
(Ogunwole 2006: Table 1). The criteria for classifying a person as an Indian or
a member of a specific group can vary, depending on the group, the census, the
political climate, or other factors (see Weaver 2001). Also, people who are Indian
but have only recently listed themselves as Indian on the census create an illu-
sion of population increase. Nevertheless, it is clear that native populations are
increasing rapidly.

Native North Americans 7

TABLE 1.1 Native American Population of the United States Language
Percent Native North Americans spoke a bewildering
Year Population Change Source array of languages—more than 400, belonging
to some 62 language families (see Goddard
1500 10,000,0001a N/A estimate 1996a, 1996b: Table 3, 1996c) (Fig. 1.5). Of
1800 600,000 294 estimate those languages, only 209 were still spoken as
1820 471,000 222 census of 1995, and only 46 were spoken by children
(Goddard 1996b: Table 2). It seems that the
1847 383,000 218 census
others will become extinct very soon. The loss of
1857 313,000 218 census
native languages carries a high price, including
1870 278,000 211 census the loss of knowledge, philosophy, worldview,
1880 244,000 212 census and many other aspects of native culture.
1890 228,000 27 census Understanding the distribution of lan-
1900 250,000 110 census guages across North America is important for
interpreting relationships between cultures, the
1910 279,000 112 census
transmission of culture and traits, and the inter-
1920 244,000 213 census
actions between cultures. It is also critical to the
1930 332,000 136 census reconstruction of group movements over time
1940 345,000 14 census and has helped cast light on the past of much of
1950 357,000 14 census North America (see Foster 1996).
1960 524,000 147 census
1970 792,000 151 census Territories and Boundaries
1980 1,367,000 173 census
In Europe, nations maintained strict territorial
1990 1,900,000 139 census
boundaries. The borders defining each coun-
2000 2,447,000 128 censusb
try were set and defended by force of arms.
2050 4,405,000 181 projectedb Americans still hold this general view regarding
territory; thus, we have imposed territorial
a. This estimate of ten million is conservatively in the middle of various
modern estimates ranging from eight million to eighteen million (see boundaries on many native groups, even though
Thornton 1987, 1997; Snipp 1989; Stannard 1992; Reddy 1995) although this may lead to false impressions of how native
some estimates are considerably lower (e.g., Milner and Chapin 2010). peoples viewed the land. A glance at the maps in
b. 2000 U.S. census data (Ogunwole 2006: Table 1).
this book will illustrate this point. Each group’s
territory is bounded by lines, and there are no
unassigned areas. In reality, however, many
groups did not have a set territory with well-defined and defended borders. In many
cases, a group would have a core area and a peripheral area that may have overlapped
with the peripheral areas of other groups. Thus it is impossible to draw a single,
accurate line between the lands occupied by any two groups, but this is typically
done for the sake of convenience.
In addition, groups have moved about the landscape throughout time, and
their territories have changed, just as those of European countries have. When
explorers or anthropologists recorded the territory of a group, they defined it as it
existed at that point in time (known as the ethnographic present) but may not have
reflected past territories. These recorded territories now seem to be set in “stone,”
though they reflect only part of a group’s historical relationship with the land.
However, some groups did claim specific territories and boundaries, which they
frequently defended. In some Northwest Coast groups, clans owned specific areas;
some Plains groups had defined hunting territories; and many groups “owned”
particular places, such as springs and sacred sites, and others could access these
localities only by permission. Even if rigid territories were not as important to native

8 Chapter 1 Introduction
FIGURE 1.5 General distribution of major language groups in North America
Adapted from Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 17, Languages, Ives Goddard, ed., map in rear pocket;
copyright © 1996 by the Smithsonian Institution. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.

peoples as they were to Europeans, native groups certainly had an understanding of

geography, as illustrated by Warhus’s (1997) book on Native American geography
and maps.

Group Names
Each Native American group has always had a name for itself, a name that often
translates to something like “The People.” However, groups have often been known
to the outside world by other names, often applied to them by someone else only
to officially become their name, regardless of the wishes of the groups, assuming
they even knew about it. As time passed, many of these names stuck and now even
the Indians themselves often use them. In many cases, the new name applied to a
group was derogatory. For example, the group known as the Sioux (a Plains group;
see Chapter 10) actually encompasses a number of related groups with other names,

Native North Americans 9

 such as Oglala, Hunkpapa, and Yankton. The word Sioux comes from a French
translation of a term applied to the general group by their enemies, the Blackfoot,
and has something to do with snakes. Although derogatory in origin, this name has
been so commonly used that it is now generally recognized, although the individ-
ual groups want to use their own original names (e.g., Oglala). Another group, the
Creek (in the Southeast; see Chapter 12), got their name from English settlers when
describing the locations of their villages, next to creeks. As part of their increasing
pride and power, many native groups are trying to revive their original names and
asking that these be used instead of other names. For example, the Nez Perce want
to be called Nimiipuu, “The People.”
Archaeologists, not knowing what people in ancient cultures called them-
selves, have also given various names to Native American groups. For example, the
cultures that lived along the Mississippi River prior to Columbus no doubt had
names for themselves but since those names are unknown, archaeologists gener-
ally call them “Mississippian.” Sometimes the names assigned by archaeologists
can cause problems. For example, for more than 100 years, archaeologists have
used the term Anasazi to refer to the prehistoric Puebloan people who lived in the
American Southwest (see Chapter 9). The term Anasazi originated from a Navajo
word that generally refers to ancestor enemies, friends, or relatives (Warburton
and Begay 2005:537). However, the current Pueblo groups do not like a Navajo
word being used to describe their ancestors and prefer the term Ancestral Puebloans
instead. Most archaeologists now use that term.

The Role of Women

Native North American women, like women in many cultures, are underrepresented
in the ethnographic database; thus, their roles, power bases, or lives are poorly
understood. Part of the problem is that most early anthropologists were men. They
were interested only in male activities and talked mostly to men. Some notable
exceptions to this general tendency include the work of Anna Gayton in California
and Elsie Parsons in the Southwest. Recently, however, there has been a consider-
able increase in the study of women in native cultures (see P. G. Allen 1986; Boyer
and Gayton 1992; Green 1992; Klein and Ackerman 1995; Maltz and Archambault
1995; Perdue 1997, 2001; G. Riley 1997; Sonneborn 1998; Bataille and Lisa 2001;
Kugel and Murphy 2007; B. A. Mann 2008; Valaskakis et al. 2009).
Western people tend to view the women of many traditional cultures around
the world as silent and powerless within their own cultures, as little more than
mothers and domestic laborers. This probably reflects the Western view of women
up until very recent times. The terms squaw, used to refer to average Native American
women, and Indian Princess, used to refer to royal (a European concept) women,
are characteristic of this view. It is probably true that women provided much of the
food in most traditional societies, but it is not true that women had no power. We
just do not yet fully understand what that power was or how it manifested itself. It
has also been argued (P. G. Allen 1986) that the male-centric colonial powers sup-
pressed knowledge of the important role of women in native societies.
For example, males held overt political power in Haudenosaunee (Iroquois)
society (in the Northeast; see Chapter 11) but in reality the women controlled the
men and so the political process, exercising much more power than apparent at first
glance. In some North American Indian societies, women were the landowners and
exerted considerable power; in many others, women led the primary social units
and controlled many aspects of their cultures.

