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MTEL Political Science
48
/ Political
Philosophy
Teacher Certification Exam

By: Sharon Wynne, M.S

Southern Connecticut State University

XAMonline, INC.
Boston
Copyright © 2007 XAMonline, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of the material protected by this copyright notice may
be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
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system, without written permission from the copyright holder.

To obtain permission(s) to use the material from this work for any purpose
including workshops or seminars, please submit a written request to:

XAMonline, Inc.
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Toll Free 1-800-301-4647
Email: [email protected]
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Fax: 1-781-662-9268
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Wynne, Sharon A.
Political Science/Political Philosophy 48: Teacher Certification / Sharon A. Wynne. -2nd ed.
ISBN 978-1-60787-837-7
1. Political Science/Political Philosophy 48. 2. Study Guides.
3. MTEL 4. Teachers’ Certification & Licensure. 5. Careers

Disclaimer:
The opinions expressed in this publication are the sole works of XAMonline and
were created independently from the National Education Association,
Educational Testing Service, or any State Department of Education, National
Evaluation Systems or other testing affiliates.

Between the time of publication and printing, state specific standards as well as
testing formats and website information may change that is not included in part or
in whole within this product. Sample test questions are developed by XAMonline
and reflect similar content as on real tests; however, they are not former tests.
XAMonline assembles content that aligns with state standards but makes no
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determined by testing companies such as NES or ETS and then are compared
with individual state standards. A passing score varies from state to state.

Printed in the United States of America

MTEL: Political Science/Political Philosophy 48

ISBN: 978-1-60787-837-7
 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Competencies/Skills # Pg.

1.0 Political science specialized terminology

1.1 The vocabulary of the American Government .................................. 1

1.2 The vocabulary for law studies ......................................................... 4

1.3 The vocabulary for international relations ......................................... 6

1.4 Other major political systems ........................................................... 8

2.0 Methods of presenting diagrammatic information

2.1 Understanding illustrations (maps, graphs, and charts) ................... 9

3.0 Methods of data gathering

3.1 The study of demography. demographic tables and statistics .......... 15

4.0 Information interpretation skills

4.1 Differentiating fact from opinion ........................................................ 17

4.2 The reliability of media sources ........................................................ 17

5.0 Knowledge of government

5.1 The functions of government ............................................................ 20

5.2 The origin of the "state" ................................................................... 21

5.3 Modern major philosophies of the nature of government .................. 25

5.4 Other important modern political ideologies ...................................... 32

6.0 Knowledge of factors affecting politics

6.1 The influence of geography, economics and culture on politics ....... 41

7.0 Knowledge of different governmental systems

7.1 Contrasting democracy, totalitarianism, and authoritarianism .......... 45

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY i

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Competencies/Skills Page Numbers

8.0 The American political system

8.1 The influence of the Magna Carta, Petition of Right and the
British Bill of Rights .......................................................................... 47

8.2 The influence of the Declaration of lndependence and the

Articles of Confederation .................................................................. 48

8.3 The philosophical basis of the Declaration of Independence ........... 49

8.4 Overview of the duties. responsibilities, and powers

of each branch of the government .................................................... 50

8.5 Understanding the ideas of delegated, implied, reserved,

and concurrent powers of the federal government and states .......... 52

8.6 The role and development of political parties in the United States .... 53

8.7 Elements of democratic suffrage and elections in the United States 56

9.0 Knowledge of the legal system

9.1 The jurisdiction of the court system at national and state levels........ 57

9.2 Identifying basic civil liberties and civil rights guaranteed

under the U.S. legal system ............................................................. 60

10.0 Knowledge of citizenship

10.1 The process of acquiring citizenship and basic responsibilities
of citizenship .................................................................................... 63

11.0 Knowledge of international relations

11.1 Understanding the evolution of U.S. foreign policy ........................... 65

Sample Questions ..................................................................................... 76

Answer Key ................................................................................................ 99

Bibliography ............................................................................................... 100

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY ii

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Competency 1.0 Political science specialized terminology

Skill 1.1 The vocabulary for American government

Amendment - An amendment is a change or addition to the United States

Constitution. Two-thirds of both houses of Congress must propose and then pass
one. Or two-thirds of the state legislatures must call a convention to propose one
and then it must be ratified by three-fourths of the state legislatures. To date there
are only 26 amendments to the Constitution that have passed. An amendment
may be used to cancel out a previous one such as the 18th Amendment (1919)
known as Prohibition, being canceled by the 21st Amendment (1933).

Articles of Confederation - The first American document that attempted to unite

the newly independent colonies after the Revolution. It proved to be unworkable. It
was superseded by the Constitution in 1787.

Australian Ballot - A device originated in Australia for choosing candidates for

public office. Distinct features include that it is prepared and handled by public
officials, paid for with public funds, is secret, and uniform in color and composition.
It was used in the United States before the introduction of voting machines in
1892.

Bill Of Rights - The first ten amendments to the United States Constitution
dealing with civil liberties and civil rights. They were written mostly by James
Madison. They are in brief:

1. Freedom of Religion.
2. Right To Bear Arms.
3. Security from the quartering of troops in homes.
4. Right against unreasonable search and seizures.
5. Right against self-incrimination.
6. Right to trial by jury, right to legal council.
7. Right to jury trial for civil actions.
8. No cruel or unusual punishment allowed.
9. These rights shall not deny other rights the people enjoy.
10. Powers not mentioned in the Constitution shall be retained by
the states or the people.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 1

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Checks and Balances - System set up by the Constitution in which each branch
of the federal government has the power to check, or limit the actions of other
branches.

Confederate States of America - The nation formed by the states that seceded
from the federal Union around 1860 and 1861. It ceased to exist after its loss in
the American Civil War in 1865.

Congress - In the United States it is the supreme legislative assembly. It is a

bicameral body, (one that consists of two parts), the House of Representatives
and the Senate.

Constitution - The written document that describes and defines the system and
structure of the United States government. Ratification of the Constitution by the
required number of states, (nine of the original thirteen), was completed on June
21, 1788, and thus the Constitution officially became the law of the land.

Constitutional Convention - Meeting of delegates from 12 states who wrote a

new constitution for the United States in 1787.

County - A unit of local government formerly known in Great Britain as "shire." All
states now have county governments except for Louisiana, (which prefers the term
"parish"), Alaska, and Connecticut.

Declaration Of Independence - The document that stated that the British

colonies in America had become a free and independent nation, adopted July 4,
1776.

Democracy - A form of government in which the people rule. The word "democrat”
comes from the ancient Greek "demo”-people and "kratia”-to rule.

Democracy (Direct) - A form of government in which the people assemble at a

specific period and times to perform the functions usually delegated to a
representative legislature. Sometimes the term "pure" democracy is used. It was
prevalent in ancient Greece.

Democracy (Indirect) - A form of government in which the people rule through

elected representatives in a legislature. Sometimes called a "republican" form of
government, or "democracy in republic," the United States is this form of
government.

Executive - A branch of the federal government. It consists of two office-holders, a

President and a Vice-President, elected by indirect election for a period of four
years. The President is responsible for carrying out the laws of Congress. The
President may also propose new laws for Congressional consideration. (See:
President and Vice-President)

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 2

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Federal - It is the organization of the government of the United States. It consists

of two parts that are the national government based in Washington DC and the
various individual state governments.

House of Representatives - It is part of the bicameral legislature of the United

States chosen by direct election based on population for a period of two years. An
individual must be twenty-five years old and a citizen of the United States for
seven years in order to be eligible to be elected.

Legislative - The law making branch of the government. In the United States, it is
bicameral, consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate.

Magna Carta - The document that guaranteed rights to English nobles, forced on
the British King John in 1215. It is considered an important forerunner to the idea
of government having a written limitation of its power.

Manifest Destiny - Belief of many Americans in the 1840s that the United States
should own all the land between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.

Monroe Doctrine - Policy statement made by President James Monroe in 1823

that warned the European powers that the United States considered the American
continent and the western hemisphere as its special sphere of influence and that
others should stay out of it.

Pocket Veto - When a President neither signs or "officially" has vetoed a bill. If
within ten days, (not including Sundays), Congress adjourns the bill is killed. If
Congress is in session, the bill will automatically become a law. (See: Veto)

Popular Sovereignty - In American history in the 19th century, right of territorial

inhabitants applying for statehood to determine whether or not their state would or
would not permit slavery.

President - The Chief Executive of the United States, responsible for carrying out
the laws passed by Congress, Commander In Chief of the armed forces, elected
by indirect election for a period of four years. One must have been born a citizen
and thirty-five years old in order to be eligible to be elected. (See: Executive)

Primary Election - Election in which candidates from a particular political party

are chosen to run for office. As a rule, usually, only registered party members are
allowed to vote in such elections.

Representative Government - Type of government in which voters elect

representatives to make laws for them. (See: indirect democracy)

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 3

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Senate - Part of the bicameral legislature of the United States government,

consisting of two members from each state (one hundred members at present)
chosen by direct election for a period of six years. An individual must be thirty
years old and a citizen of the United States for nine years in order to be eligible to
be elected.

Separation of Powers - System of American government in which each branch of

government has its own specifically designated powers and can not interfere with
the powers of another.

States' Rights - Idea that the individual states had the right to limit the power of
the federal government, that the states’ authority should be supreme within it, as
opposed to guidance from the federal government. An important contributing
factor in the American Civil War.

Supreme Court - It is the highest court in the land and the court of final appeal.
Only court of law specifically established by the Constitution.

Unitary Government - A form of government in which power is held by the central

government which may or may not choose to delegate power to lesser
governmental units. Examples are Great Britain, France and Israel. As opposed to
"Federal Government", in which power is shared by national and state
governments. (See: Federal)

Veto - To oppose a motion or enactment of a law from taking effect.

Vice-President - Assistant to the President, his immediate successor in case of

disability or death. He also functions as the President of the Senate when it is in
session. (See: Executive)

Skill 1.2 The vocabulary for law studies.

Bail - Money left with the court in order for an individual to be released from jail
pending trial. When an individual returns for trial the money is returned. If one flees
the money is forfeited.

Civil - A lawsuit brought before a court usually to recover monetary funds as

opposed to a criminal action brought for a penal offense.

Criminal - A penal crime, one that normally results in an imposition of a term of

imprisonment, or of a monetary fine by the state or both.

Double Jeopardy - Subjecting an accused person to repeated trials for the same
criminal offense. Forbidden by the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 4

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Due Process - The right of a defendant to go through the established legal system
before imprisonment i.e. trial, have legal counsel, verdict rendered in a court of
law.

Equity - A branch of civil law that provides remedial justice when there is no
remedy in common or prescribed law.

Grand Jury - As specified in the Constitution, it is a body of persons called to hear

complaints of the commission of criminal offenses and to determine if enough
evidence is available for a criminal indictment. It is normally composed of twelve to
twenty-four individuals who hear the evidence and deliberate in private.

Habeas Corpus - The right to appear in court in order to determine if an

imprisonment is lawful. Also known as a "Writ of Habeas Corpus."

Exclusionary Rule - As defined from the Fourth and Fifth Amendments, it is the
inability of evidence seized unlawfully or statements gathered wrongly, to be
brought into a court of law.

Ex Post Facto Law - A law created to punish an act after it has been committed.
Prohibited by the Constitution, i.e. you can not prosecute someone for an act, if it
was legal at the time, although a law was subsequently enacted against it.

Impeach - To bring charges against an official in the government such as the

President. In the case of the President, the House of Representatives is the only
branch of government empowered to bring such charges. They are then tried in
the Senate.

Judicial Review - The right of the court to review laws and acts of the legislature
and executive branches and to declare them unconstitutional. (Established in
"Marbury vs. Madison " 1803).

Judiciary - The legal system, including but not limited to, courts of law and
appeal.

Judiciary Act - Law that organized the federal court system into Federal and
Circuit Courts in 1789.

Jurisprudence - Of relating to, or pertaining to, the law or the legal system and its
practice or exercise thereof.

Miranda Warning - As defined from the Fifth and Sixth Amendments. The right to
remain silent so one does not incriminate oneself and the right to legal counsel
during questioning.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 5

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Penal - Having to do with punishment, most often in regards to imprisonment and

incarceration by the state.

Tort - A private or civil action brought before a court of law i.e. a civil lawsuit.

Skill 1.3 The vocabulary for international relations.

Balance of Trade - The difference between the value of goods a given nation
exports and the value of goods it imports.

Boycott - The refusal to buy certain goods or services of one party from another
based on a specific grievance.

Embargo - The ban on trade between one country and another based on a
conflict that exists between them.

European Union - An economic and political organization of European countries

that allows free trade among the member countries.

General Agreement On Tariffs and Trade (GATT) - The periodic international

conference that meets to reduce trade barriers among member countries.

Group of Seven - Group of nations that meet to promote negotiations and

coordinate economic relations and agreements among the member countries. The
seven are: The United States, Japan, Germany, Great Britain, France, Canada,
and Italy. (The "Group of Five" excludes Canada and Italy).

lnternational - Having to do with more than one nation, relationships between

nations.

lnternational Law - System of legal statutes set up and agreed upon by several
individual nations regulating conduct between them. The lnternational Court of
Law as established in the United Nations charter is located in The Hague, in The
Netherlands.

lnternational Monetary Fund - A multinational institution concerned mostly with

world financial issues.

Nation - The modern establishment of a political community covering a set

geographic area, population, and laws. Evolved from the primitive city-state of
ancient times.

Nationalism - Strong pride in one’s own country, sometimes taken to an extreme

and in believing that one’s own country is superior to all others, can be an
important cause of war.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 6

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Parliamentary System - A system of government with a legislature, usually

involving a multiplicity of political parties and often coalition politics. There is
division between the head of state and head of government. Head of government
is usually known as a Prime Minister who is also usually the head of the largest
party. The head of government and cabinet usually both sit and vote in the
parliament. Head of state is most often an elected president, (though in the case of
a constitutional monarchy, like Great Britain, the sovereign may take the place of a
president as head of state). A government may fall when a majority in parliament
votes "no confidence" in the government.

Presidential System - A system of government with a legislature, can involve few

or many political parties, no division between head of state and head of
government. The President serves in both capacities. The President is elected
either by direct or indirect election. A President and cabinet usually do not sit or
vote in the legislature and The President may or may not be the head of the
largest political party. A President can thus rule even without a majority in the
legislature. He can only be removed from office before an election for major
infractions of the law.

State - A political community covering a set geographic area, population and laws.
Can be another name for nation.

Tariff - The tax that a government places on internationally traded goods, most
often imported goods.

Treaty - A document between individual nation-states covering specific areas of

agreement.

