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Name: __________________________ Date: _____________

1. Indicate the expected major product of the following reaction:

Cl NaOEt
CH3 ?
CH3

A)
OEt
CH3
CH3
B)
CH 3

CH 3
C)
CH3

CH3
D)
CH 3
OEt
CH 3
E)
CH2

CH3

Page 1
2. If the concentration of NaOH is doubled in the following reaction, what will happen to
the reaction rate?
H CH3
NaOH H

Br H

A) no change
B) double
C) quadruple
D) cut in half
E) None of the above.

3. The major product of the following reaction conditions will result from:
CH3CH2 CH3
NaN3
Br ?

A) SN2
B) SN1
C) E2
D) E1
E) there is no way to know

4. Which of the following is the least nucleophilic base?

A) (CH3CH2)3N
B)

N
C)

N
D)

N
E)

Page 2
5. To which side, if any, would the following equilibrium lie? (Do not consider any further
reactions here.)
CH3 CH3

H3C C Br H3C C+ + Br
-
CH3 CH3

A) to the left
B) to the right
C) equally to the right and left
D) there is no way to tell
E) this reaction cannot occur at all

6. What would be the major organic product of the following reaction?

K+ -OC(CH3)3
CH2Cl
?
HOC(CH3)3

A) CH2OC(CH3)3

B) CH3

OC(CH 3)3

C) CH3

D) CH2

E) CH2OH

Page 3
7. Which would be true of the following reactions?

A) cis would react faster

B) trans would react faster
C) cis and trans would react at the same rates
D) no reaction is expected under these conditions
E) the product shown would not be formed

8. Which of the haloalkanes below would you expect to most rapidly undergo the reaction
shown?
H2O
RX ROH + HX
acetone
A) CH3CH2Br
B) CH3Br
C) (CH3)3CBr
D) CH3CHBrCH3
E) Br

9. Which of the bases below would be best to accomplish the following reaction?

?
CH2 CH2 CH2Br
CH2 CH CH2

A) CH3O– Na+
B) CH3CH2O– Na+
C) (CH3)2CHO– Na+
D) (CH3)3CO– Na+
E) Na+ –OH

Page 4
10. Which of the following molecules will readily undergo an elimination reaction when
treated with NaOCH3?
A)
Br

B)

Cl
C)

Br

D) H

Br

E) None of the above.

11. Which mechanism proceeds with inversion of configuration?

A) bimolecular elimination (E2)
B) unimolecular elimination (E1)
C) unimolecular substitution (SN1)
D) bimolecular substitution (SN2)
E) free-radical halogenation

Page 5
12. Which of the cyclohexyl bromides would you expect to react the fastest in the following
reaction?
CH3O- Na+
alkyl bromide ?
CH3OH
A) H

Br
H
H
D
B) H

Br
D
H
H
C) Br

H
H
H
D
D) Br

H
D
H
H
E) All would react at the same rate.

Page 6
13. Predict the major product of the following SN1 reaction:
Br Ph EtOH
?

A) EtO Ph

B) Ph

C) Ph

D) Ph OEt

E)

14. Which one of the following would undergo E2 elimination most rapidly?
A)

Br
B)

Br
C)
Br

D) Br

E) All would react at the same rate.

Page 7
15. Which of the nucleophiles shown below would not cause an E2 elimination as the
predominant reaction?

Cl Nu
?

A) NaNH2
B) CH3CH2OH
C) -CN
D) -OH
E) CH3O-

16. How many alkene products are possible in the following reaction?

A) None; cannot eliminate

B) One
C) Two
D) Three
E) Four

17. Solvolysis of 2-bromo-2-methylpropane occurs through what mechanism?

A) SN2
B) E1
C) E2
D) SN1
E) A and C

Page 8
18. Predict the major product of the following reaction:

CH3
Ethanol
H3C Br
heat
CH3

A) H CH 3

H CH 3 only
B) CH3

H3C OH

CH3
C) CH 3

H 3C OEt

CH 3
only
D) H3C CH CH CH3
E) CH 3
H CH 3
H 3C OEt

H CH 3 and CH 3

Page 9
19. (S)-1-bromo-1-fluoroethane reacts with NaOMe to give:

1 Eq. NaOMe
H 3C CHBrF

A) Br
CH2
H
B) F
CH2
H
C) CH3CHFOCH3
D) CH3CHBrOCH3
E) CH3CH(OCH3)2

Page 10
20. Predict the product of reaction of the following deuterated compound.

