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The Fundamentals of Product Design 2nd Edition
Richard Morris Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Richard Morris
ISBN(s): 9781472578242, 1472578244
Edition: 2
File Details: PDF, 77.09 MB
Year: 2016
Language: english
9781472578242_txt_app.indb 1 7/19/16 1:11 PM
THE
FUNDAMENTALS
OF PRODUCT
DESIGN
 Fairchild Books
An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

Imprint previously known as AVA Publishing

50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway

London New York
WC1B 3DP NY 10018
UK USA

www.bloomsbury.com

FAIRCHILD BOOKS, BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo

are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

First published by AVA Publishing SA, 2009

This second edition is published by Fairchild Books, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
Copyright © Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2016

Richard Morris has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act,
1988, to be identified as Author of this work.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted

in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying,
recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission
in writing from the publishers.

No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on

or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be
accepted by Bloomsbury or the author.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN: PB: 978-1-4725-7824-2

ePDF: 978-1-4725-7825-9

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Morris, Richard, 1962- author.
Title: The fundamentals of product design / Richard Morris.
Description: Second edition. | London ; New York : Fairchild Books, an
imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing, Plc, [2016] | Series: Fundamentals |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016004509| ISBN 9781472578242 (pbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781472578259
(epdf : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Product design. | New products.
Classification: LCC TS171.M68 2016 | DDC 658.5/75--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.
gov/2016004509

Series: Fundamentals

Cover design: Louise Dugdale

Cover Image: Fast Vase by Cedric Ragot © Tristan Everhard

Typeset by Lachina
Printed and bound in China
THE
FUNDAMENTALS
OF PRODUCT
DESIGN
SECOND EDITION

RICHARD MORRIS

FAIRCHILD BOOKS
AN IMPRINT OF BLOOMSBURY PUBLISHING PLC

LON DON • OX F O R D • N E W YO R K • N E W D E L H I • SY DN EY
Contents

vi Introduction

1 2 3
2 Chapter one 36 Chapter two 80 Chapter three

Product Product Product

research concepts development
5 Designing for people 38 Generating ideas 82 Concept selection
14 Case study: Tord Boontje 54 Case study: Wayne 90 Case study: Royal Philips
17 Product requirements Hemingway MBE 92 Functionality
22 Case study: Sir Jonathan Ive 56 Nurturing ideas 100 Case study: d3O
24 Defining needs 66 Case study: Naoto Fukasawa 102 Form
32 Case study: Thomas 67 Recognizing design trends 108 Case study: Matthew White
Heatherwick 76 Case study: Luigi Colani 110 Chapter summary and
34 Chapter summary and 78 Chapter summary and assignments
assignments assignments

iv
 Contents v

4 5
112 Chapter four 146 Chapter five

Production Product
launch
114 Pre-production 148 Roll out 168 Conclusion
126 Case study: Assa Ashuach 154 Case study: Sir James Dyson 171 Glossary
128 Manufacturing 156 Sales 174 Further Resources
136 Case study: Tom Dixon 164 Case study: Vertu 175 Further Reading
138 Operations 166 Chapter summary and 177 Index
142 Case study: Salter assignments 182 Acknowledgments and
144 Chapter summary and credits
assignments
 vi Introduction

Introduction

People have been designing products for a long and invertebrates capable of creating beds and
time. Some of the earliest known stone tools date doorways or fashioning poking and hunting
back nearly two million years and it’s likely that implements. This innate capacity to create things
other artifacts made from less robust materials that help us through life might explain why the
such as rope, leather, and wood were made act of design is so intrinsically satisfying.
long before this. Animals, too, have learned The Industrial Revolution changed the
to design, with all sorts of mammals, insects, nature of design by moving the focus of

Herman Miller
Mirra chairs
 Introduction vii

creating artifacts for people mostly located same things depending on where you come
around us to creating products on a massive from.
scale for larger markets of unknown and distant Whether you prefer the term product
peoples. When design thinkers at the turn design or industrial design, the aim of this
of the twentieth century began to challenge book is the same, to bring clarity to the design
the utilitarian nature of these early mass- process. This is a big challenge for one book
produced goods, the first industrial designers because the process covers such a vast
such as Christopher Dresser and the Deutscher range of topics. By highlighting some of the
Werkbund began to appear. These were the fundamentals, however, it is hoped to help you
specialists working to improve the appearance the designer to better understand the process
and functionality of ubiquitous goods such as and to see some of the tools and techniques
furniture and kitchen appliances. at work. It should help you consider your own
Designers still face the task of making style, ideas, and strengths and weaknesses
goods for unknown consumers, which must in this beautiful and satisfying practice. In so
work well and look good but also cope with doing, it aims to help you to create desirable,
additional challenges that were less prevalent innovative, viable, and well-functioning
to our design forbears. They must work products. It is through you that we can all enjoy
within a massively complex world, gathering, a better world in which to live.
processing, and synthesizing vast quantities
of information within a dynamic and changing

The design
environment. They must also work quickly and
accurately in what is a ferociously competitive

process
world.
The fact that designers can cope with
these complex, modern challenges is because
they usually follow some kind of a process. In This book adopts the simplest of models to
the United States, the term industrial design explain the design process, a model that
has evolved from its original roots of form represents design as a straightforward linear
and function to describe this broader design sequence. The sequence starts with research
process. In Europe, the term industrial design into a problem and then proceeds to generate
has remained more focused on its original concepts to solve that problem followed by the
meaning of function and form, and the term fleshing out of one concept through product
product design has come to define the design development. The emerging product is then
process. This confusingly gives us two phrases made real through production and finally
that at once describe both different and the launched into the market.