United Nations - lnternational organization established in 1945 at the close of the

Second World War. It replaced the defunct League of Nations. World headquarters
is located in New York City, though various agencies are located in several
different world cities, such as the World Court in The Hague, in The Netherlands.

World Bank - lnternational institution set up to assist developing nations by

helping them to secure low interest loans.

World Court - lnternational body based in The Netherlands city of The Hague that
was established by the original United Nations Charter. Set up to peacefully
mediate disputes among the member nations and to investigate violations of
agreed international law.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 7

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Skill 1.4 Other major political systems

Anarchism - Political movement believing in the elimination of all government and

its replacement by a cooperative community of individuals. Sometimes it has
involved political violence such as assassinations of important political or
governmental figures. The historical banner of the movement is a black flag.

Communism - A belief as well as a political system, characterized by the ideology

of class conflict and revolution, one party state and dictatorship, repressive police
apparatus, and government ownership of the means of production and distribution
of goods and services. A revolutionary ideology preaching the eventual overthrow
of all other political orders and the establishment of one world Communist
government. Same as Marxism. The historical banner of the movement is a red
flag and variation of stars, hammer and sickles, representing the various types of
workers. (See Karl Marx Section 5.3, Communism Section 5.4).

Dictatorship - The rule by an individual or small group of individuals (Oligarchy)

that centralizes all political control in itself and enforces its will with a terrorist
police force.

Fascism - A belief as well as a political system, opposed ideologically to

Communism, though similar in basic structure, with a one party state, centralized
political control and a repressive police system. It however tolerates private
ownership of the means of production, though it maintains tight overall control.
Central to its belief is the idolization of the Leader, a "Cult of the Personality," and
most often an expansionist ideology. Examples have been German Nazism and
Italian Fascism. (See: Fascism, Section 5.4)

Monarchy - The rule of a nation by a Monarch, (a non-elected usually hereditary

leader), most often a king, or queen. It may or may not be accompanied by some
measure of democracy open institutions and elections at various levels. A modern
example is Great Britain, where it is called a Constitutional Monarchy.

Socialism - Political belief and system in which the state takes a guiding role in
the national economy and provides extensive social services to its population. It
may or may not own outright means of production, but even where it does not, it
exercises tight control. It usually promotes democracy, (Democratic Socialism),
though the heavy state involvement produces excessive bureaucracy and usually
inefficiency. Taken to an extreme it may lead to Communism as government
control increases and democratic practice decrease. Ideologically the two
movements are very similar in both belief and practice, as Socialists also preach
the superiority of their system to all others and that it will become the eventual
natural order. It is also considered for that reason a variant of Marxism. It also has
used a red flag as a symbol. (See Karl Marx, Section 5.3)

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 8

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Competency 2.0 Methods of presenting diagrammatic information

Skill 2.1 Understanding illustrations, (maps, graphs, and charts)

We use illustrations of various sorts because it is often easier to demonstrate a

given idea visually instead of orally. Sometimes it is even easier to do so with an
illustration than a description. This is especially true in the areas of education and
research because humans are visually stimulated. It is a fact that any idea
presented visually in some manner is always easier to understand and to
comprehend than simply getting an idea across verbally, by hearing it or reading it.
Throughout this document, there are several illustrations that have been presented
to explain an idea in a more precise way. Sometimes these will demonstrate
some of the types of illustrations available for use in the arena of political science.
Among the more common illustrations used in political science are various types of
maps, graphs and charts.

Photographs and globes are useful as well, but as they are limited in what kind of
information that they can show, they are rarely used. Unless, as in the case of a
photograph, it is of a particular political figure or a time that one wishes to
visualize.

Although maps have advantages over globes and photographs, they do have a
major disadvantage. This problem must be considered as well. The major problem
of all maps comes about because most maps are flat and the Earth is a sphere. It
is impossible to reproduce exactly on a flat surface an object shaped like a sphere.
In order to put the earth's features onto a map they must be stretched in some
way. This stretching is called distortion.

Distortion does not mean that maps are wrong, it simply means that they are not
perfect representations of the Earth or its parts. Cartographers, or mapmakers,
understand the problems of distortion. They try to design them so that there is as
little distortion as possible in the maps.

The process of putting the features of the Earth onto a flat surface is called
projection. All maps are really map projections. There are many different types.
Each one deals in a different way with the problem of distortion. Map projections
are made in a number of ways. Some are done using complicated mathematics.
However, the basic ideas behind map projections can be understood by looking at
the three most common types:

(1) Cylindrical Projections - These are done by taking a cylinder of paper and
wrapping it around a globe. A light is used to project the globe’s features onto the
paper. Distortion is least where the paper touches the globe. For example,
suppose that the paper was wrapped so that it touched the globe at the equator,
the map from this projection would have just a little distortion near the equator.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 9

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

However, in moving north or south of the equator, the distortion would increase as
you moved further away from the equator. The best known and most widely used
cylindrical projection is the Mercator Projection. It was first developed in 1569
by Gerardus Mercator, a Flemish mapmaker.

(2). Conical Projections - The name for these maps come from the fact that the
projection is made onto a cone of paper. The cone is made so that it touches a
globe at the base of the cone only. It can also be made so that it cuts through part
of the globe in two different places. Again, there is the least distortion where the
paper touches the globe. If the cone touches at two different points, there is some
distortion at both of them. Conical projections are most often used to map areas in
the middle latitudes. Maps of the United States are most often conical
projections. This is because most of the country lies within these latitudes.

(3). Flat-Plane Projections - These are made with a flat piece of paper. It
touches the globe at one point only. Areas near this point show little distortion.
Flat-plane projections are often used to show the areas of the north and south
poles. One such flat projection is called a Gnomonic Projection. On this kind of
map all meridians appear as straight lines, Gnomonic projections are useful
because any straight line drawn between points on it forms a Great-Circle Route.
Great-Circle Routes can best be described by thinking of a globe and when using
the globe the shortest route between two points on it can be found by simply
stretching a string from one point to the other. However, if the string was extended
in reality, so that it took into effect the globe's curvature, it would then make a
great-circle. A great-circle is any circle that cuts a sphere, such as the globe, into
two equal parts. Because of distortion, most maps do not show great-circle routes
as straight lines, Gnomonic projections, however, do show the shortest distance
between the two places as a straight line, because of this they are valuable for
navigation. They are called Great-Circle Sailing Maps.

To properly analyze a given map one must be familiar with the various parts and
symbols that most modern maps use. For the most part, this is standardized, with
different maps using similar parts and symbols, these can include:

The Title - All maps should have a title, just like all books should. The title tells you
what information is to be found on the map.

The Legend - Most maps have a legend. A legend tells the reader about the
various symbols that are used on that particular map and what the symbols
represent, (also called a map key).

The Grid - A grid is a series of lines that are used to find exact places and
locations on the map. There are several different kinds of grid systems in use,
however, most maps do use the longitude and latitude system, known as the
Geographic Grid System.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 10

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Directions - Most maps have some directional system to show which way the
map is being presented. Often on a map, a small compass will be present, with
arrows showing the four basic directions, north, south, east, and west.

The Scale - This is used to show the relationship between a unit of measurement
on the map versus the real world measure on the Earth. Maps are drawn to many
different scales. Some maps show a lot of detail for a small area. Others show a
greater span of distance, whichever is being used one should always be aware of
just what scale is being used. For instance the scale might be something like 1
inch = 10 miles for a small area or for a map showing the whole world it might
have a scale in which 1 inch = 1,000 miles. The point is that one must look at the
map key in order to see what units of measurements the map is using.

Maps have four main properties. They are (1) the size of the areas shown on the
map. (2) The shapes of the areas, (3) Consistent scales, and (4) Straight line
directions. A map can be drawn so that it is correct in one or more of these
properties. No map can be correct in all of them.

Equal areas - One property which maps can have is that of equal areas, In an
equal area map, the meridians and parallels are drawn so that the areas shown
have the same proportions as they do on the Earth. For example, Greenland is
about 118th the size of South America, thus it will be show as 118th the size on an
equal area map. The Mercator projection is an example of a map that does not
have equal areas. In it, Greenland appears to be about the same size of South
America. This is because the distortion is very bad at the poles and Greenland lies
near the North Pole.

Conformality - A second map property is conformality, or correct shapes. There

are no maps which can show very large areas of the earth in their exact shapes.
Only globes can really do that, however Conformal Maps are as close as possible
to true shapes. The United States is often shown by a Lambert Conformal Conic
Projection Map.

Consistent Scales - Many maps attempt to use the same scale on all parts of the
map. Generally, this is easier when maps show a relatively small part of the
earth's surface. Generally maps showing large areas are not consistent-scale
maps. This is so because of distortion. Often such maps will have two scales
noted in the key. One scale, for example, might be accurate to measure distances
between points along the Equator. Another might be then used to measure
distances between the North Pole and the South Pole.

Maps showing physical features often try to show information about the elevation
or relief of the land. Elevation is the distance above or below the sea level. The
elevation is usually shown with colors, for instance, all areas on a map which are
at a certain level will be shown in the same color.

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Relief Maps - Show the shape of the land surface, flat, rugged, or steep. Relief
maps usually give more detail than simply showing the overall elevation of the
land's surface. Relief is also sometimes shown with colors, but another way to
show relief is by using contour lines. These lines connect all points of a land
surface which are the same height surrounding the particular area of land.

Thematic Maps - These are used to show more specific information, often on a
single theme, or topic. Thematic maps show the distribution or amount of
something over a certain given area. Things such as population density, climate,
economic information, cultural, political information, etc ...

Political science would be almost impossible without maps. Information can be

gained looking at a map that might take hundreds of words to explain otherwise.
Maps reflect the great variety of knowledge covered by political science. To show
such a variety of information maps are made in many different ways. Because of
this variety, maps must be understood in order to make the best sense of them.
Once they are understood, maps provide a solid foundation for political science
studies.

To apply information obtained from graphs one must understand the two major
reasons why graphs are used:

1. To present a model or theory visually in order to show how two or more

variables interrelate.
2. To present real world data visually in order to show how two or more variables
interrelate.

Most often used are those known as bar graphs and line graphs. (Charts are
often used for similar reasons and are explained in the next section).

Graphs themselves are most useful when one wishes to demonstrate the
sequential increase, or decrease of a variable or to show specific correlations
between two or more variables in a given circumstance.

Most common is the bar graph. Because it has an easy to see and understand
way of visually showing the difference in a given set of variables. However it is
limited in that it can not really show the actual proportional increase, or decrease,
of each given variable to each other. (In order to show a decrease, a bar graph
must show the "bar" under the starting line, thus removing the ability to really show
how the various different variables would relate to each other).

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Thus in order to accomplish this one must use a line graph. Line graphs can be of
two types a linear or non-linear graph. A linear line graph uses a series of
straight lines, a non-linear line graph uses a curved line. Though the lines can be
either straight or curved, all of the lines are called curves.

A line graph uses a number line or axis. The numbers are generally placed in
order, equal distances from one another, the number line is used to represent a
number, degree or some such other variable at an appropriate point on the line.
Two lines are used, intersecting at a specific point. They are referred to as the X-
axis and the Y-axis. The Y-axis is a vertical line the X-axis is a horizontal line.
Together they form a coordinate system. The difference between a point on the
line of the X-axis and the Y-axis is called the slope of the line, or the change in the
value on the vertical axis divided by the change in the value on the horizontal axis.
The Y-axis number is called the rise and the X-axis number is called the run, thus
the equation for slope is:

SLOPE = RISE - (Change in value on the vertical axis)

RUN - (Change in value on the horizontal axis)

The slope tells the amount of increase or decrease of a given specific variable.
When using two or more variables one can plot the amount of difference between
them in any given situation. This makes presenting information on a line graph
more involved. It also makes it more informative and accurate than a simple bar
graph. Knowledge of the term slope and what it is and how it is measured helps us
to describe verbally the pictures we are seeing visually. For example, if a curve is
said to have a slope of "zero", you should picture a flat line. If a curve has a slope
of "one", you should picture a rising line that makes a 45-degree angle with the
horizontal and vertical axis lines.

The preceding examples are of linear (straight line) curves. With non-linear
curves (the ones that really do curve) the slope of the curve is constantly
changing, so as a result, we must then understand that the slope of the non-linear
curved line will be at a specific point. How is this done? The slope of a non-linear
curve is determined by the slope of a straight line that intersects the curve at that
specific point.

In all graphs, an upward sloping line represents a direct relationship between the
two variables. A downward slope represents an inverse relationship between the
two variables. In reading any graph, one must always be very careful to
understand what is being measured, what can be deduced and what cannot be
deduced from the given graph.

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To use charts correctly, one should remember the reasons one uses graphs. The
general ideas are similar. It is usually a question as to which, a graph or chart, is
more capable of adequately portraying the information one-wants to illustrate.
One can see the difference between them and realize that in many ways graphs
and charts are interrelated. One of the most common types, because it is easiest
to read and understand, even for the lay person, is the Pie-chart.

You can see pie-charts used often, especially when one is trying to illustrate the
differences in percentages among various items, or when one is demonstrating the
divisions of a whole.

Realistically, one can make a chart out of almost any multiple set of variables.
Remember to properly show the differences between them, what you are trying to
prove and keep it clear enough to read and understand with a minimum of effort.
The usefulness of a chart is wasted if too much time is taken in order to
understand it. Charts are always used to simplify an idea, NEVER to complicate it.

As stated before, in political science and related fields, all type of illustrations,
maps, graphs and charts are useful tools for both education and research. As
such, they quite often are used to better demonstrate an idea than simply stating it
since there are some problems and situations that are easier to understand
visually than verbally. They are also better in trying to show relationships between
any given set of variables or circumstances. However one must always remember
that though a picture may "be worth a thousand words", it still can't say everything
and one should always be aware of the limits of any diagrammatic model. In other
words," seeing is not always, necessarily, believing".

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Competency 3.0 Methods of data gathering

Skill 3.1 The study of demography, demographic tables, and

statistics

Demography is the branch of science of statistics most concerned with the social
well being of people. Demographic tables may include: (1) Analysis of the
population on the basis of age, parentage, physical condition, race, occupation
and civil position, giving the actual size and the density of each separate area.
(2) Changes in the population as a result of birth, marriage, and death. (3)
Statistics on population movements and their effects and their relations to given
economic, social and political conditions. (4) Statistics of crime, illegitimacy and
suicide. (5) Levels of education and economic and social statistics.

Such information is also similar to that area of science known as vital statistics
and as such is indispensable in studying social trends and making important
legislative, economic, and social decisions. Such demographic information is
gathered from census, and registrar reports and the like, and by state laws such
information, especially the vital kind, is kept by physicians, attorneys, funeral
directors, member of the clergy, and similar professional people. In the United
States such demographic information is compiled, kept and published by the
Public Health Service of the United States Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare.