10 Chapter 1 Introduction
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
another, as a complimentary mark of friendship. "Inquire," directs
he, "what gallants sup in the next room; and if they be of your
acquaintance, do not, after the City fashion, send them in a pottle of
wine and your name." Then, we read of Master Brook sending to the
Castle Inn at Windsor, a morning draught of sack.
Ned Ward, in the London Spy, 1709, describes several famous
taverns, and among them the Rose, anciently, the Rose and Crown,
as famous for good wine. "There was no parting," he says, "without
a glass; so we went into the Rose Tavern in the Poultry, where the
wine, according to its merit, had justly gained a reputation; and
there, in a snug room, warmed with brash and faggot, over a quart
of good claret, we laughed over our night's adventure."
"From hence, pursuant to my friend's inclination, we adjourned to
the sign of the Angel, in Fenchurch-street, where the vintner, like a
double-dealing citizen, condescended as well to draw carmen's
comfort as the consolatory juice of the vine.
"Having at the King's Head well freighted the hold of our vessels
with excellent food and delicious wine, at a small expense, we
scribbled the following lines with chalk upon the wall." (See page
98.)
The tapster was a male vendor, not "a woman who had the care of
the tap," as Tyrwhitt states. In the 17th century ballad, The Times,
occurs:

"The bar-boyes and the tapsters

Leave drawing of their beere,
And running forth in haste they cry,
'See, where Mull'd Sack comes here!'"

The ancient drawers and tapsters were now superseded by the

barmaid, and a number of waiters: Ward describes the barmaid as
"all ribbon, lace, and feathers, and making such a noise with her bell
and her tongue together, that had half-a-dozen paper-mills been at
work within three yards of her, they'd have signified no more to her
clamorous voice than so many lutes to a drum, which alarmed two
or three nimble fellows aloft, who shot themselves downstairs with
as much celerity as a mountebank's mercury upon a rope from the
top of a church-steeple, every one charged with a mouthful of
coming, coming, coming." The barmaid (generally the vintner's
daughter) is described as "bred at the dancing-school, becoming a
bar well, stepping a minuet finely, playing sweetly on the virginals,
'John come kiss me now, now, now,' and as proud as she was
handsome."
Tom Brown sketches a flirting barmaid of the same time, "as a fine
lady that stood pulling a rope, and screaming like a peacock against
rainy weather, pinned up by herself in a little pew, all people bowing
to her as they passed by, as if she was a goddess set up to be
worshipped, armed with the chalk and sponge, (which are the
principal badges that belong to that honourable station you beheld
her in,) was the barmaid."
Of the nimbleness of the waiters, Ward says in another place—"That
the chief use he saw in the Monument was, for the improvement of
vintners' boys and drawers, who came every week to exercise their
supporters, and learn the tavern trip, by running up to the balcony
and down again."
Owen Swan, at the Black Swan tavern, Bartholomew Lane, is thus
apostrophized by Tom Brown for the goodness of his wine:—
 "Thee, Owen, since the God of wine has made
Thee steward of the gay carousing trade,
Whose art decaying nature still supplies,
Warms the faint pulse, and sparkles in our eyes.
Be bountiful like him, bring t'other flask,
Were the stairs wider we would have the cask.
This pow'r we from the God of wine derive,
Draw such as this, and I'll pronounce thou'lt live."

THE BEAR AT THE BRIDGE FOOT.

This celebrated tavern, situated in Southwark, on the west side of
the foot of London Bridge, opposite the end of St. Olave's or Tooley-
street, was a house of considerable antiquity. We read in the
accounts of the Steward of Sir John Howard, March 6th, 1463-4
(Edward IV.), "Item, payd for red wyn at the Bere in Southwerke,
iijd." Garrard, in a letter to Lord Strafford, dated 1633 intimates that
"all back-doors to taverns on the Thames are commanded to be shut
up, only the Bear at Bridge Foot is exempted, by reason of the
passage to Greenwich," which Mr. Burn suspects to have been "the
avenue or way called Bear Alley."
The Cavaliers' Ballad on the funeral pageant of Admiral Deane, killed
June 2nd, 1653, while passing by water to Henry the Seventh's
Chapel, Westminster, has the following allusion:—
 "From Greenwich towards the Bear at Bridge foot,
He was wafted with wind that had water to't,
But I think they brought the devil to boot,
Which nobody can deny."

Pepys was told by a waterman, going through the bridge, 24th Feb.
1666-7, that the mistress of the Beare Tavern, at the Bridge foot,
"did lately fling herself into the Thames, and drown herself."
The Bear must have been a characterless house, for among its
gallantries was the following, told by Wycherley to Major Pack, "just
for the oddness of the thing." It was this: "There was a house at the
Bridge Foot where persons of better condition used to resort for
pleasure and privacy. The liquor the ladies and their lovers used to
drink at these meetings was canary; and among other compliments
the gentlemen paid their mistresses, this it seems was always one,
to take hold of the bottom of their smocks, and pouring the wine
through that filter, feast their imaginations with the thought of what
gave the zesto, and so drink a health to the toast."
The Bear Tavern was taken down in December, 1761, when the
labourers found gold and silver coins, of the time of Elizabeth, to a
considerable value. The wall that enclosed the tavern was not
cleared away until 1764, when the ground was cleared and levelled
quite up to Pepper Alley stairs. There is a Token of the Bear Tavern,
in the Beaufoy cabinet, which, with other rare Southwark tokens,
was found under the floors in taking down St. Olave's Grammar
School in 1839.

MERMAID TAVERNS.
The celebrated Mermaid, in Bread-street, with the history of "the
Mermaid Club," has been described in Vol. I. pp. 8-10; its interest
centres in this famous company of Wits.
There was another Mermaid, in Cheapside, next to Paul's Gate, and
still another in Cornhill. Of the latter we find in Burn's Beaufoy
Catalogue, that the vintner, buried in St. Peter's, Cornhill, in 1606,
"gave forty shillings yearly to the parson for preaching four sermons
every year, so long as the lease of the Mermaid, in Cornhill, (the
tavern so called,) should endure. He also gave to the poor of the
said parish thirteen penny loaves every Sunday, during the aforesaid
lease." There are tokens of both these taverns in the Beaufoy
Collection.

THE BOAR'S HEAD TAVERN.

This celebrated Shakspearean tavern was situated in Great
Eastcheap, and is first mentioned in the time of Richard II.; the
scene of the revels of Falstaff and Henry V., when Prince of Wales, in
Shakspeare's Henry IV., Part 2. Stow relates a riot in "the cooks'
dwellings" here on St. John's eve, 1410, by Princes John and
Thomas. The tavern was destroyed in the Great Fire of 1666, but
was rebuilt in two years, as attested by a boar's head cut in stone,
with the initials of the landlord, I. T., and the date 1668, above the
first-floor window. This sign-stone is now in the Guildhall library. The
house stood between Small-alley and St. Michael's-lane, and in the
rear looked upon St. Michael's churchyard, where was buried a
drawer, or waiter, at the tavern, d. 1720: in the church was interred
John Rhodoway, "Vintner at the Bore's Head," 1623.
Maitland, in 1739, mentions the Boar's Head, as "the chief tavern in
London" under the sign. Goldsmith (Essays), Boswell (Life of Dr.
Johnson), and Washington Irving (Sketch-book), have idealized the
house as the identical place which Falstaff frequented, forgetting its
destruction in the Great Fire. The site of the Boar's Head is very
nearly that of the statue of King William IV.
In 1834, Mr. Kempe, F.S.A., exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries a
carved oak figure of Sir John Falstaff, in the costume of the 16th
century; it had supported an ornamental bracket over one side of
the door of the Boar's Head, a figure of Prince Henry sustaining that
on the other. The Falstaff was the property of one Shelton, a brazier,
whose ancestors had lived in the shop he then occupied in Great
Eastcheap, since the Great Fire. He well remembered the last
Shakspearean grand dinner-party at the Boar's Head, about 1784: at
an earlier party, Mr. Wilberforce was present. A boar's head, with
tusks, which had been suspended in a room of the tavern, perhaps
the Half-Moon or Pomegranate, (see Henry IV. act ii. sc. 4,) at the
Great Fire, fell down with the ruins of the house, and was conveyed
to Whitechapel Mount, where, many years after, it was recovered,
and identified with its former locality. At a public house, No. 12,
Miles-lane, was long preserved a tobacco-box, with a painting of the
original Boar's Head Tavern on the lid.[29]
In High-street, Southwark, in the rear of Nos. 25 and 26, was
formerly the Boar's Head Inn, part of Sir John Falstolf's benefaction
to Magdalen College, Oxford. Sir John was one of the bravest
generals in the French wars, under the fourth, fifth, and sixth
Henries; but he is not the Falstaff of Shakspeare. In the Reliquiæ
Hearnianæ, edited by Dr. Bliss, is the following entry relative to this
bequest:—