H
CH3 NaOCH3
Br
MeOH
H
D H

A) H

CH3

H
B) H

CH3

D
C) CH3

H
H D
D) H
CH3
OCH 3
H
D H
E) H
CH3
H
OCH 3
D H

Page 11
21. Rank the following carbocations according to their increasing stability.

A) A<B<C<D
B) A<C<B<D
C) C<A<B<D
D) A<C<D<B
E) None of the above.

22. Rank the following according to their increasing reactivity with water.
CH3 CH2Br CH3 Br (CH3)3 CBr (CH3)2 CHBr
A) CH3Br < CH3CH2Br < (CH3)3CBr < ( CH3)2CHBr
B) CH3Br < CH3CH2Br < ( CH3)2CHBr < (CH3)3CBr
C) (CH3)3CBr < ( CH3)2CHBr < CH3CH2Br < CH3Br
D) All of these will react with water at the same rate.
E) None of the above will react with water.

Page 12
23. For the transformation below, give the structure of the starting material.
LiN OLi
CH3
? 2
CH3
O

A) O
CH3
CH3

B) OH

C) OH
CH2

D) OH
CH3
CH3

E) OCH3
CH3
CH3

24. For the transformation below, give the structure of the starting material.

NaOCH3 H CH3

? HOCH3 H3C CH3

A) Br

B) Br

C)
Br
D) Br

Br
E) Both B and C will provide the product shown.

Page 13
25. For the transformation of norepinephrine to epinephrine (adrenaline), what is the likely
mechanism?

A) SN1
B) SN2
C) E1
D) E2
E) both A and B are likely

Page 14
Answer Key
1. E
2. B
3. B
4. E
5. A
6. D
7. A
8. C
9. D
10. C
11. D
12. D
13. E
14. A
15. B
16. C
17. D
18. E
19. C
20. A
21. D
22. B
23. D
24. E
25. B

Page 15
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IM PER IAL ISM AN D
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(1876—1887)

COMPILED BY

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NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