Research Concepts Development Production Launch

viii Introduction

Note also that there are other models to A straightforward linear model is used
describe the design process than the simple within this book, however, because it is simple
linear model, such as the double diamond, total to understand, and by reading through from
design, the waterfall, or the Christmas tree start to finish you can easily gain a holistic
model. The Christmas tree model, for example, view of the process. Along the way, you should
suggests that each stage of the process might also get to see the breadth and depth or work
require much wider thinking at the outset involved in design. Some people, including
before it begins to focus in so that the process younger designers, sometimes think that
begins to look like a Christmas tree. design is just about good ideas and sketching,
but this book should illustrate some of the
other capabilities required. A designer is more
likely to use an armory of everyday skills
such as web searching, reading, visiting,
meeting, filing, noting, experimenting, talking,
planning, observing, and presenting as they are
sketching and ideating. This is why the great
inventor Thomas Edison described genius as
“one percent inspiration and ninety
-nine percent perspiration.”
You do not need to read the book from start
to finish and can dip into relevant sections as
you work through a design project. The sections
are organized to help you navigate in this
way. The information provided may direct you
toward areas that you need to think about, help
you understand issues, or point you toward
sources of further information.
You might even just elect to flick through
the book at random, particularly useful if
your own design work is getting tough. When
you are struggling for time and beset by
difficulties, select some pages and be inspired
and motivated by the outcomes of good design
being shown. Remember that the products and
ideas you see probably did not appear without
some effort and anxiety.
“Design is a plan for arranging elements in such a
way as best to accomplish a particular purpose.”

Charles Eames
2 Product research
Product research
Students of design are generally keen to get started
on a design project straight away, to show how
creative they are and to make their mark on the world.
Sometimes they can be too hasty. Even experienced,
professional designers can rush ahead too quickly,
keen to make their own mark or concerned by over-
anxious managers or the need to hit rapidly moving
markets. A designer should, however, always start
cautiously by questioning the purpose of the project
itself:
• Is what is being asked clear?
• Is it viable (in other words, is it worth the effort)?
• Is it ethical—does it fit your own moral compass?
• Is it the right project?
It’s essential to ask these types of questions
because developing new products is usually
expensive, with jobs, reputations, and company
futures on the line if the project is wrong from the
outset. Only once these questions are answered
should the design process begin—and this doesn’t
mean now generating lots of ideas to show how
creative you are. The final product is much more likely
to be successful if the fullest possible understanding

3
4 Product research

of the issues and requirements around the design

challenge are understood. The first step therefore starts
with Product Research. This might include liaising
directly with users and consumers (primary research) or
from more desk-bound exploration (secondary research).
This chapter sets out some of the methods and tools for
conducting primary and secondary research and the need
to evaluate capturing this information to help define the
requirements for the future product.
Figure 1.1
Morph device
concepts by Nokia 1.1

“Research is what I’m doing when I don’t know what I’m doing.”
Wernher von Braun
 Designing for people 5

Designing for
people
All products link in some way with people, Research methods
and the first place to start researching is You can’t realistically ask all 7 billion people in
therefore to better understand the needs the world what they need to solve a problem
(and wants) of people. It might seem foolish or what they think a product should have.
to embark on a project without knowing as Consequently, good product research is about
accurately as possible what people really the approaches and tools that can gather
need, but it is incredible how many designers helpful information and insights in the most
or companies forget this, perhaps hoping that effective way.
clever technology or slick marketing will sell This research should not only uncover the
a product that doesn’t do its job in the first core requirements of a product, but should
place. Good designers know how to design also aim to uncover the key or unique insights
for others, not just for themselves or for some which might lead to a new, innovative, and
“blind” market. This aspect of putting people to perhaps world-changing product. Striving for
the fore of the design process is referred to in this excellence can be a unique driver that
terms such as Human Centered Design, human helps to define product designers. User-centric
factors design, or user-centered design. companies, such as IKEA, Apple and IDEO,

“If you want to understand how a lion hunts don’t go to the zoo.
Go to the jungle.”
Jim Stengel, former CMO, Procter & Gamble
 6 Product research

also know the importance of this quest. These

WICKED PROBLEMS companies, which you probably recognize as
being innovative, are likely to use a strategic
“Wicked problems” are problems that rather than an ad hoc approach to researching
might be less well understood—perhaps the needs of people. Good Product Design then
less obvious—and that have incomplete, is as much about targeting, managing, and
contradictory, or shifting parameters making organizing market information on an ongoing
them difficult to find solutions for. These can basis (including recourse to “big data”) as well
be great challenges for designers and ideal as team work, communication, and change
ground for innovation. management as it is about individual creativity
and visualization skills.

Figure 1.2
Personal environment monitor by Lapka.™ 1.2
Increas-ingly aging ­societies are opening
up opportunities for medical and well-­being
devices. This monitor uses a choice of modules
to sense the quality of the environment around
you, placing this data in context and relaying
the information to you through your phone
directly or as part of an evolving story of your
world. Materials include high-strength and
scratch-resistant polyoxymethylene.

“I don’t have any furniture of mine in my room.”

Marc Newson
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 DUKE OF MONMOUTH (1649–1685)
From an engraving after Sir Peter Lely.

Then James succeeded. Evidently he regarded Cornish as one of

his most dangerous enemies. He waited until the Monmouth
rebellion gave him an excuse. There had been an actual rebellion; if
it could be proved that Cornish had any hand in it, there would be a
way of getting rid of him.
Monmouth was executed on July 15. Three months passed, during
which nothing was done to Cornish. This interval was employed, it is
now certain, in getting up a case against him; we cannot suppose
that James was ignorant of this plot—it was nothing less—to take
the life of the sturdy Whig. The man Rumsey found another man, a
private enemy to Cornish, named Goodenough, to join him in
bearing witness which should implicate Cornish in the Rye House
Plot and show him to be a friend of Monmouth. On Tuesday, the
13th of October, Cornish was arrested and taken to Newgate. On the
Saturday he learned for the first time that he was in prison on a
charge of high treason, and that he would be tried on the Monday.
The trial took place accordingly. It was marked by the customary
brow-beating and bullying. The man must have known that he was
doomed; the fact that two days only were allowed him to prepare
his case and bring forward his witnesses might have warned him
what to expect.

