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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION TO MANAGEMENT SCIENCE MODELS

TRUE/FALSE QUESTIONS

1. Other than for the military, the application of management

science is inappropriate for non-profit organizations.
(False, easy)

2. Management science replaces common sense with scientific

analysis. (False, easy)

3. Constrained mathematical models contain variable constraints

as well as functional constraints. (True, easy)

4. Heuristic solution procedures always yield an optimal solution

if one exists. (False, medium)

5. Constrained mathematical models are sometimes used to find

merely “good” or “better” solutions, not always “optimal” ones.
(True, medium)

6. In defining decision variables, it is important to specify the

time frame involved as well as the units of measure. (True, easy)

7. In management science problems, algorithms are rarely used

since they tend to be very complex and costly. (False, easy)

8. Both management and operating personnel should be involved

throughout the management science process, even before the
implementation phase. (True, medium)

9. The linear constraints in a management science model need not

be in the same units of measure. (True, medium)

10. Frederick Taylor applied the scientific approach to improving

operations in a production setting more than 100 years ago.
(True, easy)

11. Mathematical modeling is a process that translates observed or

desired phenomena into mathematical expression. (True, easy)

12. Once a mathematical model is complete, you cannot change the

problem definition. (False, easy)
13. The management science team should make certain that
management is sure of its objective before developing and solving a
model. (True, easy)

14. Computer programs exist for all standard management science

solution procedures. (True, easy)

15. Sensitivity analysis means “what if”. (True, easy)

 MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTIONS

1. Management science does not:

a. use the scientific approach

b. provide a tool to aid in executive decision making.
c. involve mathematical modeling
d. guarantee improvement

(d, easy)

2. The developer of the simplex method in linear programming is

generally regarded to be:

a. Gene Woolsey.
b. N. Karmarkar.
c. A. A. Markov.
d. George Dantzig

(d, medium)

3. If “necessity is the mother of invention,” management

science’s mother was probably:

a. World War II.

b. the electronic computer.
c. the Great Depression
d. linear programming

(a, medium)

4. Constrained mathematical models do not contain:

a. functional constraints.
b. non-negativity requirements.
c. management preferences.
d. boundary restrictions.

(c, easy)

5. Constrained mathematical models may be characterized as:

a. optimization vs. prediction.

b. linear vs. quadratic.
c. probabilistic vs. stochastic.
d. heuristic vs. deterministic.

(a, medium)
6. Profit maximization will yield the same result as cost
minimization when:

a. costs and revenues are both variable.

b. costs are constant.
c. per unit profits are constant.
d. revenues are constant.

(d, easy)

7. In management science problems, algorithms are:

a. very complex, thus rarely used.

b. used in optimization but not in heuristics.
c. employed in heuristics as well as optimization.
d. substitutes for computer-based solution techniques.

(c, difficult)

8. Variable constraints may not include:

a. non-negativity constraints.
b. boundary (upper or lower) constraints.
c. integer constraints.
d. resource constraints.

(d, easy)

9. A “model shell” contains:

a. actual data.
b. generic symbols.
c. both actual data and generic symbols.
d. neither actual data nor generic symbols.

(b, medium)

10. Decision variable definition need not include:

a. specific units of measure.

b. the time frame involved.
c. variable names.
d. integer requirements, if any.

(d, medium)

11. In a business organization, the “80/20” rule relates to:

a. work accomplished vs. people who perform it.

b. the average input/output ratio of production processes.
c. the value of a “good” problem solution vs. its cost.
d. “key” products vs. product line “fillers.”

(c, difficult)
12. At what state in the management science process should the
operating personnel, who are responsible for solution
implementation, first be consulted?

a. Problem definition.
b. Mathematical modeling.
c. Solution of the model.
d. Communication/marketing of results.

(a, easy)

13. The worst mistake a management science analyst can make in

addressing the organization’s problem is probably:

a. giving the wrong answer to the right question.

b. giving the right answer to the wrong question.
c. including extraneous data in the model.
d. failing to anticipate “what if” questions.

(b, medium)

14. Management science applications do not include:

a. simulation.
b. queuing.
c. decision analysis.
d. internet programming.

(d, easy)

15. Constraints in the mathematical model do not include:

a. amount of resources (decision variables) required.

b. relational operators.
c. availability of resources.
d. shadow prices.

(d, easy)

16. Which name is most commonly associated with Game Theory?

a. Andrey A. Markov
b. E. K. Erlang
c. Jon von Neuman
d. N. Karmarkar

(c, easy)

17. Which step is not part of the mathematical modeling process?

a. Problem definition.
b. Data gathering.
c. Constructing a model shell.
d. Quantifying the objective and constraints.

(a, easy)
18. Which executive reaction to your management science solution
would suggest the model is invalid?

a. “We never tried this before.”

b. “This doesn’t make sense to me.”
c. “We may not have as much money for this as we thought.”
d. “We’re profitable and have always done things our way.”

(b, medium)

19. Which Excel function finds the value X such that 55% of the
probability lies below X from a normal distribution with mean 
= 20 and standard deviation  = 3?

a. NORMDIST(.55,20,3,TRUE)
b. NORMSDIST(.55,20,3)
c. NORMINV(.55,20,3)
d. NORMSINV(.55,20,3)

(c, easy)

20. Which Excel data analysis tool returns the p-value for the F-
test?

a. Descriptive Statistics.
b. Regression.
c. Exponential Smoothing.
d. ANOVA.

(b, medium)
 SHORT ANSWER QUESTIONS

1. Erlang’s pioneering work in queuing theory emerged shortly

after the start of the twentieth century. The next truly
significant work in the field (by Little, et al) came roughly fifty
years later. Why the long delay?

(Beyond the theoretical, the applications of queuing theory and

analysis needed, in a very real sense, to wait for the development
of the computational power of electronic computers.) (easy)

2. How should a management science analyst proceed when it is

obvious that the “front line” people and their immediate management
do not agree as to the definition of the problem to be addressed?

(Proceed with diplomacy! The “front line” people may be least

willing to admit that a problem exists since it may be perceived to
reflect negatively on their current performance. Yet they will be
the ones most directly responsible for the implementation of the
management science study’s recommendations. Interview each group
separately, then jointly, seeking consensus. If serious conflicts
cannot be resolved, call in a third party: the next level of
management, the management science analyst’s supervisor, or perhaps
a neutral but knowledgeable outsider.) (medium)

3. What is the purpose of model shells in the management science

process?

(Model shells define the model before actual data are gathered.
Building a model shell guides the decision maker as to what kind of
data to seek and the relative accuracy required of the data. Once
the appropriate data has been determined, actual numbers replace the
parametric unknowns in the model and the model is solved.) (medium)

4. “Let X = the number of 750 ml bottles of Federini Chablis to

be produced and shipped next calendar month.” Critically evaluate
this as the definition of a decision variable in a management
science problem.

(Excellent. The definition specifically identifies the units of

measure, the product, and the time frame involved. “Produced and
shipped” also implies a neutral position regarding changes in the
level of finished goods inventory.) (easy)

5. Why should the management science analyst anticipate

resistance from operating personnel responsible for implementation
of the study’s results, most especially when the study’s
recommendations are substantially different from current practices?
What should be done to eliminate or reduce such resistance?