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 TA B L E O F C O N T E N TS
PAGE
Introduction v
DATE
1876. Purchase of the Suez Canal Shares 1
1876. England, Russia, and Afghanistan 3
1876. The Queen as Empress of India 5
1876. Bulgarian Atrocities 8
I. Thunder from Mr. Gladstone 8
II. Cold Water from Disraeli 11
1877. Sir Theophilus Shepstone's Commission 15
1877. Russia declares War on Turkey 16
1877. Irish Obstruction in its Early Days 17
1877. Plevna after the Siege 18
1878. Strained Relations with Russia 21
1878. Peace with Honour 24
1878. The Secret Agreements in Beaconsfield's Pockets 25
1878. Gladstone Indignant Again 27
1878. Russian Intrigue at Cabul 28
1878. Shere Ali 30
1879. Death of Shere Ali 31
1879. The Gandamak Treaty 31
1879. The Cabul Massacre 32
1879. The Midlothian Campaign 35
1880. Beaconsfield keeps Cool 37
1880. The Maiwand Disaster 37
1880. The Bradlaugh Case 40
1880. Social Ameliorations 40
Employers' Liability 40
Funded Municipal Debt 41
Electric Light, The Telephone, New Hotels 42
1880. Parnell and the Land League 43
1880. Captain Boycott 44
1880. The Boer Rising 45
Proclamation 46
1881. Before Majuba 46
1881. After Majuba 47
1881. Ritual Controversy 48
1881. A Short Way with Obstruction 49
1881. The Death of Beaconsfield 50
1881. The Withdrawal from Candahar 51
1881. The Salvation Army 54
1881. Arabi 54
1882. The First Closure 56
1882. Bimetallism 56
1882. Bright's Resignation 57
1883. The Ilbert Bill 58
1883. Fenians Again 58
1883. The Mahdi 59
1883. End of Carey the Informer 61
1883. Slaughter of Hicks Pasha's Army 62
1884. Transvaal Convention 65
1884. Gordon's Mission to Khartoum 66
1884. Difficulties of Gordon's Character 69
1884. Zobeir Pasha 71
1884. Some of Gordon's Telegrams 73
1884. Cross Purposes 75
1884. Gordon's Position 78
1884. Gordon's Own Meditations 80
1884. The Franchise and Redistribution 82
1884. Feeding Poor School Children 83
1885. The Death of Gordon 83
1885. The Government's Responsibility 87
1885. The Vote of Censure 87
1885. More Fenianism 90
1885. New Labour Movements 91
1885. The Unemployed 92
1885. Working Men Magistrates 93
1885. Tory Olive-Branch to Ireland 93
1885. The First Submarine 96
1885. The Unauthorized Programme 97
1885. The Irish Vote 98
1885. The New Electorate 100
1886. The Opening of the Rift 101
1886. "Ulster will Fight" 102
1886. Salisbury on Home Rule 104
1886. Mr. Gladstone's Appeal 106
1886. Liberal Unionism 107
1886. The Unemployed Riots 107
1886. Bimetallism and Labour Disputes 109
1886. Pasteur and Hydrophobia 110
1886. The Final Home Rule Rupture 110
1887. The Coming of Technical Education 112
1887. The First "Guillotine" Closure 113
1887. Jubilee Retrospects 114
1887. "Remember Mitchelstown" 118
1887. "Bloody Sunday" 119
1887. First Report on the Rand 120
 IMPERIALISM AND MR.
G LA D S TO N E
(1876—1887)

PURCHASE OF THE SUEZ CANAL SHARES (1876).

Source.—Hansard, Third Series, vol. 227, col. 95 (Debate on the Address,
February, 1876).
Mr. Disraeli: ... When we acceded to office two years ago an
International Commission had only just ceased its labours at
Constantinople upon the dues of the Suez Canal, and upon the
means of ascertaining and maintaining a limit of them, and it had
arrived at reasons entirely protested against by the proprietary.
What was the state of affairs there? Lord Derby had to deal with
them. The proprietary of the canal threatened, and not only
threatened, but proceeded, to stop the canal. They refused pilots;
they threatened to change the signals; they took steps which would
have interrupted that mode of intercourse with India.... From that
moment it became a matter of interest to those responsible for the
government of this country to see what could be done to remedy
those relations with the Suez Canal.... But it suddenly comes to our
knowledge that the Khedive, on whose influence we mainly