"1721. June 2.—The reason why they cannot give so good

an account of the benefaction of Sir John Fastolf to Magd.
Coll. is, because he gave it to the founder, and left it to his
management, so that 'tis suppos'd 'twas swallow'd up in
his own estate that he settled it upon the college.
 However, the college knows this, that the Boar's Head in
Southwark, which was then an inn, and still retains the
name, tho' divided into several tenements (which bring
the college about 150l. per ann.), was part of Sir John's
gift."

The above property was for many years sublet to the family of the
author of the present Work, at the rent of 150l. per annum; the
cellar, finely vaulted, and excellent for wine, extended beneath the
entire court, consisting of two rows of tenements, and two end
houses, with galleries, the entrance being from the High-street. The
premises were taken down for the New London Bridge approaches.
There was also a noted Boar's Head in Old Fish-street.
Can he forget who has read Goldsmith's nineteenth Essay, his
reverie at the Boar's Head?—when, having confabulated with the
landlord till long after "the watchman had gone twelve," and
suffused in the potency of his wine a mutation in his ideas, of the
person of the host into that of Dame Quickly, mistress of the tavern
in the days of Sir John, is promptly effected, and the liquor they
were drinking seemed shortly converted into sack and sugar. Mrs.
Quickly's recital of the history of herself and Doll Tearsheet, whose
frailties in the flesh caused their being both sent to the house of
correction, charged with having allowed the famed Boar's Head to
become a low brothel; her speedy departure to the world of Spirits;
and Falstaff's impertinences as affecting Madame Proserpine; are
followed by an enumeration of persons who had held tenancy of the
house since her time. The last hostess of note was, according to
Goldsmith's account, Jane Rouse, who, having unfortunately
quarrelled with one of her neighbours, a woman of high repute in
the parish for sanctity, but as jealous as Chaucer's Wife of Bath, was
by her accused of witchcraft, taken from her own bar, condemned,
and executed accordingly!—These were times, indeed, when women
could not scold in safety. These and other prudential apophthegms
on the part of Dame Quickly, seem to have dissolved Goldsmith's
stupor of ideality; on his awaking, the landlord is really the landlord,
and not the hostess of a former day, when "Falstaff was in fact an
agreeable old fellow, forgetting age, and showing the way to be
young at sixty-five. Age, care, wisdom, reflection, begone! I give you
to the winds. Let's have t'other bottle. Here's to the memory of
Shakspeare, Falstaff, and all the merry men of Eastcheap."[30]

THREE CRANES IN THE VINTRY.

This was one of Ben Jonson's taverns, and has already been
incidentally mentioned. Strype describes it as situate in "New Queen-
street, commonly called the Three Cranes in the Vintry, a good open
street, especially that part next Cheapside, which is best built and
inhabited. At the lowest end of the street, next the Thames, is a pair
of stairs, the usual place for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to take
water at, to go to Westminster Hall, for the new Lord Mayor to be
sworn before the Barons of the Exchequer. This place, with the
Three Cranes, is now of some account for the costermongers, where
they have their warehouse for their fruit." In Scott's Kenilworth we
hear much of this Tavern.

LONDON STONE TAVERN.

This tavern, situated in Cannon-street, near the Stone, is stated, but
not correctly, to have been the oldest in London. Here was formed a
society, afterwards the famous Robin Hood, of which the history was
published in 1716, where it is stated to have originated in a meeting
of the editor's grandfather with the great Sir Hugh Myddelton, of
New River memory. King Charles II. was introduced to the society,
disguised, by Sir Hugh, and the King liked it so well, that he came
thrice afterwards. "He had," continues the narrative, "a piece of
black silk over his left cheek, which almost covered it; and his
eyebrows, which were quite black, he had, by some artifice or other,
converted to a light brown, or rather flaxen colour; and had
otherwise disguised himself so effectually in his apparel and his
looks, that nobody knew him but Sir Hugh, by whom he was
introduced." This is very circumstantial, but is very doubtful; since
Sir Hugh Myddelton died when Charles was in his tenth year.

THE ROBIN HOOD.

Mr. Akerman describes a Token of the Robin Hood Tavern:—"IOHN
THOMLINSON AT THE. An archer fitting an arrow to his bow; a small
figure behind, holding an arrow.—℞. IN CHISWELL STREET, 1667. In the
centre, HIS HALFE PENNY, and I. S. T." Mr. Akerman continues:
"It is easy to perceive what is intended by the representation on the
obverse of this token. Though 'Little John,' we are told, stood
upwards of six good English feet without his shoes, he is here
depicted to suit the popular humour—a dwarf in size, compared with
his friend and leader, the bold outlaw. The proximity of Chiswell-
street to Finsbury-fields may have led to the adoption of the sign,
which was doubtless at a time when archery was considered an
elegant as well as an indispensable accomplishment of an English
gentleman. It is far from obsolete now, as several low public-houses
and beer-shops in the vicinity of London testify. One of them exhibits
Robin Hood and his companion dressed in the most approved style
of 'Astley's,' and underneath the group is the following irresistible
invitation to slake your thirst:—

"Ye archers bold and yeomen good,

Stop and drink with Robin Hood:
If Robin Hood is not at home,
Stop and drink with little John.

"Our London readers could doubtless supply the variorum copies of

this elegant distich, which, as this is an age for 'Family Shakspeares,'
modernized Chaucers, and new versions of 'Robin Hood's Garland,'
we recommend to the notice of the next editor of the ballads in
praise of the Sherwood freebooter."

PONTACK'S, ABCHURCH LANE.

After the destruction of the White Bear Tavern, in the Great Fire of
1666, the proximity of the site for all purposes of business, induced
M. Pontack, the son of the President of Bordeaux, owner of a
famous claret district, to establish a tavern, with all the novelties of
French cookery, with his father's head as a sign, whence it was
popularly called "Pontack's Head." The dinners were from four or five
shillings a head "to a guinea, or what sum you pleased."
Swift frequented the tavern, and writes to Stella:—"Pontack told us,
although his wine was so good, he sold it cheaper than others; he
took but seven shillings a flask. Are not these pretty rates?" In the
Hind and Panther Transversed, we read of drawers:—
 "Sure these honest fellows have no knack
Of putting off stum'd claret for Pontack."