(When the study’s recommendations differ significantly from the

current practices, the perceived implication is likely to be a
critical rebuke of current personnel because what they are doing is
“so far off the mark.” This may result in a range of dysfunctional
behavior, from subtle resistance to outright sabotage. It will be
even worse if the operating personnel do not understand the methods
of the management science study. The actions to eliminate or reduce
such resistance must be preventive and pre-emptive: enlist,
encourage, and sustain the understanding and active participation of
the operating personnel from the very outset of the study and
throughout.) (medium)

6. Globe Spanners, a local travel agency, is facing a financial

“crunch.” In September, 1997, most airlines reduced the commissions
they pay travel agencies to book airline tickets from ten percent to
eight percent. Having initially capped commissions at $25 for a one
way ticket and $50 for a round trip in February of 1995, the
combination of both changes had reduced Globe Spanners’ compensation
to less than six percent, below their operating costs for booking
air travel. Is this a problem amenable to management science
analysis?

(Probably not. The appropriate disciplines in this case would

likely be financial analysis, to find ways to reduce costs, and
managerial economics, to determine what types and levels of service
fees might be instituted with minimal travel client loss.) (easy)

7. What is the difference between “deterministic” and

“stochastic”?

(“Deterministic” means “known with certainty.” “Stochastic” means

“based on a probability distribution.”) (easy)

8. What are three time and cost considerations for data

gathering?

(Collecting, organizing and sorting relevant data.

Generating a solution approach.
Using the model.) (medium)

9. Name one thing you should do if the results of your model

validation are unacceptable to management.

(Check assumptions.
Check data.
Modify approximations.
Add constraints.
Develop an entirely new model.) (medium)

10. What does a dollar sign (“$”) in an Excel address signify?

(An absolute rather than a relative address.) (easy)

 FORMULATION/SOLUTION/ANALYSIS QUESTIONS

1. Dr. Zuck wants to study the effectiveness of a particular type

of back brace on patients suffering from scoliosis (curvature of the
spine). He wants to locate and test the largest possible number of
patients. He has obtained a grant for one million dollars and
estimates the cost of locating and recruiting a patient to be
$5,000. Half of the patients drop out of the study. There are two
types of patients. Type A must constitute at least 50% of the
study.
Create a mathematical model shell (objective function and
constraints).

(MAX X1 + X 2 (X1 = the number of type A patients

X2 = the number of type B patients)
ST 10X1 + 10X2  1000 (dollars expressed in thousands)
X1 – X 2  0 (Type A must be at least half the study)
X1, X2  0 (non-negativity constraint))
(medium)

2. The Deepsea Sponge Company wishes to maximize profit. Real

sponges cost C1 dollars and sell for P1. Synthetic sponges cost C2
and sell for P2. Deepsea wants at least M% of their sales to be real
sponges. Create a mathematical model shell (objective function and
constraints).

(MAX (P1 – C1)X1 + (P2 – C2)X2

ST X1 + X 2 – X3 = 0
X1 - MX3  0
X1, X2, X3  0) (difficult)

3. Harold Shein, the accordion teacher, charges $A per hour

lesson for a novice and $B (greater than $A) for an advanced
student. P percent of novice students become advanced, and R
percent of advanced students cease taking lessons. Shein has H
hours available each week and prefers that at least half his
students are advanced. Create a mathematical model shell (objective
function and constraints) of his business.

(MAX AX1 + BX2

ST -X1 + X2  0
X1 + X 2  H
X1, X2  0
X1, X2 integers
(R and P are not relevant)) (difficult)

4. The Dennis Advertising Company wants you to model their

business. Create a model shell for the following. For each client,
Dennis estimates per person costs for each type of media:

D Direct Mail
P Newspaper Ad
M Movies
T Television
R Radio
 S Roadsigns

With a budget of Z dollars, Dennis wants to reach the largest

population. Dennis is required to spend at least $A on radio ads,
$B on television, and $C on other media.

(MAX XD + XP + X M + XT + XR + XS
ST DXD + PXP + MXM + TXT + RXR + SXS  Z
XR  A
XT  B
XD + XP + X M + XS  C
XD, XP, XM, XT, XR, XS  0) (medium)

5. Boragon Middle School wishes to minimize the cost of audio-

visual equipment. The school has R classrooms, each of which must
have at least one piece of AV equipment. The school as a whole must
have at least one TV/VCR combination, one computer projector, one
laptop, and one overhead slide projector. Create a model shell.

(MIN VX1 + DX2 + CX3

+ PX4
ST X1 + X2 + X3+ X4  R
X1  1
X2  1
X3  1
X4  1
X1, X2, X3, X4 integers) (medium)
16.
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men obtained for the South an indemnity and security in our day
which a Southern Administration, with Washington at its head, had
not been able to obtain in the days of our fathers.
 CHAPTER XXXIII.
MEETING OF THE FIRST CONGRESS ELECTED
UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF MR.
ADAMS.
The nineteenth Congress, commencing its legal existence, March
the 4th, 1825, had been chiefly elected at the time that Mr. Adams'
administration commenced, and the two Houses stood divided with
respect to him—the majority of the Representatives being favorable
to him, while the majority of the Senate was in opposition. The
elections for the twentieth Congress—the first under his
administration—were looked to with great interest, both as showing
whether the new President was supported by the country, and his
election by the House sanctioned, and also as an index to the issue
of the ensuing presidential election. For, simultaneously with the
election in the House of Representatives did the canvass for the
succeeding election begin—General Jackson being the announced
candidate on one side, and Mr. Adams on the other; and the event
involving not only the question of merits between the parties, but
also the question of approved or disapproved conduct on the part of
the representatives who elected Mr. Adams. The elections took
place, and resulted in placing an opposition majority in the House of
Representatives, and increasing the strength of the opposition
majority in the Senate. The state of parties in the House was
immediately tested by the election of speaker, Mr. John W. Taylor, of
New-York, the administration candidate, being defeated by Mr.
Andrew Stevenson, of Virginia, in the opposition. The appointment
of the majority of members on all the committees, and their
chairmen, in both Houses adverse to the administration, was a
regular consequence of the inflamed state of parties, although the
proper conducting of the public business would demand for the
administration the chairman of several important committees, as
enabling it to place its measures fairly before the House. The
speaker (Mr. Stevenson) could only yield to this just sense of
propriety in the case of one of the committees, that of foreign
relations, to which Mr. Edward Everett, classing as the political and
personal friend of the President, was appointed chairman. In other
committees, and in both Houses, the stern spirit of the times
prevailed; and the organization of the whole Congress was adverse
to the administration.
The presidential message contained no new recommendations,
but referred to those previously made, and not yet acted upon;
among which internal improvement, and the encouragement of
home industry, were most prominent. It gave an account of the
failure of the proposed congress of Panama; and, consequently, of
the inutility of all our exertions to be represented there. And, as in
this final and valedictory notice by Mr. Adams of that once far-famed
congress, he took occasion to disclaim some views attributed to him,
I deem it just to give him the benefit of his own words, both in
making the disclaimer, and in giving the account of the abortion of
an impracticable scheme which had so lately been prosecuted, and
opposed, with so much heat and violence in our own country. He
said of it:

"Disclaiming alike all right and all intention of interfering in

those concerns which it is the prerogative of their independence
to regulate as to them shall seem fit, we hail with joy every
indication of their prosperity, of their harmony, of their
persevering and inflexible homage to those principles of
freedom and of equal rights, which are alone suited to the
genius and temper of the American nations. It has been
therefore with some concern that we have observed indications
of intestine divisions in some of the republics of the South, and
appearances of less union with one another, than we believe to
be the interest of all. Among the results of this state of things
 has been that the treaties concluded at Panama do not appear
to have been ratified by the contracting parties, and that the
meeting of the Congress at Tacubaya has been indefinitely
postponed. In accepting the invitations to be represented at this
Congress, while a manifestation was intended on the part of the
United States, of the most friendly disposition towards the
Southern republics by whom it had been proposed, it was hoped
that it would furnish an opportunity for bringing all the nations
of this hemisphere to the common acknowledgment and
adoption of the principles, in the regulation of their international
relations, which would have secured a lasting peace and
harmony between them, and have promoted the cause of
mutual benevolence throughout the globe. But as obstacles
appear to have arisen to the reassembling of the Congress, one
of the two ministers commissioned on the part of the United
States has returned to the bosom of his country, while the
minister charged with the ordinary mission to Mexico remains
authorized to attend at the conferences of the Congress
whenever they may be resumed."