The most important element of this information is the so-called rate, which
customarily represents the average of births and deaths for a unit of 1000
population over a given calendar year. These general rates are called crude
rates, which are then sub-divided into sex, color, age, occupation, locality, etc.
They are then known as refined rates.

In examining statistics and the sources of statistical data one must also be aware
of the methods of statistical information gathering. For instance, there are many
good sources of raw statistical data. Books such as The Statistical Abstract of the
United States, published by the United States Chamber of Commerce, The World
Fact Book, published by the Central Intelligence Agency or The Monthly Labor
Review published by the United States Department of Labor are excellent
examples that contain much raw data. Many such yearbooks and the like on
various topics are readily available from any library, or from the government itself.
However, knowing how that data and information was gathered is at least equally
as important as the figures themselves. Because only by having knowledge of
statistical language and methodology, can one really be able to gauge the
usefulness of any given piece of data presented. Thus we must first understand
just what statistics are and what they can and cannot, tell us.

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Simply put, statistics is the mathematical science that deals with the collection,
organization, presentation, and analysis of various forms of numerical data and
with the problems such as interpreting and understanding such data. The raw
materials of statistics are sets of numbers obtained from enumerations or
measurements collected by various methods of extrapolation, such as census
taking, interviews, and observations.

In collecting any such statistical information and data, care and adequate
precautions must always be taken in order to assure that the knowledge obtained
is complete and accurate. It is also important to be aware of just how much data is
necessary to collect in order to establish the idea that is attempting to be
formulated. One important idea to understand is that statistics usually deal with a
specific model, hypothesis, or theory that is being attempted to be proven.
Though one should be aware that a theory can never actually be proved correct it
can only really be corroborated. (Corroboration meaning that the data presented
is more consistent with this theory than with any other theory, so it makes sense to
use this theory.) One should also be aware of what is known as correlation (the
joint movement of various data points) does not infer causation (the change in
one of those data points caused the other data points to change). It is important
that one take these aspects into account so that one can be in a better position to
appreciate what the collected data is really saying

Once collected, data must then be arranged, tabulated, and presented to permit
ready and meaningful analysis and interpretation. Often tables, charts or graphs
will be used to present the information in a concise easy to see manner, with the
information sometimes presented in raw numerical order as well. Tests of
reliability are used, bearing in mind the manner in which the data has been
collected and the inherent biases of any artificially created model to be used to
explain real world events. Indeed the methods used and the inherent biases and
reasons actually for doing the study by the individual(s) involved, must never be
discounted.

So one should always remember that statistical methods can and have been used
to prove or disprove historically just about anything. While statistics are a good
and important empirical research tool, too much reliance on them alone, without
any other information or data, can be misleading and statistics should only be
used with other empirical methods of research. As the famous saying goes,
"Figures don't lie, but liars always figure. "

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Competency 4.0 Information interpretation skills

Skill 4.1 Differentiating fact from opinion

"The sky is blue", "the sky looks like rain", one a fact and the other an opinion.
This is because one is readily provable by objective empirical data, while the
other is a subjective evaluation based upon personnel bias. This means that
facts are things that can be proved by the usual means of study and
experimentation. We can look and see the color of the sky. Since the shade we
are observing is expressed as the color blue and is an accepted norm, the
observation that the sky is blue is therefore a fact. (Of course, this depends on
other external factors such as time and weather conditions).

This brings us to our next idea, that it looks like rain. This is a subjective
observation in that an individual’s perception will differ from another. What looks
like rain to one person will not necessarily look like that to another.

This is an important concept to understand since much of what actually is studied

in political science is, in reality, simply the opinions of various political theorists
and philosophers. The truth of their individual philosophies is demonstrated by
how well they, (when they have been tried), work in the so called "real world."

The question thus remains as to how to differentiate fact from opinion. The best
and only way is to ask oneself if what is being stated can be proved from other
sources, by other methods, or by the simple process of reasoning.

Skill 4.2 The reliability of media sources

In looking at the reliability of media sources, one must always be aware of the
central fact of the human condition in that anything one does will naturally be
colored in some way by a person’s own personal belief system, biases and ones
prejudices. The fact is that objectivity in the real world is really impossible and
perhaps may be in reality, also, undesirable. This is because it would then have to
imply a virtual and total detachment from reality and concerns. Humans are
rational beings, but also humans are emotional beings and this emotionalism must
color their perceptions. In fact, we must remember when looking at the media it
does concern real life, individuals, and events, usually of a sensational or at least
very important nature. One could then expect biases to be that much more, rather
than less, pronounced: This is owing to the very nature of the events that are
being reported.

In fact, recent surveys done in the major media have found a pronounced personal
bias, at least in beliefs. For instance, the surveys have demonstrated that of the
major broadcast media 85% have identified themselves either as liberal, or
members of the Democratic Party or both.

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Now this might be too broad a statement, but the fact remains that many in the
media do tend to align themselves with policies or ideas that can be considered
left-leaning or "liberal". Many have explained this by saying that a field like the
media and investigative journalism would naturally lend itself to those individuals
who would be either inquisitive or believe in questioning authority and the
accepted norm. To be cynical perhaps in believing what they are told or have been
led to believe either in growing up, in school or in the larger society. They thus
would be people who would be looking to get to the "real" truth of a matter. Such
types would tend to be on the "left" side of politics since that is the side (the
"radicals") that has been historically the one to question the "Establishment". To
be challenging what is perceived to be "conservative" institutions.

Historically it has also been true that the media, being a for profit enterprise, exists
in a contradictory manner in and of itself. For instance, if we accept the fact that
the media is composed of individuals who tend to question and inquire of those in
authority, then to them, the issue of arriving at the "truth" of an issue would be
paramount. They would not allow any monetary or financial issues or
considerations to interfere. However, it is also true that by and large, the major
media in this country is privately owned and is usually looking for a profit. Thus,
these two ideas may or may not become in conflict with each other at different
times.

This is owed to the fact that though average journalists may be dedicated to their
profession, looking only to arrive at the "real story", the ownership of the major
media tends to be corporate and are part of the "Establishment". They may be as
dedicated as their employees to the search for "truth and justice". Unlike the
journalists who work for them, the ownership must be constantly looking at the
"bottom-line".

To put it bluntly, a news organization must make money in order to survive, (at
least, again in this country they must. There are some exceptions. For all practical
purposes, those media sources who claim to be non-profit or claim to be working
in the public good have a limited influence).

So the news media will do what it has to in order to get a story and will try to get it
no matter what or who it may offend. They must also be conscious of their
prospective audience and must be careful not to turn them off, (lest they
themselves get "turned off' or go unread). This type of financial consideration can
even lead certain media organizations at specific times to go out of their way to
report stories that are best described as "sensationalistic" or "exploitative".

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For instance, during the Spanish-American War at the turn of the century, the
Hearst newspaper chain took a very favorable view of the war. It was even
accused of fomenting a "war fever" in the country based on its reporting. The term
"yellow journalism" has been coined for instances such as this, in which the
media takes what could be considered an extreme or unethical position or one in
which not all of the pertinent facts are revealed. Thus, the media is attempting to
not only report the news, but rather to influence public opinion. Another form of
what has been called extremism in reporting is called "muckraking". This is when
the media goes after what it perceives to be unethical or corrupt behavior on the
part of public officials. The fact that makes this a derogatory term, (in regards to
what many consider to be an important job of the media), is the excessive zeal in
which a particular media outlet may be pursuing the story. Thus important facts, or
circumstances may be left out, or even totally ignored if a particular point of view is
being promoted by the given media source. The media does often play to what is
called sensationalism for the very reasons previously mentioned.

It is very important to be aware that though the media plays an important role in a
country's life, it is still subject to the same failings, biases, and prejudices of other
aspects of human society. One must always be aware of this fact in any careful
analysis of information gathered by this source. Or as the saying goes "you can't
believe everything you read', (and see or hear for that matter).

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Competency 5.0 Knowledge of government

Skill 5.1 The functions of government.

Historically the functions of government, or people’s concepts of government and

its purpose and function, have varied considerably. In the theory of political
science, the function of government is to secure the common welfare of the
members of the given society over which it exercises control. In different historical
eras, governments have attempted to achieve the common welfare by various
means in accordance with the traditions and ideology of the given society. Among
primitive peoples, systems of control were rudimentary at best. They arose
directly from the ideas of right and wrong that had been established in the group
and were common in that particular society. Control being exercised most often
by means of group pressure, most often in the forms of taboos and superstitions
and in many cases by ostracism, or banishment from the group. Thus, in most
cases, because of the extreme tribal nature of society in those early times, this
lead to very unpleasant circumstances for the individual so treated. Without the
protection of the group, a lone individual was most often in for a sad and very
short, fate. (No other group would accept such an individual into their midst and
survival alone was extremely difficult if not impossible).

Among more civilized peoples, governments began to assume more institutional

forms. They rested on a well-defined legal basis. They imposed penalties on
violators of the social order. They used force, which was supported and
sanctioned by their people. The government was charged to establish the social
order and was supposed to do so in order to be able to discharge its functions.

Eventually the ideas of government, who should govern and how, came to be
considered by various thinkers and philosophers. The most influential of these and
those who had the most influence on our present society were the ancient Greek
philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle.

Aristotle's conception of government was based on a simple idea. The function of

government was to provide for the general welfare of its people. A good
government, and one that should be supported, was one that did so in the best
way possible, with the least pressure on the people. Bad governments were
those that subordinated the general welfare to that of the individuals who ruled.
At no time should any function of any government be that of personal interest of
any one individual, no matter who that individual was. This does not mean that
Aristotle had no sympathy for the individual or individual happiness (as at times
Plato has been accused by those who read his “Republic,” which was the first
important philosophical text to explore these issues). Rather Aristotle believed
that a society is greater than the sum of its parts, or that "the good of the many
outweighs the good of the few and also of the one".

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Yet, a good government and one that is carrying out its functions well, will always
weigh the relative merits of what is good for a given individual in society and what
is good for the society as a whole.

This basic concept has continued to our own time and has found its fullest
expression in the idea of representative democracy and political and personal
freedom. In addition, a government that maintains good social order, while
allowing the greatest possible exercise of autonomy for individuals to achieve.

Skill 5.2 The origin of the "state."

The idea and concept of the "state" or of the organization of people into large
political bodies covering a specific area is an old and universal one. Throughout
the world all societies at one time or another have gone though various stages of
organization that can at times be loosely defined as a "state”. Some have
continued into advanced stages, others have never passed the most primitive
forms and thus can best be described as "tribes", or "clans" and never advancing
further.

It is the culture known as "The West" i.e. the United States and Western Europe,
that have utilized these processes the most and have been most advanced in what
they have managed to achieve. Specifically, in forcing their form of government
on others. These forms have in any case proven the most enduring. Some would
perhaps not consider this necessarily a virtue, or even a desirable situation, but it
is a fact and the one in which we must function. It is primarily how this came to be
that we would examine.

Most modern theories of the origin of the state tend to agree on several key ideas
differing only on the emphasis placed on each succeeding stage and its relative
importance or duration. The stages can be identified as such:

In ancient times, early peoples developed primitive weapons and tools but were
nomadic and mostly banded together in primitive hunting groups or "clans" in order
to maximize their effectiveness in the hunt. The more people that went after the
prey the easier it would be to find it and kill it.

In later times, when hunting grew scarce, people still banded together for
protection from other clans in order to protect the diminishing available hunting
grounds.

Still later, when hunting no longer was able to sustain the clans they gradually
turned to hunting and gathering. Hunting when feasible, gathering fruits,
vegetables, roots and berries and the like when there was no hunting available.
These became known as hunter-gatherer societies and the first to begin to
remain in one place for a time.

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However, it was not until the invention of the plow and the fact that it made
farming easier that people began to be able to remain in one place for a long
time. With farming, supplying sufficient food to enable the first large organized
city-states to emerge. This occurred on a large scale first in the ancient
Mesopotamian region near the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers in what is now modern
Iraq. The first large, organized city-states were those of the land known as Sumer
or Sumeria, later known as the land of Babylonia.

In time, these early primitive city-states began to become united and to form
bigger unions for greater protection and power. With each emerging new "nation"
or "state" claiming control over a specific area of land and willing to fight for it.

Thus, with the emergence of the first large nations, the first large organized armies
also came into being and regular warfare emerged as a universal and historical
fact of human existence.

By the time known as the classical period of ancient history, that of ancient
Egypt, Greece and Rome, the city-state had emerged as the dominant political
form. Uniting at times into larger entities for greater protection against outside
enemies such as the Delian League of ancient Greece, a union of several Greek
city-states united against the power of ancient Persia.

Sometimes the union was effected by force, such as the Pharaoh Menes, uniting
the lands of Upper and Lower Egypt into one Kingdom of Egypt around 3100 BC.
With the split and then fall, of the Roman Empire in the fourth century, the growth
of any further large political entities in Europe was temporarily halted. The break
up of the empire led to the establishment of very small units of political power
being the only ones surviving the interim period of chaos and confusion. However
also at this time the tribes that had originally fought the Romans now came to
occupy the lands the Romans formerly controlled. Where the tribes had
established themselves on the land, they became "united" out of sheer necessity
against competing tribes. This in many cases extended little farther than appeals
to a common kinship, language, and customs. In some sense, this was a
burgeoning nationalism and it began to be felt in the various interrelationships
amongst them.

This was also the time in which Feudalism as the dominant form of political
organization arisen in Europe. Feudalism being the organization of people based
on the ownership of land by a Lord or other Noble who allows individuals known
as peasants or serfs to farm the land and to keep a portion of it. The lord or noble,
in return for the serfs loyalty, offers them his protection. In practical effect, the serf
is considered owned by his lord with little or no rights at all. The lord’s sole
obligation to the serfs is to protect them so they could continue to work for him
(most, though not all lords were men). This system would last for many centuries.
In Russia it would last until the 1860s.

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Warfare among the various tribes would continue until Charlemagne The Great in
the year 800 AD, united several of the larger tribes, such as the Germans and the
Franks into the political entity known as the Holy Roman Empire. This entity
would last in some form until 1806, but by then it had been replaced by the smaller
entities, we know as modern states.

The final emergence of the nation-state is attributed to two principal causes. One
major factor was the underlying fact of economic expansion that took place in the
feudal system. This was mainly the result of a great expansion in trade and
manufacturing which the creation of the Holy Roman Empire had helped to
facilitate. The feudal system had been dependent on small, isolated, units and
these were unable to cope with the great trade expansion, which was occurring.
This gave rise to the system known as Mercantilism, a system in which certain
lords started to take an interest in the growing merchant trade and used their
power in order to facilitate it. This led to groups of powerful merchants gathering
in the areas under the control of certain lords.