The Fellows of the Royal Society dined at Pontack's until 1746, when
they removed to the Devil Tavern. There is a Token of the White
Bear in the Beaufoy collection; and Mr. Burn tells us, from
Metamorphoses of the Town, a rare tract, 1731, of Pontack's "guinea
ordinary," "ragout of fatted snails," and "chickens not two hours from
the shell." In January, 1735, Mrs. Susannah Austin, who lately kept
Pontack's, and had acquired a considerable fortune, was married to
William Pepys, banker, in Lombard-street.

POPE'S HEAD TAVERN.

This noted tavern, which gave name to Pope's Head Alley, leading
from Cornhill to Lombard-street, is mentioned as early as the 4th
Edward IV. (1464) in the account of a wager between an Alicant
goldsmith and an English goldsmith; the Alicant stranger contending
in the tavern that "Englishmen were not so cunning in workmanship
of goldsmithry as Alicant strangers;" when work was produced by
both, and the Englishman gained the wager. The tavern was left in
1615, by Sir William Craven to the Merchant Tailors' Company. Pepys
refers to "the fine painted room" here in 1668-9. In the tavern, April
14, 1718, Quin, the actor, killed in self-defence, his fellow-comedian,
Bowen, a clever but hot-headed Irishman, who was jealous of Quin's
reputation: in a moment of great anger, he sent for Quin to the
tavern, and as soon as he had entered the room, Bowen placed his
back against the door, drew his sword, and bade Quin draw his.
Quin, having mildly remonstrated to no purpose, drew in his own
defence, and endeavoured to disarm his antagonist. Bowen received
a wound, of which he died in three days, having acknowledged his
folly and madness, when the loss of blood had reduced him to
reason. Quin was tried and acquitted. (Cunningham, abridged.) The
Pope's Head Tavern was in existence in 1756.

THE OLD SWAN, THAMES-STREET,

Was more than five hundred years ago a house for public
entertainment: for, in 1323, 16 Edw. II., Rose Wrytell bequeathed
"the tenement of olde tyme called the Swanne on the Hope in
Thames-street," in the parish of St. Mary-at-hill, to maintain a priest
at the altar of St. Edmund, King and Martyr, "for her soul, and the
souls of her husband, her father, and mother:" and the purposes of
her bequest were established; for, in the parish book, in 1499, is
entered a disbursement of fourpence, "for a cresset to Rose Wrytell's
chantry." Eleanor Cobham, Duchess of Gloucester, in 1440, in her
public penance for witchcraft and treason, landed at Old Swan,
bearing a large taper, her feet bare, etc.
Stow, in 1598, mentions the Old Swan as a great brew-house. Taylor,
the Water-poet, advertised the professor and author of the
Barmoodo and Vtopian tongues, dwelling "at the Old Swanne, neare
London Bridge, who will teach them at are willing to learne, with
agility and facility."
In the scurrilous Cavalier ballad of Admiral Deane's Funeral, by
water, from Greenwich to Westminster, in June, 1653, it is said:—
 "The Old Swan, as he passed by,
Said she would sing him a dirge, lye down and die:
Wilt thou sing to a bit of a body? quoth I,
Which nobody can deny."

The Old Swan Tavern and its landing-stairs were destroyed in the
Great Fire; but rebuilt. Its Token, in the Beaufoy Collection, is one of
the rarest, of large size.

COCK TAVERN, THREADNEEDLE-STREET.

This noted house, which faced the north gate of the old Royal
Exchange, was long celebrated for the excellence of its soups, which
were served at an economical price, in silver. One of its proprietors
was, it is believed, John Ellis, an eccentric character, and a writer of
some reputation, who died in 1791. Eight stanzas addressed to him
in praise of the tavern, commenced thus:—

"When to Ellis I write, I in verse must indite,

Come Phœbus, and give me a knock,
For on Fryday at eight, all behind 'the 'Change gate,'
Master Ellis will be at 'The Cock.'"

After comparing it to other houses, the Pope's Head, the King's

Arms, the Black Swan, and the Fountain, and declaring the Cock the
best, it ends:
 "'Tis time to be gone, for the 'Change has struck one:
O 'tis an impertinent clock!
For with Ellis I'd stay from December to May;
I'll stick to my Friend, and 'The Cock!'"

This house was taken down in 1841; when, in a claim for

compensation made by the proprietor, the trade in three years was
proved to have been 344,720 basins of various soups—viz. 166,240
mock turtle, 3,920 giblet, 59,360 ox-tail, 31,072 bouilli, 84,128 gravy
and other soups: sometimes 500 basins of soup were sold in a day.

CROWN TAVERN, THREADNEEDLE-STREET.

Upon the site of the present chief entrance to the Bank of England,
in Threadneedle-street, stood the Crown Tavern, "behind the
'Change:" it was frequented by the Fellows of the Royal Society,
when they met at Gresham College hard by. The Crown was burnt in
the Great Fire, but was rebuilt; and about a century since, at this
tavern, "it was not unusual to draw a butt of mountain wine,
containing 120 gallons, in gills, in a morning."—Sir John Hawkins.
Behind the Change, we read in the Connoisseur, 1754, a man worth
a plum used to order a twopenny mess of broth with a boiled chop
in it; placing the chop between the two crusts of a half-penny roll,
he would wrap it up in his check handkerchief, and carry it away for
the morrow's dinner.
 THE KING'S HEAD TAVERN, IN THE POULTRY.
This Tavern, which stood at the western extremity of the Stocks'
Market, was not first known by the sign of the King's Head, but the
Rose: Machin, in his Diary, Jan. 5, 1560, thus mentions it: "A
gentleman arrested for debt; Master Cobham, with divers gentlemen
and serving-men, took him from the officers, and carried him to the
Rose Tavern, where so great a fray, both the sheriffs were feign to
come, and from the Rose Tavern took all the gentlemen and their
servants, and carried them to the Compter."
The house was distinguished by the device of a large, well-painted
Rose, erected over a doorway, which was the only indication in the
main street of such an establishment. In the superior houses of the
metropolis in the sixteenth century, room was gained in the rear of
the street-line, the space in front being economized, so that the line
of shops might not be interrupted. Upon this plan, the larger taverns
in the City were constructed, wherever the ground was sufficiently
spacious behind: hence it was that the Poultry tavern of which we
are speaking, was approached through a long, narrow, covered
passage, opening into a well-lighted quadrangle, around which were
the tavern-rooms. The sign of the Rose appears to have been a
costly work, since there was the fragment of a leaf of an old
account-book preserved, when the ruins of the house were cleared
after the Great Fire, on which were written these entries:—"Pd. to
Hoggestreete, the Duche Paynter, for ye Picture of a Rose, wth a
Standing-bowle and Glasses, for a Signe, xxli. besides Diners and
Drinkings. Also for a large Table of Walnut-tree, for a Frame; and for
Iron-worke and Hanging the Picture, vli." The artist who is referred
to in this memorandum, could be no other than Samuel Van
Hoogstraten, a painter of the middle of the seventeenth century,
whose works in England are very rare. He was one of the many
excellent artists of the period, who, as Walpole contemptuously says,
"painted still-life, oranges and lemons, plate, damask curtains, cloth-
of-gold, and that medley of familiar objects that strike the ignorant
vulgar."
But, beside the claims of the painter, the sign of the Rose cost the
worthy tavern-keeper, a still further outlay, in the form of divers
treatings and advances made to a certain rather loose man of letters
of his acquaintance, possessed of more wit than money, and of more
convivial loyalty than either discretion or principle. Master Roger
Blythe frequently patronized the Rose Tavern as his favourite
ordinary. Like Falstaff, he was "an infinite thing" upon his host's
score; and, like his prototype also, there was no probability of his
ever discharging the account. When the Tavern-sign was about to be
erected, this Master Blythe contributed the poetry to it, after the
fashion of the time, which he swore was the envy of all the Rose
Taverns in London, and of all the poets who frequented them.
"There's your Rose at Temple Bar, and your Rose in Covent-garden,
and the Rose in Southwark: all of them indifferent good for wits, and
for drawing neat wines too; but, smite me, Master King," he would
say, "if I know one of them all fit to be set in the same hemisphere
with yours! No! for a bountiful host, a most sweet mistress,
unsophisticated wines, honest measures, a choicely-painted sign,
and a witty verse to set it forth withal,—commend me to the Rose
Tavern in the Poultry!"
Even the tavern-door exhibited a joyous frontispiece; since the
entrance was flanked by two columns twisted with vines carved in
wood, which supported a small square gallery over the portico
surrounded by handsome iron-work. On the front of this gallery was
erected the sign, in a frame of similar ornaments. It consisted of a
central compartment containing the Rose, behind which appeared a
tall silver cup, called in the language of the time "a standing-bowl,"
with drinking-glasses. Beneath the painting was this inscription:—
"THIS IS
THE ROSE TAVERNE
in the Poultrey:
KEPT BY
 WILLIAM KING,
Citizen and Vintner.