This is the last that was heard of that so much vaunted Congress
of American nations, and in the manner in which it died out of itself,
among those who proposed it, without ever having been reached by
a minister from the United States, we have the highest confirmation
of the soundness of the objections taken to it by the opposition
members of the two Houses of our Congress.
In stating the condition of the finances, the message, without
intending it, gave proof of the paradoxical proposition, first, I
believe, broached by myself, that an annual revenue to the extent of
a fourth or a fifth below the annual expenditure, is sufficient to meet
that annual expenditure; and consequently that there is no necessity
to levy as much as is expended, or to provide by law for keeping a
certain amount in the treasury when the receipts are equal, or
superior to the expenditure. He said:
 "The balance in the treasury on the first of January last was
six millions three hundred and fifty-eight thousand six hundred
and eighty-six dollars and eighteen cents. The receipts from that
day to the 30th of September last, as near as the returns of
them yet received can show, amount to sixteen millions eight
hundred and eighty-six thousand five hundred and eighty-one
dollars and thirty-two cents. The receipts of the present quarter,
estimated at four millions five hundred and fifteen thousand,
added to the above, form an aggregate of twenty-one millions
four hundred thousand dollars of receipts. The expenditures of
the year may perhaps amount to twenty-two millions three
hundred thousand dollars, presenting a small excess over the
receipts. But of these twenty-two millions, upwards of six have
been applied to the discharge of the principal of the public debt;
the whole amount of which, approaching seventy-four millions
on the first of January last, will on the first day of next year fall
short of sixty-seven millions and a half. The balance in the
treasury on the first of January next, it is expected, will exceed
five millions four hundred and fifty thousand dollars; a sum
exceeding that of the first of January, 1825, though falling short
of that exhibited on the first of January last."

In this statement the expenditures of the year are shown to

exceed the income, and yet to leave a balance, about equal to one
fourth of the whole in the treasury at the end of the year; also that
the balance was larger at the end of the preceding year, and nearly
the same at the end of the year before. And the message might
have added, that these balances were about the same at the end of
every quarter of every year, and every day of every quarter—all
resulting from the impossibility of applying money to objects until
there has been time to apply it. Yet in the time of those balances of
which Mr. Adams speaks, there was a law to retain two millions in
the treasury; and now there is a law to retain six millions; while the
current balances, at the rate of a fourth or a fifth of the income, are
many times greater than the sum ordered to be retained; and
cannot be reduced to that sum, by regular payments from the
treasury, until the revenue itself is reduced below the expenditure.
This is a financial paradox, sustainable upon reason, proved by facts,
and visible in the state of the treasury at all times; yet I have
endeavored in vain to establish it; and Congress is as careful as ever
to provide an annual income equal to the annual expenditure; and to
make permanent provision by law to keep up a reserve in the
treasury; which would be there of itself without such law as long as
the revenue comes within a fourth or a fifth of the expenditure.
The following members composed the two Houses at this, the first
session of the twentieth Congress:
SENATE.
Maine—John Chandler, Albion K. Parris.
New Hampshire—Samuel Bell, Levi Woodbury.
Massachusetts—Nathaniel Silsbee, Daniel Webster.
Connecticut—Samuel A. Foot, Calvin Willey.
Rhode Island—Nehemiah R. Knight, Asher Robbins.
Vermont—Dudley Chase, Horatio Seymour.
New-York—Martin Van Buren, Nathan Sanford.
New Jersey—Mahlon Dickerson, Ephraim Bateman.
Pennsylvania—William Marks, Isaac D. Barnard.
Delaware—Louis M'Lane, Henry M. Ridgeley.
Maryland—Ezekiel F. Chambers, Samuel Smith.
Virginia—Littleton W. Tazewell, John Tyler.
North Carolina—John Branch, Nathaniel Macon.
South Carolina—William Smith, Robert Y. Hayne.
Georgia—John M'Pherson Berrien, Thomas W. Cobb.
Kentucky—Richard M. Johnson, John Rowan.
 Tennessee—John H. Eaton, Hugh L. White.
Ohio—William H. Harrison, Benjamin Ruggles.
Louisiana—Dominique Bouligny, Josiah S. Johnston.
Indiana—William Hendricks, James Noble.
Mississippi—Powhatan Ellis, Thomas H. Williams.
Illinois—Elias K. Kane, Jesse B. Thomas.
Alabama—John McKinley, William R. King.
Missouri—David Barton, Thomas H. Benton.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Maine—John Anderson, Samuel Butman, Rufus M'Intire, Jeremiah
O'Brien, James W. Ripley, Peleg Sprague, Joseph F. Wingate—7.
New Hampshire—Ichabod Bartlett, David Barker, jr., Titus Brown,
Joseph Healey, Jonathan Harvey, Thomas Whipple, jr.—6.
Massachusetts—Samuel C. Allen, John Bailey, Isaac C. Bates, B. W.
Crowninshield, John Davis, Henry W. Dwight, Edward Everett,
Benjamin Gorham, James L. Hodges, John Locke, John Reed, Joseph
Richardson, John Varnum—15.
Rhode Island—Tristam Burges; Dutee J. Pearce—2.
Connecticut—John Baldwin, Noyes Barber, Ralph J. Ingersoll,
Orange Merwin, Elisha Phelps, David Plant—6.
Vermont—Daniel A. A. Buck, Jonathan Hunt, Rolin C. Mallary,
Benjamin Swift, George E. Wales—5.
New-York—Daniel D. Barnard, George O. Belden, Rudolph Bunner,
C. C. Cambreleng, Samuel Chase, John C. Clark, John D. Dickinson,
Jonas Earll, jr., Daniel G. Garnsey, Nathaniel Garrow, John I. De
Graff, John Hallock, jr., Selah R. Hobbie, Michael Hoffman, Jeromus
Johnson, Richard Keese, Henry Markell, H. C. Martindale, Dudley
Marvin, John Magee, John Maynard, Thomas J. Oakley, S. Van
Rensselaer, Henry R. Storrs, James Strong, John G. Stower, Phineas
L. Tracy, John W. Taylor, G. C. Verplanck, Aaron Ward, John J. Wood,
Silas Wood, David Woodcock, Silas Wright, jr.—34.
New Jersey—Lewis Condict, George Holcombe, Isaac Pierson,
Samuel Swan, Edge Thompson, Ebenezer Tucker—6.
Pennsylvania—William Addams, Samuel Anderson, Stephen Barlow,
James Buchanan, Richard Coulter, Chauncey Forward, Joseph Fry, jr.,
Innes Green, Samuel D. Ingham, George Kremer, Adam King, Joseph
Lawrence, Daniel H. Miller, Charles Miner, John Mitchell, Samuel
M'Kean, Robert Orr, jr., William Ramsay, John Sergeant, James S.
Stevenson, John B. Sterigere, Andrew Stewart, Joel B. Sutherland,
Espy Van Horn, James Wilson, George Wolf—26.
Delaware—Kensy Johns, jr.—1.
Maryland—John Barney, Clement Dorsey, Levin Gale, John Leeds
Kerr, Peter Little, Michael C. Sprigg, G. C. Washington, John C.
Weems, Ephraim K. Wilson—9.
Virginia—Mark Alexander, Robert Allen, Wm. S. Archer, Wm.
Armstrong, jr., John S. Barbour, Philip P. Barbour, Burwell Bassett, N.
H. Claiborne, Thomas Davenport, John Floyd, Isaac Leffler, Lewis
Maxwell, Charles F. Mercer, William M'Coy, Thomas Newton, John
Randolph, William C. Rives, John Roane, Alexander Smyth, A.
Stevenson, John Talliaferro, James Trezvant—22.
North Carolina—Willis Alston, Daniel L. Barringer, John H. Bryan,
Samuel P. Carson, Henry W. Conner, John Culpeper, Thomas H. Hall,
Gabriel Holmes, John Long, Lemuel Sawyer, A. H. Shepperd, Daniel
Turner, Lewis Williams—13.
South Carolina—John Carter, Warren R. Davis, William Drayton,
James Hamilton, jr., George M'Duffie, William D. Martin, Thomas R.
Mitchell, Wm. T. Nuckolls, Starling Tucker—9.
Georgia—John Floyd, Tomlinson Fort, Charles E. Haynes, George R.
Gilmer, Wilson Lumpkin, Wiley Thompson, Richard H. Wilde—7.
Kentucky—Richard A. Buckner, James Clark, Henry Daniel, Joseph
Lecompte, Robert P. Letcher, Chittenden Lyon, Thomas Metcalfe,
Robert M'Hatton, Thomas P. Moore, Charles A. Wickliffe, Joel Yancey,
Thomas Chilton—12.
Tennessee—John Bell, John Blair, David Crockett, Robert Desha,
Jacob C. Isacks, Pryor Lea, John H. Marable, James C. Mitchell,
James K. Polk—9.
Ohio—Mordecai Bartley, Philemon Beecher, William Creighton, jr.,
John Davenport, James Findlay, Wm. M'Lean, William Russell, John
Sloane, William Stanberry, Joseph Vance, Samuel F. Vinton, Elisha
Whittlesey, John Woods, John C. Wright—14.
Louisiana—William L. Brent, Henry H. Gurley, Edward Livingston—3.
Indiana—Thomas H. Blake, Jonathan Jennings, Oliver H. Smith—3.
Mississippi—William Haile—1.
Illinois—Joseph Duncan—1.
Alabama—Gabriel Moore, John M'Kee, George W. Owen—3.
Missouri—Edward Bates—1.
DELEGATES.
Arkansas Territory—A. H. Sevier.
Michigan Territory—Austin E. Wing.
Florida Territory—Joseph M. White.
This list of members presents an immense array of talent, and
especially of business talent; and in its long succession of
respectable names, many will be noted as having attained national
reputations—others destined to attain that distinction—while many
more, in the first class of useful and respectable members, remained
without national renown for want of that faculty which nature seems
most capriciously to have scattered among the children of men—the
faculty of fluent and copious speech;—giving it to some of great
judgment—denying it to others of equal, or still greater judgment—
and lavishing it upon some of no judgment at all. The national eyes
are fixed upon the first of these classes—the men of judgment and
copious speech; and even those in the third class obtain national
notoriety; while the men in the second class—the men of judgment
and few words—are extremely valued and respected in the bodies to
which they belong and have great weight in the conduct of business.
They are, in fact, the business men, often more practical and
efficient than the great orators. This twentieth Congress, as all
others that have been, contained a large proportion of these most
useful and respectable members; and it will be the pleasant task of
this work to do them the justice which their modest merit would not
do for themselves.
 CHAPTER XXXIV.
REVISION OF THE TARIFF.
The tariff of 1828 is an era in our legislation, being the event from
which the doctrine of "nullification" takes its origin, and from which a
serious division dates between the North and the South. It was the
work of politicians and manufacturers; and was commenced for the
benefit of the woollen interest, and upon a bill chiefly designed to
favor that branch of manufacturing industry. But, like all other bills of
the kind, it required help from other interests to get itself along; and
that help was only to be obtained by admitting other interests into
the benefits of the bill. And so, what began as a special benefit,
intended for the advantage of a particular interest, became general,
and ended with including all manufacturing interests—or at least as
many as were necessary to make up the strength necessary to carry
it. The productions of different States, chiefly in the West, were
favored by additional duties on their rival imports; as lead in Missouri
and Illinois, and hemp of Kentucky; and thus, though opposed to the
object of the bill, many members were necessitated to vote for it.
Mr. Rowan, of Kentucky, well exposed the condition of others in this
respect, in showing his own in some remarks which he made, and in
which he said:

"He was not opposed to the tariff as a system of revenue,

honestly devoted to the objects and purposes of revenue—on
the contrary, he was friendly to a tariff of that character; but
when perverted by the ambition of political aspirants, and the
secret influence of inordinate cupidity, to purposes of individual,
and sectional ascendency, he could not be seduced by the
captivation of names, or terms, however attractive, to lend it his
individual support.
 "It is in vain, Mr. President, said he, that it is called the
American System—names do not alter things. There is but one
American System, and that is delineated in the State and
Federal constitutions. It is the system of equal rights and
privileges secured by the representative principle—a system,
which, instead of subjecting the proceeds of the labor of some
to taxation, in the view to enrich others, secures to all the
proceeds of their labor—exempts all from taxation, except for
the support of the protecting power of the government. As a tax
necessary to the support of the government, he would support
it—call it by what name you please;—as a tax for any other
purpose, and especially for the purposes to which he had
alluded—it had his individual reprobation, under whatever name
it might assume.
"It might, he observed, be inferred from what he had said,
that he would vote against the bill. He did not wish any doubts
to be entertained as to the vote he should give upon this
measure, or the reasons which would influence him to give it.
He was not at liberty to substitute his individual opinion for that
of his State. He was one of the organs here, of a State, that
had, by the tariff of 1824, been chained to the car of the
Eastern manufacturers—a State that had been from that time,
and was now groaning under the pressure of that unequal and
unjust measure—a measure from the pressure of which, owing
to the prevailing illusion throughout the United States, she saw
no hope of escape, by a speedy return to correct principles;—
and seeing no hope of escaping from the ills of the system, she
is constrained, on principles of self-defence, to avail herself of
the mitigation which this bill presents, in the duties which it
imposes upon foreign hemp, spirits, iron, and molasses. The
hemp, iron, and distilled spirits of the West, will, like the
woollens of the Eastern States, be encouraged to the extent of
the tax indirectly imposed by this bill, upon those who shall buy
and consume them. Those who may need, and buy those
articles, must pay to the grower, or manufacturer of them, an
 increased price to the amount of the duties imposed upon the
like articles of foreign growth or fabric. To this tax upon the
labor of the consumer, his individual opinion was opposed. But,
as the organ of the State of Kentucky, he felt himself bound to
surrender his individual opinion, and express the opinion of his
State."