Thus, the various and independent feudal manors began to break up, leading to
the growth of cities, expanded trade and the growth of markets up through the
period that came to be known as the Renaissance. At the same time, (the 1500s)
the Protestant Reformation was beginning. This would lead to the waning
influence of the massive power and control of Catholic Church and allow the
growth of various independent and powerful lords. As they began to control
greater and greater areas of land, they became known as kings. They were now
involving themselves in and profiting by, the growth in trade taking place. This is in
contrast to the earlier feudal lords who had opposed the rise in trade and
manufacturing as undermining their authority and power.

As the process continued, a split occurred in Europe at this time between those
who still looked to the Catholic Church for guidance and the newly created and
independent nation-states, which had by now had emerged and followed the new
Protestant faith. This conflict would continue on and off, through many centuries
and many wars, until the 19th century. Yet, even in those areas where the
Catholic Church still had power and influence, a new sense of independence had
emerged as well. The Church itself came to see the newly created states as a
necessary factor in human affairs. Yet ever since the Pope had crowned
Charlemagne as Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, it has insisted, (and it has
been granted in various ways), on its right to be considered above petty national
considerations. Its’ religious power being greater than the secular power of the
state, an idea that in various forms and degrees has continued until our own day.

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By the beginning of the 19th century, the state as we know it today had formed. A
government claiming control over a specific area of land, uniting people of similar
backgrounds and language, ruled either by some sort of monarch, or increasingly,
by some sort of democratically elected government. The 19th century also saw the
consolidation of several similar states into larger conglomerates, usually after
some armed conflict such as the unification of the German States into one united
nation in 1871 after the Franco-Prussian war.

By the 20th century, in the aftermath of the Second World War, the breakdown of
colonial empires and the force of nationalism had become the dominant factor in
world affairs, a factor that continues to grow in present time at an ever increasing
rate, sometimes to the detriment of world peace and order.

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Skill 5.3 Modern major philosophies of the nature of government

When looking at the modern major philosophies of the nature of government we

will by necessity be looking at the works of men such as, Niccolo Machiavelli,
Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Karl Marx. Now
this list is by no means exhaustive. However, in distinguishing political science
from political philosophy, and by using the term "modern" in a broad sense, we will
examine those thinkers whose works have had an actual practical effect on
society, as opposed to simply trying to interpret human events. In other words, we
will examine those ideas that people at different times have really tried to put into
effect or have had in the end the longest lasting and widest influence.

Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527) One of the most important thinkers on politics

and the nature of political power. His most famous work is The Prince (1532). In it,
Machiavelli describes the means of gaining and holding onto political power. He
looked at his work as a simple recitation of obvious facts. All political leaders want
to stay in power, so very well, this is how you should do it. In reality, he was really
describing the situation in his time. Nevertheless, his work has survived because it
is a masterful piece that makes practical sense. A work that many a leader since
has looked to as a guide for his or her own behavior. Throughout his career,
Machiavelli had sought to describe a state that would be capable of resisting
foreign attack and in maintaining internal order and discipline. His writings are
concerned with the principles upon which such a state could be founded and with
the means on which they can be implemented and maintained. In The Prince, he
describes the method by which a "prince" (ruler) could acquire and maintain
political power. This study has often been regarded as a defense of the despotism
and tyranny of such rulers as Cesare Borgia (1476? -1507 Italian ruler). However,
it is in actuality based on Machiavelli's belief that a ruler is not bound by traditional
ethical norms. In his view, a prince should be concerned only with power and
should be bound only by rules that would lead to success in political actions.
Machiavelli believed that these rules could be discovered by deduction from the
political practices of the time, as well as from those of earlier times. Specifically he
used examples from ancient Greece and Rome and later times, seeing what
worked and what did not, spelling out his theses in simple to understand and
follow ideas. For instance, many of his classic quotes are:

"It is better to be feared than loved ... but one must strive not to be hated'.

"A prince need trouble little about conspiracies when the people are well
disposed, but when they are hostile and hold him in hatred, then he must fear
everything and everybody."

"A wise prince leaves his subjects their property, for a man will sooner
forgive the death of his brother than the loss of his patrimony".

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"A prince must show himself a lover of merit, give preferment to the able
and honor those who excel in every ad'

"A man who wishes to make a profession of goodness in everything must

necessarily come to grief among so many who are not good. Therefore, it is
necessary ... to learn how not to be good, and to use this knowledge and not use
it, according to the necessity of the case".

"The first impression that one gets of a ruler and of his brains is from seeing
the men he has about him".

"There is no other way of guarding one's self against flattery than by letting
men understand that they will not offend you by speaking the truth; but when every
one can tell you the truth you lose their respect'.

"I certainly think that it is better to be impetuous than cautious, for fortune is
a woman, and if it is necessary.. . to conquer her by force".

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) Author of the book Leviathan (l651) which was
actually written as a reaction to the disorders caused by the English civil wars
which had culminated with the execution of King Charles I. Hobbes perceived
people as rational beings, but unlike Locke and Jefferson, he had no faith in their
abilities to live in harmony with one another without a government. The trouble
was, as Hobbes saw it, people were selfish and the strong would take from the
weak. However, the weak being rational would in turn band together against the
strong. For Hobbes, the state of nature became a chaotic state in which every
person becomes the enemy of every other. It became a war of all against all, with
terrible consequences for all. Hobbes wrote thus:

"In such condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereupon
is uncertain and consequently no culture of the Earth; no navigation nor use of the
commodities that may be imported by sea; no commodious building; no
instruments of moving or removing such things as require much force; no
knowledge of the face of the Earth; no account of time; no arts; no letters; no
society; and which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death; and
the life of man solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short''.

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The solution proposed by Hobbes was for the citizens to enter a contract of
"commonwealth" with one another. The conditions of the contract were that all of
the citizens would agree to surrender all of their powers to a sovereign power, the
"Leviathan", on condition that every other citizen would do so also. The Leviathan
would then protect the citizens of the commonwealth and provide a system of law
and order. In return, the citizens owed the Leviathan their absolute obedience.
Thus there was only one agreement and to break it would mean the return of
society to its uncivilized, chaotic past. The only reason for disobeying the leviathan
then was if it failed in its main duty of protecting the society from disorder and
protecting the life and property of the citizenry.

The interesting thing to remember is that Hobbes’ aims were actually liberal in
nature. He wanted to produce a society in which people would be free to advance
and enjoy life. His lack of faith in their ability to govern themselves forced him to
conclude that an absolute ruler was then necessary in order to bring about the
desired liberal society.

John Locke (1632-1704) An important thinker on the nature of democracy. He

regarded the mind of man at birth as a tabula rasa, a blank slate upon which
experience imprints knowledge and behavior. He did not believe in the idea of
intuition or theories of innate knowledge. Locke also believed that all men are
born good, independent and equal. That it is their actions that will determine their
fate. Locke's views, in his most important work, Two Treatises of Civil
Government (1690) attacked the theory of the divine right of kings and the nature
of the state as conceived by Thomas Hobbes. Locke argued that sovereignty did
not reside in the state, but with the people. The state is supreme, but only if it is
bound by civil and what he called "natural' law. Many of Locke's political ideas,
such as those relating to natural rights, property rights, the duty of the government
to protect these rights and the rule of the majority, were embodied in the
Constitution of the United States. He further held that revolution was not only a
right, but also often an obligation and advocated a system of checks and balances
in government. A government comprised of three branches of which the legislative
is more powerful than either the executive or the judicial. He also believed in the
separation of the church and state. As is apparent all of these ideas were to be
incorporated in the Constitution of the United States. As such Locke is considered
in many ways the true founding father of our Constitution and government system.
He remains one of history's most influential political thinkers to this day.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), one of the most famous and influential

political theorists before the French Revolution. His most important and most
studied work is The Social Contract (1762). He was concerned with what should
be the proper form of society and government. However, unlike Hobbes,
Rousseau did not view the state of nature as one of absolute chaos. The problem
as Rousseau saw it was that the natural harmony of the state of nature was due to
people's intuitive goodness not to their actual reason. Reason only developed
once a civilized society was established.

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The intuitive goodness was easily overwhelmed however by arguments for

institutions of social control, which likened rulers to father figures and extolled the
virtues of obedience to such figures. To a remarkable extent, strong leaders have,
in Rousseau's judgment, already succeeded not only in extracting obedience from
the citizens that they ruled, but also more importantly, have managed to justify
such obedience as necessary.

"Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains"

This is one of Rousseau's most famous quotes from “The Social Contract” he also
went on to state:

"The strongest is never strong enough to be always the master, unless he

transforms his might into right and obedience into duty. Hence the right of the
strongest, a right which looks like an ironical pleasantry, but in fact is a well-
established principle".

However, Rousseau denied that might make right. The only authority which
citizens ought to obey is a legitimate one and the only legitimate authority would
be one which:

"Defends and protects the person and property of each member with the
whole force of the community, and where each, while joining with all the rest, still
obeys no one but himself...”

The solution as Rousseau saw it was the "Social Contract', a contract which does
bear a strong resemblance to many of Hobbes’ ideas. The main principle was that
each individual gives up all of their rights, not just certain rights, to the community
as a whole. Nevertheless, this community is not as independent a force as in
Hobbes' "Leviathan", rather it is an expression of the "general will" of the citizens
themselves. By means of it, each citizen becomes the subject of every act of
government. The citizens in effect will give up their "primitive", or "natural"
freedoms in exchange for the "higher" freedom to follow the general will.
Rousseau also had a strong psychological as well as political purpose in his
ideology. The governmental power he envisioned was one, which would not and
could not harm the individual members of the community because it was
composed of them.

Rousseau attempted to unite the individual citizen with the government in such a
way, and with such a strong psychological bond that the citizen would submit to
the general will. Although the people's private interest might seem to be contrary
at times to the general will. At the same time, Rousseau wanted the submission of
private interests to the general will to involve no real sacrifice. The general will
represented what the citizen really wanted as a citizen of a community as opposed
to what the citizen might want as a selfish individual.

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In fact, if the whole community forced dissenters to conform to the general will, it
would not bother Rousseau because to him such coercion of the individual means
nothing more or less than that he will be forced to be free". For Rousseau,
conformity to the general will was the highest form of freedom, obeying the general
will was nothing more than obeying what was, in fact, actually the best for oneself.

Rousseau's most direct influence was upon the French Revolution (1789-1815).
In the Declaration of the Rights of Man and The Citizen (1789), it explicitly
recognized the sovereignty of the general will as expressed in the law. In contrast
to the American Declaration of Independence, it contains explicit mention of the
obligations and duties of the citizen, such as assenting to taxes in support of the
military or police forces for the common good. In modern times, ideas such as
Rousseau's have often been used to justify the ideas of authoritarian and
totalitarian systems.

Karl Marx (1818-1883), was perhaps the most influential theorist of the 19th
century and his influence has continued in various forms until this day. Contrary to
popular belief, he was not the first to believe in socialist ideas, many of which had
been around for some time and in various forms. Nevertheless, he was the first to
call his system truly "scientific" or "Scientific Socialism". (Also called Marxian
Socialism or as it is more widely known Marxism). It was opposed to other forms
of socialism that had been called, (with some derision), "Utopian Socialism",
(socialist ideas which though sounded good, nevertheless, would never really work
in the real world). In fact, it is this very idea of Marxism being "scientific" that has
been appealing to so many thinkers in modern history. (This and the underlying
aspect of prophecy and redemption that is inherent, though seldom acknowledged,
in Marxist ideology, has made it that much more attractive to those looking for
something to believe in). Marx expounded his ideas in two major theoretical works,
The Communist Manifesto (1848) and Das Capital ("Capital"), (vol.1 1867).

Marx sought to combine historical analysis and political ideology in a thorough

survey of the history of economic systems. Arguing that "the history of all hitherto
existing societies has been the history of class struggle", he believed that
historically in all societies there has been a struggle between two different classes
of people, the have and the have-nots. Alternatively, in the modern era, the
owners and the workers, whom he called the Bourgeoisie and the Proletariat.
Modern liberal governments and ideology are merely the agents of this class of
exploiting owners of private property. Marx advocated the total abolition of private
property and predicted the demise of the capitalist system after a series of
recurring economic crisis. The abolition of private property and therefore of the
exploitation of man by man, would make possible the situation known by the
saying "from each according to their abilities to each according to their needs". In
which each individual would contribute to society according to their particular given
ability and take according to their specific needs.

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Marx believed that since the ruling class and the owners would never give up their
position and power without a fight, that a violent revolution would be necessary in
order to overthrow them. Once this was accomplished, a period of dictatorship
known, as "the dictatorship of the proletariat" would then be necessary in order to
sustain the new order while the struggle continued until the last of the exploiting
classes were eliminated. Afterwards a new classless society would emerge.
Without a class system, the state, which Marx said was created only to perpetuate
this unequal and unfair class system, would then simply "whither away" creating a
new just and perfect society.

Marx believed that this situation was inevitable because the modern era had seen
these processes of struggle reach a crisis point, which simply could not continue.
Capitalism had become the most efficient and terrible exploitative system yet
devised. He believed that the exploitation of the working class would continue
until a breaking point is reached and the workers rise in revolution.

Yet, a critical analysis of Marxism and history itself has shown the various forms of
Marxian ideology to be false. What Marx had taken to be the death knell of
capitalism was actually its’ birth pangs. Far from leading to greater and greater
exploitation capitalism after it had fully established, it actually began to lead to a
gradual improvement in the standard of living for all classes over time. However,
this was not apparent in the beginning. Instead of trying to continue to exploit the
lower classes, the big owners and industrialists came to see them as partners in
some ways. In other words, why manufacture goods if no one can buy them?
Thus, it became important to allow the working class a standard of living high
enough to enable them to become consumers and to purchase the products being
produced. The spread of education, trade unionism and democracy also gradually
led to the people gaining greater power and influence in society.

Therefore, as capitalism progressed instead of leading to a revolutionary condition,

it led to the exact opposite situation. All classes in the society came to see that
they had a stake in preserving the current institutions; reforming them if necessary
but not ending them.

Where Marxism managed to gain any sort of great following, and attempted to
carry out a revolution, was where capitalism was still in its’ infancy. Its’ worst
features were still apparent and unchecked and where the spread of democratic
ideals had been slowed as compared to other societies. For example, the Russian
Revolution and its’ attempt to create a Marxist system as well as China, and
various small nations referred to as "third world countries”.