Prospect des Thur-hils zu London worauf der Herzog von Monmouth den
25/15 Iuly 1685 enthaubt worden.
THE EXECUTION OF MONMOUTH, JULY 15, 1685
From a contemporary Dutch print. E. Gardner’s Collection.
[4]“His attitude before the judges was calm and dignified. Before
pleading not guilty to the charge of having consented to aid and
abet the late Duke of Monmouth and others in their attempt on the
life of the late King (the Rye House Plot), he entered a protest
against the indecent haste with which he had been called upon to
plead, and the short time allowed him to prepare his case. He asked
for further time, but this the judges refused.
One of the chief witnesses for the Crown was Goodenough, who
had a personal spite against Cornish for his having objected to him
(Goodenough) serving as under-sheriff in 1680–81, the year when
Bethel and Cornish were sheriffs. Goodenough had risked his neck in
Monmouth’s late rebellion, but he had succeeded in obtaining a
pardon by promises of valuable information against others. With the
King’s pardon in his pocket he unblushingly declared before the
judges that he, as well as Cornish and some others, had determined
upon a general rising in the city at the time of the Rye House Plot.
‘We designed,’ said he, ‘to divide it (i.e. the city) into twenty parts,
and out of each part to raise five hundred men, if it might be done,
to make an insurrection.’ The Tower was to be seized and the guard
expelled.
Cornish had been afforded no opportunity for instructing counsel
in his defence. He was therefore obliged to act as his own counsel,
with the result usual in such cases. He rested his main defence upon
the improbability of his having acted as the prosecution endeavoured
to make out. This he so persistently urged that the judges lost
patience. Improbability was not enough, they declared; let him call
his witnesses. When, however, Cornish desired an adjournment, in
order that he might bring a witness up from Lancashire, his request
was refused. His chief witness he omitted to call until after the Lord
Chief Justice had summed up. This man was a vintner of the city,
named Shephard, at whose house Cornish was charged with having
met and held consultation with Monmouth and the rest of the
conspirators. The Bench after some demur assented to the prisoner’s
earnest prayer that Shephard’s evidence might be taken. He showed
that he had been in the habit of having commercial transactions with
Cornish and was at that moment in his debt; that on the occasion in
question Cornish had come to his house, but whether he came to
speak with the Duke of Monmouth or not the witness could not say
for certain; that he only remained a few minutes, and that no paper
or declaration (on which so much stress had been laid) in connection
with the conspiracy was read in Cornish’s presence; that in fact
Cornish was not considered at the time as being in the plot. Such
evidence, if not conclusive, ought to have gone far towards
obtaining a verdict of acquittal for the prisoner. This was not the
case, however. The jury, after a brief consultation, brought in a
verdict of guilty, and Cornish had to submit to the indignity of being
tied—like a dangerous criminal—whilst sentence of death was
passed upon him and three others who had been tried at the same
time.
The prisoner was allowed but three clear days before he was
hanged at the corner of King Street and Cheapside, within sight of
the Guildhall, which he had so often frequented as an Alderman of
the City, and on which his head was afterwards placed. He met his
end with courage and with many pious expressions, but to the last
maintained his innocence with such vehemence that his enemies
gave out that he had died in a fit of fury.”
It is pleasing to add that four years later an Act of Parliament was
passed reversing the attainder of Cornish. It is also pleasing to think
that the blood of this innocent man, like the blood of the martyrs,
was remembered by his fellow-citizens, that it strengthened the side
of freedom and accelerated the fall of James.
On the same day the people of London had a choice between two
spectacles: that of Henry Cornish’s hanging, which was calculated to
make every citizen thoughtful; or that of the burning of Elizabeth
Gaunt at Tyburn—an act of brutal wickedness which ought to have
made every citizen mad with indignation. Elizabeth Gaunt was a
woman of great piety and charity; she visited the prisoners in the
gaols; she relieved the sick; she fed the poor; she helped all who
were afflicted, or in want, or in danger. Among others she helped a
man named Burton, who was an outlaw, to escape. For this she was
actually burned alive! The wretched man, Burton, turned King’s
evidence and informed against his benefactress. One feels that it
would be a moral lesson if we could ascertain the after-lives of
Messrs. Rumsey, Goodenough, and Burton. The unfortunate
gentlewoman behaved with fortitude, arranging with her own hands
the straw around her so that she might the more quickly die. To us it
seems incredible that judges should pass such sentences or should
have such cases as those of Henry Cornish and Elizabeth Gaunt
brought before them. As for the effect produced by these
executions, they might, and no doubt did, terrify for a short time,
but it was a terror which led to exasperation.
We must remember that the temper of the City during the whole
of the seventeenth century was profoundly hostile to the Catholics.
The Gunpowder Plot; the Romish leanings of Laud; the Fire of
London; the so-called Romanist plots; the Protestant literature of the
period; the terrible stories of the Spanish Inquisition; everything
conspired to keep alive the hatred and suspicion of the Catholic
Church. And an event which happened in October 1685 taught the
people, who were ripe for such a lesson, what was to be expected of
a Roman Catholic Government.
From time to time London has been enriched by the arrival of
foreigners—Danes, Normans, Flemings, Italians, Palatines—who
have brought with them new industries, and have settled down
among the people, becoming English in the next generation. The
most important of these immigrations was that of 1685, which came
over here from France in consequence of the Revocation of the Edict
of Nantes, under which the Protestants of France had enjoyed the
freedom of worshipping according to their own religion. A great
many of them—probably about 60,000—came to this country,
bringing with them what money they had, amounting, as was
estimated, to £3,000,000. Among them were artificers of various
kinds, especially silk-weavers, gold and silversmiths, watchmakers
and carvers.
These refugees came over just before the death of Charles the
Second; they were received with warm welcome; collections were
made for them. There can be no doubt that the presence of these
victims to Catholic bigotry largely stimulated the feeling against
Catholicism which two or three years later ended in the expulsion of
James. They were always in evidence. “See,” they said, “we are
Protestants like yourselves; we have been driven from our own
country for no other crime but our religion. What will happen to you
when your King has had his own way and turned this country again
to the Roman Catholic faith?” This was a question which was asked
by everybody, and answered by every man and woman, however
mean and illiterate, by one word.