depended, is going to part with his shares. We received a telegram
from Cairo informing us that the Khedive was anxious to raise a
considerable sum of money upon his shares in the Suez Canal, and
offered them to England. We considered the question immediately,
and it appeared to us to be a complicated transaction—one to which
there were several objections; and we sent back to say that we were
favourably disposed to assist the Khedive, but that at the same time
we were only prepared to purchase the shares outright. What was
the answer? The answer was that the Khedive was resolved, if he
possibly could, to keep his shares, and that he could only therefore
avail himself of a loan. There matters seemed to end. Then suddenly
there came news to the Government of this country that a French
society—Société Générale—was prepared to offer the Khedive a
large sum of money—very little inferior to the four millions—but on
very onerous conditions. The Khedive communicated with us, and
said that the conditions were so severe that he would sooner sell the
shares outright, and—which I had forgotten to mention—that, in
deference to his promise that England should always have the
refusal of the shares if he decided to sell them, he offered them to
the English Government. It was absolutely necessary to decide at
that moment what course we should take. It was not a thing on
which we could hesitate.... To pretend that Lord Derby has treated
this business as a mere commercial speculation is idle. If he did not
act in accordance with the principles of high policy, I should like to
know what high policy is, and how a man can pursue it.
Apart from looking upon this as an investment, if the shares had
been offered, and if there had been no arrangement of paying
interest for nineteen years, so far as I am concerned, I should have
been in favour of the purchase of the shares. I should have agreed
with Lord Derby in thinking that England would never be satisfied if
all the shares of the Suez Canal were possessed by a foreign
company. Then it is said, if any obstacles had been put in your way
by the French proprietors of the canal, you know very well that
ultimately it must come to force, and you will then obtain at once
the satisfaction of your desire. Well, if the government of the world
was a mere alternation between abstract right and overwhelming
force, I agree there is a good deal in that observation; but that is
not the way in which the world is governed. The world is governed
by conciliation, compromise, influence, varied interests, the
recognition of the rights of others, coupled with the assertion of
one's own; and, in addition, a general conviction, resulting from
explanation and good understanding, that it is for the interests of all
parties that matters should be conducted in a satisfactory and
peaceful manner.... I cannot doubt that the moral influence of
England possessing two-fifths of the shares in this great undertaking
must have made itself felt, must have a considerable influence upon
the conduct of those who manage the company.... England is a
Mediterranean Power; a great Mediterranean Power. This is shown
by the fact that in time of war always, and frequently in time of
peace, she has the greatest force upon those waters. Furthermore,
she has strongholds upon those waters which she will never
relinquish. The policy of England, however, is not one of aggression.
It is not provinces she wants. She will not interest herself in the
redistribution of territory on the shores of the Mediterranean, as long
as the redistribution does not imperil the freedom of the seas and
the dominion which she legitimately exercises. And therefore I look
upon this, that in the great chain of fortresses which we possess,
almost from the Metropolis to India, that the Suez Canal is a means
of securing the free intercourse of the waters, is a great addition to
that security, and one we should prize.