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In more advanced societies, Marxism changed from its previous revolutionary

ideology into an evolutionary ideology. Owing to the fact that in these societies
where democratic institutions had taken root along with capitalism, revolution was
an extremely remote possibility if any. Yet, Marxists in these societies did believe
that a socialist society was still desirable and inevitable, in the end. Thus a split
occurred between those who still believed in the revolutionary idea, the
Communists, and those who believed in the evolutionary path, the Democratic-
Socialists. In most modern, democratic-capitalist societies socialism and socialist
ideologies have not taken root in any large scale or meaningful way. At various
times certain reformers and various reformist ideas, have in some ways and to
varying degrees, incorporated ideas that can be considered to have socialist
features. In all cases, they have been extremely limited in scope and in no way
aimed at undoing the existing capitalist economic system, which is fundamental to
the socialist belief system.

What has been achieved, and could be said to be a positive development from a
socialist perspective, is the rise of what has been called "The Welfare State", or
"Welfare Capitalism". These concepts have been most often used in regards to
what has been called "post-capitalist society", which is what the United States and
many Western European countries are called. These societies, though clinging to
the basics of capitalism and free enterprise, have nevertheless adopted massive
social programs, such as Social Security, unemployment insurance, and welfare.
Measures aimed at easing some of the worst effects of capitalism. Thus, it can be
said that socialism's triumph has been more in the breach, in its actual
conceptions, as opposed to its outward forms. It is an interesting (and some might
say perverse) fact that the apparent decrease in support of socialist ideology has
been accomplished by the appropriation of these ideologies by the established
order.

An underlying and often overlooked aspect of Marxism is its idealistic, pseudo-

religious underpinnings. For all of its’ claims to be "scientific", Marxism has much
of the religious zeal in its’ basic philosophy. It is this very fact that makes Marxism
more of a belief system than a simple scientific theory. The belief is that a socialist,
(whether revolutionary or reformist), is working for the greater good of humanity.
Thus no actions to achieve this end, (especially to a communist), are proscribed.
In other words "the end justifies the means", the end being no more human want
and suffering. Thus any present day suffering is tolerated as being good for
humanity in the long term. This is like the religious doctrine "a little suffering is
good for the soul". This explains much of the often-violent history of some socialist
movements (especially the communist variety). The fact that all of this human
suffering has not brought the great future any closer has not stopped these ideas
from continuing to be believed by some. In fact, this very pseudo-religious ideology
has maintained the belief in socialism and communism.

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This is also why in any comparison between socialist and capitalist economic
forms, the socialists (especially the communists) are quick to point out that none of
the existing societies that consider themselves "socialist", or "communist", have
really achieved their goals. The real comparison they say is between what
capitalism is and what socialism and communism should or will be. This by itself
can be seen as being a facetious (not to mention completely unscientific)
argument. It is like comparing the real world to an imagined utopia (a word that
means "nowhere"). The fact that history has proved that in the real world this
idealized, perfect society can never occur, has not stopped these ideas from
being believed by their adherents.

In fact, with the fall of the Communist Eastern Bloc and experiments in capitalism
and market forces in the remaining "communist" or "socialist" societies, Marxian
socialist ideas (at least the revolutionary types), have thus generally fallen into
disfavor. It is interesting to note that the only places they do continue to be thought
about in any serious manner today is on the campuses of some American
universities.

Skill 5.4 Other important modern political ideologies.

The other important modern political philosophies and ideologies that have had the
greatest effect in the modern era are Socialism, Communism, and Fascism. Each
will be examined in its turn. It might be interesting first, however, to look at a
famous, though often misquoted-quoted saying comparing the ideas of Democracy
(actually Social Democracy), Communism, and Fascism. It first originated in
Germany in the 1930s prior to the rise of Hitler and was supposed to explain the
different ideas that each political party represented and what each would entail in
a humorous manner. In particular it was trying to explain how they operated:

"What is the difference between the Social-Democrats, the Communists,

and the Fascists?"
"Well, let's say that a farmer has six cows, under Social-Democracy, the
government would take three, and leave the farmer three".
"Under Communism, the government would take all six cows and leave the
farmer nothing".
"While the Fascists would leave the farmer all six cows, just so long as
they got all the milk!"

The three descriptions were actually trying to demonstrate the different economic
approaches each respective ideology takes in regards to the means of production
(in this case using cows as an example).

The Social Democrats would take some of the cows (in a strong progressive tax
system) while leaving the farmer the rest.

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The Communists, believing in the confiscation of all private property without

compensation, at least in regards to the means of production, (a process called
nationalization), would take all the cows and give the farmer nothing in return.

The Fascists according to their ideology, are against outright confiscation of

private property and believe in allowing the means of production to remain in
private hands, (this is one of its major historic appeals). Instead they are for strong
economic control over society, thus they would allow the farmer to keep all of his
cows, they would just insist on getting all of the production, in this case, the milk.

Of course, this is a simplified explanation for the differences between them, but it
states the basics in a very concise and entertaining way. Now on to the specifics
of the aforementioned ideologies:

Socialism - (see Socialism, Section 1.4 and Karl Marx Section 5.3) This is a
recent political phenomenon, though its’ roots can be traced far back in time in
many respects. At the core, both socialism and communism are fundamentally
economic philosophies that advocate public rather than private ownership
especially over the means of production, yet even here, there are many
distinctions. Karl Marx concentrated his attention on the industrial worker and on
state domination over the means of production. In practice, this Marxian dogma
has largely been followed the most in those countries that profess Communism in
conjunction with massive programs for the development of heavy industry. This
emphasis has been on production regardless of the wants or comforts of the
individual in the given society. Socialism by contrast, usually occurring where
industry has already been developed, has concerned itself more with the welfare
of the individual and the fair distribution of whatever wealth is available.

Communism has a rigid theology and a bible (Das Capital) that sees Communism
emerging as a result of almost cosmic laws. Modern socialism is much closer to
the ground. It too sees change in human society and hopes for improvement, but
there is no unchanging millennium at the end of the road. Communism is sure that
it will achieve the perfect state and in this certainty, it is willing to use all means,
however ruthless to bring it about. Socialism on the other hand, confident only that
the human condition is always changing, makes no easy approximation between
ends and means and so cannot justify brutalities. This distinction in philosophy of
course makes for an immense conflict in methods. Communism believing that
revolution is inevitable, works toward it by emphasizing class antagonisms,
Socialism, while seeking change, insists on the use of democratic procedures
within the existing social order of a given society. In it, the upper classes and
capitalists are not to be violently overthrown but instead won over by logical
persuasion.

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It is interesting to note that in every perfect, idealized community or society that

people have dreamed about throughout history, where human beings are pictured
living in special harmony that transcends their natural instincts, there has been a
touch of socialism. This tendency was especially found in the Utopian-Socialists
of the early 19th century, whose basic aim was the repudiation of the private-
property system with its economic inefficiency and social injustice. Their criticisms
rather than any actual achievements would linger after them. Like Marx, they
envisioned industrial capitalism as becoming increasingly inhumane and
oppressive. They could not imagine the mass of workers prospering in such a
system. Yet, the workers soon developed their own powerful organizations and
institutions. They began to bend the economic system to their own benefit. Thus a
split did occur.

First, between those who after the growing success of the labor movement
rejected the earlier utopian ideas as being impractical. And those who saw in this
new found political awareness of the working class the key to organizing a realistic
ability of revolution, who saw this as inevitable based on their previous
observations and study of history. Having reached a point where it has managed
to jeopardize its very own survival, the inevitable revolution of those opposed to
the present capitalist system had to occur. History has proven this so and history
was always right and irrefutable.

These believers in the absolute correctness of this doctrine gathered around Marx
in what he called Scientific Socialism, in contempt to all other kinds, which he
considered scientific and therefore useless as a realistic political philosophy.

The next split would occur between those who believed in the inevitability of the
coming revolution (the Revolutionary Socialists, or as they came to be known
the Communists) and those who saw the growing political awareness of the
working class. Accepting the basic idea that the current capitalist system could
not last, the beginnings of an ability to effect peaceful and gradual change in the
social order was beginning. They believed this is better in the end for everyone
concerned as opposed to a cataclysmic, apocalyptic uprising, (The Democratic-
Socialists).

Major strides for the Democratic-Socialists were made before the First World
War. A war that the Socialists, by philosophy pacifists, initially resisted, giving only
reluctant support only when the struggle had begun. During the conflict, public
sentiment against pacifism tended generally to weaken the movement, but with
peace reaction set in. The cause of world socialism leaped forward, often
overcompensating by adhering to revolutionary communism which in the
Revolution of 1917 had taken hold of in Russia. The period between the wars
saw the sudden spurt of socialism. Whether their leanings were democratic or not,
all socialists were bound together for a time in their resistance to fascism.

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The decade following World War II saw tremendous growth in socialism.

Economic planning and the nationalization of industry was undertaken in many
countries and to this day has not been repudiated. A subsequent return to self-
confidence in the private business community and among voters in general has
frequently weakened the socialist majority or reduced it to the status of an
opposition party. This political balance leaves most industrialized countries with a
mixed socialist-capitalist economy. So long as there is no major worldwide
depression, this situation may remain relatively stable. The consequences of
World War II, particularly the independence of former European colonies has
opened vast new areas for the attempted development of socialist forms. Most
have tried to aspire to the democratic type, but very few have succeeded except
where democratic traditions were strong.

Socialism, though concentrating on economic relationships, has always

considered itself a complete approach to human society. In effect a new belief
system and thus a world rather than a national movement. In this respect as well,
it owes much to Great Britain for it was in London in 1864 that the first Socialist
lnternational was organized by Karl Marx. This radical leftist organization died off
after limping along for twelve years, by which time its headquarters had moved to
New York.

After the passage of about another twelve years the Second Socialist
International met in Paris to celebrate the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille in
the French Revolution. By this time, serious factions were developing. There were
the Anarchists, (see Anarchism, Section 1.4), who wanted to tear down everything,
Communists who wanted to tear down the established order and build another in
its place, and the Democratic-Socialist majority who favored peaceful political
action.

Struggling for internal peace and cohesion right up to the First World War,
socialism would remain largely ineffectual at this critical international time.

Peace brought them all together again in Bern Switzerland, but by this time the
Soviet Union had been created and the Russian Communists refused to attend the
meeting on the grounds that the Second Socialist lnternational opposed the type of
dictatorship it saw as necessary in order to achieve revolutions. Thus, the
Communist lnternational was created in direct opposition to the Socialist
International, while the socialists went on to advocate the "triumph of democracy,
firmly rooted in the principles of liberty". The main objective of this new Socialist
lnternational was to maintain the peace, an ironic and very elusive goal in the
period between the two world wars.

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The Nazi attacks on Poland in September 1939 completely shattered the

organization. In 1946, a new Socialist Information and Liaison Office was set
up to reestablish old contacts, and in 1951, the lnternational was revived with a
conference in Frankfurt Germany, at which time it adopted a document entitled
"Aims and Tasks of Democratic Socialism". A summary of these objectives gives
a good picture of modern Democratic-Socialism as it exists on paper in its ideal
form.

As always, the first principle is nationalized ownership of the major means of

production and distribution. Usually public ownership is deemed appropriate for
the strategically important services, public utilities, banking and resource industries
such as coal, iron, lumber and oil. Farming has never been considered well
adapted to public administration and has usually been excluded from
nationalization. From this takeover of the free enterprise system socialists expect a
more perfect freedom to evolve, offering equal opportunity for all, the minimizing of
class conflict, better products for less cost, and security from physical want or
need.

At the international level, socialism seeks a world of free peoples living together in
peace and harmony for the mutual benefit of all. That freedom, at least from
colonial rule, has largely been won. Peace throughout the world, however, is still
as far off in most respects as it has ever been. However, according to the socialist
doctrine, putting and end to capitalism will do much to reduce the likelihood of war.
Armies and businesses are seen to need each other in a marriage of the
weapons-mentality and devotion to private profit through the economic exploitation
of weaker countries.

The United States remains the bastion of the free enterprise system. Socialism in
the United States has long been regarded historically as a "menace" to the
"American Way". There is no question that socialists do argue for change;
capitalism in their opinion makes for unfair distribution of wealth, causing private
affluence and public squalor. They also hold it responsible for environmental
pollution and economic inflation. By curbing the absolute freedom of the private
businessman or corporation, socialism hopes to satisfy all human necessities at
the price of individual self-indulgence. Anti-trust legislation, the graduated income
tax, and social security have all moved the United States toward the idea of the
"Welfare State", which recognizes as its prime objective full employment and a
minimum living standard for all, whether employed or not. Even such taken for
granted features of modern life as public schools and the federal postal service are
relatively recent and socialistic innovations. Socialists applaud these programs,
but, in what they regard as a sick society, these remedies seem to them only so
much aspirin where major surgery is needed.

While communism and socialism arose in reaction to the excesses of 19th century
capitalism, all three have matured in the past 100 years. Capitalism has mellowed,
while a sibling rivalry may continue to exist between communism and socialism.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 36

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Officially, communism clings to the idea of revolution and the seizing of capitalist
property by the state without compensation. Socialism accepts gradualism, feeling
that a revolution, particularly in an industrial society would be ruinous. In fact,
socialists and in some situations even communists, have come to realize that not
all economic institutions function better in public hands. Private responsibility
frequently offers benefits that go to the public good. This is particularly true in the
agricultural sector, where personal ownership and cultivation of land have always
been deeply ingrained.

All socialism denies certain freedoms, sometimes hidden in what it considers

favorable terms. It deprives the minority of special economic privileges for the
benefit of the majority. The more left wing, communistic socialism may deny the
democratic process entirely. Traditionally defined democracy holds to the idea that
the people, exercising their majority opinion at the polls, will arrive at the common
good by electing representative individuals to govern them. Communists would
interpret this to mean the tyranny of an uneducated majority obliged to decide
between a politically selected group of would-be leaders.

There is no question that the democratic process has its limitations, but for want of
a better method, contemporary socialism accepts democracy as a major principle.

The expressed goals of modern socialism are commendable, but goals of course
are easy to state, especially when there is no real opportunity to carry them out in
fact. The gulf between theory and practice is often insurmountable, the situation
thus remains whether given the chance socialism can bring about a better world
than now exists. Nowhere today does socialism exists in a pure and unchallenged
form, but in many nations, it has made impressive gains.

