Behavioural Methods in Consciousness Research 1st Edition Morten Overgaard instant download
Behavioural Methods in Consciousness Research 1st Edition Morten Overgaard instant download
https://ebookgate.com/product/behavioural-methods-in-
consciousness-research-1st-edition-morten-overgaard/
https://ebookgate.com/product/embodiment-in-cognition-and-culture-
advances-in-consciousness-research-71st-edition-john-michael-krois/
ebookgate.com
https://ebookgate.com/product/cognitive-behavioural-therapy-research-
and-practice-in-health-and-social-care-2nd-edition-brian-sheldon/
ebookgate.com
https://ebookgate.com/product/visual-research-methods-in-design-henry-
sanoff/
ebookgate.com
https://ebookgate.com/product/research-methods-in-psychiatry-3rd-
edition-chris-freeman/
ebookgate.com
Handbook of Research Methods in Health 1st Edition Ann
Bowling
https://ebookgate.com/product/handbook-of-research-methods-in-
health-1st-edition-ann-bowling/
ebookgate.com
https://ebookgate.com/product/visual-methods-in-social-research-1st-
edition-dr-marcus-banks/
ebookgate.com
https://ebookgate.com/product/research-methods-in-second-language-
psycholinguistics-1st-edition-jill-jegerski/
ebookgate.com
https://ebookgate.com/product/epidemiological-methods-in-life-course-
research-1st-edition-andrew-pickles/
ebookgate.com
https://ebookgate.com/product/methods-in-chemosensory-research-1st-
edition-sidney-a-simon-editor/
ebookgate.com
Behavioral methods
in consciousness research
Behavioral methods
in consciousness
research
Edited by
Morten Overgaard
1
1
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Oxford University Press 2015
© iStockPhoto.com
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in 2015
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2014958222
ISBN 978–0–19–968889–0
Printed and bound by
CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY
Oxford University Press makes no representation, express or implied, that the
drug dosages in this book are correct. Readers must therefore always check
the product information and clinical procedures with the most up-to-date
published product information and data sheets provided by the manufacturers
and the most recent codes of conduct and safety regulations. The authors and
the publishers do not accept responsibility or legal liability for any errors in the
text or for the misuse or misapplication of material in this work. Except where
otherwise stated, drug dosages and recommendations are for the non-pregnant
adult who is not breast-feeding
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
Contents
Contributors vii
Part 1 Introduction
1 Consciousness research methods: the empirical “hard problem” 3
Morten Overgaard
2 The challenge of measuring consciousness 7
Morten Overgaard
3 How can we measure awareness? An overview of current methods 21
Bert Timmermans and Axel Cleeremans
Part 5 Metachapter
14 Variability, convergence, and dimensions of consciousness 249
Colin Klein and Jakob Hohwy
Index 265
Contributors
2.5
Treatment
Rating
No drug
2.0 Drug
1.5
No drug Drug
Treatment
Plate 1 Average rating data (perceptual awareness scale) in the word presentation experiment
with and without administration of a dopamine agonist. (See Fig. 13.1)
3.0
2.5
Treatment
Rating
No drug
2.0 Drug
1.5
No drug Drug
Treatment
Plate 2 Data from Plate 1 with lines indicating that the same subjects were observed in the two
groups. Compared to Plate 1 we see a clearer trend towards higher ratings with the dopamine
agonist. (See Fig. 13.2)
Awareness ratings
1 2 3 4
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
5 6 7 8
3.0
2.5 Treatment
Rating
2.0 Drug
1.5 No drug
1.0
9 10 11 12
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50
PT
Plate 3 Average PAS ratings at three different stimulus durations for each subject with and
without the dopamine agonist. (See Fig. 13.3)
Fixed ef fects f it
1 2 3 4
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
5 6 7 8
3.0
2.5 Treatment
Rating
2.0 Drug
1.5 No drug
1.0
9 10 11 12
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50
PT
Plate 4 Fixed effects analysis suggests an increase in PAS rating with dopamine agonist, but
the model provides a poor fit in most subjects. It estimates the same effect across all subjects.
(See Fig. 13.4)
1 2 3 4
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
5 6 7 8
3.5
3.0 Treatment
Rating
2.5 Drug
2.0
No drug
1.5
1.0
9 10 11 12
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50 20 30 40 50
PT
Plate 5 The random effects or mixed model produces an individual fit to each subject and
provides a more accurate fit to the individuals than the fixed effects model. Note that this comes
at the cost of only one additional parameter in the model (the variance component corresponding
to subject variation). (See Fig. 13.5)
Incorrectly rejected hypotheses
0.75
Prior
Percentage 50%
0.50 70%
90%
0.25
H0 X
H 0
0 0
–d d –d d
Trivial effects Non-trivial Non-trivial
effects effects
Plate 7 By extending the usual null hypothesis of zero effect to the hypothesis that the effect
is numerically less than d we avoid declaring the significance when magnitude of the effect
is scientifically negligible but p-value for the point null hypothesis nevertheless is below 5%.
(See Fig. 13.7)
Risk of false rejection
0.100
0.075
Smallest relevant
difference (d)
d=0
Risk
0.050 d = 0.05
d = 0.10
d = 0.20
0.025
0.000
–10
OR
30
–20
20
log10(p)
–30 10
N = 100 N = 200
0
p > 0.05
–10 False
True
–20
–30
0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8
AUC
Plate 10 Each subplot shows (logarithm of the) p-value for different OR. When the number of
subjects is low, i.e. N = 20, p-values are generally high, but they decrease markedly—for the same
OR—as the number of subjects increases; see, for example, N = 200 in the lower right corner.
Note also that rather high OR are necessary to produce even moderate AUCs. (See Fig. 13.10)
Plate 11 Acute ischemic stroke patient with a small periventricular non-reversible lesion showing
on DWI and a larger area of reduced blood supply (perfusion) as seen on the MTT image. The final
lesion for this patient is shown on the fluid-attenuated inversion recovery (FLAIR) image to the
right. (See Fig. 13.11)
Data, N = 20 observations per group Data, N = 125 observations per group Data, N = 250 observations per group
4 4 4
3 3 3
x2
x2
B B B
1 1 1
0 0 0
–1 –1 –1
0 1 2 3 0 1 2 3 0 1 2 3
x1 x1 x1
t-tests vs GLM
100
75
Test
Rejections (%)
t-test x1
t-test x2
GLM x1
50 GLM x2
GLM x1 × x2
Hotelling’s T2
25
100
80
Type
AUC (%)
40
Introduction
Chapter 1
The idea for Behavioral methods in consciousness research was born in 2012. I had organ-
ized a symposium entitled “Behavioral methods to assess awareness” with Axel Cleere-
mans, Bert Timmermans, and Ryan Scott at the 16th Meeting of the Association for the
Scientific Study of Consciousness in Brighton. Given its somewhat technical nature, I had
expected nothing more than a modest number of participants. However, the opposite
turned out to be the case. The interest in methodology was impressive, but so was a very
understandable confusion amongst all the participants. While consciousness research has
resulted in an incredible amount of often very inventive experimental paradigms and re-
porting techniques, there seems to be no good way of deciding what constitutes an optimal
measure of consciousness. In fact, we even lack good ideas for how to determine if one
measure is better than another.