ENGLAND, RUSSIA, AND AFGHANISTAN (1876).

Source.—Parliamentary Publications, "Afghanistan," C 2, 190, of 1878, p.
156.
Extract from Lord Salisbury's Despatch to the Viceroy of India,
dated February 28, 1876.
The increasing weakness and uncertainty of British influence in
Afghanistan constitutes a prospective peril to British interests; the
deplorable interruption of it in Khelat inflicts upon them an
immediate inconvenience by involving the cessation of all effective
control over the turbulent and predatory habits of the trans-Indus
tribes. In view of these considerations, Her Majesty's Government
have ... instructed the Viceroy to find an early occasion for sending
to Cabul a temporary mission, furnished with such instructions as
may, perhaps, enable it to overcome the Ameer's apparent
reluctance to the establishment of permanent British Agencies in
Afghanistan, by convincing His Highness that the Government of
India is ... willing to afford him material support in the defence of his
territories from any actual and unprovoked external aggression, but
that it cannot practically avert or provide for such a contingency
without timely and unrestricted permission to place its own agents in
those parts of his dominions whence they may best watch the
course of events. It appears to Her Majesty's Government that the
present moment is favourable for the execution of this last-
mentioned instruction. The Queen's assumption of the Imperial title
in relation to Her Majesty's Indian subjects, feudatories, and allies
will now for the first time conspicuously transfer to her Indian
dominion, in form as well as in fact, the supreme authority of the
Indian Empire.... The maintenance in Afghanistan of a strong and
friendly power has at all times been the object of British policy. The
attainment of this object is now to be considered with due reference
to the situation created by the recent and rapid advance of the
Russian arms in Central Asia towards the Northern frontiers of British
India. Her Majesty's Government cannot view with complete
indifference the probable influence of that situation upon the
uncertain character of an Oriental Chief whose ill-defined dominions
are thus brought, within a steadily narrowing circle, between the
conflicting pressures of two great military Empires, one of which
expostulates and remains passive, whilst the other apologizes and
continues to move forward. It is well known that not only the English
newspapers, but also all works published in England upon Indian
questions, are rapidly translated for the information of the Ameer,
and carefully studied by His Highness. Sentiments of irritation and
alarm at the advancing power of Russia in Central Asia find frequent
expression through the English press, in language which, if taken by
Shere Ali for a revelation of the mind of the English Government,
must have long been accumulating in his mind impressions
unfavourable to its confidence in British power.... Her Majesty's
Government would not, therefore, view with indifference any
attempt on the part of Russia to compete with British influence in
Afghanistan, nor could the Ameer's reception of a British Agent
(whatever be the official rank or function of that Agent) in any part
of the dominions of His Highness afford for his subsequent reception
of a Russian Agent any pretext to which the Government of Her
Majesty would not be entitled to, except as incompatible with the
assurances spontaneously offered to it by the Cabinet of St.
Petersburg. You will bear in mind these facts when framing
instructions for your mission to Cabul.... The conduct of Shere Ali
has more than once been characterized by so significant a disregard
of the wishes and interests of the Government of India that the
irretrievable alienation of his confidence in the sincerity and power of
that Government is a contingency which cannot be dismissed as
impossible. Should such a fear be confirmed by the result of the
proposed negotiation, no time must be lost in reconsidering, from a
new point of view, the policy to be pursued in reference to
Afghanistan.