Thus, this tariff bill, like every one admitting a variety of items,
contains a vicious principle, by which a majority may be made up to
pass a measure which they do not approve. But besides variety of
agricultural and manufacturing items collected into this bill, there
was another of very different import admitted into it, namely, that of
party politics. A presidential election was approaching: General
Jackson and Mr. Adams were the candidates—the latter in favor of
the "American System"—of which Mr. Clay (his Secretary of State)
was the champion, and indissolubly connected with him in the public
mind in the issue of the election. This tariff was made an
administration measure, and became an issue in the canvass; and to
this Mr. Rowan significantly alluded when he spoke of a tariff as
being "perverted by the ambition of political aspirants." It was in
vain that the manufacturers were warned not to mix their interests
with the doubtful game of politics. They yielded to the temptation—
yielded as a class, though with individual exceptions—for the sake of
the temporary benefit, without seeming to realize the danger of
connecting their interests with the fortunes of a political party. This
tariff of '28, besides being remarkable for giving birth to
"nullification," and heart-burning between the North and the South,
was also remarkable for a change of policy in the New England
States, in relation to the protective system. Being strongly
commercial, these States had hitherto favored free trade; and Mr.
Webster was the champion of that trade up to 1824. At this session
a majority of those States, and especially those which classed
politically with Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, changed their policy: and
Webster became a champion of the protective system. The cause of
this change, as then alleged, was the fact that the protective system
had become the established policy of the government, and that
these States had adapted their industry to it; though it was insisted,
on the other hand, that political calculation had more to do with the
change than federal legislation: and, in fact, the question of this
protection was one of those which lay at the foundation of parties,
and was advocated by General Hamilton in one of his celebrated
reports of fifty years ago. But on this point it is right that New
England should speak for herself, which she did at the time of the
discussion of the tariff in '28; and through the member, now a
senator (Mr. Webster), who typified in his own person the change
which his section of the Union had undergone. He said:

"New England, sir, has not been a leader in this policy. On the
contrary, she held back, herself, and tried to hold others back
from it, from the adoption of the constitution to 1824. Up to
1824, she was accused of sinister and selfish designs, because
she discountenanced the progress of this policy. It was laid to
her charge, then, that having established her manufactures
herself, she wished that others should not have the power of
rivalling her; and, for that reason, opposed all legislative
encouragement. Under this angry denunciation against her, the
act of 1824 passed. Now the imputation is precisely of an
opposite character. The present measure is pronounced to be
exclusively for the benefit of New England; to be brought
forward by her agency, and designed to gratify the cupidity of
her wealthy establishments.
"Both charges, sir, are equally without the slightest
foundation. The opinion of New England, up to 1824, was
founded in the conviction, that, on the whole, it was wisest and
best, both for herself and others, that manufacturers should
make haste slowly. She felt a reluctance to trust great interests
on the foundation of government patronage; for who could tell
how long such patronage would last, or with what steadiness,
skill, or perseverance, it would continue to be granted? It is now
nearly fifteen years, since, among the first things which I ever
ventured to say here, was the expression of a serious doubt,
whether this government was fitted by its construction, to
administer aid and protection to particular pursuits; whether,
having called such pursuits into being by indications of its favor,
it would not, afterwards, desert them, when troubles come
upon them; and leave them to their fate. Whether this
prediction, the result, certainly, of chance, and not of sagacity,
will so soon be fulfilled, remains to be seen.
"At the same time it is true, that from the very first
commencement of the government, those who have
administered its concerns have held a tone of encouragement
and invitation towards those who should embark in
manufactures. All the Presidents, I believe, without exception,
have concurred in this general sentiment; and the very first act
of Congress, laying duties of impost, adopted the then unusual
expedient of a preamble, apparently for little other purpose than
that of declaring, that the duties, which it imposed, were
imposed for the encouragement and protection of
manufactures. When, at the commencement of the late war,
duties were doubled, we were told that we should find a
mitigation of the weight of taxation in the new aid and succor
which would be thus afforded to our own manufacturing labor.
Like arguments were urged, and prevailed, but not by the aid of
New England votes, when the tariff was afterwards arranged at
the close of the war, in 1816. Finally, after a whole winter's
deliberation, the act of 1824 received the sanction of both
Houses of Congress, and settled the policy of the country. What,
then, was New England to do? She was fitted for manufacturing
operations, by the amount and character of her population, by
her capital, by the vigor and energy of her free labor, by the
skill, economy, enterprise, and perseverance of her people. I
repeat, what was she, under these circumstances, to do? A
great and prosperous rival in her near neighborhood,
threatening to draw from her a part, perhaps a great part, of
her foreign commerce; was she to use, or to neglect, those
other means of seeking her own prosperity which belonged to
 her character and her condition? Was she to hold out, forever,
against the course of the government, and see herself losing, on
one side, and yet making no efforts to sustain herself on the
other? No, sir. Nothing was left to New England, after the act of
1824, but to conform herself to the will of others. Nothing was
left to her, but to consider that the government had fixed and
determined its own policy; and that policy was protection."

The question of a protective tariff had now not only become

political, but sectional. In the early years of the federal government
it was not so. The tariff bills, as the first and the second, that were
passed, declared in their preambles that they were for the
encouragement of manufactures, as well as for raising revenue; but
then the duties imposed were all moderate—such as a revenue
system really required; and there were no "minimums" to make a
false basis for the calculation of duties, by enacting that all which
cost less than a certain amount should be counted to have cost that
amount; and be rated at the custom-house accordingly. In this early
period the Southern States were as ready as any part of the Union in
extending the protection to home industry which resulted from the
imposition of revenue duties on rival imported articles, and on
articles necessary to ourselves in time of war; and some of her
statesmen were amongst the foremost members of Congress in
promoting that policy. As late as 1816, some of her statesmen were
still in favor of protection, not merely as an incident to revenue, but
as a substantive object: and among these was Mr. Calhoun, of South
Carolina—who even advocated the minimum provision—then for the
first time introduced into a tariff bill, and upon his motion—and
applied to the cotton goods imported. After that year (1816) the
tariff bills took a sectional aspect—the Southern States, with the
exception of Louisiana (led by her sugar-planting interest), against
them: the New England States also against them: the Middle and
Western States for them. After 1824 the New England States (always
meaning the greatest portion when a section is spoken of) classed
with the protective States—leaving the South alone, as a section,
against that policy. My personal position was that of a great many
others in the three protective sections—opposed to the policy, but
going with it, on account of the interest of the State in the
protection of some of its productions. I moved an additional duty
upon lead, equal to one hundred per centum; and it was carried. I
moved a duty upon indigo, a former staple of the South, but now
declined to a slight production; and I proposed a rate of duty in
harmony with the protective features of the bill. No southern
member would move that duty, because he opposed the principle: I
moved it, that the "American System," as it was called, should work
alike in all parts of our America. I supported the motion with some
reasons, and some views of the former cultivation of that plant in
the Southern States, and its present decline, thus:

"Mr. Benton then proposed an amendment, to impose a duty

of 25 cents per pound on imported indigo, with a progressive
increase at the rate of 25 cents per pound per annum, until the
whole duty amounted to $1 per pound. He stated his object to
be two-fold in proposing this duty, first, to place the American
System beyond the reach of its enemies, by procuring a home
supply of an article indispensable to its existence; and next, to
benefit the South by reviving the cultivation of one of its ancient
and valuable staples.
"Indigo was first planted in the Carolinas and Georgia about
the year 1740, and succeeded so well as to command the
attention of the British manufacturers and the British
parliament. An act was passed for the encouragement of its
production in these colonies, in the reign of George the Second;
the preamble to which Mr. B. read, and recommended to the
consideration of the Senate. It recited that a regular, ample, and
certain supply of indigo was indispensable to the success of
British manufacturers; that these manufacturers were then
dependent upon foreigners for a supply of this article; and that
it was the dictate of a wise policy to encourage the production
of it at home. The act then went on to direct that a premium of
sixpence sterling should be paid out of the British treasury for
every pound of indigo imported into Great Britain, from the
Carolinas and Georgia. Under the fostering influence of this
bounty, said Mr. B., the cultivation of indigo became great and
extensive. In six years after the passage of the act, the export
was 217,000 lbs. and at the breaking out of the Revolution it
amounted to 1,100,000 lbs. The Southern colonies became rich
upon it; for the cultivation of cotton was then unknown; rice
and indigo were the staples of the South. After the Revolution,
and especially after the great territorial acquisitions which the
British made in India, the cultivation of American indigo
declined. The premium was no longer paid; and the British
government, actuated by the same wise policy which made
them look for a home supply of this article from the Carolinas,
when they were a part of the British possessions, now looked to
India for the same reason. The export of American indigo
rapidly declined. In 1800 it had fallen to 400,000 lbs.; in 1814 to
40,000 lbs,; and in the last few years to 6 or 8,000 lbs. In the
mean time our manufactories were growing up; and having no
supply of indigo at home, they had to import from abroad. In
1826 this importation amounted to 1,150,000 lbs., costing a
fraction less than two millions of dollars, and had to be paid for
almost entirely in ready money, as it was chiefly obtained from
places where American produce was in no demand. Upon this
state of facts, Mr. B. conceived it to be the part of a wise and
prudent policy to follow the example of the British parliament in
the reign of George II. and provide a home supply of this
indispensable article. Our manufacturers now paid a high price
for fine indigo, no less than $2 50 per pound, as testified by one
of themselves before the Committee on Manufactures raised in
the House of Representatives. The duty which he proposed was
only 40 per cent. upon that value, and would not even reach
that rate for four years. It was less than one half the duty which
the same bill proposed to lay instanter upon the very cloth
which this indigo was intended to dye. In the end it would make
all indigo come cheaper to the manufacturer, as the home
supply would soon be equal, if not superior to the demand; and
in the mean time, it could not be considered a tax on the
manufacturer, as he would levy the advance which he had to
pay, with a good interest, upon the wearer of the cloth.
"Mr. B. then went into an exposition of the reasons for
encouraging the home production of indigo, and showed that
the life of the American System depended upon it. Neither
cotton nor woollen manufactures could be carried on without
indigo. The consumption of that article was prodigious. Even
now, in the infant state of our manufactories, the importation
was worth two millions of dollars: and must soon be worth
double or treble that sum. For this great supply of an
indispensable article, we were chiefly indebted to the jealous
rival, and vigilant enemy, of these very manufactures, to Great
Britain herself. Of the 1,150,000 lbs. of indigo imported, we
bring 620,000 lbs. from the British East Indies; which one word
from the British government would stop for ever; we bring the
further quantity of 120,000 lbs. from Manilla, a Spanish
possession, which British influence and diplomacy could
immediately stop: and the remainder came from different parts
of South America, and might be taken from us by the arts of
diplomacy, or by a monopoly of the whole on the part of our
rival. A stoppage of a supply of indigo for one year, would
prostrate all our manufactories, and give them a blow from
which they would not recover in many years. Great Britain could
effect this stoppage to the amount of three fourths of the whole
quantity by speaking a single word, and of the remainder by a
slight exertion of policy, or the expenditure of a sum sufficient
to monopolize for one year, the purchase of what South America
sent into the market.
"Mr. B. said he expected a unanimous vote in favor of his
amendment. The North should vote for it to secure the life of
the American System; to give a proof of their regard for the
South; to show that the country south of the Potomac is
included in the bill for some other purpose besides that of
oppression. The South itself, although opposed to the further
increase of duties, should vote for this duty; that the bill, if it
passes, may contain one provision favorable to its interests. The
West should vote for it through gratitude for fifty years of
guardian protection, generous defence, and kind assistance,
which the South had given it under all its trials; and for the
purpose of enlarging the market, increasing the demand in the
South and its ability to purchase the horses, mules, and
provisions which the West can sell nowhere else. For himself he
had personal reasons for wishing to do this little justice to the
South. He was a native of one of these States (N. Carolina)—the
bones of his father and his grandfathers rested there. Her
Senators and Representatives were his early and his hereditary
friends. The venerable Senator before him (Mr. Macon) had
been the friend of him and his, through four generations in a
straight line; the other Senator (Mr. Branch) was his
schoolfellow: the other branch of the legislature, the House of
Representatives, also showed him in the North Carolina
delegation, the friends of him and his through successive
generations. Nor was this all. He felt for the sad changes which
had taken place in the South in the last fifty years. Before the
Revolution it was the seat of wealth as well as of hospitality.
Money, and all that it commanded, abounded there. But how
now? All this is reversed.
"Wealth has fled from the South, and settled in the regions
north of the Potomac, and this in the midst of the fact that the
South, in four staples alone, in cotton, tobacco, rice and indigo
(while indigo was one of its staples), had exported produce
since the Revolution, to the value of eight hundred million of
dollars, and the North had exported comparatively nothing. This
sum was prodigious; it was nearly equal to half the coinage of
the mint of Mexico since the conquest by Cortez. It was twice or
thrice the amount of the product of the three thousand gold and
silver mines of Mexico, for the same period of fifty years. Such
an export would indicate unparalleled wealth; but what was the
fact? In place of wealth, a universal pressure for money was
felt; not enough for current expenses; the price of all property
down; the country drooping and languishing; towns and cities
decaying; and the frugal habits of the people pushed to the
verge of universal self-denial, for the preservation of their family
estates. Such a result is a strange and wonderful phenomenon.
It calls upon statesmen to inquire into the cause; and if they
inquire upon the theatre of this strange metamorphosis, they
will receive one universal answer from all ranks and all ages,
that it is federal legislation which has worked this ruin. Under
this legislation the exports of the South have been made the
basis of the federal revenue. The twenty odd millions annually
levied upon imported goods, are deducted out of the price of
their cotton, rice and tobacco, either in the diminished price
which they receive for these staples in foreign ports, or in the
increased price which they pay for the articles they have to
consume at home. Virginia, the two Carolinas and Georgia, may
be said to defray three fourths of the annual expense of
supporting the federal government; and of this great sum
annually furnished by them, nothing, or next to nothing, is
returned to them in the shape of government expenditure. That
expenditure flows in an opposite direction; it flows northwardly,
in one uniform, uninterrupted and perennial stream; it takes the
course of trade and of exchange; and this is the reason why
wealth disappears from the South and rises up in the North.
Federal legislation does all this; it does it by the simple process
of eternally taking away from the South, and returning nothing
to it. If it returned to the South the whole, or even a good part
of what it exacted, the four States south of the Potomac might
stand the action of this system, as the earth is enabled to stand
the exhausting influence of the sun's daily heat by the
refreshing dews which are returned to it at night; but as the
earth is dried up, and all vegetation destroyed in regions where
the heat is great, and no dews returned, so must the South be
exhausted of its money and its property by a course of
legislation which is for ever taking from it, and never returning
any thing to it.
 "Every new tariff increases the force of this action. No tariff
has ever yet included Virginia, the two Carolinas, and Georgia,
within its provisions, except to increase the burdens imposed
upon them. This one alone, presents the opportunity to form an
exception, by reviving and restoring the cultivation of one of its
ancient staples,—one of the sources of its wealth before the
Revolution. The tariff of 1828 owes this reparation to the South,
because the tariff of 1816 contributed to destroy the cultivation
of indigo; sunk the duty on the foreign article, from twenty-five
to fifteen cents per pound. These are the reasons for imposing
the duty on indigo, now proposed. What objections can possibly
be raised to it? Not to the quality; for it is the same which laid
the foundation of the British manufactures, and sustained their
reputation for more than half a century; not to the quantity; for
the two Carolinas and Georgia alone raised as much fifty years
ago as we now import, and we have now the States of
Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi, and the Territories of
Florida and Arkansas, to add to the countries which produce it;
not to the amount of the duty; for its maximum will be but forty
per cent., only one half of the duty laid by this bill on the cloth it
is to dye; and that maximum, not immediate, but attained by
slow degrees at the end of four years, in order to give time for
the domestic article to supply the place of the imported. And
after all, it is not a duty on the manufacturer, but on the wearer
of the goods; from whom he levies, with a good interest on the
price of the cloths, all that he expends in the purchase of
materials. For once, said Mr. B., I expect a unanimous vote on a
clause in the tariff. This indigo clause must have the singular
and unprecedented honor of an unanimous voice in its favor.
The South must vote for it, to revive the cultivation of one of its
most ancient and valuable staples; the West must vote for it
through gratitude for past favors—through gratitude for the vote
on hemp this night[2]—and to save, enlarge, and increase the
market for its own productions; the North must vote for it to
show their disinterestedness; to give one proof of just feeling
 towards the South; and, above all, to save their favorite
American System from the deadly blow which Great Britain can
at any moment give it by stopping or interrupting the supplies
of foreign indigo; and the whole Union, the entire legislative
body, must vote for it, and vote for it with joy and enthusiasm,
because it is impossible that Americans can deny to sister States
of the Confederacy what a British King and a British Parliament
granted to these same States when they were colonies and
dependencies of the British crown."

Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, seconded my motion in a speech of

which this is an extract:

"Mr. Hayne said he was opposed to this bill in its principles as

well as in its details. It could assume no shape which would
make it acceptable to him, or which could prevent it from
operating most oppressively and unjustly on his constituents.
With these views, he had determined to make no motion to
amend the bill in any respect whatever; but when such motions
were made by others, and he was compelled to vote on them,
he knew no better rule than to endeavor to make the bill
consistent with itself. On this principle he had acted in all the
votes he had given on this bill. He had endeavored to carry out
to its legitimate consequences what gentlemen are pleased to
miscall the 'American System.' With a fixed resolution to vote
against the bill, he still considered himself at liberty to assist in
so arranging the details as to extend to every great interest,
and to all portions of the country, as far as may be practicable,
equal protection, and to distribute the burdens of the system
equally, in order that its benefits as well as its evils may be fully
tested. On this principle, he should vote for the amendment of
the gentleman from Missouri, because it was in strict conformity
with all the principles of the bill. As a southern man, he would
ask no boon for the South—he should propose nothing; but he
must say that the protection of indigo rested on the same
principles as every other article proposed to be protected by this
bill, and he did not see how gentlemen could, consistently with
their maxims, vote against it. What was the principle on which
this bill was professedly founded? If there was any principle at
all in the bill, it was that, whenever the country had the capacity
to produce an article with which any imported article could enter
into competition, the domestic product was to be protected by a
duty. Now, had the Southern States the capacity to produce
indigo? The soil and climate of those States were well suited to
the culture of the article. At the commencement of the
Revolution our exports of the article amounted to no less than
1,100,000 lbs. The whole quantity now imported into the United
States is only 1,150,000 lbs.; so that the capacity of the country
to produce a sufficient quantity of indigo to supply the wants of
the manufacturers is unquestionable. It is true that the quantity
now produced in the country is not great.
"In 1818 only 700 lbs. of domestic indigo were exported.
"In 1825 9,955 do.
"In 1826 5,289 do.
"This proves that the attention of the country is now directed
to the subject. The senator from Indiana, in some remarks
which he made on this subject yesterday, stated that, according
to the principles of the American System (so called), protection
was not extended to any article which the country was not in
the habit of exporting. This is entirely a mistake. Of the articles
protected by the tariff of 1824, as well as those included in this
bill, very few are exported at all. Among these are iron,
woollens, hemp, flax, and several others. If indigo is to be
protected at all, the duties proposed must surely be considered
extremely reasonable, the maximum proposed being much
below that imposed by this bill on wool, woollens, and other
articles. The duty on indigo till 1816, was 25 cents per pound. It
was then (in favor of the manufacturers) reduced to 15 cents.
The first increase of duty proposed here, is only to put back the
old duty of 25 cents per pound, equal to an ad valorem duty of
 from 10 to 15 per cent.—and the maximum is only from 40 to
58 per cent. ad valorem, and that will not accrue for several
years to come. With this statement of facts, Mr. H. said he
would leave the question in the hands of those gentlemen who
were engaged in giving this bill the form in which it is to be
submitted to the final decision of the Senate."

The proposition for this duty on imported indigo did not prevail. In
lieu of the amount proposed, and which was less than any protective
duty in the bill, the friends of the "American System" (constituting a
majority of the Senate) substituted a nominal duty of five cents on
the pound—to be increased five cents annually for ten years—and to
remain at fifty. This was only about twenty per centum on the cost
of the article, and that only to be attained after a progression of ten
years; while all other duties in the bill were from four to ten times
that amount—and to take effect immediately. A duty so
contemptible, so out of proportion to the other provisions of the bill,
and doled out in such miserable drops, was a mockery and insult;
and so viewed by the southern members. It increased the
odiousness of the bill, by showing that the southern section of the
Union was only included in the "American System" for its burdens,
and not for its benefits. Mr. McDuffie, in the House of
Representatives, inveighed bitterly against it, and spoke the general
feeling of the Southern States when he said:

"Sir, if the union of these States shall ever be severed, and

their liberties subverted, the historian who records these
disasters will have to ascribe them to measures of this
description. I do sincerely believe that neither this government
nor any free government, can exist for a quarter of a century,
under such a system of legislation. Its inevitable tendency is to
corrupt, not only the public functionaries, but all those portions
of the Union and classes of society who have an interest, real or
imaginary, in the bounties it provides, by taxing other sections
and other classes. What, sir, is the essential characteristic of a
freeman? It is that independence which results from an habitual
reliance upon his own resources and his own labor for his
support. He is not in fact a freeman, who habitually looks to the
government for pecuniary bounties. And I confess that nothing
in the conduct of those who are the prominent advocates of this
system, has excited more apprehension and alarm in my mind,
than the constant efforts made by all of them, from the
Secretary of the Treasury down to the humblest coadjutor, to
impress upon the public mind, the idea that national prosperity
and individual wealth are to be derived, not from individual
industry and economy, but from government bounties. An idea
more fatal to liberty could not be inculcated. I said, on another
occasion, that the days of Roman liberty were numbered when
the people consented to receive bread from the public
granaries. From that moment it was not the patriot who had
shown the greatest capacity and made the greatest sacrifices to
serve the republic, but the demagogue who would promise to
distribute most profusely the spoils of the plundered provinces,
that was elevated to office by a degenerate and mercenary
populace. Every thing became venal, even in the country of
Fabricius, until finally the empire itself was sold at public
auction! And what, sir, is the nature and tendency of the system
we are discussing? It bears an analogy, but too lamentably
striking, to that which corrupted the republican purity of the
Roman people. God forbid that it should consummate its
triumph over the public liberty, by a similar catastrophe, though
even that is an event by no means improbable, if we continue to
legislate periodically in this way, and to connect the election of
our Chief Magistrate with the question of dividing out the spoils
of certain States—degraded into Roman provinces—among the
influential capitalists of the other States of this Union! Sir, when
I consider that, by a single act like the present, from five to ten
millions of dollars may be transferred annually from one part of
the community to another; when I consider the disguise of
disinterested patriotism under which the basest and most
profligate ambition may perpetrate such an act of injustice and
political prostitution, I cannot hesitate, for a moment, to
 pronounce this very system of indirect bounties, the most
stupendous instrument of corruption ever placed in the hands of
public functionaries. It brings ambition and avarice and wealth
into a combination, which it is fearful to contemplate, because it
is almost impossible to resist. Do we not perceive, at this very
moment, the extraordinary and melancholy spectacle of less
than one hundred thousand capitalists, by means of this
unhallowed combination, exercising an absolute and despotic
control over the opinions of eight millions of free citizens, and
the fortunes and destinies of ten millions? Sir, I will not
anticipate or forebode evil. I will not permit myself to believe
that the Presidency of the United States will ever be bought and
sold, by this system of bounties and prohibitions. But I must say
that there are certain quarters of this Union in which, if a
candidate for the Presidency were to come forward with the
Harrisburg tariff in his hand, nothing could resist his
pretensions, if his adversary were opposed to this unjust system
of oppression. Yes, sir, that bill would be a talisman which would
give a charmed existence to the candidate who would pledge
himself to support it. And although he were covered with all the
"multiplying villanies of nature," the most immaculate patriot
and profound statesman in the nation could hold no competition
with him, if he should refuse to grant this new species of
imperial donative."