This book is intended to take steps towards improving this situation and achieving some
level of clarity about methodological issues in consciousness research. The first step is ar-
guably to identify problems related to measuring subjective experience and to figure out
which primary issues need to be confronted. The next step might be attempting to get an
overview of existing and possible solutions to these issues, their advantages and disadvan-
tages. From this, one might be able to assess the current state of methods in consciousness
research and potential future directions.
Throughout the development of its chapters, Behavioral methods in consciousness re-
search realizes that strategy. The general principle has been to openly assess strengths and
weaknesses for all methods, and to discuss problematic issues otherwise rarely mentioned
in scientific journal articles: What are the problems with particular methods? When do
they work and when do they not? What is actually being measured and how is a chosen
method contaminated by various confounding factors? Hopefully, by confronting such
questions that might seem challenging and perhaps even at times frustrating, this book
will work as a background or introduction to people interested in consciousness research,
regardless of whether they are moving into the field or whether they are already there. It
will also be a guide to making mature decisions about methodological choices and inter-
pretations of results, or even a manual in a classical sense.
4 Consciousness research methods: the empirical “hard problem”
disorders and/or with brain injury. Particular problems of course relate to those subjects
whose brain injuries leave them in a comatose or vegetative state, and thus unable to com-
municate. It is, obviously, of incredible importance to understand whether such patients
have conscious experience, and, if so, what the nature of those experiences might be.
Most aspects of neuroscience are preoccupied with how one might relate structure to
function. If it could be shown that consciousness relates to structure in a 1:1 fashion—
that for each particular neural structure or network there would be one particular kind of
conscious content—philosophical theories claiming that consciousness is identical to or
reducible to the brain would be in agreement with empirical observations. However, if it
could be shown that the same conscious experience could relate to different structures, all
such theories would be false. Accordingly, patients who suffer an injury to the brain and
lose the ability to have particular conscious contents would as a matter of principle not be
able to recover the exact same experiences under the conditions of 1:1 relations between
brain and consciousness. Obviously, nothing would in principle prevent that possibility in
the opposite scenario.
In psychology, a lack of clarity about how to measure consciousness is at least as devas-
tating as it is in neuroscience. A majority of theories in psychology depend crucially on
data from subjects who report what they experience in one way or another. Obviously,
theories based on measures that did not succeed in capturing the intended aspects of the
mind will be led to make false or imprecise claims.
All things considered, regardless of how much we might wish to avoid the painfully irri-
tating hard problem of measuring consciousness, many theoretical, empirical, and clinical
issues are fundamentally tied to our ability to handle it.
possible, discussing unanswered questions, up- and downsides, and practical suggestions
to help scientists, scholars, and students make an “informed choice” when deciding to use
or understand a particular method.
Next follows a series of chapters with the same approach but a different type of content.
They focus on various subjective measures rather than paradigms. These are about inten-
tional binding (Jensen, Di Costa, Haggard, Chapter 9), confidence ratings (Norman and
Price, Chapter 10), and the perceptual awareness scale (Sandberg and Overgaard, Chap-
ter 11). The next two chapters introduce and discuss statistical methods to analyze and
interpret results from experiments using methods from previous chapters (or other related
methods). One discusses the relations between Bayesian and standard statistical methods
(Dienes, Chapter 12), another discusses regression models (Mouridsen, Chapter 13). Fi-
nally, Chapter 14 by Klein and Hohwy comments on the previous chapters and discusses
the attempt to measure consciousness from a philosophical perspective.
References
Chalmers, D.J. (1995) Facing up to the problem of consciousness. Journal of Consciousness Studies, 2,
200–219.
Chalmers, D. (1996) The Conscious Mind. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Nagel, T. (1974) What is it like to be a bat? Philosophical Review, 83, 435–451.
Chapter 2
Introduction
Few things in the human intellectual history have given rise to so many different theories,
opinions, discussions, and academic frustrations as consciousness. While being incredibly
complex, as this chapter will show, consciousness is not just an academic concept, access-
ible only to specialized scientists in a particular field, as it is the case with many other com-
plex topics in science, such as quantum particles or cell division. Consciousness is directly
accessible to all living humans, possibly all living creatures, from the moment they wake
up until they fall into dreamless sleep.
This chapter discusses some central definitions of consciousness and their relations to
different measures, i.e. their “operationalization.” As it will be argued, introspection is in-
volved in all kinds of measures of consciousness at some level. Accordingly, the chapter
examines different uses of introspection, and the relation between introspection and con-
sciousness. Finally, some criteria for adequate measures of consciousness are discussed.
there is no reason to wait for a potential final definition. So, in the following, a few crude
distinctions will be discussed.
In his article On a confusion about a function of consciousness (1995), Ned Block suggests
a distinction between “access-consciousness” (so-called A-consciousness) and “phenom-
enal consciousness” (so-called P-consciousness). A-consciousness refers to a state on the
basis of which a subject is able to reason, to have rational control of action and of speech.
P-consciousness refers to experiences (seeing the color red, thinking about rain, the sonar
sense of a bat, or whichever examples one might prefer). Both definitions refer to aspects of
what we may mean when saying we are conscious of something, yet are different aspects in
an important sense. Whether the two concepts refer to actual, empirically different states
is frequently debated (Block 2005; Kouider et al. 2010), but they certainly suggest different
ways to measure consciousness. If one wishes to conduct experiments on, say, the neural
basis of A-consciousness, the definition comes with behavioral and thus third-person ac-
cessible features, although rather unspecific. If one, instead, looks for the neural basis of
P-consciousness, one may end with measures with an important overlap with methods
used to study A-consciousness, but one needs to make the further argument why those
methods represent the first-person state in question as this definition comes without any
third-person-observable features.
Another commonly agreed distinction is one between the contents and the levels of
consciousness (Hohwy 2009; Overgaard and Overgaard 2010). A- and P-consciousness
are both examples of contents, whereas typical examples of levels of consciousness are
coma or the vegetative state, sleep, or drug abuse. Methods to study levels of consciousness
would obviously differ from those relevant to study the contents, and involve even further
problems as one here cannot rely on behavioral measures or communication (Owen 2006;
Overgaard 2009). Although one should hypothesize some relation between the contents
and the levels of consciousness (Overgaard and Overgaard 2010; Bachmann 2012), these
discussions are outside the stringent focus on behavioral methods here.