THE QUEEN AS EMPRESS OF INDIA (1876).

Source.—Hansard, Third Series, vol. 227, col. 1,736 (Debate on Royal
Titles Bill, March 9, 1876).
Mr. Gladstone: ... In my opinion this is a matter of the greatest
importance. We have had some declarations in this House with
respect to India. The hon. member for West Cumberland (Mr. Percy
Wyndham), on the night when the right hon. gentleman first made
his proposal, said that an Imperial title would be the one most
suitable, because it would signify that Her Majesty governed India
without the restraints of law or constitution.
Mr. Percy Wyndham: I said that the Government of India was a
despotic Government, not in the hands of one person, and not, as in
this country, a constitutional Government in the hands of the Queen
and the Houses of Lords and Commons. The Government of India is
essentially a despotic Government as administered by us, although it
includes more than one individual.
Mr. Gladstone: I am very much obliged, and I perceive completely
the hon. member's meaning; but I am sorry that to that meaning, as
it stands, I take the greatest objection. If it be true—and it is true—
that we govern India without the restraints of law, except such law
as we make ourselves; if it be true that we have not been able to
give to India the benefit and blessings of free institutions, I leave it
to the hon. gentleman—I leave it to the right hon. gentleman if he
thinks fit—to boast that he is about to place that fact solemnly upon
record. By the assumption of the title of Empress, I for one will not
attempt to turn into glory that which, so far as it is true, I feel to be
our weakness and our calamity.... It is plain that the government of
India—that is, the entire India—never has yet, by statute, been
vested in Her Majesty; but that which has been vested is the
government of the countries which were held in trust for Her
Majesty by the East India Company. I would be the last man to raise
this question if it were a mere verbal quibble. It is as far as possible
from being a question merely verbal.... I am under the belief that to
this moment there are important Princes and States in India over
which we have never assumed dominion, whatever may have been
our superiority of strength. We are now going, by Act of Parliament,
to assume that dominion, the possible consequences of which no
man can foresee; and when the right hon. gentleman tells us the
Princes desire this change to be made, does he really mean to
assure us that this is the case? If so, I require distinct evidence of
the fact. There are Princes in India who, no doubt, have hitherto
enjoyed no more than a theoretical political supremacy, but do they
desire to surrender even that under the provisions of this Bill? The
right hon. gentleman is going to advise the Queen to become
Empress of India. I raise the question, What is India? I have said
that the dominion now vested in Her Majesty is limited to the
territories vested in the East India Company. I ask whether the
supremacy of certain important Native States in India ever was
vested in the Company, or whether it was not? We are bound to ask
the right hon. gentleman—and I think he is bound to answer the
question through the medium of his best legal authorities—whether
this supremacy is so vested or not, and whether he can assure us
upon his responsibility that no political change in the condition of the
Native Princes of India will be effected by this Bill. If there is a
political change effected, I do not hesitate to say I do not think it
would be possible to offer too determined an opposition to the
proposal of the Government.... I feel with the right hon. gentleman
—indeed, I feel a little more than the right hon. gentleman—the
greatness, the unsullied greatness, of the title which is now borne by
the Queen of England. I think I use the language of moderation
when I say that it is a title unequalled for its dignity and weight,
unequalled for the glory of its historic associations, unequalled for
the promise which it offers to the future, among the titles of the
Sovereigns of Europe, among all the states and nations on earth. Sir,
I have a jealousy of touching that title, and I am not to be told that
this is a small matter. There is nothing small in a matter, in my
judgment, which touches the honour and dignity of the Crown of
England.... The right hon. gentleman has indeed manfully contended
that there is no inferiority in the title of King as compared with that
of Emperor.... I want to know why I am to be dragged into novelties,
or into comparisons on a subject of this sort?... There is one other
point on which I am anxious to make a few comments. I was, I own,
struck by what fell from my right hon. friend the member for the
University of London (Mr. Lowe) the other evening in reference to
the colonies. Whether it be desirable to make any recital with regard
to the colonies or not, it is a subject which requires much
consideration whether we can wisely introduce reference to India in
the title of the Sovereign, while we at the same time take no notice
of the colonies.