JAMES II. (1633–1701)

With all these facts before him, in the face of feeling so strong
that it seems impossible that he could fail to understand it, James
persisted in his purpose. Perhaps he relied on assurances of support
from the Catholic gentry; perhaps he thought of using Irish troops;
perhaps he even looked forward to assistance from Louis; perhaps
he counted on Roman Catholic officers carrying with them the army.
However this may be, James resolved that there should be no
mistake about his intentions. The laws against the Catholics were
disregarded. Roman Catholic chapels were openly built and the
Romish services were openly performed in them; there were tumults
in the City; the mob would have no wooden gods and tore down the
crucifix; they put up a cross and mocked it; they set upon the priests
and ill-treated them; they would not believe that the Mayor really
wished them to disperse. The trained bands actually refused to
disperse the crowd while they were engaged on such pious work.
Then James took a step which at first sight appears clever; it was
really most unwise. He issued the famous Declaration of Indulgence
which suspended all laws against Catholics and Dissenters alike. The
Church of England, as he was going to find, was stronger than
Roman Catholics and Dissenters put together. Indeed, many of the
Dissenters very clearly understood that the Declaration was simply a
measure of relief for the Catholics.
James next took up his late brother’s plan, which was to gain over
the Corporations in the country; six Commissioners were sent round
to turn out all those persons who were in favour of the Test Act and
the penal laws. The companies of London were treated in this way,
with the result that some 900 persons were turned out of the Courts
of Assistants. As for the City itself, which, it must be understood,
was still deprived of its charter, Jeffreys was instructed to inform the
Aldermen that in future their Court should recommend to the Crown
persons fit to be Aldermen. Many of the Aldermen resigned rather
than vote an address to the King for this liberty, which was in reality
another link in the chain which kept the City in servitude.
Recommending to the King is not exactly the same thing as free
election. However, they did recommend and nominate persons to
serve, but it was found extremely difficult to get any one to accept
office. No less than £8500 were paid in fines by those who refused.
In a very short time the City offices were nearly all held by
Dissenters. A Dissenter was Lord Mayor, one Sir John Shorter, said to
be an Anabaptist. The installation of Sir John was accompanied by a
great dinner, to which every Alderman contributed £50; the King was
present, with the Queen and the Papal Nuncio. The City Companies
had turned out most of their Church of England members, and the
Lord Mayor, Sir John Shorter, “a very odd, ignorant person, a
mechanic, I think, and an Anabaptist” (Evelyn), openly attended a
conventicle every Sunday.
 Among those who accepted office was William Kiffin. He was a
leading Nonconformist in the City. Two of his grandsons, Benjamin
and William Hewling, had been executed by Jeffreys for their share
in the Monmouth rebellion. He was just seventy years of age, and
had retired from active business when the King sent for him and
made him accept office by telling him that if he refused he might be
fined £20,000 or £30,000, or anything that the judges pleased. So
the old man accepted. His account of the work entrusted to the
Court of Aldermen is amazing. The King used to send them lists of
liverymen who were to be turned out of their companies, with other
lists of those to be put in. There were seven hundred so discharged
without any charge or accusation, and all Protestants of the Church
of England.
The winter of 1687–88 passed quietly; but there were messengers
secretly passing between London and Holland and the end was
rapidly approaching. The King received addresses from all quarters
thanking him for his Declaration of Indulgence; not only from
Nonconformists about the country, but from the newly reformed City
Companies, of whom, however, not all were found to join in the cry
of gratitude. It would seem, however, as if the absence of any
rebellion, coupled with the fact of their dutiful addresses, made
James believe that he had a clear majority in support of his
Declaration of Indulgence. He seems never to have understood the
strength and the magnitude of the Established Church, just as he
certainly never understood the strength and the extent of the
popular hatred of his own Church. To the latter form of ignorance we
may ascribe James’s acts and their consequences. He could not
understand how the Catholic Church could be so deeply hated.
Himself the son of a Catholic; his second wife a Catholic; his
brother’s wife a Catholic; surrounded by Catholics in his own house,
he was in no way able to comprehend why the country hated and
feared his religion. In the same way the mediæval Jew could not
understand that he was loathed and hated. Why should he be? He
was a man, like the Christian, of similar body parts, and passions. He
could never understand it. Now that loathing has become a thing of
the past, he cannot yet understand it. So with James; he could not
understand it.

THE SEVEN BISHOPS ON THE WAY TO THE TOWER

From a contemporary print. E. Gardner’s Collection.

In the spring, therefore, of 1688 James, still unable to understand,

issued a Second Declaration of Indulgence. Another interesting and
dramatic spectacle was, in consequence of this mistake, provided by
James for his loving subjects of London. This was the carriage of the
Seven Bishops by water to the Tower. Their arrest was the King’s
reply to their petition praying that the clergy might not be compelled
to read the Second Declaration of Indulgence from the pulpit in the
midst of public service. Only a few of the London clergy obeyed the
order; one of them told the people that though he was ordered to
read it, they were not ordered to hear it, and so waited till the
Church was empty before he read it. In some churches the
congregation, with one accord, rose and left the church as soon as
the clergyman began to read the Declaration.
 1. The King.
2. The Prince of Denmark.
3, 4. The Archbishops of Canterbury and York.
5. The Speaker.
6. The Chancellor with the Great Seal.
7. The Bishops, twenty-five in number.
8. The Dukes and Peers.
9. The Members sitting on Woolsacks.
10. The Barons and Lords of the Kingdom.
11, 12. The Lawyers.
13. The Herald.
14. The Spectators.

PARLIAMENT IN THE REIGN OF JAMES II.