These days, most consciousness researchers would agree that the concept of conscious-
ness does not, a priori at least, refer to a particular psychological function or behavior, but
to the fact that we have subjective experiences such as the taste of good coffee, the sound of
a dog barking, or frustrating thoughts about consciousness (Chalmers 1996). Whereas the
examples one might give in order to illustrate the contents of consciousness may result in a
rather heterogeneous list, all examples share the one feature that they are subjective. Many
important historical attempts to define consciousness more precisely stress the subjective
aspect. For instance, Nagel (1974) argues that if there is something it like for a bat to have a
sonar sense, then bats must be conscious creatures. Although most suggestions for precise
definitions of consciousness are controversial, there is good agreement that consciousness is
subjective in the sense that only the one person having the conscious experience, regardless
of its contents, has direct knowledge about it. The subject of an experience seems to have a
special kind of access to the particular content, different from the kind of access you can have
to the content of other people’s experience (e.g. when those other people describe their ex-
periences). This core feature of consciousness is what makes it so scientifically challenging.
Challenges to the scientific study of consciousness 9
mNCC
pNCC
Fig. 2.1 The “proper NCC” (pNCC) is only identical to the measured NCC (mNCC) if measures
fully represent the relevant states. (Reprinted from Consciousness and Cognition, 15(4), Morten
Overgaard, Introspection in Science, pp. 629–33, figure 3a Copyright (2006), with permission
from Elsevier.)
10 The challenge of measuring consciousness
mNCC has to fully represent the pNCC in a given experiment. In case some aspect of
the mNCC represents something else (an artefact), or in case the pNCC contains aspects
that are not represented in the mNCC, one obviously cannot derive a pNCC from that
experiment.
As we have no method to transform subjective experiences to third-person-accessible
information without losing the subjectiveness, our measures inevitably have to be indi-
rect. This is, however, not very different from the case in many other scientific disciplines,
where one has no “direct” knowledge of molecules, genes, or radio waves, yet is fully able
to conduct experiments, create generally accepted and understood scientific explanations,
and predict future events. The problem may not be that a science of consciousness is, at
least in these regards, “special,” but rather that the scientific field is still a long way from
having standardized methods. As one example, some researchers repeatedly find prefron-
tal activations when subjects report to be conscious of visually presented numbers (Del
Cul et al. 2009), whereas others claim that re-entrant activity in occipital regions correlates
better with consciousness when reporting whether face icons look happy or sad (Jolij and
Lamme 2005).
The two different claims are based on evidence from experiments that have applied
rather different experimental techniques, making a direct comparison complex. Ac-
cordingly, most experiments applying transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) over the
occipital cortex at around 100 ms after stimulus onset show a disruption of visual con-
sciousness, and may be used as evidence to suggest that the NCC for visual perception is
a re-entrant process to primary visual cortex. The same conclusion is often proposed by
research in blindsight, where patients with V1 lesions often report no conscious experi-
ence (Stoerig and Cowey 1997). Other experiments using change blindness or inatten-
tional blindness paradigms typically demonstrate that the conscious noticing of a change
activates a frontoparietal network (Mack and Rock 1998). Interestingly, the research field
often acts as if differences in NCC models can be solved by just doing more experiments
rather than by developing those methods that have given rise to the results, and thus also
the differences.
Even if “subjectiveness” seems a common denominator in different conceptions of con-
sciousness, this does not in and of itself reveal how to operationalize consciousness ide-
ally. One illustration of two operationalization options comes from a recent discussion by
Block (2011) and Cohen and Dennett (2011); see a more thorough discussion in Over-
gaard and Grünbaum (2012). The discussion centers on the classical Sperling experiment
(Sperling 1960). Here, subjects were only able to report letters from one of three rows
presented on a screen. However, with post-stimulus cueing, subjects could report what-
ever row they were asked. Block believes that we experience seeing the entire display of
letters, yet we report only a limited amount, or, in other words, that conscious experience
“overflows” the cognitive functions involved in accessing and reporting the experience.
Cohen and Dennett, however, take a different point of departure in their interpretation
of Sperling, namely that conscious content must have a cognitive function. According to
their view, a person cannot be conscious of X but be principally unable to report about X
Challenges to the scientific study of consciousness 11
or be unable to use it for rational control of action. Against Block, they argue that it makes
no sense to ascribe consciousness of X to a subject if the subject denies seeing X. Going
along with this idea, it is natural to think that consciousness plays a cognitive role, and that
a subject is conscious of some information if it is used by the subject’s cognitive system in
a particular way.
The discussion is important because it shows a fundamental conflict in conceptions
about consciousness and, as a consequence, methods to study it. It seems mutually exclu-
sive that consciousness overflows cognitive functions and that consciousness is identical
to a cognitive function. Both ideas may seem intuitively compelling, but either we accept
overflow but also accept that consciousness is not identical to a function (at least in a cog-
nitive understanding) or we accept that consciousness is indeed a cognitive function, but
deny overflow. This debate cannot be resolved empirically. This is so because the debate is
essentially pre-empirical as it concerns questions that determine how to gather and think
of empirical data in the first place (Overgaard and Grünbaum 2012).
Accordingly, one approach will argue that consciousness is identical to or inherently
related to a particular cognitive function. The idea has the immediate advantage that op-
erationalization becomes much more tangible, as one may use already established experi-
mental paradigms to study consciousness. For example, if consciousness is fundamentally
associated with or identical to working memory, all measures of working memory will also
be measures of consciousness.
The opposite approach considers consciousness to be a state, a process, or a property
that is not identical to or deeply associated with some (other) cognitive state. By dissociat-
ing consciousness from cognitive capacities (Rees and Frith 2007), one will in most cases
stay with a subjective criterion as the only acceptable measure. As a consequence, any
measure that can be said to be about something other than subjective experience cannot
be applied.
The choice between the “cognitive” and “non-cognitive” approach (Overgaard and
Grünbaum 2012) is decisive for one’s criteria of consciousness, experimental methodol-
ogy, and, as a necessary consequence, findings. Despite attempts by researchers on both
sides, the dispute between cognitive and non-cognitive theories of consciousness cannot
be settled by empirical evidence. As neither position can be stated in an empirically falsifi-
able manner, the debate cannot itself be resolved by empirical data. In the end, the deci-
sion about which approach to prefer is a matter of personal preference rather than about
arguments.
There are specific challenges associated with the two choices. If one decides not to
associate consciousness with any particular cognitive function, it is difficult to trust
any measure of consciousness. For instance, why should the cognitive functions in-
volved in saying “I am conscious” be a valid measure of consciousness? Nevertheless,
with the lack of other measures, a “non-cognitive” assumption would typically lead to
a use of subjective reports in some way. But when is a subjective report scientifically
trustworthy? Although we all have good intuitive ideas about the meaning of concepts
about subjective states (such as thoughts, feelings, or perceptions), their precision and
12 The challenge of measuring consciousness
approach” avoids using verbal reports, but it does not avoid introspection in the minimal
sense. Without ideas about what conscious experience is, the experiment would make
no sense.
So-called subjective methods attempt to use introspection directly as a method or as
part of a method. For example, neurophenomenology typically tries to understand ex-
perience itself, rather than just cognitive or neural processes, by explicitly using reports
(Gallagher 2009).