Communism - (see "Communism", Section 1.4) is, in fact, a direct outgrowth of

socialism. In 1848, Karl Marx (with Freidrich Engels) began his Communist
Manifesto with the prophetic sentence "a specter is haunting Europe, the specter
of communism". Little more than a century later nearly one third of the world's
population would live under governments professing communism, even with the
collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Communist Bloc. China with nearly
one fourth of the world's population, not to mention North Korea and Cuba, still
claim to follow the communist ideal. Yet, in even these societies, not one of them
could say that they have achieved (through massive toil, treachery and bloodshed)
the ideal state that communism was supposed to create.

Marx took the name for his ideal society from the French Communes, feudal
villages that held land and produce in common. However, he was not satisfied with
villages, his dream was of a newly industrialized Europe shaped into a communist
world. As he saw it, other systems would give way, or if they fought back, would
be destroyed. With the birth of the industrial age in the early 19th century, privately
owned factories employed larger and larger work forces. The owners of these
factories made vast profits, which they plowed back into building more factories.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 37

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

The workers were becoming mere tools in a huge anonymous crowd, alienated
from the product of their toil. Labor was hard, often dangerous, and poorly
rewarded. This was the economic system of capitalism in its formative years and
Maw saw it leading only to increased enrichment of the owners of great
businesses and to the eventual enslavement of the working class. Marx exhorted
the workers to revolt. He urged them in his writings to seize the factories from the
capitalists, not to become capitalist themselves, but in order to place the means of
production in the hands of the community for the benefit of all its citizens. This
intermediate society controlling the means of production is called the
"Dictatorship of the Proletariat". It is what the Soviet- Union and other so-called
communist nations achieved, but it is not communism. True communism comes
only with the further step of the state giving ownership back to the people. Who
then continue to live together in abundance without supervision from a ruling class.

Pure Communism does not do now (in those few countries that still professes it),
nor has it ever, existed in fact. Perhaps it never will. It is a never-never land of
absolute bliss; heaven on Earth, the Garden of Eden revisited, this time for all to
enjoy.

So, despite endless writing on the subject of communism, almost all of its verbiage
has been devoted to the struggle to achieve socialism. Today for the commissar
who drives the worker and the peasant who pulls the load, communism remains
the goal, the end of the struggle. Though Marx and his disciples have insisted and
continue to insist that socialism is only a stop on the way to communism, they
have not dared to describe this final paradise on Earth except in the haziest of
ways.

With the final achievement of communism, greed and competition will presumably
cease. Individuals will contribute according to their ability and receive according to
their need. There will be no cause for crime or vice of any kind, no race or class
rivalry, no grounds for war and no reason for government.

Perfection indeed, but unhappily not yet of this world. In fact, it is measurably no
nearer today anywhere than when Marx first conceived it.

As been examined earlier, the fact that it can never really occur has not stopped it
from being believed in some quarters.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 38

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

Fascism – The last important historical economic system to arise. It has been called a
reaction against the last two ideologies discussed. It can at times cooperate with a
Monarchy if it has to.

In general, Fascism is the effort to create, by dictatorial means, a viable national society in
which competing interests were to be adjusted to each other by being entirely subordinated
to the service of the state. The following features have been characteristic of Fascism in its
various manifestations: (1) An origin at a time of serious economic disruption and of rapid
and bewildering social change. (2) A philosophy that rejects democratic and humanitarian
ideals and glorifies the absolute sovereignty of the state, the unity and destiny of the
people, and their unquestioning loyalty and obedience to the dictator. (3) An aggressive
nationalism which calls for the mobilization and regimentation of every aspect of national
life and makes open use of violence and intimidation. (4) The simulation of mass popular
support, accomplished by outlawing all but a single political party and by using
suppression, censorship, and propaganda. (5) A program of vigorous action including
economic reconstruction, industrialization, pursuit of economic self-sufficiency, territorial
expansion and war which is dramatized as bold, adventurous, and promising a glorious
future.

Fascist movements often had socialists origins. For example, in Italy, where fascism first
arose in place of socialism, Benito Mussolini, sought to impose what he called
“corporativism”. A fascist “corporate” state would, in theory, run the economy for the
benefit of the whole country like a corporation. It would be centrally controlled and
managed by an elite who would see that its benefits would go to everyone.

Fascism has always declared itself the uncompromising enemy of communism, with
which, however, fascist actions have much in common. (In fact, many of the methods of
organization and propaganda used by fascists were taken from the experience of the early
Russian communists, along with the belief in a single strong political party, secret police,
etc.) The propertied interests and the upper classes, fearful of revolution, often gave their
support to fascism on the basis of promises by the fascist leaders to maintain the status
quo and safeguard property. (In effect, accomplishing a revolution from above with their
help as opposed from below against them. However, fascism did consider itself a
revolutionary movement of a different type).

Once established, a fascist regime ruthlessly crushes communist and socialist parties as
well as all democratic opposition. It regiments the propertied interests to its national goals
and wins the potentially revolutionary masses to fascist programs by substituting a rabid
nationalism for class conflict. Thus fascism may be regarded as an extreme defensive
expedient adopted by a nation faced with the sometimes illusionary threat of communist
subversion or revolution. Under fascism, capital is regulated as much as labor and fascist
contempt for legal or constitutional guarantees effectively destroyed whatever security the
capitalistic system had enjoyed under pre-fascist governments.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 39

 TEACHER CERTIFICATION STUDY GUIDE

In addition, fascist or similar regimes are at times anti-Communist. This is evidenced by the
Soviet-German treaty of 1939. During the period of alliance created by the treaty, Italy and
Germany, and their satellite countries ceased their anti-Communist propaganda. They
emphasized their own revolutionary and proletarian origins and attacked the so-called
plutocratic western democracies.

The fact that fascist countries sought to control national life by methods identical to those of
communist governments make such nations vulnerable to communism after the fascist
regime is destroyed.

In theory at least, the chief distinction between fascism and communism is fascism is
nationalist, exalting the interests of the state and glorifying war between nations.
Whereas, communism is internationalist, exalting the interests of a specific economic
class (the proletariat) and glorifying world wide class warfare. In practice, however, this
fundamental distinction loses some of its validity. For in its heyday, fascism was also an
internationalist movement. A movement dedicated to world conquest, (like communism),
as evidenced by the events prior to and during the Second World War. At the same time,
many elements in communism as it evolved came to be very nationalistic as well.

Theoretically, communist systems are to follow "Democratic - centralism." People

elect officials to elect higher party organizations, which in turn elect higher officials
and finally appoint a chairman or general secretary. In practice however all
communist systems work the opposite whereby party leaders appoint all officials.

In a fascist system, no pretense of Democratic ideals is observed. The leader is

idealized as the supreme ruler with absolute power over the entire state. The
leader thus appoints and demotes officials at will. The party is seen as an
expression of the leaders will.

POLI. SCI./POLI. PHILOSOPHY 40

Other documents randomly have
different content
 1643.—April 21.

16. His Majesties Declaration to all his loving

Subjects in his Kingdom of Scotland.319
Charles R.
As there hath been no mean left unattempted which the malice
and wit of Rebellion could devise, to infect and poyson the Affections
and Loyalty of Our good Subjects of Our Kingdom of England, and to
withdraw their Hearts from Us by the most pernicious and desperate
Calumnies, that could be invented to under-value and lessen Our
Reputation with Foreign Princes, by Injuries and Affronts upon their
Publick Ministers, and by presuming to send Agents qualified for
Negotiation without Our Consent, and in truth, to expose Us, and
Our Royal Authority to Scorn and Contempt, by assuming a Power
over Us; so the pernicious Contrivers of these bloody Distempers
have not delighted in any Art more than in that, by which they have
hoped to stir up Our good Subjects of that Our Native Kingdome of
Scotland to joyn with them, and to infuse in them a jealousie and
disesteem of Our true Affection, and Our Gracious Intentions
towards that Nation. To this purpose they have used great Industry
to convey into that Our Kingdom, and to scatter and disperse there
divers Seditions Pamphlets, framed and contrived against Our Person
and Government, and have sent Agents of their own to reside there;
and to promote their Designs, one of whom, lately resident there,
one Pickering, by his Letters of the 9ᵗʰ of January to Mr Pym,
assures him of the Concurrence of that Kingdom, and that the
Ministers in their Pulpits, do in downright terms press the Taking up
of Arms, and in another of his Letters to Sir John Clotworthy, sayes,
that the Trumpet sounded to the Battel, and all cryed, Arm, Arm,
with many other bold, scandalous, and seditious Passages, very
derogatory from the Duty and Affection, which We are most
confident Our good Subjects of that Our Native Kingdom bear to Us.
To this purpose they traduce Us with raising and making War against
Our Parliament, of having an Army of Papists, and favouring that
Religion; of endeavouring to take away the Liberty and Property of
Our Subjects: and upon these grounds they have presumed by a
Publick Declaration to invite Our good Subjects of Our Kingdom of
Scotland to joyn with them, and to take up Arms against Us their
Natural Liege Lord. Lastly, to this purpose they endeavour, as well in
Publick as by secret Insinuations, to beget an apprehension in them,
that if We prevail so far here, as by the blessing of God to preserve
Our self from the Ruine they have designed to Us, the same will
have a dangerous influence upon that Our Kingdom of Scotland, and
the Peace established there; and that Our good Laws lately
established by Us for the Happiness and Welfare of that Our Native
Kingdom will be no longer observed, and maintained by Us, than the
same Necessity, which they say extorted them from Us, hangs upon
Us, but that We will turn all our Forces against them: a Calumny so
groundlessly and impiously raised, that if We were in any degree
conscious to Our Self of such wicked Intentions, We should not only
not expect a dutiful Sense, in that Our Native Kingdom, of Our
Sufferings; but should think Our Selves unworthy of so great
Blessings, and eminent Protection as We have received from the
hands of the Almighty, to whom We know We must yield a dear
Accompt for any Breach of Trust, or failing of Our Duty toward Our
People.
But as We have taken special Care, from time to time to inform
Our good Subjects of that Our Native Kingdom of the Occurrences
here, particularly by Our Declaration of the 12th of August, wherein
is a clear, plain Narration of the beginning and progress of Our
Sufferings to that time; so the bold and unwarranted Proceedings of
these Desperate Incendiaries, have been so publick to the World,
that Our good Subjects of Scotland could not but take notice of
them, and have observed, that after We had freely and voluntarily
consented to so many Acts of Parliament, as not only repaired all
former Grievances, but also added whatsoever was proposed to Us,
for the future benefit and security of Our Subjects; insomuch as in
truth there wanted nothing to make the Nation compleatly Happy,
but a just sense of their own excellent Condition, a few
discontented, ambitious, and factious Persons so far prevailed over
the Weakness of others, that instead of receiving that return of
Thanks and Acknowledgment, which We expected and deserved,
Our People were poysoned with Seditious and Scandalous Fears and
Jealousies concerning Us; We were encountered with more
unreasonable and importunate Demands, and at last were driven
through Force and Tumults to flee from Our City of London, for the
Safety of Our Life. After which We were still pursued with unheard-of
Insolences and Indignities, and such Members of either House as
refused to joyn in these unjustifiable Resolutions, were driven from
these Councils, contrary to the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament,
insomuch that above four parts of five of that Assembly was likewise
forced, and are still kept from thence; Our Forts, Towns, Ships, and
Arms, were taken from Us, Our Money, Rents, and Revenues, seized
and detained; and that then a powerful and formidable Army was
raised and conducted against Us, (a good part of which was raised
and mustered, before We had given Our Commissions for Raising
One Man) that all this time We never deny’d any one thing, but what
by the known Law was unquestionably Our Own; That We earnestly
desired and pressed a Treaty, so that We might but know at what
price We might prevent the Miseries and Desolation that were
threatened; That this was absolutely and scornfully refused and
rejected, and We compelled with the assistance of such of Our good
Subjects as came to Our Succour, to make use of Our Defensive
Arms for the Safety of Our Life, and Preservation of Our Posterity.
What passed since that, Battel hath been given Us, Our Own Person
and Our Children endeavoured to be destroyed, those unheard-of
Pressures have been exercised upon Our poor Subjects by Rapine,
Plundering, and Imprisonment, and that Confusion which is since
brought upon the whole excellent Frame of the Government of this
Kingdome, is the Discourse of Christendom. We are very far from
making a War with or against Our Parliament, of which We Our
Selves are an essential part: Our principal Quarrel is for the
Priviledges of Parliament, as well those of the Two Houses as Our
Own; if a few Persons had not, by Arts and Force, first awed, and
then driven away the rest, these Differences had never arisen, much
less had they never come to so bloudy a Decision. We have often
accused those Persons against whom Our Quarrel is, and desired to
bring them to no other Trial than that of the Law of the Land, by
which they ought to be tried. As We have been compelled to take up
these Defensive Arms for the Safety of Our Life, assaulted by
Rebellious Arms, the Defence of the true Reformed Protestant
Religion, scornfully invaded by Brownists, Anabaptists, and other
Independent Sectaries, (who in truth are the principal Authors, and
sole Fomenters of this unnatural Civil War) for the Maintenance of
the Liberty and Property of the Subjects, maliciously violated by a
vast unlimited Arbitrary Power, and for the Preservation of the Right,
Dignity, and Privileges of Parliament, almost destroyed by Tumults
and Faction: so what hath by Violence been taken from Us, being
restored, and the Freedom of Meeting in Parliament being secured,
We have lately offered (though We have not been thought worthy of
an Answer) to Disband Our Army, and leave all Differences to the
Tryal of a full and peaceable Convention in Parliament, and We
cannot from Our Soul desire any Blessing from Heaven more, than
We do a peaceable and happy End of these unnatural Distractions.
For the malicious groundless aspersion of having an Army of
Papists; though in the Condition and Strait to which We are brought,
no man had reason to wonder if We received assistance from any of
Our Subjects of what Religion soever, who by the Laws of the Land
are bound to perform all offices of Duty and Allegeance to Us; yet it
is well known, that We took all possible Care, by Our Proclamations,
to inhibit any of that Religion to repair to Us, which was precisely
and strictly observed (notwithstanding even all that time We were
traduced as being attended by none but Papists, when in a Month
together there hath not been one Papist near Our Court) though
great numbers of that Religion have been with great alacrity
entertained by that Rebellious Army against Us, and others have
been seduced, to whom we had formerly denied Imployment, as
appears by the examination of many Prisoners, of whom We have
taken Twenty and Thirty at a time, of one Troop or Company, of that
Religion. What Our Opinion is of that Religion, Our frequent Solemn
Protestations before Almighty God, who knows Our Heart, do
manifest to the World; And what Our Practice is in Religion, is not
unknown to Our good Subjects of that Our Native Kingdom. And as
We have omitted no way, Our Conscience and Understanding could
suggest, to be for the promoting and advancing the Protestant
Religion; so We have professed Our readiness in a full and peaceable
Convention of Parliament, to consent to whatsoever shall be
proposed by Bill, for the better Discovery and speedier Conviction of
Recusants, for the Education of the Children of Papists by
Protestants in the Protestant Religion, for the prevention of the
Practices of Papists against the State, and the due Execution of the
Laws, and true Levying of Penalties against them; so We shall
further embrace any just Christian Means to Suppress Popery in all
Our Dominions, of which Inclination and Resolution of Ours, that Our
Native Kingdom hath received good evidence.
For the other malicious and wicked Insinuations, that Our Success
here upon the Rebellious Armies raised to destroy Us, will have an
influence upon Our Kingdom of Scotland, and that We will
endeavour to get loose from those wholsom Laws which have been
enacted by Us there, We can say no more, but Our good Subjects of
that Kingdom well remember, with what Deliberation, Our Self being
present at all the Debates, We consented to these Acts: and We do
assure Our Subjects there, and call God Almighty to witness of the
uprightness and resolution of Our Heart in that point, that We shall
always use Our utmost Endeavours, to defend and maintain the
Rights and Liberties of that Our Native Kingdom, according to the
Laws established there, and shall no longer look for Obedience, than
We shall govern by the Laws. And We hope that Our zeal and
carriage, only in Defence of the Laws and Government of this
Kingdom, and the subjecting Our Self to so great hazard and danger
will be no argument, that when the Work is done, We would pass
through the same Difficulties to alter, and invade the Constitutions of
that Our other Kingdom. We find disadvantages enough to struggle
with in the Defence of the most upright, innocent, just Cause of
Taking up Arms; and therefore, if We wanted the Conscience, we
cannot the Discretion to tempt God in an unjust Quarrel. The Laws
of Our Kingdom shall be always Sacred to Us; We shall refuse no
hazard to defend them, but sure We shall run none to invade them.
And therefore We do conjure all Our good Subjects of that Our
Native Kingdom, by the long happy and uninterrupted Government
of Us, and Our Royal Progenitors over them, by the Memory of those
many large and publick Blessings they enjoyed under Our dear
Father, by those ample Favours and Benefits they have received from
Us, by their Own Solemn National Covenant, and their Obligation of
Friendship and Brotherhood with the Kingdom of England, not to
suffer themselves to be misled and corrupted in their Affections and
Duty to Us, by the cunning Malice and Industry of those Incendiaries
and their Adherents, but to resist and look upon them, as Persons
who would involve them in their Guilt, and sacrifice the Honour,
Fidelity and Allegiance, of that Our Native Kingdom, to their private
Ends and Ambition. And We require Our good Subjects there, to
consider that the Persons who have contrived, fomented, and do still
maintain these bloody Distractions, and this unnatural Civil War,
what pretence so ever they make of their Care of the true Reformed
Protestant Religion, are in truth Brownists and Anabaptists and other
Independent Sectaries; and though they seem to desire an
Uniformity of Church-Government with Our Kingdom of Scotland, do
no more intend, and are so far from allowing the Church-
Government by Law established there (or indeed any Church-
Government whatsoever) as they are from consenting to the
Episcopal: and We cannot but expect greater sense of Our
Sufferings, since the obligations We have laid on that Our Native
Kingdom, are used as arguments against Us here, and Our free
consenting to some Acts of Grace and Favour there (which were
asked of Us by reason of Our necessary residence from thence) have
encouraged ill-affected Persons, to endeavour by Force to obtain the
same here where We usually reside. To conclude, We cannot think
that Our good Subjects there will so far hearken to the Treason and
Malice of Our Enemies, as to interrupt their own present Peace and
Happiness; and God so deal with Us and Our posterity, as We shall
inviolably observe the Laws and Statutes of that Our Native
Kingdom, and the Protestations We have so often made, for the
Defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion, the Laws of the
Land, and the Just Priviledges and Freedom of Parliaments.
 1643.—May 12.