"This Taverne's like its Signe—a lustie Rose,

A sight of joy that sweetness doth enclose:
The daintie Flow're well-pictur'd here is seene,
But for its rarest sweetes—Come, Searche Within!"

The authorities of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill soon determined, on the

10th of May, 1660, in Vestry, "that the King's Arms, in painted-glass,
should be refreshed, and forthwith be set up by the Churchwarden
at the parish-charges; with whatsoever he giveth to the glazier as a
gratuity, for his care in keeping of them all this while."
The host of the Rose resolved at once to add a Crown to his sign,
with the portrait of Charles, wearing it in the centre of the flower,
and openly to name his tavern "The Royal Rose and King's Head."
He effected his design, partly by the aid of one of the many
excellent pencils which the time supplied, and partly by the inventive
muse of Master Blythe, which soon furnished him with a new poesy.
There is not any further information extant concerning the painting,
but the following remains of an entry on another torn fragment of
the old account-book already mentioned, seem to refer to the
poetical inscription beneath the picture:— ... "on ye Night when he
made ye Verses for my new Signe, a Soper, and v. Peeces." The
verses themselves were as follow:—

"Gallants, Rejoice!—This Flow're is now full-blowne;

'Tis a Rose—Noble better'd by a Crowne;
All you who love the Embleme and the Signe,
Enter, and prove our Loyaltie and Wine."
Beside this inscription, Master King also recorded the auspicious
event referred to, by causing his painter to introduce into the picture
a broad-sheet, as if lying on the table with the cup and glasses—on
which appeared the title "A Kalendar for this Happy Yeare of
Restauration 1660, now newly Imprinted."
As the time advanced when Charles was to make his entry into the
metropolis, the streets were resounding with the voices of ballad-
singers pouring forth loyal songs, and declaring, with the whole
strength of their lungs, that

"The King shall enjoy his own again."

Then, there were also to be heard, the ceaseless horns and

proclamations of hawkers and flying-stationers, publishing the latest
passages or rumours touching the royal progress; which, whether
genuine or not, were bought and read, and circulated, by all parties.
At length all the previous pamphlets and broad-sheets were
swallowed up by a well-known tract, still extant, which the newsmen
of the time thus proclaimed:—"Here is A True Accompt and Narrative
—of his Majestie's safe Arrival in England—as 'twas reported to the
House of Commons, on Friday, the 25th day of this present May—
with the Resolutions of both Houses thereupon:—Also a Letter very
lately writ from Dover—relating divers remarkable Passages of His
Majestie's Reception there."
On every side the signs and iron-work were either refreshed, or
newly gilt and painted: tapestries and rich hangings, which had
engendered moth and decay from long disuse, were flung abroad
again, that they might be ready to grace the coming pageant. The
paving of the streets was levelled and repaired for the expected
cavalcade; and scaffolds for spectators were in the course of
erection throughout all the line of march. Floods of all sorts of wines
were consumed, as well in the streets as in the taverns; and endless
healths were devotedly and energetically swallowed, at morning,
noon, and night.
At this time Mistress Rebecca King was about to add another
member to Master King's household: she received from hour to hour
accounts of the proceedings as they occurred, which so stimulated
her curiosity, that she declared, first to her gossips, and then to her
husband, that she "must see the King pass the tavern, or matters
might go cross with her."
A kind of arbour was made for Mistress Rebecca in the small iron
gallery surmounting the entrance to the tavern. This arbour was of
green boughs and flowers, hung round with tapestry and garnished
with silver plate; and here, when the guns at the Tower announced
that Charles had entered London, Mistress King took her seat, with
her children and gossips around her. All the houses in the main
streets from London-bridge to Whitehall, were decorated like the
tavern with rich silks and tapestries, hung from every scaffold,
balcony, and window; which, as Herrick says, turned the town into a
park, "made green and trimmed with boughs." The road through
London, so far as Temple-Bar, was lined on the north side by the City
Companies, dressed in their liveries, and ranged in their respective
stands, with their banners; and on the south by the soldiers of the
trained-bands.
One of the wine conduits stood on the south side of the Stocks'
Market, over which Sir Robert Viner subsequently erected a
triumphal statue of Charles II. About this spot, therefore, the crowd
collected in the Market-place, aided by the fierce loyalty supplied
from the conduit, appears for a time to have brought the procession
to a full stop, at the moment when Charles, who rode between his
brothers the Dukes of York and Gloucester, was nearly opposite to
the newly-named King's Head Tavern. In this most favourable
interval, Master Blythe, who stood upon a scaffold in the doorway,
took the opportunity of elevating a silver cup of wine and shouting
out a health to his Majesty. His energetical action, as he pointed
upwards to the gallery, was not lost; and the Duke of Buckingham,
who rode immediately before the King with General Monk, directed
Charles's attention to Mistress Rebecca, saying, "Your Majesty's
return is here welcomed even by a subject as yet unborn." As the
procession passed by the door of the King's Head Tavern, the King
turned towards it, raised himself in his stirrups, and gracefully kissed
his hand to Mistress Rebecca. Immediately such a shout was raised
from all who beheld it or heard of it, as startled the crowd up to
Cheapside conduit; and threw the poor woman herself into such an
ecstasy, that she was not conscious of anything more, until she was
safe in her chamber and all danger happily over.[31]
The Tavern was rebuilt after the Great Fire, and flourished many
years. It was long a depôt in the metropolis for turtle; and in the
quadrangle of the Tavern might be seen scores of turtle, large and
lively, in huge tanks of water; or laid upward on the stone floor,
ready for their destination. The Tavern was also noted for large
dinners of the City Companies and other public bodies. The house
was refitted in 1852, but has since been closed.
Another noted Poultry Tavern was the Three Cranes, destroyed in
the Great Fire, but rebuilt, and noticed in 1698, in one of the many
paper controversies of that day. A fulminating pamphlet, entitled
"Ecclesia et Factio: a Dialogue between Bow Church Steeple and the
Exchange Grasshopper," elicited "An Answer to the Dragon and
Grasshopper: in a Dialogue between an Old Monkey and a Young
Weasel, at the Three Cranes Tavern, in the Poultry."