Typically, objective methods study behavior or reports that are not about consciousness,
while subjective methods study reports that are. It is, however, far from always obvious
to identify what is an objective and what is a subjective method. As one example, “post-
decision wagering” was introduced as an objective measure (Persaud et al. 2007). Here,
subjects place a monetary wager on the correctness of their own response to a stimulus,
the amount of which is considered a measure of how conscious they were of that stimulus.
However, since wagering subjects try to maximize their gain, and since the very idea is that
they, in order to place the wager, explicitly consult how conscious they were (which is why
it could be a measure of consciousness), it seems to have many features in common with
subjective measures.
Regardless of methodological choice, some of the same basic criteria seem necessary
for a measure to be a valid measure: it should be exhaustive, i.e. sensitive to all aspects of
conscious experience, and exclusive, i.e. it should not measure something unconscious—at
a proper level of conceptual granularity. In the following, these three aspects (exhaust-
iveness, exclusiveness, and granularity) will be presented, after, however, a discussion of
introspection and its relation to measures of consciousness, as introspection of some kind
is involved in all measures of consciousness.
Regardless of methodology, a measure of a conscious state is obviously not identical to
the conscious state itself, and, thus, seems to involve further states having access to the
conscious state.
Even though the report, as a verbal utterance, obviously is different from the “internal,”
subjective state, it is less clear whether the very act of introspecting also is such a separate
state. The issue is important as it potentially introduces a particular kind of complexity in
the attempt of having a “pure” measure of consciousness, and, accordingly, the chance of
deriving a pNCC from an mNCC.
John Searle (1992) has argued that a conscious state can only be described in terms of
what the state represents, and, as a consequence, our awareness of a conscious state as
such is always just awareness of the very object represented by the conscious state itself.
Therefore no such distinction between being introspectively aware of a conscious state and
being in a conscious state exists. Fred Dretske (1995) has argued that we are never aware
of our mental states ourselves, although we can be aware of the fact that we have a mental
state. Introspection can be seen as an instance of what he calls “displaced perception”: we
come to know how much petrol is left in the car’s tank by looking at the gauge. In a similar
way, we come to know that we are in a particular type of mental state by being aware of the
objects represented by one’s mental states.
14 The challenge of measuring consciousness
As has been pointed out by proponents of the higher-order thought theory of state con-
sciousness (HOT), this critique might rest on a particular conception of what is meant by
“awareness of a mental state.” Thus it is possible to maintain that we never have experiences
of our mental states like the way we have experiences of things in the world—that is, by
having perceptual experiences—but that we nevertheless might be said to be aware of our
conscious mental states by having thoughts about them (Rosenthal 2000a).
According to this view, introspecting a conscious state is to have an accompanying
thought about that state, a thought that is itself conscious, attentive, and deliberate. From
the HOT perspective the basic distinction between conscious states and introspective
states is sustained: a subject’s having a conscious state is explained in terms of the sub-
ject’s having a second-order thought about a mental state of his or her. This higher-order
thought need not itself be conscious, although it might sometimes become so by the sub-
ject’s in turn having third-order thoughts about them. When this happens, the subject is
engaged in introspection (Rosenthal 2000b).
The coherence of HOT explanations regarding conscious states and introspection re-
spectively are issues, which can be kept apart. One may argue that HOT is a good ex-
planation of how to understand the relation between conscious states and introspection
without committing to the view that it is a good explanation of consciousness.
As mentioned above, there has been much historical skepticism about a science based
on introspection. This skepticism is often presented as a historical disagreement between
early twentieth-century research groups, suggesting that introspection is “hopelessly un-
reliable.” Recent work has challenged this idea (Costall 2006, 2012), and re-examination
of laboratory records reveals that disagreements between, say, Würzburg and Cornell were
disagreements about interpretations of results, rather than the results themselves (Monson
and Hurlburt 1993). Skepticism about introspection, and the use of it, seems to have been
around for centuries.
Comte, for instance, argued that introspection is scientifically useless as there cannot be
identity between an observer and the observed object (Lyons 1986). Comte argued that
this would lead to an illogical “splitting” of consciousness in two. Many classical accounts
of introspection in psychology, based on James (1898), suggest that “online” introspection,
as an ongoing observation of current mental states, does not exist. Rather, James suggested
that all introspection is in fact retrospection—an inspection of memories of previous ex-
periences. This interpretation of introspection can be taken as a response to Comte’s ob-
jection against a splitting of consciousness. In the light of the discussion between first- and
higher-order accounts of introspection, James’ perspective seems to support the HOT ver-
sion, as the first-order variety seems fully compatible with an “ongoing” or “direct” intro-
specting act.
Very few experiments have been designed to directly test these questions. Marcel (1993)
demonstrated a dissociation between responses when using eye blinks, hand movements,
and verbal reports. The dissociation was shown in a blindsight patient as well as in normal
participants. When the patient and the participants were instructed to introspect, they gave
the most accurate reports when using eye blinks for “yes-reports,” less accurate when using
Exhaustiveness and exclusiveness of measures 15
hand movements, and the least accurate when using verbal reports. The blindsight patient
could even reply “yes, I am aware of a light” while at the same time—during the same
stimulus trial—reporting “no” with hand gestures. This pattern was not present when the
patient was told to report non-introspectively. Overgaard and Sørensen (2004) expanded
on this experiment and showed that a dissociation between the response modes used by
Marcel (1993) was only found when instructing participants before showing a stimulus.
When the order of the instruction and stimulus was reversed, no dissociation was found.
This result of Overgaard and Sørensen (2004) that introspection changes the participants’
behavior only when the instruction is given prior to the stimulus could be interpreted to
indicate that introspection has an effect on perception rather than on retrospective mem-
ory processes. The interpretation, although supported by little evidence, can be taken to
go against James’ retrospection account, and seems fully compatible with the first-order
account of introspection.
Overgaard et al. (2006) conducted an evoked response potentials (ERP) experiment at-
tempting to contrast introspective and non-introspective conscious states. Subjects were
asked to report the presence or absence of a gray dot in two different conditions—one
in which they were asked to consider the stimulus of an “object on the screen,” and an-
other in which they were to consider it “a content in their own experience.” The study
found differences between conditions in early occipital components, later attention-
related components, and even later post-perceptual components. Although the study has
not been replicated, a cautious interpretation could be that introspection seems to affect
“pre-perceptual,” “perceptual,” and “post-perceptual” processes. Such interpretation does
not exclude retrospective elements but suggests that there is more to introspection than
retrospection alone.