17. Letter from the Privy Council to the King.320

Most Dread Sovereign,
The extreme necessity of the Army, sent from this Kingdom by
Order from Your Majesty and the Parliament here, against the
Rebellion in Ireland; the want of Means for their necessary Supply,
through the not payment of the Arrears and Maintenance due to
them by the Parliament of England; the delay of the Payment of the
Brotherly Assistance, so necessary for the relief of the Common
Burdens of this Kingdom, by reason of the unhappy Distractions in
England, and the sense of the danger of Religion, of Your Majesties
Royal Person, and of the Common Peace of Your Kingdoms, have
moved Your Majesties Privy Council, the Commissioners for
conserving the Peace and Common Burdens, to joyn together in a
Common Meeting, for acquitting our selves in the Trust committed to
us by Your Majesty and the Estates of Parliament; and having found
after long Debate, and mature Deliberation, that the Matters before-
mentioned are of so Publick Concernment, of so deep Importance,
and so great Weight, that they cannot be determined by us, in such
a way, and with such hope of Success, as may give satisfaction to
Your Majesty, serve for the good of this Your Majesties Kingdom, and
as may make us answerable to the Trust committed to us by Your
Majesties Parliament; We have been constrained to crave the advice
and resolution of a Convention of the Estates to meet June 22ᵗʰ,
which, as according to the obligation and duty of our Places we are
bound to shew Your Majesty, so do we humbly intreat, that against
the Time agreed upon by Common Consent, Your Majesty may be
Graciously pleased to acquaint us with Your Pleasure and
Commandments, that Matters may be so determined, as may most
serve for the Honour of God, Your Majesties Service, and Well of
Your Kingdomes; which now is, and ever shall be, the earnest desire
and constant endeavour of
Your Majesties faithful and humble
Subjects and Servants,

Lowdon, Cancellarius,
Leven, Gibson-Dury, T. Raffrerland,
Argyle, T. Myrton, T. Bruce,
Cassilis, Tho. Hope, J. Smith,
Dalhousy, A. Johnstoun, Edward Edgar,
Lauderdale, T. Hepburne, J. Binny,
Balmerino, J. Hamilton, W. Glendoning,
Yester, J. Home, Hugh Kennedy,
Burghley, T. Wauchop, G. Gourdon.
Balcarres,

Edinburgh, 12th May,

1643.
 1643.—May 18.

18. Lanerick’s Account of Affairs to His Majesty.321

May it please Your Majesty,
I shall here Humbly presume to let Your Majesty know, that before
any of Your Scotish Servants, who lately parted with Your Majesty at
Oxford, could possibly come hither, the Chancellour had made his
Report to the Council and Conservatours of the Treaty, and Mr
Henderson to the Commissioners of the General Assembly, of their
Employments to Your Majesty, where Your Answers to their Desires
were found not satisfactory, and thereafter Your Majesties Council,
Commissioners for the Treaty and Common Burdens, having joyned
together for giving of Security, for such Moneys as should be levyed,
for the Maintenance of Your Majesties Scotish Army in Ireland, they
thought fit (without admitting of any delay until Your Majesties
Pleasure were known) to call a Convention of the Estates, as their
several Acts and Proclamations to that effect (here inclosed) will
more particularly shew Your Majesty.
And for the present Your Majesties Servants, who came lately
hither, having only met with three or four of those whom Your
Majesty appointed them to consult with, have thought fit to advise
with some others of the same Affection and Forwardness to Your
Majesties Service, before they presume to give Your Majesty any
advice upon the present Occasions, being matters of so great
Weight, and so highly concerning Your Majesties Service: but they
have taken the readiest and most speedy Course they can think
upon, for Meeting and Consulting with them; and thereafter are
immediately to return hither, from whence they will with all diligence
offer unto Your Majesty their humble Opinion. In the mean time I
have dispatched Your Majesties Letters to such Noblemen and
Burroughs, as your Majesty was pleased to direct me, shewing Your
Resolution of preserving here what you have been pleased so
Graciously to establish in Church and State, not having been able to
deliver Your Majesties Letter to Your Council, who were dissolved
before my coming, and my Lord Chancellour is gone out of Town,
without whose Appointment there can be no extraordinary Meeting;
so that I believe Your Majesties Gracious Declaration to Your Scotish
Subjects cannot be published before that time; nor till then can I be
able to give Your Majesty any further account of Your Affairs here,
though in the mean time I shall study to serve Your Majesty
faithfully, according to the Duty of Your Majesties
Most humble and most faithful, and most
obedient Subject and Servant,
Lanerick.
Edinburgh, 18ᵗʰ May, 1643.
 1643.—May 22.

19. Letter from the King to the Council anent the

Convention.322
Charles R.
Right Trusty and Right well-beloved Cousins and Councellours,
and Right Trusty and well-beloved Councellours, We Greet
you well.

We are much surprized at Your Letter of the 12ᵗʰ of this Moneth,

whereby it seems you have given order for the Calling of a
Convention of the Estates of that Our Kingdom without Our Privity or
Authority: which, as it is a business We see no reason for at present,
and that hath never been done before but in the Minority of the
Kings of Scotland, without their Consent; so We cannot by any
means approve of it, and therefore We command you to take order
that there be no such Meeting, till you give Us full satisfaction of the
Reasons for it.
Given at Our Court at Oxford, 22ᵗʰ May, 1643.
 1643.—May 22.

20. Letter from the King to Lanerick.323

Charles R.
Right Trusty, and Right well-beloved Cousin and Councellour,
We Greet you well.

We have herewith sent you Copies not only of the Letters We

lately received from Scotland, but also of Our several Letters to Our
Chancellour and Council there, the Originals whereof We leave to
your Discretion, to deliver and make use of as you shall find best for
Our Advantage: but for the Business it self, We have heretofore so
fully declared to you Our Own Opinion therein, as We need say no
more of that Subject to you.
We observe in the Letter to Us, that there are but eleven
Councellours Names to it, and that none of those that are best-
affected have subscribed it; and We find that as great, or a greater
number of Councellours, Persons of great Quality, Place, and Trust,
have not subscribed to it.
Given at Our Court, at Oxford,
22ᵗʰ of May, 1643.
 1643.—May 29.

21. Letter from the King to Lanerick.324

Charles R.
Right Trusty, and Right well-beloved Cousin and
Councellour, We Greet you well.

The Earl of Lindsay coming hither from London, hath assured us,
that the Cause of the Two Houses sending into Scotland, to have the
Lords that went hence sequestred, was, the Intercepting of their
Letter sent to Our Dearest Consort, the Queen, and nothing else.
We perceive by the Copy of the Resolutions you sent Us, with
what Prudence, and Loyal Courage, your Brother Hamilton and the
Lord Advocate opposed at Council there, the Order for Calling a
Convention of the Estates for which We would hare you to give them
Our particular Thanks. You and others of Our Council there, know
well, how injurious the Calling of a Convention of Estates, without
Our Consent, is to our Honour and Dignity Royal; and as it imports
Us, so We desire all Our well-affected Servants to hinder it what they
may; but shall leave it to them, to take therein such Course, as they
shall there upon advice conceive best, without prescribing any way,
or giving any particular Directions. If notwithstanding Our Refusal,
and the endeavours of our well-affected Subjects and Servants to
hinder it, there shall be a Convention of the Estates, then We wish
that all those who are right-affected to Us, should be present at it;
but to do nothing there, but only Protest against their Meeting and
Actions. We have so fully instructed this Bearer, that for all other
Matters We shall refer you to his Relation, whereto We would have
you to give credit.
Given at our Court at Oxford, the
29ᵗʰ of May, 1643.
 1643.—June 5.

22. Message to the King from his Friends in

Scotland.325
A Convention was indicted by the Chancellour, and such others of
the Council as have signed His Majesties Letter thereabout, with the
Advice and Concurrence of the Committees for conserving the Treaty
and Common Burdens to be kept at Edinburgh the 22ᵗʰ of June:
whereby it is conceived His Majesty suffers exceedingly in His Regal
Authority, in the Calling thereof without his Special Warrant. A
Proclamation for the Indicting thereof is likewise issued forth in His
Majesties Name, expressing a danger to Religion, His Majesties
Person, and the Peace of this Kingdom, from Papists in Arms in
England, which in that appears to be contrary to His late Declaration
sent to Scotland.
Hereupon divers Noblemen and Gentlemen well-affected to His
Majesties Service met at Edinburgh, and after three or four days
Debate, considering the exigency of Time, the present posture of
Affairs, and the disposition and inclination of the People of this
Country, did not conceive it fitting, that His Majesty should
absolutely discharge that Meeting, (which certainly would be kept
notwithstanding of any Discharge from Him, which would both bring
His Authority in greater Contempt, and lose more of the Affections of
the People, whereby the Power of His Majesties Servants would be
lessened) but rather that His Majesty should so far take notice of the
Illegal Calling thereof, and His Own Suffering thereby, that the same
remaining upon Record may be an evidence to posterity, that this act
of theirs can infer no such Precedent for the like in the future; but
afterwards His Majesty, or His Successors, may legally question the
same. And that His Majesties Servants here may be better enabled,
and strengthened with the assistance of others of His Majesties
faithful Subjects, who truly and really intend nothing but the Security
of Religion as it is here established, and are altogether averse from
and against the Raising of Arms, or Bringing over the Scotish Army
in Ireland, whereby His Majesties Affairs, or their own Peace may be
disturbed—they conceive it fit, that His Majesty should permit this
Convention to Treat, and conclude upon such Particulars, as may
secure their Fears from any danger of Religion at home, without
interesting themselves in the Government of the Church of England.
And in respect that the Two Houses of Parliament have not sent
Supplies for Entertaining the Scotish Army in Ireland, whereby they
may have some colour or ground for recalling them, it is conceived
necessary, that this Convention should have a Power from His
Majesty, to advise and resolve upon all fair and Legal wayes for
Entertaining the said Army still in Ireland, and for recovering
payment of the Brotherly Assistance: providing always, that in the
doing thereof no Resolution be taken for Levying of Forces, or doing
any Act, whereby this Kingdom, or any part thereof, may be put in a
posture of War, or under any pretence to bring over the Scotish
Army in Ireland, or any part thereof, without special Warrant from
His Majesty; wherewith if such as shall meet at this Convention rest
not satisfied, His Majesties Servants here are resolved to Protest,
and adhere to these Grounds, and to oppose all other derogatory to
His Majesties Authority, or prejudicial to His Service.
 1543.—June 10.

23. The King’s Letter to the Convention of Estates.326

Charles R.
Right Trusty, and well-beloved Cousins and Councellours, &c.