E. Gardner’s Collection.

The objections of the Bishops are stated by Evelyn:—

“Not that they were averse to the publishing of it for want of

due tendernesse towards Dissenters, in relation to whom they
should be willing to come to such a temper as should be
thought fit, when that matter might be consider’d and settl’d in
Parliament and Convocation; but that, the Declaration being
 founded on such a dispensing power as might at pleasure set
aside all Laws Ecclesiastical and Civil, it appear’d to them illegal,
as it had done to the Parliament in 1661 and 1672, and that it
was a point of such consequence that they could not so far
make themselves parties to it, as the reading of it in Church in
time of divine service amounted to.”

The Bishops were sent to the Tower for refusing to give bail, “as it
would have prejudiced their Peerage. The concern of the people,”
says Evelyn, “was wonderful, infinite crowds on their knees begging
their blessing and praying for them as they passed out of the barge
along the Tower wharf.”
That was on the 8th of June. On the 13th Evelyn visited four of
the Bishops in the Tower. On the 15th they were brought to
Westminster, where their indictment was read and they were called
in to plead. They were called upon to give bail, but they refused; in
the end they were dismissed on their own recognizances to appear
that day fortnight.
 JUDGE JEFFREYS (1648–1689)
From a print in the British Museum.

On the 29th they appeared and the trial took place. It lasted from
nine in the morning until six in the evening. At that hour the jury,
who had been drawn from Middlesex, not from London, retired to
consider their verdict. They could not at first agree, and were locked
up all night. All were for acquittal except one. At last he, too, agreed
with the others.
“When this was heard,” says Evelyn, “there was great rejoicing:
and there was a lane of people from the King’s Bench to the
waterside on their knees, as the Bishops passed and repassed, to
beg their blessing. Bonfires were made that night and bells rung,
which was taken very ill at Court.”
It is pleasing to note that the Bishops not only refused to give bail,
but refused to pay any fees to the Lieutenant of the Tower.
It was during their short imprisonment that the Prince of Wales,
the Elder Pretender, was born, “which will cause disputes,” says
Evelyn.
 Well assured of the spirit in which he would be received, the
Prince of Orange made haste to prepare for his descent on England.
In September the news came that a fleet of sixty sail was in
readiness. Then James began to make concessions. The City should
have its charter returned. This was done. But the City was no more
inclined to Catholicism than before.
The rest we know; William landed on the 5th of November.
James sent for the Mayor and Aldermen, entrusted the care of the
City to them, and instructed them, should he fall in battle, to
proclaim the infant Prince of Wales successor to the Crown. He then
set out for the west, to meet the invader. His army deserted him,
and he returned to London, where there had been some riots and
plundering of Roman Catholic chapels. A fortnight later, the Queen
and her child having been got safely out of the country, James
himself attempted to escape. As soon as this fact was known, many
of the Lords, spiritual and temporal, met at the Guildhall and there
drew up a declaration that they would stand by the Prince of Orange
in maintaining the religion, the rights, and the liberties of the
country. The declaration was communicated to the Court of
Aldermen, who called a Court of Common Council, at which another
address to the same effect was drawn up. James, as we know, failed
in his first attempt to escape, being stopped by certain fisher folk at
Feversham. Lord Winchilsea, for whom he sent, persuaded him to
return to London. He was received, we are told, with the liveliest
indications of joy, as if he had been the best Prince in the world.
Perhaps the historian mistook rejoicings over the capture of a
prisoner for those over the return of a well-beloved sovereign. A
London mob may be fickle, but there was absolutely no reason for
such a change of front as would justify a demonstration of joy.
Rather must we believe that every shout which went up meant that
the King was in the hands of his faithful subjects, and that the
faithful subjects would be able to give him the same trial, with the
same termination of it, which they gave to his father.
 Another of those dramatic scenes which enlivened the City during
this reign was provided by the flight and capture of Judge Jeffreys.
The Judge, who had presided over the butcheries in the west of
England, who became the willing creature and tool of James in every
illegal act, was regarded all over the country with a hatred exceeding
that which any Englishman has achieved for a thousand years and
more. No one knew this better than himself. When, therefore, the
power of his master crumbled away he sought safety in flight.
Why he did not escape to France; whether his nerve failed him;
whether there was no time; whether there was no one he could
trust, one knows not. It is, however, certain that he was suffering
from a cruel disease, which caused him the greatest agonies and
was partly the cause of that roaring voice, those bullying tones,
which made him the terror of the Court and aggravated the agonies
of punishment. I think it not impossible that a severe attack of this
disease prevented him from moving till it was too late; he then
assumed the disguise of a sailor and took refuge in a humble tavern
at Wapping. Here, however, he was recognised as he looked out of a
window, and was dragged out and committed to prison, having been
so roughly handled by the mob that he died of the injuries he
received. According to another account, however, he drank to
excess, and so killed himself. As for the King, he was permitted to
escape, the Prince of Orange doubtless feeling that though he did
not hesitate about taking his father-in-law’s place, he did not desire
his head.
 The Lord Chancellor taken disguised in Wapping
— Engraved for the Devils Broker —
THE ARREST OF JEFFREYS
From a satirical print in the British Museum.

And so James vanished from the scene and a new king reigned.
But neither in the reign of William nor in that of any following
sovereign were there so many splendid sights and anxious moments
as in that of the unfortunate king whom we have learned to despise
more profoundly than any other sovereign who ever sat upon the
sacred Coronation chair.
The events connecting London with the reign of James II. belong
for the most part to the history of the country. I have not thought it
necessary, therefore, to dwell at length upon them.
The following, on the condition of London after the abdication, is
an extract from the English Courant and London Mercury. It is
quoted by Malcolm (Manners and Customs, 1811):—