Allusions were constantly made to the combination of

manufacturing capitalists and politicians in pressing this bill. There
was evidently foundation for the imputation. The scheme of it had
been conceived in a convention of manufacturers in the State of
Pennsylvania, and had been taken up by politicians, and was pushed
as a party measure, and with the visible purpose of influencing the
presidential election. In fact these tariff bills, each exceeding the
other in its degree of protection, had become a regular appendage
of our presidential elections—coming round in every cycle of four
years, with that returning event. The year 1816 was the starting
point: 1820, and 1824, and now 1828, having successively renewed
the measure, with successive augmentations of duties. The South
believed itself impoverished to enrich the North by this system; and
certainly a singular and unexpected result had been seen in these
two sections. In the colonial state, the Southern were the rich part
of the colonies, and expected to do well in a state of independence.
They had the exports, and felt secure of their prosperity: not so of
the North, whose agricultural resources were few, and who expected
privations from the loss of British favor. But in the first half century
after Independence this expectation was reversed. The wealth of the
North was enormously aggrandized: that of the South had declined.
Northern towns had become great cities: Southern cities had
decayed, or become stationary; and Charleston, the principal port of
the South, was less considerable than before the Revolution. The
North became a money-lender to the South, and southern citizens
made pilgrimages to northern cities, to raise money upon the
hypothecation of their patrimonial estates. And this in the face of a
southern export since the Revolution to the value of eight hundred
millions of dollars!—a sum equal to the product of the Mexican
mines since the days of Cortez! and twice or thrice the amount of
their product in the same fifty years. The Southern States attributed
this result to the action of the federal government—its double action
of levying revenue upon the industry of one section of the Union and
expending it in another—and especially to its protective tariffs. To
some degree this attribution was just, but not to the degree
assumed; which is evident from the fact that the protective system
had then only been in force for a short time—since the year 1816;
and the reversed condition of the two sections of the Union had
commenced before that time. Other causes must have had some
effect: but for the present we look to the protective system; and,
without admitting it to have done all the mischief of which the South
complained, it had yet done enough to cause it to be condemned by
every friend to equal justice among the States—by every friend to
the harmony and stability of the Union—by all who detested
sectional legislation—by every enemy to the mischievous
combination of partisan politics with national legislation. And this
was the feeling with the mass of the democratic members who voted
for the tariff of 1828, and who were determined to act upon that
feeling upon the overthrow of the political party which advocated the
protective system; and which overthrow they believed to be certain
at the ensuing presidential election.
 CHAPTER XXXV.
THE PUBLIC LANDS—THEIR PROPER
DISPOSITION—GRADUATED PRICES—PRE-
EMPTION RIGHTS—DONATIONS TO SETTLERS.
About the year 1785 the celebrated Edmund Burke brought a bill
into the British House of Commons for the sale of the crown lands,
in which he laid down principles in political economy, in relation to
such property, profoundly sagacious in themselves, applicable to all
sovereign landed possessions, whether of kings or republics—
applicable in all countries—and nowhere more applicable and less
known or observed, than in the United States. In the course of the
speech in support of his bill he said:

"Lands sell at the current rate, and nothing can sell for more.
But be the price what it may; a great object is always answered,
whenever any property is transferred from hands which are not
fit for that property, to those that are. The buyer and the seller
must mutually profit by such a bargain; and, what rarely
happens in matters of revenue, the relief of the subject will go
hand in hand with the profit of the Exchequer. * * * The
revenue to be derived from the sale of the forest lands will not
be so considerable as many have imagined; and I conceive it
would be unwise to screw it up to the utmost, or even to suffer
bidders to enhance, according to their eagerness, the purchase
of objects, wherein the expense of that purchase may weaken
the capital to be employed in their cultivation. * * * The
principal revenue which I propose to draw from these
uncultivated wastes, is to spring from the improvement and
population of the kingdom; events infinitely more advantageous
 to the revenues of the crown than the rents of the best landed
estate which it can hold. * * * It is thus I would dispose of the
unprofitable landed estates of the crown: throw them into the
mass of private property: by which they will come, through the
course of circulation and through the political secretions of the
State into well-regulated revenue. * * * Thus would fall an
expensive agency, with all the influence which attends it."

I do not know how old, or rather, how young I was, when I first
took up the notion that sales of land by a government to its own
citizens, and to the highest bidder, was false policy; and that
gratuitous grants to actual settlers was the true policy, and their
labor the true way of extracting national wealth and strength from
the soil. It might have been in childhood, when reading the Bible,
and seeing the division of the promised land among the children of
Israel: it might have been later, and in learning the operation of the
feudal system in giving lands to those who would defend them: it
might have been in early life in Tennessee, in seeing the fortunes
and respectability of many families derived from the 640 acre head-
rights which the State of North Carolina had bestowed upon the first
settlers. It was certainly before I had read the speech of Burke from
which the extract above is taken; for I did not see that speech until
1826; and seventeen years before that time, when a very young
member of the General Assembly of Tennessee, I was fully imbued
with the doctrine of donations to settlers, and acted upon the
principle that was in me, as far as the case admitted, in advocating
the pre-emption claims of the settlers on Big and Little Pigeon,
French Broad, and Nolichucky. And when I came to the then
Territory of Missouri in 1815, and saw land exposed to sale to the
highest bidder, and lead mines and salt springs reserved from sale,
and rented out for the profit of the federal treasury, I felt
repugnance to the whole system, and determined to make war upon
it whenever I should have the power. The time came round with my
election to the Senate of the United States in 1820: and the years
1824, '26, and '28, found me doing battle for an ameliorated system
of disposing of our public lands; and with some success. The pre-
emption system was established, though at first the pre-emption
claimant was stigmatized as a trespasser, and repulsed as a criminal;
the reserved lead mines and salt springs, in the State of Missouri,
were brought into market, like other lands; iron ore lands, intended
to have been withheld from sale, were rescued from that fate, and
brought into market. Still the two repulsive features of the federal
land system—sales to the highest bidder, and donations to no one—
with an arbitrary minimum price which placed the cost of all lands,
good and bad, at the same uniform rate (after the auctions were
over), at one dollar twenty-five cents per acre. I resolved to move
against the whole system, and especially in favor of graduated
prices, and donations to actual and destitute settlers. I did so in a
bill, renewed annually for a long time; and in speeches which had
more effect upon the public mind than upon the federal legislation—
counteracted as my plan was by schemes of dividing the public
lands, or the money arising from their sale, among the States. It was
in support of one of these bills that I produced the authority of
Burke in the extract quoted; and no one took its spirit and letter
more promptly and entirely than President Jackson. He adopted the
principle fully, and in one of his annual messages to Congress
recommended that, as soon as the public (revolutionary) debt
should be discharged (to the payment of which the lands ceded by
the States were pledged), that they should CEASE TO BE A SUBJECT OF
REVENUE, AND BE DISPOSED OF CHIEFLY WITH A VIEW TO SETTLEMENT AND
CULTIVATION.His terms of service expired soon after the extinction of
the debt, so that he had not an opportunity to carry out his wise and
beneficent design.
Mr. Burke considered the revenue derived from the sale of crown
lands as a trifle, and of no account, compared to the amount of
revenue derivable from the same lands through their settlement and
cultivation. He was profoundly right! and provably so, both upon
reason and experience. The sale of the land is a single operation.
Some money is received, and the cultivation is disabled to that
extent from its improvement and cultivation. The cultivation is
perennial, and the improved condition of the farmer enables him to
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