Whether introspection is an online inspection of ongoing experiences, a retrospective
activity, or a combination, all alternatives face challenges with regards to the validity of
subjective reports. The retrospection alternative is confronted with problems related to
the fallibility of memory. If our only access to our own conscious states is by way of trying
to remember them, this access is obviously far from “certain knowledge.” The “online ver-
sion” allows for an introspective “observation” of experiences as they occur. Although the
actual report is still delayed in time, and therefore also confronted with memory issues, at
least the actual accessing of the experiences is not. However, here, it seems possible that the
act of introspection may change the experience itself. We have no good evidence to believe
that mental states are simply additive, i.e. that the presence of two simultaneous states is
identical to the “sum” of the two occurring in isolation. Accordingly, one may fear that a
science based on introspection may tell us a lot about introspective conscious states, but
nothing about non-introspective conscious states.
and exclusive. One can reasonably demand of a good measure of consciousness that it
detects all relevant aspects of experience. Such “demands” have been referred to as exhaus-
tiveness, and it is very likely that different measures differ in their degree of exhaustive-
ness (Overgaard and Timmermans 2010; Overgaard and Sandberg 2012). By a measure’s
exhaustiveness, it is typically meant that a measure or task should be sensitive to every bit
of relevant conscious content, so that we may avoid erroneously describing behavior as
resulting from unconscious mental processes (Timmermans et al. 2010).
By exclusiveness, one typically refers to the “flip side” of exhaustiveness. As a measure
of consciousness should measure all relevant experiences, it should exclusively measure
experiences, and thus be immune to influences from unconscious knowledge.
The issue is particularly relevant in debates about perception “in the total lack of con-
scious experience,” which has come to be the central topic of investigation in the attempt to
measure differences between consciousness and unconsciousness (and, thus, find the rele-
vant contrasts to measure NCCs) (Hassin 2013). Here, the problem arises in cases where
subjects report no conscious awareness where in fact there may be some vague experience
or sensation, which is hard to express verbally. Such cases of bad exhaustiveness would
lead actual experiences to be misclassified as unconscious in the data analysis, and thus
misconstrue the measured NCC.
In cases with poor exclusiveness, subjects report irrelevant experiences, or, potentially,
totally unconscious influences. For instance, subjects may be influenced by other experi-
ences of, say, confidence, insecurity, or positive or negative emotions in their report of the
relevant content. In such cases, irrelevant content will be misclassified as relevant, and
thus, in a different way, misconstrue the measured NCC.
Conceptual granularity
Bechtel and Mundale (1999) argue that one central issue, relevant to the study of con-
sciousness, is that psychological as well as neural properties can be described with differ-
ent “granularities.” They argue that psychological properties often are described at a very
“coarse” level of granularity, whereas neural properties are described at a much “finer”
level.
Overgaard and Mogensen (2011) suggest that mental functions can be described at least
three different levels of analysis. At the most general level, we find “visual perception,”
“intention,” “emotion,” or the like. At a more “fine-grained” level, there are task- and do-
main-specific functions. There may be several “subtypes” of the general category “visual
perception” that are specific to certain kinds of stimuli (faces, rectangles, the color purple)
or kinds of representation. Finally, there are basic functions as a kind of discretely operat-
ing system without any direct manifestation at a conscious or behavioral level.
Obviously, any measure of consciousness must somehow specify some “line of demar-
cation,” i.e. which exact subjective experiences are of relevance. Concepts about mental
states at one level of analysis are of course not more or less precise than concepts at others.
Yet, concepts at one level may confound concepts at different levels. One example could
Future directions 17
be Benjamin Libet’s famous experiments, arguably showing that the conscious experience
of wanting to move is delayed around 500 ms compared to the onset of a neural response
potential in premotor cortex (Libet 1985). In these experiments, the subjects were to watch
a round clockface that included a moving dot. At some point, they were to initiate a volun-
tary movement and to note the location of the dot on the clock at that point in time. The
subjects were explicitly asked to monitor their own mental state in order to report the time
of their first “awareness of the wish or urge to act” (Libet 2002, p. 292). Without question-
ing the result, which has been repeatedly replicated (Vinding et al. 2014), the interpret-
ation may be challenged. In order for a subject to report the first awareness of a wish, the
subject must apply some criterion for when such an experience is present. The seeming
fact that nothing reported “as a wish” was subjectively present until 500 ms after the onset
of the readiness potential is not the same as to say that no relevant subjective experience
was present 500 ms earlier, which, however, was subjectively different or was chosen based
on different criteria. In other words, had the experiment applied concepts at different lev-
els of granularity, results might have appeared different.
Other previous discussions apply to the interpretation of the experiment as well. The
method is clearly introspective, and, even disregarding the questions of conceptual granu-
larity, it is not obvious whether it is the conscious experience of wanting to move or the
introspective access that is delayed half a second.
Future directions
The last decades have seen an impressive upsurge of research into consciousness. Today,
the majority of this research takes one of two paths: a “philosophical” strategy, analyzing
the conceptual connection between the notions of consciousness and physical matter, or a
“cognitive neuroscience” strategy, applying some measure of consciousness to find empiri-
cal connections with measures of brain activity. Research from these strategies has added
greatly to our understanding of the human mind and of neural circuitries, but, as evident
from the discussion in this chapter, we are still far from solid ideas about how to measure
consciousness.
Given the great interest in consciousness, methodological obstacles may be among the
primary challenges to achieve solutions to the mind–body problem. Some may even say
they constitute the primary challenge, in that a scientific approach to subjective experience
would appear much simpler if one had the perfect measure of consciousness. In the lack of
an external, objective method to measure consciousness, how are we to know if we actu-
ally do find an optimal measure of consciousness? Even with no straightforward answer,
an interdisciplinary cooperation seems necessary in order to ensure that operationaliza-
tion of subjective experience in experiments captures the essence of what we mean by the
concept, and in order to identify all possible confounding factors.
Although the amount of problems seems breathtaking, the gain of progress is high. Were
we to one day succeed in addressing all issues related to the measuring of consciousness, a
solution to the age-old mind–body problem would seem much more within reach.
18 The challenge of measuring consciousness
Acknowledgments
Morten Overgaard was supported by the European Research Council.
References
Bachmann, T. (2012) How to begin to overcome the ambiguity present in differentiation between
contents and levels of consciousness? Frontiers in Psychology: Consciousness Research, 3, 1–6.
Bechtel, W. and Mundale, J. (1999) Multiple realizability revisited: linking cognitive and neural states.
Philosophy of Science, 66, 175–207.
Block, N. (1995) On a confusion about a function of consciousness. Behavioural and Brain Sciences, 18,
227–287.
Block, N. (2005) Two neural correlates of consciousness. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 9, 46–52.
Block, N. (2011) Perceptual consciousness overflows cognitive access. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 15,
567–575.
Bunge, M. (1998) Philosophy of Science. Transaction Publishers, Piscataway, New Jersey.
Chalmers, D. (1996) The Conscious Mind. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Cohen, M. and Dennett, D. (2011) Consciousness cannot be separated from function. Trends in
Cognitive Sciences, 15, 358–364.
Costall, A. (2006) Introspectionism and the mythical origins of modern psychology. Consciousness and
Cognition, 15, 634–654.
Costall, A. (2012) Introspection and the myth of methodological behaviorism. In: J. Clegg (ed) Self-
Observation in the Social Sciences. Transaction Publishers, Piscataway, New Jersey.