“No sooner was the King’s withdrawing known, but the mobile
consulted to wreak their vengeance on papists and popery: and
last night began with pulling down and burning the new-built
Mass-house near the arch, in Lincolns Inn Fields: thence they
went to Wild-house, the residence of the Spanish Ambassador,
where they ransackt, destroy’d and burnt all the ornamental and
inside part of the chappel, some cartloads of choice books,
manuscript, etc. And not content here, some villanous thieves
and common rogues, no doubt, that took this opportunity to mix
with the youth, and they plunder’d the Ambassador’s house of
plate, jewels, mony, rich goods, etc.: and also many other who
had sent in there for shelter their money, plate, etc.: among
which, one gentlewoman lost a trunk, in which was £800 in
mony, and a great quantity of plate. Thence they went to the
Mass-house, at St. James’s, near Smithfield, demolisht it quite;
from thence to Blackfryers near the Ditchside, where they
destroy’d Mr. Henry Hill’s printing-house, spoil’d his forms,
letters, etc., and burnt 2 or 300 reams of paper, printed and
unprinted: thence to the Mass-house in Bucklersbury and Lime-
street, and there demolisht and burnt as before: and this night
they went to the Nuncio’s, and other places at that end of the
town; but finding the birds flown, and the bills on the door, they
drew off: thence they went into the City, threatening to pull
down all papists’ houses, particularly one in Ivy Lane, and the
market house upon Newgate Market, for no other reason but
that one Burdet, a papist, was one of the farmers of the market;
but by the prudence of the citizens and some of their trained
bands, they were got off without mischief doing anywhere.
Tuesday night last, and all Wednesday, the apprentices were
busy in pulling down the chappels, and spoiling the houses of
papists: they crying out the fire should not go out till the Prince
of Orange came to town. There were thousands of them on
Wednesday at the Spanish Ambassador’s, they not leaving any
wainscot withinside the house or chappel, taking away great
quantities of plate, with much money, household goods and
writings, verifying the old proverb ‘All fish that came to the net.’
The spoil of the house was very great, divers papists having
sent their goods in thither, as judging that the securest place.
Then they went to the Lord Powis’s great house in Lincoln’s
Inn Fields, wherein was a guard, and a bill upon the door, ‘This
house is appointed for the Lord Delameer’s quarters:’ and some
of the company crying, ‘Let it alone, the Lord Powis was against
the Bishops going to the Tower,’ they offered no violence to it.
Afterwards they marched down the Strand with oranges upon
their sticks, crying for the Prince of Orange, and went to the
Pope’s Nuncio’s, but finding a bill upon the door, ‘This house is
to be let,’ they desisted. Lastly, they did some damage to the
house of the resident of the Duke of Tuscany, in the Haymarket,
carrying away some of his goods, when one Captain Douglas,
coming thither with a company of trained bands to suppress
them, a soldier, unadvisedly firing at the boys with ball, shot the
Captain through the back, of which he lyes languishing. They
also went to the houses of the French and other Ambassadors,
but finding them deserted and the landlords giving them money,
they marched off.
On Thursday, an order of the Lords coming forth, warning all
persons to desist from pulling down any house, especially those
of the Ambassadors, upon penalty of the utmost severity of the
law to be inflicted on them: since which they have been very
quiet.”
ENTRY OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE INTO LONDON
E. Gardner’s Collection.
 C HAPTER VIII
WILLIAM THE THIRD

At the Coronation Banquet the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and the
members of the twelve principal companies attended as butler and
assistants. The City plate was also lent for the occasion. This was on
the 11th of April 1689. Since the Prince of Orange had entered
London on December 18, 1688, when James fled, the country had
been left without King or Government. The “Convocation,” as it was
called, met on January 22. On the 28th the Commons declared the
throne to be vacant, and on the 6th of February the House of Lords
passed a similar resolution. A Declaration of Rights was next drawn
up condemning the unconstitutional acts of James and offering the
throne to William and Mary. After their proclamation their Majesties
made haste to convert the Convocation into Parliament.
The reign of William presents few surprises or dramatic scenes so
far as the City of London is concerned. On the other hand, there was
a great deal done towards the strengthening and definition of the
City rights and liberties. The Stuart kings, who could learn nothing
and forget nothing, were gone, never to return; in future it would be
quite as impossible for the sovereign to rob London of her liberties
as to reign without a Parliament. Out of the arbitrary acts of the two
Charleses, the elder and the younger, out of the civil wars, out of the
expulsion of James, came to London the secure possession,
henceforth unquestioned, of her charters, just as to the three
kingdoms came constitutional government and a sovereign bound by
the will of the people. These were great gains; one who could realise
the state of the country even under the well-beloved despot
Elizabeth, and compare it with its condition under the Georges,
might well acknowledge that the gain was worth all the fighting and
struggle, all the trials and executions which had to be endured in
achieving it.
 Of the loyalty of the City throughout this reign there can be no
question. The address drawn up by the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs soon
after it began on the occasion of a discovery of a plot against the
King strikes a note which was maintained throughout:—
“And we most humbly beg leave to assure your Majesty that we
will, as far as our Power extends, oppose ourselves to, and suppress
all designs of that Nature; and will search after, disarm, seize,
secure, and bring to Justice all Persons concerned therein, or
contributing thereto: And we are unanimously, firmly, and
unalterably resolved and determined to stand by, defend, and
maintain your Majesty, and your Government, with the uttermost
Hazard and Expence of our Lives and Estates, against all Persons
whatsoever, that shall conspire or attempt any Thing against the
same” (Maitland, i. p. 491).
The pageant on Lord Mayor’s Day was attended by the King and
Queen, who sat in the usual place reserved for them in Cheapside—
the balcony of St. Mary le Bow. After the pageant they dined with
the Lord Mayor at Guildhall. The pageant itself may be found briefly
described in Fairholt’s Book of Pageants. It will be seen by those
who look up the passage that we are indeed far from the pageants
of Edward the Third or Henry the Fifth.
It was natural that the first desire of the City should be to obtain
an Act of Parliament declaring the forfeiture of their charter to be
illegal. On March 8, 1689, the Grand Committee of Grievances
reported that the rights of the City of London in the election of
Sheriffs were invaded in the year 1682, and that the judgment given
upon the Quo Warranto was illegal. The Act of Parliament by which
the charters of the City were formally declared is a lengthy
document of very great importance. An abridgment of this Act
follows:—