THE MITRE, IN WOOD STREET,

Was a noted old Tavern. Pepys, in his Diary, Sept. 18, 1660, records
his going "to the Mitre Tavern, in Wood-street, (a house of the
greatest note in London,) where I met W. Symons, D. Scoball, and
their wives. Here some of us fell to handicap, a sport I never knew
before, which was very good." The tavern was destroyed in the
Great Fire.

THE SALUTATION AND CAT TAVERN,

No. 17, Newgate-street (north side), was, according to the tradition
of the house, the tavern where Sir Christopher Wren used to smoke
his pipe, whilst St. Paul's was re-building. There is more positive
evidence of its being a place well frequented by men of letters at the
above period. Thus, there exists a poetical invitation to a social feast
held here on June 19, 1735-6, issued by the two stewards, Edward
Cave and William Bowyer:
"Saturday, Jan. 17, 1735-6.
"Sir,
"You're desir'd on Monday next to meet
At Salutation Tavern, Newgate-street.
Supper will be on table just at eight,
[Stewards] One of St. John's [Bowyer], 'tother of St. John's Gate
[Cave]."

This brought a poetical answer from Samuel Richardson, the

novelist, printed in extenso in Bowyer's Anecdotes:
 "For me, I'm much concerned I cannot meet
'At Salutation Tavern, Newgate-street.'
Your notice, like your verse, so sweet and short!
If longer, I'd sincerely thank you for it.
Howe'er, receive my wishes, sons of verse!
May every man who meets, your praise rehearse!
May mirth, as plenty, crown your cheerful board,
And ev'ry one part happy—as a lord!
That when at home, (by such sweet verses fir'd)
Your families may think you all inspir'd.
So wishes he, who pre-engag'd, can't know
The pleasures that would from your meeting flow."

The proper sign is the Salutation and Cat,—a curious combination,

but one which is explained by a lithograph, which some years ago
hung in the coffee-room. An aged dandy is saluting a friend whom
he has met in the street, and offering him a pinch out of the snuff-
box which forms the top of his wood-like cane. This box-nob was, it
appears, called a "cat"—hence the connection of terms apparently so
foreign to each other. Some, not aware of this explanation, have
accounted for the sign by supposing that a tavern called "the Cat"
was at some time pulled down, and its trade carried to the
Salutation, which thenceforward joined the sign to its own; but this
is improbable, seeing that we have never heard of any tavern called
"the Cat" (although we do know of "the Barking Dogs") as a sign.
Neither does the Salutation take its name from any scriptural or
sacred source, as the Angel and Trumpets, etc.
More positive evidence there is to show of the "little smoky room at
the Salutation and Cat," where Coleridge and Charles Lamb sat
smoking Oronoko and drinking egg-hot; the first discoursing of his
idol, Bowles, and the other rejoicing mildly in Cowper and Burns, or
both dreaming of "Pantisocracy, and golden days to come on earth."
 "SALUTATION" TAVERNS.
The sign Salutation, from scriptural or sacred source, remains to be
explained. Mr. Akerman suspects the original sign to have really
represented the Salutation of the Virgin by the Angel—"Ave Maria,
gratia plena"—a well-known legend on the jettons of the Middle
Ages. The change of representation was properly accommodated to
the times. The taverns at that period were the "gossiping shops" of
the neighbourhood; and both Puritan and Churchman frequented
them for the sake of hearing the news. The Puritans loved the good
things of this world, and relished a cup of Canary, or Noll's nose lied,
holding the maxim—

"Though the devil trepan

The Adamical man,
The saint stands uninfected."

Hence, perhaps, the Salutation of the Virgin was exchanged for the
"booin' and scrapin'" scene (two men bowing and greeting),
represented on a token which still exists, the tavern was celebrated
in the days of Queen Elizabeth. In some old black-letter doggrel,
entitled News from Bartholemew Fayre it is mentioned for wine:—

"There hath been great sale and utterance of wine,

Besides beere, and ale, and Ipocras fine;
In every country, region, and nation,
But chiefly in Billingsgate, at the Salutation."

The Flower-pot was originally part of a symbol of the Annunciation

to the Virgin.
 QUEEN'S ARMS, ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD.
Garrick appears to have kept up his interest in the City by means of
clubs, to which he paid periodical visits. We have already mentioned
the Club of young merchants, at Tom's Coffee-house, in Cornhill.
Another Club was held at the Queen's Arms Tavern, in St. Paul's
Churchyard, where used to assemble: Mr. Samuel Sharpe, the
surgeon; Mr. Paterson, the City solicitor; Mr. Draper, the bookseller;
Mr. Clutterbuck, the mercer; and a few others.
Sir John Hawkins tells us that "they were none of them drinkers, and
in order to make a reckoning, called only for French wine." These
were Garrick's standing council in theatrical affairs.
At the Queen's Arms, after a thirty years' interval, Johnson renewed
his intimacy with some of the members of his old Ivy-lane Club.
Brasbridge, the old silversmith of Fleet-street, was a member of the
Sixpenny Card-Club held at the Queen's Arms: among the members
was Henry Baldwyn, who, under the auspices of Bonnel Thornton,
Colman the elder, and Garrick, set up the St. James's Chronicle,
which once had the largest circulation of any evening paper. This
worthy newspaper-proprietor was considerate and generous to men
of genius: "Often," says Brasbridge, "at his hospitable board I have
seen needy authors, and others connected with his employment,
whose abilities, ill-requited as they might have been by the world in
general, were by him always appreciated." Among Brasbridge's
acquaintance, also, were John Walker, shopman to a grocer and
chandler in Well-street, Ragfair, who died worth 200,000l., most
assuredly not gained by lending money on doubtful security; and
Ben Kenton, brought up at a charity-school, and who realized
300,000l., partly at the Magpie and Crown, in Whitechapel.
 DOLLY'S, PATERNOSTER ROW.
This noted tavern, established in the reign of Queen Anne, has for
its sign, the cook Dolly, who is stated to have been painted by
Gainsborough. It is still a well-appointed chop-house and tavern, and
the coffee-room, with its projecting fireplaces, has an olden air.
Nearly on the site of Dolly's, Tarlton, Queen Elizabeth's favourite
stage-clown, kept an ordinary, with the sign of the Castle. The
house, of which a token exists, was destroyed in the Great Fire, but
was rebuilt; there the "Castle Society of Music" gave their
performances. Part of the old premises were subsequently the
Oxford Bible Warehouse, destroyed by fire in 1822, and rebuilt.
The entrance to the Chop-house is in Queen's Head passage; and at
Dolly's is a window-pane painted with the head of Queen Anne,
which may explain the name of the court.
At Dolly's and Horsman's beef-steaks were eaten with gill-ale.