Del Cul, A., Dehaene, S., Reyes, P., Bravo, E., and Slachevsky, A. (2009) Causal role of prefrontal cortex
in the threshold for access to consciousness. Brain, 132, 2531–2540.
Dretske, F. (1995) Naturalizing the Mind. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Gallagher, S. (2009) Neurophenomenology. In: T. Bayne, A. Cleeremans, and P. Wilken (eds) Oxford
Companion to Consciousness. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Hassin, R. (2013) Yes it can—on the functional abilities of the human unconscious. Perspectives on
Psychological Science, 24, 2563–2568.
Hohwy, J. (2009) The neural correlates of consciousness: new experimental approaches needed?
Consciousness and Cognition, 18, 428–438.
Jacoby, L.L. (1991) A process dissociation framework: separating automatic from intentional uses of
memory. Journal of Memory and Language, 30(5), 513–541.
James, W. (1898) Principles of Psychology. Dover Publications, Mineola, New York.
Jolij, J. and Lamme, V. (2005) Repression of unconscious information by conscious processing: evidence
from affective blindsight induced by transcranial magnetic stimulation. Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences, 102, 10747–10751.
Kouider, S., de Gardelle, V., Sackur, J., and Dupoux, E. (2010) How rich is consciousness? The partial
awareness hypothesis. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 14, 301–307.
Libet, B. (1985) Unconscious cerebral initiative and the role of conscious will in voluntary action.
Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 8, 529–566.
Libet, B. (2002) The timing of mental events: Libet’s experimental findings and their implications.
Consciousness and Cognition, 11, 291–299.
Lyons, W. (1986) The Disappearance of Introspection. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Mack, A. and Rock, I. (1998) Inattentional Blindness. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Marcel, A. (1993) Slippage in the unity of consciousness. In: G. Bock and J. Marsh (eds) Experimental
and Theoretical Studies of Consciousness. John Wiley and Sons, New York.
Future directions 19
Introduction
It would be pushing at an open door to state that the study of consciousness is challenging
because it attempts to develop an epistemically objective approach to a phenomenon that
is ontologically subjective (Searle 1997). How can I objectively have access to what another
person thinks or experiences? Can a person him-/herself objectively assess or report what
he/she thinks? Does introspection afford privileged access, or is it merely glorified hetero-
phenomenology? And even if introspection were truly reliable, do introspective reports
reflect one’s actual phenomenological experience, or merely an interpretation thereof in
light of task demands? These challenges, which present themselves in a particularly harsh
light when it comes to establishing unconscious information processing, reflect the fact
that the study of consciousness requires a solution to the following fundamental—and as
yet unsolved—problem: How can we measure consciousness?
While there has been substantial progress in measuring the level of awareness (Casali
et al. 2013; Sitt et al. 2014), and we have made steady progress delineating the neural cor-
relates of consciousness (NCC) (Boly et al. 2013), we do not know of any instrument or
method that makes it possible to measure the contents of awareness directly (Seth et al.
2008). Having such an instrument (i.e. a consciousness-meter) would make it possible to
establish clear relationships between an external state of affairs, people’s subjective experi-
ence of this state of affairs, and their overt behavior. However, neither does such an instru-
ment exists nor can we conceive of any way of building it (though some are trying; Haynes
and Rees 2005; Kamitani and Tong 2005; Formisano et al. 2008; Haynes 2009).
Thus, today, the best we can do to find out what someone currently experiences is to ask
them to produce a report about it. Verbal report is the most direct method we can use to
find out if a person is aware of some knowledge. But this, as appealing as it is, is fraught
with complexity: people may refrain from or simply be unable to report on vague experi-
ences; reports are typically not obtained at the time the experience occurs; people may be
biased in different ways that often interact with each other (see Newell and Shanks, 2014,
for a potent list of caveats). Even introspection—first-person data per excellence—has
demonstrable limits (Nisbett and Wilson 1977; Johansson et al. 2006; Carruthers 2009).
For these reasons, many authors have rejected subjective methods altogether and have
22 How can we measure awareness? An overview of current methods
instead turned to using so-called objective methods. Objective methods typically involve
asking people to choose between different carefully constructed alternatives (i.e. as in a
two-alternative forced-choice task) rather than describing what they saw or felt. Objective
methods, however, while they present the obvious advantage of producing third-person,
objective data, make the debatable assumption that there is a clear distinction between
direct and indirect appraisals of knowledge (see Figure 3.1).
Further, many authors have questioned the conceptual foundations of such methods
for they presuppose, unlike subjective methods, that awareness of some information and
(behavioral) sensitivity to that same information involve the very same processes. This
approach, sometimes called the objective threshold approach or the worldly discrimination
theory approach (Gaillard et al. 2006; Fu et al. 2008) takes it as a given that there is a perfect
overlap between performance on a certain well-defined task and awareness. And yet, it is
easy to imagine counter-examples. For instance, one can find oneself in a situation where
one experiences a feeling of familiarity when seeing a word yet remains unable to ascer-
tain with confidence whether one actually saw that word on a list sometime earlier. Is one’s
memory of that word implicit or explicit? Choosing a behavioral marker as being indicative
of either of those processes requires making a priori assumptions about the relationships
between observable behavior and consciousness, and there are but few empirical grounds
to make such assumptions with reasonable confidence. For these and further reasons, re-
cent years have seen an upsurge of interest in reinvented subjective measures, as well as
wider adoption of subjective threshold approaches, through which one seeks to compare
performance and self-reported awareness.
The above exposé is illustrative of how difficult it is to devise an appropriate measure
of awareness. A further challenge is to devise appropriate paradigms through which to
deploy such measures. Irrespective of whether the divide lies between subjective versus
objective (subjective threshold) approaches or direct versus indirect (objective threshold)
Objective Subjective
First-order Metacognitive
Identification
forced-choice Confidence judgment
Direct Verbal report
Subjective threshold
discrimination wagering
Type I d’ PAS
Type II d’
Objective threshold
Behavioral or Behavioral or
neural correlate of neural correlate of
Indirect Priming, RT first-order metacognitive
experience judgment
Fig. 3.1 Relationship between different types of consciousness measures, indicating objective and
subjective threshold.
Introduction 23
the search for absolute measures of awareness should simply be abandoned in favor of
approaches that seek to compare the relative sensitivity of direct measures and indirect
measures of some discrimination. The second approach—Jacoby’s (1991) process dissoci-
ation procedure (PDP)—constitutes one of the most significant advances in the study of
differences between implicit and explicit processing. It is based on the argument that, just
as direct measures can be contaminated by unconscious influences, indirect measures can
likewise be contaminated by conscious influences: particular tasks can simply not be iden-
tified with particular underlying processes (see also Dunn and Kirsner 1988). The PDP
thus aims to tease apart the relative contributions of conscious and unconscious influences
on performance.
With these considerations in mind, we first present a historical overview that may help
explain how the current set of methods and measures came to be. We then proceed to ana-
lyzing different pending issues and attempt to offer ways forward.