“Whereas a Judgment was given in the Court of King’s-Bench,

in or about Trinity-Term, in the thirty-fifth Year of the Reign of
the late King Charles the Second, upon an Information, in the
 Nature of a Quo Warranto, exhibited in the said Court against
the Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens of the City of London,
That the liberty, Privilege, and Franchise of the said Mayor, and
Commonalty, and Citizens, being a Body Politick and Corporate,
should be seized into the King’s hands as forfeited; And
forasmuch as the said Judgment, and the proceedings
thereupon, is and were illegal and arbitrary; and for that the
restoring of the said Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens to
their antient Liberties, of which they had been deprived, tends
very much to the Peace and good Settlement of this Kingdom.
2. Be it declared and enacted, ... That the said Judgment
given in the said Court of King’s Bench in the said Trinity Term,
in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of the said King Charles the
Second, or in any other Term; and all or every other Judgment
for the seizing into the late King’s Hands the Liberty, Privilege,
or Franchise of the Mayor, and Commonalty, and Citizens of the
City of London, is, shall be, and are hereby reversed, annulled,
and made void, to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever; and
that Vacates be entered upon the Rolls of the said Judgment,
for the Vacating and Reversal of the same accordingly.
3. And be it further declared and enacted, by the Authority
aforesaid, That the Mayor and Commonalty, and Citizens of the
City of London, shall and may for ever hereafter remain,
continue, and be, and prescribe to be a Body Corporate and
Politick, in re, facto and nomine, by the Name of Mayor and
Commonalty, and Citizens of the City of London, and by that
Name, and all and every other Name and Names of
Incorporation, by which they at any Time before the said
Judgment were incorporated, to sue, plead, and be impleaded,
and to answer and be answered, etc.”

At the same time the City proceeded to lay down and define the
rights of the inhabitants in voting for Aldermen and Common Council
men. The following is the Act of Common Council:—
 “It is hereby declared, That it is, and antiently hath been the
Right and Privilege of the Freemen of the said City only, being
Householders, paying Scot and bearing Lot, and of none other
whatsoever, in their several and respective Wards, from Time to
Time, as often as there was or should be occasion, to nominate
Aldermen, and elect Common Council men for the same
respective Wards. That all and every the Beadle and Beadles of
the respective Wards shall do, prepare, return, and deliver to
the Aldermen at their several and respective Courts of
Wardmote, or to their Deputies authorized to hold the same,
one List of all and every the Freeman Householders aforesaid,
dwelling and residing within the respective Wards, to which they
are Beadles, and of no others, apart and by themselves: And
also one list of all and every other Householders within the said
respective Wards only, apart and by themselves: To the intent
that such Freemen Householders, may nominate Aldermen, and
elect their Common Councilmen: And they, together with the
other Householders, may chuse their Constables, Scavengers,
Inquest and Beadles.”
 WILLIAM III. (1650–1702)
After an engraving of the painting by Sir Godfrey Kneller.

So that those who were not Freemen of the City had no right to
vote at all. This limitation of the vote was confirmed in 1711, 1712,
in 1714, and by an Act of Parliament of 11 George I.
There were scares in the City, first after the defeat of the Dutch
fleet on June 30, 1691, by the French, when the latter were
expected to attempt a landing up the Thames; and next when a
report was raised that King James was at the head of a powerful
French army. On both occasions the City put on a bold front, called
out and equipped 10,000 men, and invited the Queen to appoint
officers. It will be remembered that on the scare of the Spanish
Armada, doubts were cast on the efficiency of the London
contingent because the men would only obey their own officers, who
were notoriously incompetent. Here we see a change. The City now
recognises the fact that an officer cannot be made out of a merchant
in a single day.
 MARY II. (1662–1694)
After an engraving of the painting by Sir Godfrey Kneller.

The City next had to go before Parliament in the humiliating

position of a trustee who has lost trust money. The case was this. It
had long been the custom of the City to take care of orphans, being
children of Freemen, their fortunes or portions being received by the
Chamber and administered for them. The Mayor now declared that
this money had so grievously diminished that they simply could not
pay the orphans on coming of age their own estates. Several
reasons were alleged for this loss: the stoppage of the Exchequer,
Charles’s act of robbery; a large part of the fund had been lent to
the Exchequer; other sums had been lost in various ways, and the
City now found itself in debt to orphans for £500,000, and £247,500
in other ways, the whole being far more than it could pay. A
committee was appointed to investigate the case, and on their
report an Act was passed, of which the following are the heads:—
 “That towards settling a perpetual Fund for paying the yearly
Interest of four Pounds, for every hundred Pound due by the
City to their Creditors, all the Manors, Messuages, Lands,
Markets, Fairs, and other Hereditaments, Revenues and Income
whatsoever, belonging to the Mayor, Commonalty, and Citizens,
in Possession or Reversion, and all Improvements that shall be
made thereof (excepting the Estates and Possessions belonging
to Christ’s, St. Bartholomew’s, St. Thomas’s, Bridewell,
Bethlehem, or any other of the City Hospitals, and the Estates
appropriated for the repair of London Bridge), are for ever
charged, from the twenty-fourth of June in the present Year, for
raising annually the sum of eight thousand Pounds, clear of all
Deductions.
2. That all the Profits arising from the several Aqueducts
belonging to the City be applied towards the Payment of the
said Interest.
3. Towards the Support of the said Fund, the Lord Mayor and
Common Council are impowered annually to raise the Sum of
two Thousand Pounds, by an equal Assessment upon the
personal Estates of the Citizens.
4. Towards the Support of the said Fund, be paid the annual
Sum of six hundred Pounds, being the Fine or Rent paid by
certain Persons for the Privilege of illuminating the Streets of
the City with Convex Lamps. This tended very much to the
Dishonour of the City, to make a pecuniary advantage of a
publick Benefit; but the same being removed, to the no small
honour of the Gentlemen in the present Direction of the City
Affairs, I shall say no more on that Head.
5. That every Apprentice, at the Time of his being bound,
shall pay towards the said Fund two shillings and six Pence.
6. That every Person, upon his being admitted a Freeman of
the City, shall pay towards the Support of the said Fund five
Shillings.
 7. That every Ton of Wine imported into the Port of London,
shall pay towards the support of the said Fund five Shillings.
8. That, towards the increase of the said Fund, all Coals
imported into the Port of London shall pay four Pence the
Chaldron Metage above what was formerly paid.
9. And, as a further Increase to the said Fund, all Coals
imported into the Port of London after the twenty-ninth of
September, Anno 1770, the Measurable to pay six Pence the
Chaldron, and the Weighable six Pence the Ton, for the term of
Fifty Years. And to the Intent that the said Fund may be
perpetual, it is enacted, That, after the Expiration of the said
Term of fifty Years, when the said six Pence per Cauldron and
Ton upon Coals shall cease, then all the Manors, Messuages,
Lands, Tenements, Markets, Fairs, and the Duties thereof, and
other Hereditaments, Revenues and Income whatsoever,
belonging to the City either in Possession or Reversion, shall
stand charged with the yearly Sum of six thousand Pounds, over
and above the already named Sum of eight Thousand Pounds
per Ann.”