ALDERSGATE TAVERNS.
Two early houses of entertainment in Aldersgate were the Taborer's
Inn and the Crown. Of the former, stated to have been of the time of
Edward II., we know nothing but the name. The Crown, more
recent, stood at the End of Duck-lane, and is described in Ward's
London Spy, as containing a noble room, painted by Fuller, with the
Muses, the Judgment of Paris, the Contention of Ajax and Ulysses,
etc. "We were conducted by the jolly master," says Ward, "a true
kinsman of the bacchanalian family, into a large stately room, where
at the first entrance, I discerned the master-strokes of the famed
Fuller's pencil; the whole room painted by that commanding hand,
that his dead figures appeared with such lively majesty that they
begat reverence in the spectators towards the awful shadows. We
accordingly bade the complaisant waiter oblige us with a quart of his
richest claret, such as was fit only to be drank in the presence of
such heroes, into whose company he had done us the honour to
introduce us. He thereupon gave directions to his drawer, who
returned with a quart of such inspiring juice, that we thought
ourselves translated into one of the houses of the heavens, and
were there drinking immortal nectar with the gods and goddesses:

"Who could such blessings when thus found resign?

An honest vintner faithful to the vine;
A spacious room, good paintings, and good wine."

Far more celebrated was the Mourning Bush Tavern, in the cellars of
which have been traced the massive foundations of Aldersgate, and
the portion of the City Wall which adjoins them. This tavern, one of
the largest and most ancient in London, has a curious history.
The Bush Tavern, its original name, took for its sign the Ivy-bush
hung up at the door. It is believed to have been the house referred
to by Stowe, as follows:—"This gate (Aldersgate) hath been at
sundry times increased with building; namely, on the south or inner
side, a great frame of timber, (or house of wood lathed and
plastered,) hath been added and set up containing divers large
rooms and lodgings," which were an enlargement of the Bush.
Fosbroke mentions the Bush as the chief sign of taverns in the
Middle Ages, (it being ready to hand,) and so it continued until
superseded by "a thing to resemble one containing three or four
tiers of hoops fastened one above another with vine leaves and
grapes, richly carved and gilt." He adds: "the owner of the Mourning
Bush, Aldersgate, was so affected at the decollation of Charles I.,
that he painted his bush black." From this period the house is
scarcely mentioned until the year 1719, when we find its name
changed to the Fountain, whether from political feeling against the
then exiled House of Stuart, or the whim of the proprietor, we
cannot learn; though it is thought to have reference to a spring on
the east side of the gate. Tom Brown mentions the Fountain
satirically, with four or five topping taverns of the day, whose
landlords are charged with doctoring their wines, but whose trade
was so great that they stood fair for the alderman's gown. And, in a
letter from an old vintner in the City to one newly set up in Covent
Garden, we find the following in the way of advice: "as all the world
are wholly supported by hard and unintelligible names, you must
take care to christen your wines by some hard name, the further
fetched so much the better, and this policy will serve to recommend
the most execrable scum in your cellar. I could name several of our
brethren to you, who now stand fair to sit in the seat of justice, and
sleep in their golden chain at churches, that had been forced to
knock off long ago, if it had not been for this artifice. It saved the
Sun from being eclipsed; the Crown from being abdicated; the Rose
from decaying; and the Fountain from being dry; as well as both the
Devils from being confined to utter darkness."
Twenty years later, in a large plan of Aldersgate Ward, 1739-40, we
find the Fountain changed to the original Bush. The Fire of London
had evidently, at this time, curtailed the ancient extent of the tavern.
The exterior is shown in a print of the south side of Aldersgate; it
has the character of the larger houses, built after the Great Fire, and
immediately adjoins the gate. The last notice of the Bush, as a place
of entertainment, occurs in Maitland's History of London, ed. 1722,
where it is described as "the Fountain, commonly called the
Mourning Bush, which has a back door into St. Anne's-lane, and is
situated near unto Aldersgate." The house was refitted in 1830. In
the basement are the original wine-vaults of the old Bush; many of
the walls are six feet thick, and bonded throughout with Roman
brick. A very agreeable account of the tavern and the antiquities of
neighbourhood was published in 1830.
 "THE MOURNING CROWN."
In Phœnix Alley, (now Hanover Court,) Long Acre, John Taylor, the
Water Poet, kept a tavern, with the sign of "the Mourning Crown,"
but this being offensive to the Commonwealth (1652), he substituted
for a sign his own head with this inscription—
 "There's many a head stands for a sign;
Then, gentle reader, why not mine?"

He died here in the following year; and his widow in 1658.

JERUSALEM TAVERNS, CLERKENWELL.

These houses took their name from the Knights of St. John of
Jerusalem, around whose Priory, grew up the village of Clerkenwell.
The Priory Gate remains. At the Suppression, the Priory was
undermined, and blown up with gunpowder; the Gate also would
probably have been destroyed, but for its serving to define the
property. In 1604, it was granted to Sir Roger Wilbraham for his life.
At this time Clerkenwell was inhabited by people of condition. Forty
years later, fashion had travelled westward; and the Gate became
the printing-office of Edward Cave, who, in 1731, published here the
first number of the Gentleman's Magazine, which to this day bears
the Gate for its vignette. Dr. Johnson was first engaged upon the
magazine here by Cave in 1737. At the Gate Johnson first met
Richard Savage; and here in Cave's room, when visitors called, he
ate his plate of victuals behind the screen, his dress being "so
shabby that he durst not make his appearance." Garrick, when first
he came to London, frequently called upon Johnson at the Gate.
Goldsmith was also a visitor here. When Cave grew rich, he had St.
John's Gate painted, instead of his arms, on his carriage, and
engraven on his plate. After Cave's death in 1753, the premises
became the "Jerusalem" public-house, and the "Jerusalem Tavern."
There was likewise another Jerusalem Tavern, at the corner of Red
Lion-street on Clerkenwell-green, which was the original; St. John's
Gate public-house, having assumed the name of "Jerusalem Tavern"
in consequence of the old house on the Green giving up the tavern
business, and becoming the "merchants' house." In its dank and
cobwebbed vaults John Britton served an apprenticeship to a wine-
merchant; and in reading at intervals by candle-light, first evinced
that love of literature which characterized his long life of industry
and integrity. He remembered Clerkenwell in 1787, with St. John's
Priory-church and cloisters; when Spafields were pasturage for cows;
the old garden-mansions of the aristocracy remained in Clerkenwell-
close; and Sadler's Wells, Islington Spa, Merlin's Cave, and Bagnigge
Wells, were nightly crowded with gay company.
In a friendly note, Sept. 11, 1852, Mr. Britton tells us: "Our house
sold wines in full quarts, i.e. twelve held three gallons, wine
measure; and each bottle was marked with four lines cut by a
diamond on the neck. Our wines were famed, and the character of
the house was high, whence the Gate imitated the bottles and
name."
In 1845, by the aid of "the Freemasons of the Church," and Mr. W. P.
Griffith, architect, the north and south fronts were restored. The
gateway is a good specimen of groining of the 15th century, with
moulded ribs, and bosses ornamented with shields of the arms of
the Priory, Prior Docwra, etc. The east basement is the tavern-bar,
with a beautifully moulded ceiling. The stairs are Elizabethan. The
principal room over the arch has been despoiled of its window-
mullions and groined roof. The foundation-wall of the Gate face is 10
feet 7 inches thick, and the upper walls are nearly 4 feet, hard red
brick, stone-cased: the view from the top of the staircase-turret is
extensive. In excavating there have been discovered the original
pavement, three feet below the Gate; and the Priory walls, north,
south, and west. In 1851, there was published, by B. Foster,
proprietor of the Tavern, Ye History of ye Priory and Gate of St.
John. In the principal room of the Gate, over the great arch, meet
the Urban Club, a society, chiefly of authors and artists, with whom
originated the proposition to celebrate the tercentenary of the birth
of Shakespeare, in 1864.