Subjective measures
Perception without subjective awareness
To understand the seemingly paradoxical importance of unconscious processing to the
study of consciousness, one has to keep in mind that in the 19th century, whereas the ex-
istence of unconscious processes was acknowledged by both Hermann von Helmholtz and
Wilhelm Wundt, it was believed that whether one could see a stimulus or not depended
exclusively on stimulus properties, and that a weak stimulus simply failed to be picked up
by the sensory organs. Peirce and Jastrow (1885) were the first to go against this notion
and to empirically demonstrate subliminal visual perception, conceptualized as perception
in the absence of conscious experience. They found that they could make accurate forced-
choice judgments about the relative weight or brightness of objects, even when they re-
ported no confidence in their own judgments. Similarly, Sidis (1898) showed people cards
with a letter or digit from such a distance that participants reported not to be able to see
anything, at which point he concluded that they were unaware of perceiving either digits
The quest for thresholds 25
shown a barely visible square and he/she reports having seen a square, then it is possible
that this response is simultaneously informed by conscious and unconscious knowledge.
Another aspect of the exclusiveness issue was illustrated in a seminal study by Nisbett
and Wilson (1977), who asked people to judge which of four pairs of nylon stockings
they felt were best. People then had to justify their choice. Participants were unaware that
the four items were in fact identical to each other and most actually chose the last pair
they had examined. Nevertheless, most participants motivated their choice by appealing
to the qualities of their chosen pair of stockings rather than simply stating that all pairs
felt identical and that their choice had been arbitrary. This study, as well as later concep-
tual replications (Johansson et al. 2006), showed that people, even in the absence of rel-
evant knowledge, will confabulate knowledge—knowledge that is perhaps influenced by
unconscious processes. However, whereas people may indeed be poor at identifying the
causes of their own behavior, this does not necessarily mean that their evaluation of their
own phenomenal experience should automatically be disqualified. What such studies do
point out is that people may not know what knowledge is enough for the correct decision.
This information criterion issue implies that, even though participants may have seen a
brief glimpse of a shape in a subliminal perception experiment, they will not report it,
as they think it has no bearing on their response selection, where in fact it does. In other
words, the conservative response criterion suggested by Eriksen may reflect not just peo-
ple’s unwillingness or inability to report what they see, but also the information criterion.
Introspection depends not only on being able to report available information, but also on
being able to identify task-relevant information.
The crisis of faith for introspective methods following Eriksen’s critique had two major
consequences: the move towards objective measures as a direct means of establishing the
absence of awareness, and consequentially the use of priming and associated methods as
an indirect way to show the influence of unconscious knowledge.
Objective measures
Objective measures and the introduction of priming
According to Eriksen, subjective reports might reflect a participant’s response criterion
(indicated as c in the formalism of signal detection theory (SDT), see Green and Swets
1966; Macmillan and Creelman 1991) to one specific conscious process, rather than being
indicative of the boundary between conscious and unconscious experience. Discrimina-
bility, or sensitivity, on the other hand (indicated by d’), is held to be independent of such
a bias according to SDT. Subsequently, forced-choice identification tasks have come to be
known as “objective measures of awareness”: if a person can discriminate between two
stimuli, then he/she must have been aware of them. Obviously, this very definition makes
subliminal perception a priori impossible, since the phenomenon is understood as visual
abilities (e.g. discrimination) in the absence of consciousness. Were consciousness to be
operationalized as one such “visual ability,” clearly, one could never find “visual ability in
the absence of consciousness.”
Other documents randomly have
different content
flyer that will carry an operator and supplies of fuel for a flight of
over 500 miles at a speed of 50 miles an hour.
APPENDIX V
CURTISS’S EXPERIMENTS IN RISING FROM THE WATER[83]
During the past two years Glenn H. Curtiss, who, more than any
other experimenter, has been given to developing the aëroplane for
various uses, has experimented with floats for his biplane that would
enable it to rise from the surface of the water. Something over a
year ago he succeeded in developing a speed of about twenty miles
an hour on the water, but this was insufficient to rise from the
surface.
At the beginning of the new year Mr. Curtiss moved to the Pacific
Coast and set about endeavoring to develop suitable floats which
would make it possible for his machine to rise from the surface of
the water. These experiments have been carried on at San Diego,
where Mr. Curtiss is instructing several naval and military officers in
the art of flying.
In his first experiments on the Pacific Coast Mr. Curtiss followed
the successful experiments of this sort made by M. Henri Fabre at
Marseilles, France, about a year ago, as far as the design of his
floats was concerned. He constructed one large float six feet wide,
five feet from front to rear, and one foot thick at its central point,
and placed this under the center of the machine. The bottom of this
float was perfectly flat and arranged at an incline of ten or twelve
degrees. Some distance forward of the main float, at about the
position of the front wheel in the land machine, another float six feet
wide, by one foot from front to rear, and six inches deep, was
placed; while at the extreme front end of the machine, on a special
outrigger, was mounted a small elevating hydroplane six feet wide by
eight inches in a fore-and-aft direction, and one and one-half inches
thick. This hydroplane was fixed at an angle of about twenty-five
degrees and was intended to lift the front part of the machine. A
spray shield was fitted back of it, as shown in the diagram, page
333.
The first experiments were made with these new floats on January
26th last; and although they made a considerable disturbance in the
water, especially at low speed, the aviator was enabled to get up a
speed on the surface of about forty-five miles an hour. He found that
at as low a rate as ten miles the hydroplanes (which normally were
submerged) rose to the surface, while as the speed increased only
the rear edges of the two main planes were required to support the
machine. The aëroplane readily attained sufficient speed to rise in
the air, for as the speed increased and the floats emerged from the
water, the head resistance of the floats diminished and there was
only the skin friction of the water on a few inches of the rear edge of
these floats, plus the air resistance, to be overcome.
At the first try-out, while traveling over the water at high speed,
Mr. Curtiss found himself suddenly nearing the shore, and to avoid
running aground he turned his horizontal rudder sharply upward,
with the result that the machine rose from the water with perfect
ease. He soon alighted again, and in the second flight he made a
circle and remained in the air a minute and twenty-one seconds.
Two other experimental flights were made the first day, and on
January 27th he made a three-and-one-half-minute flight and stated,
upon alighting, that he found no difficulty in remaining aloft as long
as he pleased. The machine showed a speed of fifty miles an hour in
the air as against forty-five miles an hour when skimming over the
surface of the water.
PLATE XXXII.
Not satisfied with the several floats with which he had attained his
first success in rising from the water, Mr. Curtiss immediately
constructed a single float twelve feet long by two feet in width and
twelve inches deep. This float is built of wood and resembles a flat-
bottomed boat or scow, the top being covered with canvas to keep
the water from getting in. Three feet from the front end the bottom
is curved upward forming a bow the full width of the float, while at
the same distance from the rear the float slants downward in a
similar manner.
This single float is placed under the aëroplane in such a position
that the main weight of the machine and aviator is slightly to the
rear of the center of the float, which causes the latter to incline
upward slightly and thus gives the necessary angle for hydroplaning
on the surface of the water. The weight of this new float is but fifty
pounds, or less than half as much as that of the two floats that were
used before.