Dissensions over elections and the mode of elections, scares about

plots and the rumours of plots, rejoicings over victory, make up the
history of London during the next few years. The losses of the
Turkey merchants when, for want of a sufficient convoy, their ships
were taken or burned by the French, were a national disaster. The
merchant fleet was valued at many millions; the convoy forwarded
the merchantmen safely as far as the Land’s End, when it left them
to a smaller convoy of seventeen ships under Rooke. They found
their way barred by the French fleet; in the fight that followed some
of the merchantmen escaped, but the greater number were lost.
“Never within the memory of man,” Macaulay says, “had there been
in the City a day of more gloom and agitation than that on which the
news of the encounter arrived. Money-lenders, an eye-witness said,
went away from the Exchange as pale as if they had received
sentence of death.” The Queen expressed her sorrow and sympathy
and promised an inquiry. The probable cause of the desertion of the
merchantmen by the main convoy was that it was not safe to leave
the Channel unguarded so long.
Everybody who studies London possesses among his collection
pictures of the street cries. These drawings generally belong to the
later years of the eighteenth century or the beginning of the
nineteenth. They establish the fact that the streets were filled with a
never-ending procession of men and women with baskets, carts,
wheel-barrows, trays, boxes, all bawling their wares at the top of the
voice. You may look into the shop now called an “Oilman’s”; nearly
all the things he sells were formerly vended in the street. The
conversion of the wheel-barrow and the tray into the shop would
prove a chapter in the history of London trade.
It is therefore interesting to learn that these hawkers and pedlars
had already, at the end of the seventeenth century, increased so
greatly as to become a nuisance to the Citizens. The Common
Council proceeded against them with an Act providing that

“No Person should presume to sell any Goods, or

Merchandize, in any Street, Lane, Passage, Tavern, Inn, Ale-
house, or other Publick Place within the City or Liberties thereof,
other than in open Markets and Fairs, upon the Penalty of forty
Shillings for every such Offence. And, for the more effectual
Preventing such Practices, all Citizens buying Goods of such
Persons to forfeit the like Sum of forty Shillings for every such
Offence. And, as farther Discouragement to all Hawkers and
Pedlars, every Citizen that should permit or suffer such Persons
to expose to Sale any Goods or Merchandize in his, her, or their
Houses, should for every such Offence likewise forfeit the Sum
of forty Shillings” (Maitland, i. p. 479).

At the same time an Act of Parliament imposed a tax upon them.

The hawker or pedlar played an important part in the country life
from an early period. He it was who circulated among the villages,
and from farm to farm, the things for which in the country there
existed no shops. Autolycus belongs to all ages, and in all ages he is
a jovial, sharp, ready-witted rascal who will pass off his damaged
goods for new, will buy cheap and sell dear. The hawkers escaped
legislation in mediæval England, and are first noticed in a statute of
Edward VI., in which “they are treated in a very contemptuous
manner, being described as more ‘hurtful than necessary to the
commonwealth.’ But the case of pedlars was not seriously taken in
hand before the reign of William III., who put a tax upon them and,
ominously enough, bound them to certify commissioners for
transportation how they travelled and traded.”
We have seen how the Franciscans became pedlars,
“Thai dele with purses, pynnes and knyves,
With girdles, gloves for wenches, and wyves.”

The hawker of London was not exactly the same as the hawker of
the country. In the first place, it is evident that the City disliked his
setting up a stall outside the markets or the streets where special
things were sold; the companies still exercised the power of
regulating trade; there was still the old jealousy which would not
allow one trader to sell things belonging to another company. But
the object of hawkers was to sell everything wanted for the daily
life; like the Franciscan, he would not only sell mercery but also
cutlery. This kind of hawker was effectually banished from the City,
even though shopkeepers had now begun to mix up various
companies and crafts in the same counter. The London hawker was
reduced to selling one thing, and one thing only. In all the pictures
of the street cries we find the hawker engaged in crying one thing
for sale; he offered to catch rats, or sold sand, small coal, boot
laces, door-mats, baskets, sausages, and so on, whatever was
wanted for everyday use and could not be found in the shops.
 “Rats or Mice to kill” “Sausages”
LONDON STREET CRIES
From contemporary prints in British Museum.
The hawkers of 1695, since they could not set up stalls or sell in
the streets, tried to force an entrance into the markets. Upon which
the Council laid down the law that the markets were not to be used
as a place of sale for goods sold in the shops or warehouses of
Freemen of the City. This important Act, which continued in force
until the nineteenth century, should be quoted:—

“Whereas by the Laws, Customs, and antient Usages of the

City of London, confirmed by Parliament, every shop and
warehouse within the said City, and Liberties of the same,
having open shew into any Streets and Lanes thereof, have,
Time-out-of-Mind, been known and accustomed to be, and in
very deed is an open and Publick Market Place for Persons free
of the said City, for every Day of the Week, except Sundays, for
Shew and Sale of Wares and Merchandizes, within the said City
and Liberties thereof:
And whereas all other publick Markets within this City, and the
Liberties of the same, that is to say, Leadenhall-Market, the
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