WHITE HART TAVERN, BISHOPSGATE

WITHOUT.
About forty years since there stood at a short distance north of St.
Botolph's Church, a large old hostelrie, according to the date it bore
(1480), towards the close of the reign of Edward IV. Stow, in 1598,
describes it as "a fair inn for receipt of travellers, next unto the
Parish Church of St. Botolph without Bishopsgate." It preserved
much of its original appearance, the main front consisting of three
bays of two storeys, which, with the interspaces, had throughout
casements; and above which was an overhanging storey or attic,
and the roof rising in three points. Still, this was not the original
front, which was altered in 1787: upon the old inn yard was built
White Hart Court. In 1829, the Tavern was taken down, and rebuilt,
in handsome modern style; when the entrance into Old Bedlam, and
formerly called Bedlam Gate, was widened, and the street re-named
Liverpool-street. A lithograph of the old Tavern was published in
1829.
Somewhat lower down, is the residence of Sir Paul Pindar, now wine-
vaults, with the sign of Paul Pindar's Head, corner of Half-moon-
alley, No. 160, Bishopsgate-street Without. Sir Paul was a wealthy
merchant, contemporary with Sir Thomas Gresham. The house was
built towards the end of the 16th century, with a wood-framed front
and caryatid brackets; and the principal windows bayed, their lower
fronts enriched with panels of carved work. In the first-floor front
room is a fine original ceiling in stucco, in which are the arms of Sir
Paul Pindar. In the rear of these premises, within a garden, was
formerly a lodge, of corresponding date, decorated with four
medallions, containing figures in Italian taste. In Half-moon-alley,
was the Half-moon Brewhouse, of which there is a token in the
Beaufoy Collection.

THE MITRE, IN FENCHURCH STREET,

Was one of the political taverns of the Civil War, and was kept by
Daniel Rawlinson, who appears to have been a staunch royalist: his
Token is preserved in the Beaufoy collection. Dr. Richard Rawlinson,
whose Jacobite principles are sufficiently on record, in a letter to
Hearne, the nonjuring antiquary at Oxford, says of "Daniel
Rawlinson, who kept the Mitre Tavern in Fenchurch-street, and of
whose being suspected in the Rump time, I have heard much. The
Whigs tell this, that upon the King's murder, January 30th, 1649, he
hung his sign in mourning: he certainly judged right; the honour of
the mitre was much eclipsed by the loss of so good a parent to the
Church of England; these rogues [the Whigs] say, this endeared him
so much to the Churchmen, that he strove amain, and got a good
estate."
Pepys, who expressed great personal fear of the Plague, in his Diary,
August 6, 1666, notices that notwithstanding Dan Rowlandson's
being all last year in the country, the sickness in a great measure
past, one of his men was then dead at the Mitre of the pestilence;
his wife and one of his maids both sick, and himself shut up, which,
says Pepys, "troubles me mightily. God preserve us!"
Rawlinson's tavern, the Mitre, appears to have been destroyed in the
Great Fire, and immediately after, rebuilt; as Horace Walpole, from
Vertue's notes, states that "Isaac Fuller was much employed to paint
the great taverns in London; particularly the Mitre, in Fenchurch-
street, where he adorned all the sides of a great room, in panels, as
was then the fashion;" "the figures being as large as life; over the
chimney, a Venus, Satyr, and sleeping Cupid; a boy riding a goat,
and another fallen down:" this was, he adds, "the best part of the
performance. Saturn devouring a child, the colouring raw, and the
figure of Saturn too muscular; Mercury, Minerva, Diana, and Apollo;
Bacchus, Venus, and Ceres, embracing; a young Silenus fallen down,
and holding a goblet into which a boy was pouring wine. The
Seasons between the windows, and on the ceiling, in a large circle,
two angels supporting a mitre."
Yet, Fuller was a wretched painter, as borne out by Elsum's Epigram
on a Drunken Sot:—

"His head does on his shoulder lean,

His eyes are sunk, and hardly seen:
Who sees this sot in his own colour
Is apt to say, 'twas done by Fuller."
Burn's Beaufoy Catalogue.

THE KING'S HEAD, FENCHURCH STREET.

No. 53 is a place of historic interest; for, the Princess Elizabeth,
having attended service at the church of Allhallows Staining, in
Langbourn Ward, on her release from the Tower, on the 19th of May,
1554, dined off pork and peas afterwards, at the King's Head in
Fenchurch Street, where the metal dish and cover she is said to have
used are still preserved. The Tavern has been of late years enlarged
and embellished, in taste accordant with its historical association;
the ancient character of the building being preserved in the
smoking-room, 60 feet in length, upon the walls of which are
displayed corslets, shields, helmets, and knightly arms.

THE ELEPHANT, FENCHURCH STREET.

In the year 1826 was taken down the old Elephant Tavern, which
was built before the Great Fire, and narrowly escaped its ravages. It
stood on the north side of Fenchurch-street, and was originally the
Elephant and Castle. Previous to the demolition of the premises
there were removed from the wall two pictures, which Hogarth is
said to have painted while a lodger there. About this time, a
parochial entertainment which had hitherto been given at the
Elephant, was removed to the King's Head (Henry VIII.) Tavern
nearly opposite. At this Hogarth was annoyed, and he went over to
the King's Head, when an altercation ensued, and he left,
threatening to stick them all up on the Elephant taproom; this he is
said to have done, and on the opposite wall subsequently painted
the Hudson's Bay Company's Porters going to dinner, representing
Fenchurch-street a century and a half ago. The first picture was set
down as Hogarth's first idea of his Modern Midnight Conversation, in
which he is supposed to have represented the parochial party at the
King's Head, though it differs from Hogarth's print. There was a third
picture, Harlequin and Pierrot, and on the wall of the Elephant first-
floor was found a picture of Harlow Bush Fair, coated over with
paint.
Only two of the pictures were claimed as Hogarth's. The Elephant
has been engraved; and at the foot of the print, the information as
to Hogarth having executed these paintings is rested upon the
evidence of Mrs. Hibbert, who kept the house between thirty and
forty years, and received her information from persons at that time
well acquainted with Hogarth. Still, his biographers do not record his
abode in Fenchurch-street. The Tavern has been rebuilt.

THE AFRICAN, ST. MICHAEL'S ALLEY.

Another of the Cornhill taverns, the African, or Cole's Coffee-house,
is memorable as the last place at which Professor Porson appeared.
He had, in some measure, recovered from the effects of the fit in
which he had fallen on the 19th of September, 1808, when he was
brought in a hackney-coach to the London Institution, in the Old
Jewry. Next morning he had a long discussion with Dr. Adam Clarke,
who took leave of him at its close; and this was the last conversation
Porson was ever capable of holding on any subject.
Porson is thought to have fancied himself under restraint, and to
convince himself of the contrary, next morning, the 20th, he walked
out, and soon after went to the African, in St. Michael's Alley, which
was one of his City resorts. On entering the coffee-room, he was so
exhausted that he must have fallen, had he not caught hold of the
curtain-rod of one of the boxes, when he was recognized by Mr. J. P.
Leigh, a gentleman with whom he had frequently dined at the
house. A chair was given him; he sat down, and stared around, with
a vacant and ghastly countenance, and he evidently did not recollect
Mr. Leigh. He took a little wine, which revived him, but previously to
this his head lay upon his breast, and he was continually muttering
something, but in so low and indistinct a tone as scarcely to be
audible. He then took a little jelly dissolved in warm brandy-and-
water, which considerably roused him. Still he could make no answer
to questions addressed to him, except these words, which he
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