BULGARIAN ATROCITIES (1876).

 I. T h u n d e r from Mr. Gladstone.
Source.—Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet, Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of
the East, 1876, p. 10.
In default of Parliamentary action, and a public concentrated as
usual, we must proceed as we can, with impaired means of appeal.
But honour, duty, compassion, and I must add shame, are
sentiments never in a state of coma. The working-men of the
country, whose condition is less affected than that of others by the
season, have to their honour led the way, and shown that the great
heart of Britain has not ceased to beat. And the large towns and
cities, now following in troops, are echoing back, each from its own
place, the mingled notes of horror, pain, and indignation.... A curtain
opaque and dense, which at the prorogation had been lifted but a
few inches from the ground, has since then, from day to day, been
slowly rising. And what a scene it has disclosed! And where!
... I have the fullest confidence in the honour and in the
intelligence of Mr. Baring, who has been inquiring on behalf of
England. But he was not sent to examine the matter until the 19th
of July, three months after the rising, and nearly one month after
the first inquiries in Parliament. He had been but two days at
Philippopolis, when he sent home, with all the despatch he could
use, some few rudiments of a future report. Among them was his
estimate of the murders, necessarily far from final, at the figure of
twelve thousand.
We know that we had a well-manned Embassy at Constantinople,
and a network of Consulates and Vice-Consulates, really discharging
diplomatic duties, all over the provinces of European Turkey. That
villages could be burned down by scores, and men, women, and
children murdered, or worse than murdered, by thousands, in a
Turkish province lying between the capital and the scene of the
recent excitements, and that our Embassy and Consulates could
know nothing of it? The thing was impossible. It could not be. So
silence was obtained, and relief; and the well-oiled machinery of our
luxurious, indifferent life worked smoothly on....
 It was on the 20th of April that the insurrection broke out in
Bulgaria.... On the 9th of May Sir Henry Elliot ... observing a great
Mohammedan excitement, and an extensive purchase of arms in
Constantinople, wisely telegraphed to the British Admiral in the
Mediterranean expressing a desire that he would bring his squadron
to Besika Bay. The purpose was for the protection of British subjects,
and of the Christians in general.... These measures were
substantially wise, and purely pacific. They had, if understood
rightly, no political aspect, or, if any, one rather anti-Turkish than
Turkish. But there were reasons, and strong reasons, why the public
should not have been left to grope out for itself the meaning of a
step so serious as the movement of a naval squadron towards a
country disturbed both by revolt and by an outbreak of murderous
fanaticism. In the year 1853, when the negotiations with Russia had
assumed a gloomy and almost a hopeless aspect, the English and
French fleets were sent eastwards; not as a measure of war, but as a
measure of preparation for war, and proximate to war. The
proceedings marked a transition of discussion into that angry stage
which immediately precedes a blow; and the place, to which the
fleets were then sent, was Besika Bay. In the absence of
information, how could the British nation avoid supposing that the
same act, as that done in 1853, bore also the same meaning?... The
expectation of a rupture pervaded the public mind. The Russian
funds fell very heavily, under a war panic; partisans exulted in a
diplomatic victory, and in the increase of what is called our prestige,
the bane, in my opinion, of all upright politics. The Turk was
encouraged in his humour of resistance. And this, as we now know,
while his hands were so reddened with Bulgarian blood. Foreign
capitals were amazed at the martial excitement in London. But the
Government spoke never a word.... And this ostentatious protection
to Turkey, this wanton disturbance of Europe, was continued by our
Ministry, with what I must call a strange perversity, for weeks and
weeks....
What we have to guard against is imposture—that Proteus with a
thousand forms. A few months ago the new Sultan served the turn,
and very well. Men affirmed that he must have time. And now
another new Sultan is in the offing. I suppose it will be argued that
he must have time too. Then there will be, perhaps, new
constitutions; firmans of reforms; proclamations to commanders of
Turkish armies, enjoining extra humanity. All these should be quietly
set down as simply zero. At this moment we hear of the adoption by
the Turks of the last and most enlightened rule of warfare—namely,
the Geneva Convention. They might just as well adopt the Vatican
Council or the British Constitution. All these things are not even the
oysters before the dinner. Still worse is any plea founded upon any
reports made by Turkish authority upon the Bulgarian outrages.... I
return to, and I end with, that which is the Omega as well as the
Alpha of this great and most mournful case. An old servant of the
Crown and State, I entreat my countrymen, upon whom far more
than perhaps any other people of Europe it depends, to require, and
to insist, that our Government, which has been working in one
direction, shall work in the other, and shall apply all its vigour to
concur with the other States of Europe in obtaining the extinction of
the Turkish executive power in Bulgaria. Let the Turks now carry
away their abuses in the only possible manner—namely, by carrying
off themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and
their Yuzbachis, their Kaimakams and their Pashas, one and all, bag
and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province they have
desolated and profaned. This thorough riddance, this most blessed
deliverance, is the only reparation we can make to the memory of
those heaps on heaps of dead; to the violated purity alike of matron,
of maiden, and of child; to the civilization which has been affronted
and shamed; to the laws of God, or, if you like, of Allah; to the moral
sense of mankind at large. There is not a criminal in a European
gaol, there is not a cannibal in the South Sea Islands, whose
indignation would not rise and overboil at the recital of that which
has been done, which has left behind all the foul and all the fierce
passions that produced it, and which may again spring up, in
another murderous harvest, from the soil soaked and reeking with
blood, and in the air tainted with every imaginable deed of crime
and shame.
 II. C o l d W at e r from Disraeli.
Source.—Hansard, Third Series, vol. 231, col. 1,138, August 11, 1876 (Third
Reading of the Appropriation Bill; Bulgarian Atrocities raised).