We have received a Letter dated the 22ᵗʰ of May, and signed by

some of Our Council, some of the Commissioners for Conserving the
Articles of the late Treaty, and of the Commissioners for the Common
Burdens: and though it seem strange unto Us, that those
Committees should Sign in an equal Power with Our Council,
especially about that which is so absolutely without the limits of their
Commissions; yet We were more surprized with the Conclusions
taken at their Meetings, of Calling a Convention of the Estates
without Our special Warrant, wherein Our Royal Power and Authority
is so highly concerned, as that We cannot pass by the same, without
expressing how sensible We are of so Unwarrantable a way of
Proceeding; and if We did not prefer to Our Own unquestionable
Right the Preservation of the present happy Peace within that Our
Kingdom, no other Consideration could move Us to pass by the just
Resentment of Our Own Interest therein. But when we consider to
what Miseries and Extremities Our Scotish Army in Ireland is
reduced, by reason that the Conditions agreed unto by Our Houses
of Parliament for their Maintenance, are not performed; and likewise
the great and heavy Burdens, which We are informed Our Native
Kingdom lies under, by the not timely payment of the Remainder of
the Brotherly Assistance due from England, contrary to the Articles
of the late Treaty; and withall remembring the Industry, which We
know hath been used upon groundless Pretences, to possess Our
Scotish Subjects with an Opinion, that if God should so bless Us here
in England, as to protect Us from the Malice of Our Enemies,
Religion, and the now-established Government of Our Native
Kingdom, would be in danger: We (laying aside all Consideration of
Our Own particular) resolve on Our part, to endeavour by all
possible means to prevent all colour or ground of Division betwixt Us
and Our good Subjects of Scotland; and therefore do permit you to
Meet, Consult, and Conclude upon the best and readiest ways of
Supplying the present wants of Our Scotish Army in Ireland, and
providing for their future Entertainment there, until some solid
Course be taken for recovering of the Arrears due to them, and for
their constant Pay in time coming, according to the Conditions
agreed upon in the Treaty; as also to advise upon the best way of
Relieving the Publick Burdens of that Our Kingdom of Scotland, by
pressing, by all fair and lawful means, a speedy Payment of the
Remainder of the Brotherly Assistance due from England; as likewise
to prevent the Practices of such as study to entertain in this Our
Kingdom groundless Jealousies and Fears of Innovation of Religion
or Government, the Preservation whereof (according to Our many
Solemn Protestations) shall ever be most Sacred to Us; providing
always, that in doing these things, nothing be done which may tend
to the Raising of Arms, or Recalling Our Scotish Army, or any part
thereof, from Ireland, but by Order from Us, and Our Two Houses of
Parliament, according to the Treaty agreed upon to that effect: and
We do require you, to limit your Consultations and Conclusions to
the foresaid Particulars. And as by this, and many other Our former
Acts of Grace, and Favour to that Our Native Kingdom, it clearly
appears how desirous We are of preserving their Affections, and
preventing all occasions of Mistakes betwixt Us and them; so We do
expect, that your Proceedings at this time will be such, as may shew
your tender Care of Us and Our Greatness, which by so many Oaths
and Obligations you are tied to preserve.
Given at Our Court at Oxford,
the 10ᵗʰ of June, 1643.
 24. List of Documents bearing reference to the
Church, from the 8th November 1641 to the 2d
November 1643.
The importance and consequences of the proceedings in the
Convention of Estates and General Assembly, which were held in
Scotland in the summer and autumn of the year 1643, render it
proper to supply a considerable number of collateral documents
connected with the movements of these bodies; and, amongst other
sources of information, the Register of Privy Council has been
consulted for this purpose. There are some Minutes, &c., in that
record, which it is unnecessary to transcribe fully. In order, however,
to present a connected view of recorded occurrences from the most
authentic source, it seems expedient to prefix, in chronological order,
the titles and dates of the several minutes of meetings at which
important deliberations took place; and, for this purpose, there is
subjoined a note of these, from the time that the Privy Council was
new modelled, in 1641, till the close of the year 1643. This will serve
as a key to the reader in the perusal of the other documents
referable to the period, which are subjoined, and thus preserve a
distinct impression of the series of events connected with the Acts of
the Church.
 1641.

November 8. Admission of Councillors named by the King, with

consent of the Estates.—Archibald Primrose’s admission as Clerk of
Council.
 1642.

April 9. The Parliament of England’s Declaration to the Council of

Scotland.—His Majestie’s Instructions anent the Declaration foresaid.
April 22. Declaration to the King and Parliament of England.
May 20. His Majestie’s Declaration for maintenance of true
religion.—Declaration of the Parliament of England to the Council.
Ultimo Maii. Petition of Noblemen anent troubles, &c.
June 1. The Council’s Answer to the Petition.
June 2. The Council’s Answer to the King’s Majesty.—Act ordaining
the husband to be answerable for his wyff being a Papist, and
several Acts against Papists.
July 12. The Earl of Leven admitted General.
August 18. The Council’s desire to the Parliament for unity of
religion in the three kingdoms.—Commission for Kirk Discipline.
September 21. Answer of the Parliament anent unity of Religion,
(vide Acts.)—His Majesty’s Letter anent the stay of the
Commissioners in London, and Answer of Council thereto.
September 29. The Council’s Reply to the Parliament of England.
November 3. His Majesty’s Letter anent joining with the Parliament
in Kirk Government.
November 25. Parliament of England’s Declaration of the 20th
October.
December 20. Parliament of England’s Declaration of 7th
November.—His Majesty’s Letter concerning the said Declaration.—
Not fitting to print the Parliament’s Declaration.
 1643.

January 10. Anent printing of papers—“it was resolved, that the

printing is no approbation.”
January 13. Petition from the Commissioners of the Kirk.
January 17. Recommendation to the Commissioners of the Kirk
anent concurring with the Commissioners of the Peace to the King’s
Majesty to remove Episcopacy.
January 19. Petition from the Kirk.
February 16. Anent the Petition against the annuities of Tithes.
March 29. Horning against Excommunicants.
May 12. Indiction of a Convention upon the 22d of June.—Marquis
of Hamilton’s Declaration, that no meeting of the Estates be called
without his Majesty’s Special Warrant had to that effect.—The Lord
Advocate’s Declaration adhering thereto.—Letter to his Majesty
concerning the Convention.
June 1. His Majesty’s Missive and Declaration, 21st April.—Lord
Chancellor’s Declaration.
June 20. Production of the Treaty anent Ireland.
October 18. Act for subscribing the Mutual League.
November 2. Covenant subscribed (Solemn League and Covenant)
by Councillors.
 THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
AT EDINBURGH, 1644.
The Acts of the General Assembly of 1643 having now been
presented to the consideration of the reader, not only in the most
approved record of them by that Assembly itself, but illustrated by
the hand of Baillie, we now proceed to notice the political and
military events with which they were connected, and which, indeed,
derived their chief characteristics from the spirit that animated the
Church Assemblies of the period.
The most important document that emanated from the Assembly
of 1643 was the Solemn League and Covenant, which became
thenceforward the grand pivot on which all the affairs in Church and
State of both kingdoms turned. Immediately after being sanctioned
by the Assembly, it was carried to London for the concurrence of the
English Parliament and Westminster Convention of Divines, which
had been convoked without the Royal sanction. It was presented to
both Houses of the English Parliament on the 28th of August, and to
the Assembly of Divines; and, after some discussion, it was
approved by the Westminster Assembly, and by the House of
Commons, the members of which were ordained to subscribe it, and
all the people required to sign it, under the penalty of being deemed
“malignants.” It was subsequently, on 25th September, 1643, signed
and sworn to by both Houses of Parliament, the Westminster
Divines, the Scotch Commissioners, and a multitude of others, with
circumstances of great ceremony and religious manifestations, in St
Margaret’s Chapel, Westminster, and with this sanction returned to
Scotland, where it was hailed as a symbol of national triumph. The
13th of October was appointed for its final adoption; and the
Commission of the Church, the Committee of the Estates, and the
English Commissioners assembled in one of the churches of
Edinburgh, and, with the usual devotional solemnities, and many
indications of gladness, it was signed and sworn to by these parties.
On the 22d of October, the Committee of Estates issued an edict,
requiring all the subjects of Scotland to subscribe, and threatening
the recusants with punishment as enemies of religion, of his
Majesty’s honour, and of the peace of the kingdoms. The Lords of
the Scotch Council were imperatively commanded to appear on the
2d of November, and take the new Covenant; and Hamilton,
Lanerick, and others, having failed to give obedience to these
mandates, they were proclaimed enemies to God, to the King, and
to the country; their estates were confiscated, and soldiers sent to
seize their persons, and put to death all who might oppose them in
the performance of this task. The proscribed parties, in some
instances fled, but many were constrained to comply with these
ordinances.
In pursuance of this League, the Scotch proceeded to aid by the
sword in the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy in England; and
before the end of November, 1643, the Scottish army was again in
full force under the command of old Leslie, now Earl of Leven, as
General; Baillie, Lieutenant-General of foot; and David Leslie as
Lieutenant-General of horse. On the 19th of January, 1644, this
army, consisting of 18,000 foot, and 3,500 horse, raised their camp
at Hairlaw, near Berwick, and once more crossed the Tweed and
entered England. It is unnecessary to follow the course of military
operations in England; but, on the 30th of January, 1644, a
manifesto, in name of both kingdoms thus united in arms against
their sovereign, was promulgated, declaring that their armament
was sent to the field in defence of the religion, liberties, and laws of
both kingdoms, against the Popish, Prelatical, and malignant
party.327 And thus had the Presbyterian clergy of Scotland, with the
co-operation of a large portion of its aristocracy, and the Puritans
and Republicans of England, attained such an influence, by means of
their League and Covenant, that they may safely be affirmed to have
swayed the destinies of these kingdoms in the beginning of the year
1644; and the Commissioners from the Kirk to the Assembly at
Westminster were enabled to transmit accounts, on the 20th of May,
to the General Assembly, which met at Edinburgh on the 30th of that
month, that could not fail to gratify their most sanguine wishes with
respect to the extirpation of Prelacy, and all its appurtenances in
England.328 Baillie’s “Confidential Letters,” too, throw much light
upon the arcana of the arrangements in the Westminster Assembly—
the doctrinal standards of which are deserving of record, as still
forming a part and parcel of the constitution of the Church of
Scotland at the present day.
The Scottish Estates met in a few days after the Assembly
convened, viz. on the 4th of June; and an abstract of the civil
statutes applicable to our subject and the period, will be found
among our illustrative documents.
 THE PRINCIPALL ACTS

OF THE GENERALL ASSEMBLY, CONVEENED AT EDINBURGH, MAY

29, 1644.
 Die Jovis penult. Maii.—Sess. II.

The Letter from the Presbyterie with the Army in

England to the Generall Assembly.
Right Reverend,

H
AVING the opportunity of the sitting of this Venerable Assembly,
we thought our selves obliged to render some accompt of the
estate of our Affairs. It hath pleased the Lord to exercise us since
our out-coming, with many straits and difficulties, yet in the midst
thereof he hath wonderfully upheld and carried us through. The
depth of his wisedome hath suspended us for a time from any great
action, to make us walk humbly before him, and to keep us in a
continuall dependance upon himself: And yet he hath by his own
power scattered before us the great Popish Army, and much
diminished the number thereof, so that they do not now appeare
against us in the Fields; that all may learne to trust in GOD, and not
in Man. It was farre from our thoughts and intentions to have come
this length at that instant when the course of Divine Providence
pointed out our way unto us, which led us on by some long and
speedie marches to joyne with my Lord Fairfax and his Sonne their
Forces. The City of York, wherein a swarme of obstinate Papists have
taken sanctuary, is blocked up; now and then God favoureth us with
successe in some enterprises about it, and we look for more if the
time be come which he hath appointed for the deliverance of this
People.
Our Soules do abhorre the treacherous attempts of our disnatured
Countrey-men, that have endeavoured to make their native
Kingdome a seat of Warre, and our bowels within us are moved to
think upon the maine mischiefs, if not tymeously prevented, that
may follow upon the unnaturall Warres there; like unto these under
which this Kingdome hath groaned for a long time. We have found
none more malicious and cruell against us than these of our own
Nation, and we measure those at home, by these here: Cursed be
their rage, for it is fierce, and their anger for it is cruell. The present
danger calls upon all to lay out of their hands what ever may hinder
their haste, as one Man to come together for saving the Vine-yard
that the wilde Boares would lay waste, and taking the Foxes that
would destroy the Vines. You are, right Reverend, now set upon the
highest Watch-tower, from whence you may discover the dangers
that threaten on all coasts, and wee need not put you in minde to
give warning to the Watch-men in their severall stations; to rouze up
the People from their too great security; to call them to unfeigned
Humiliation, and to stirre them up to wrestle with GOD by prayers
that hee would preserve Truth and Peace at home against the
machinations of Malignants; that hee would prepare the People here,
and make them more fit to embrace the intended Reformation; and
that hee would command these unnaturall and bloudy Warres to
cease, that Religion and Righteousness may flourish through the
three Dominions, Praying GOD to send upon you the Spirit of truth,
who may lead you in all truth. We remaine
Your loving Brethren, the Presbyterie of the Scottish Army in
England,
Master Robert Douglas,
Moderator, in their name.
Middle-thorp, 20 Maii, 1644.
 The Petition from the distressed Christians in the
North of Ireland.
To the Reverend and Honourable Moderator and remanent
Members of the Generall Assembly of Scotland, conveened
at Edinburgh, in May, 1644. The humble Petition of the
distressed Christians in the North of Ireland,

Humbly sheweth,

T
HAT whereas your former enlarged bounty, and our present
overflowing straits would require a gratefull acknowledgement of
the one, and a serious representation of the other: Our case is such,
as neither can be expected at our hands, being stricken with
astonishment, and full of the furie of the Lord. We are these indeed
who have seen affliction by the rod of his wrath: So that it were
more fit, we had a Cottage in the Wildernesse amongst the Owles to
mourn out our imbittered Spirits, then that by word or writ we
should compeere before any of his People: Although you cannot be
wearied in wel-doing, yet we shall no way think it strange, if now
you shall give over any more care of us; Seeing the Lord hath
testified against us, and the Almighty hath afflicted us. Your
judgement is with the Lord, and your reward is with God, not onely
for your two years visiting and watering a barren vineyard, but also
for your zeale and care to have your Reformation spred amongst
other opprest and borne-down Churches, whereof you have given an
ample and famous testimony in sending hither that blessed League
and Covenant which wee much desired and longed for, as by our
Petitions to the Church and State of our Native Kingdome is knowne
unto you; which hath had a wished and gracious successe by the
favour and blessing of God, accompanying the pains of these to
whom the tendering thereof was intrusted by you. And we
conceiving a chief part of our miserie to consist in our want of
opportunitie to joyne our selves with the People of God in the
foresaid League; Esteeming our selves rejected of God and unfit to
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