Mr. Disraeli: ... Let me at once place before the House what I
believe is the true view of the circumstances which principally
interest us to-night, for, after the Rhodian eloquence to which we
have just listened, it is rather difficult for the House to see clearly
the point which is before it. The Queen's Ambassador at
Constantinople, who has at all times no easy duty to fulfil, found
himself at the end of April and in the first three weeks of May in a
position of extreme difficulty and danger. Affairs in Constantinople
never had assumed—at least in our time, certainly—a more perilous
character. It was difficult to ascertain what was going to happen; but
that something was going to happen, and something of a character
which might disturb the relations of the Porte with all the Powers of
Europe, and might even bring about a revolution, the effect of which
would be felt in distant countries, there was no doubt.... In the
present instance the hon. and learned gentleman has made one
assumption throughout his speech—that there has been no
communication whatever between the Queen's Ambassador at
Constantinople and Her Majesty's Ministers upon the subject in
discussion; that we never heard of those affairs until the newspapers
published accounts. The state of the facts is the reverse. From the
very first period that these transactions occurred—from the very
commencement—the Ambassador was in constant communication
with Her Majesty's Ministers. (No, no.) Why, that may be proved by
the papers on the table. Throughout the months of May and June
the Ambassador is constantly referring to the atrocities occurring in
Bulgaria and to the repeated protests which he is making to the
Turkish Government, and informing Her Majesty's Government of
interviews and conversations with the Grand Vizier on that subject.
The hon. and learned gentleman says that when questions were
addressed to me in this House I was perfectly ignorant of what was
taking place. But that is exactly the question we have to settle to-
night. I say that we were not perfectly ignorant of what was taking
place.... I agree that even the slightest estimate of the horrors that
occurred in Bulgaria is quite enough to excite the indignation of this
country and of Parliament; but when you come to say that we were
ignorant of all that was occurring, and did nothing to counteract it,
because we said in answer to Questions that the information which
had reached us did not warrant the statements that were quoted in
the House—these are two entirely different questions. In the
newspaper which has been referred to the first account was, if I
recollect aright, that 30,000 or 32,000 persons had been slain; that
10,000 were in prison; it was also stated that 1,000 girls had been
sold in the open market, that 40 girls had been burnt alive in a
stable; and cartloads of human heads paraded through the streets of
the cities of Bulgaria—these were some of, though not all, the
statements made; and I was perfectly justified in saying that the
information which had reached us did not justify these statements,
and therefore we believed them to be exaggerated.... Lord Derby
telegraphed to Sir Henry Elliot that it was very important that Her
Majesty's Government should be able to reply to the inquiries made
in Parliament respecting these and other statements, and directed
Sir Henry Elliot to inquire by telegram of the Consuls, and report as
soon as he could. All these statements are untrue. There never were
forty maidens locked up in a stable and burnt alive. That was
ascertained with great care by Mr. Baring, and I am surprised that
the right hon. gentleman the member for Bradford should still speak
of it as a statement in which he has confidence. I believe it to be an
entire fabrication. I believe also it is an entire fabrication that 1,000
young women were sold in the market as slaves. We have not
received the slightest evidence of a single sale, even in those
journals on which the right hon. gentleman the member for Bradford
founded his erratic speech. I have been attacked for saying that I
did not believe it was possible to have 10,000 persons in prison in
Bulgaria. So far as I can ascertain from the papers, there never
could have been more than 3,000. As to the 10,000 cases of torture,
what evidence is there of a single case of torture? We know very
well that there has been considerable slaughter; that there must
have been isolated and individual cases of most atrocious rapine,
and outrages of a most atrocious kind; but still we have had
communications with Sir Henry Elliot, and he has always assumed
from what he knew that these cases of individual rapine and outrage
were occurring. He knew that civil war there was carried on under
conditions of brutality which, unfortunately, are not unprecedented
in that country; and the question is whether the information we had
justified the extravagant statements made in Parliament, which no
one pretends to uphold and defend.... The hon. and learned member
(Sir W. Harcourt) has done full justice to the Bulgarian atrocities. He
has assumed as absolutely true everything that criticism and more
authentic information had modified, and in some cases had proved
not merely to be exaggeration but to be absolute falsehoods. And
then the hon. and learned gentleman says—"By your policy you have
depopulated a province." Well, sir, certainly the slaughter of 12,000
individuals, whether Turks or Bulgarians, whether they were
innocent peasants or even brigands, is a horrible event which no one
can think of without emotion. But when I remember that the
population of Bulgaria is 3,700,000 persons, and that it is a very
large country, is it not a most extravagant abuse of rhetoric to say
that the slaughter of so considerable a number as 12,000 is the
depopulation of a province? Well, the hon. and learned gentleman
said also that Her Majesty's Government had incurred a responsibility
which is not possessed by any other country as regards our relations
with and our influence with the Turks. I say that we have incurred
no responsibility which is not shared with us by all the other
contracting Powers to the Treaty of Paris. I utterly disclaim any
peculiar responsibility.... That an hon. and learned gentleman, once
a member of a Government and an ornament of that Government,
should counsel as the solution of all these difficulties that Her
Majesty's Government should enter into an immediate combination
to expel the Turkish nation from Eastern Europe does indeed
surprise me. And because we are not prepared to enter into a
scheme so quixotic as that would be, we are held up as having given
our moral, not to say our material, support to Turkey.... We are, it is
true, the allies of Turkey; so is Austria, so is Russia, so is France,
and so are others. We are also their partners in a tripartite Treaty, in