The paint was barely dry on the new float before Mr. Curtiss had it
fitted to his machine and gave it a trial. This was done on February
1st and the trial was thoroughly successful. The machine ran over
the surface of the water with very much less disturbance than before
and rose in the air readily. A glance at the photographs showing the
new and the old floats in action will give one an excellent idea of the
much less commotion caused by the single scow-shaped float.
Besides being much more compact and creating less disturbance,
this float or scow can be used for carrying articles or a passenger.
In order to keep the aëroplane from tilting to one side or the
other, an inclined stick four feet long and three inches wide, to which
is attached on its upper side an inflated rubber tube, is fastened to
the front edge of the lower plane at each end. By the use of these
props the aëroplane does not tip readily when skimming along the
surface, even though the scow-shaped float used is but two feet in
width.
After meeting with success with his new float, Mr. Curtiss, on
February 17th, made more flights with the motor and propeller
placed at the front of his biplane and with his seat placed at the rear
of the main planes. The chief of these flights was one which he
made from North Island, where he is experimenting, over San Diego
harbor to the cruiser Pennsylvania. He alighted upon the surface
close beside the cruiser and his aëroplane was hauled up beside the
warship and placed on her deck.
After a short visit on the cruiser the aviator was again lowered to
the surface in his machine. A sailor started the engine, and Mr.
Curtiss flew back to his starting point in short order. The naval
authorities were greatly pleased with his demonstration and it is
probable that the Navy Department will purchase one of these
machines in the near future and continue the instruction of its
officers.
After increasing the surface of his biplane Mr. Curtiss, on February
24th, took up one of his naval pupils, Lieutenant T. G. Ellyson, as a
passenger. He made a flight of one and one-half miles, rising to a
height of one hundred feet and flying as slowly as twenty-five miles
an hour, or as fast as fifty miles an hour, at will. Lieutenant Ellyson
was seated on the pontoon below the aëroplane. He could look
down in the water and see bottom at a depth of twenty-five feet,
and he believes submarines can be easily located by flying over the
water. The slow speed at which it is possible to fly will make the
biplane especially useful for bomb dropping. As we go to press Mr.
Curtiss is about to try his machine fitted with wheels and floats as
well.
INDEX
Abbe, Cleveland, 200, 437.
Acosta, 10.
Ader, C. F., 222–226.
Aërial Experiment Association, 264–267, 305.
Aëro Club of America, 243, 244, 322, 323.
of France, 106, 256, 258, 259, 301.
of Great Britain, 287.
Aëro Corporation Limited, 322.
Aërodrome, 111, 194, 240, 292.
Aëronat, 126.
Aëronautic meteorology, 347 et seq.
Aëronautic Society of New York, 284.
Aëronautical Annual, 215, 227, 427.
Aëronautics, 252.
Aërophile, 130, 166, 340.
Aëroplanes, Ader’s, 222–226.
advances in, in 1909, 283, 284.
Aërial Experiment Association’s, 264–267.
Antoinette, 288, 289, 320, 324.
Blériot’s, 267–270, 286, 287, 290–292, 299, 300, 309.
Bréguet’s, 313.
Chanute and Herring’s, 218–221.
Cody’s, 305.
competitive flying of, 283 et seq.
cost of, 342.
Curtiss’, 264–266, 284–286, 294–300, 316, 317, 322, 333.
Delagrange’s flights with, 261–263.
Demoiselle, 324.
Deperdussin’s, 399.
earliest public flight of, 257.
Esnault-Pélterie’s, 304, 314, 337.
Etrich’s, 335, 336.
Fabre’s, 332, 335.
Farman’s, Henri, 259–264, 298, 303, 305, 321.
Farman’s, Maurice, 305, 311.
first tour in, 268–270.
first town-to-town flight in, 264.
Grade’s, 304.
Hanriot’s, 339.
Herring’s compressed air, 221, 222.
impossibility of, 12.
Langley’s, 239–243.
launching of, 202.
Le Bris’, 203–205.
Lilienthal’s, 207–209.
Mattullath’s, 235–239.
Maxim’s, 226–228.
model, 173 et seq.
Montgomery’s, 251–255, 282.
Mouillard’s, 207–209.
Nieuport’s, 339.
nineteenth century, 202 et seq.
Paulhan’s, 324, 325.
Pilcher’s, 216–218.
public flying, 256 et seq.
reliability of, 341.
Santos-Dumont’s, 256–258, 303, 324.
stability of, 232–234.
stable and powerful, 235 et seq.
Tellier’s, 312.
utility of, 341.
Voisin’s, 259, 267, 313.
Wright brothers’, 245–249, 270–282, 309, 324, 326, 329.
Zahm’s system of control of, 229–231.
Aërostal, 22.
Æschylus, 29.
Agobard, 22.
Ailerons, 286.
Air bag, 83.
Air friction, 238, 239.
Airscout, 11, 12.
Allen, Gen. James, 271.
Alps, Chavez’s flight across, 318, 319.
Altitude records, 307–309.
American Engineer and Railway Journal, 229.
American military dirigible, 138.
Antoinette monoplane, 288, 289, 309, 320, 324, 340.
Archdeacon, Ernest, 256.
Archibald, Douglass, 77.
Archytas of Tarentum, 198.
Arlandes, Marquis de, 38–42.
Ascending trend of wind, 211.
Assman, Professor, 72.
Astra Society, 120, 123, 124.
Atmosphere, composition of, 348–350.
cyclones, tornadoes, waterspouts, 394 et seq.
general circulation of, 376–380.
general properties of, 347 et seq.
permanent and periodic winds, 376 et seq.
temperature and pressure, 363 et seq.
thunderstorms, windgusts, 422 et seq.
Aubrun, Emile, 331.
Audemars, 324.
Automobile Club of France, 321.
Daedalus, 3, 4, 5, 6.
Daily Mail, London, 314.
Daimler engine, 99, 150.
Dante, J. B., 13, 14.
Dauberck, Dr. W., 403.
Da Vinci, 8, 9.
De Bacqueville, 13, 14.
Delagrange, Leon, 261–263.
Delcourt, Dupuis, 100.
De Laland, 16, 18.
De Lesseps, Count, 327, 328.
De Lome, Dupuis, 91, 92, 93.
Demoiselle monoplanes, 324.
Déperdussin, 339.
Deutsche de la Meurthe, 120 259.
Dew point, 358.
Dientsbach, Carl, vii, 164.
Distance records, 311–314.
Doldrums, 381.
Doubleday, Page & Co., 478.
Drift, defined, 186.
Dubonnet, 312.
Du Cros, Arthur, 131.
Dutrieu, Helene, 321.
Dynamic flyers, 174.
Fabre, 332–335.
Farman, Henri, 259–264, 298, 303, 305, 321.
Maurice, 305, 311.
Federation Aëronautique International, 322, 323.
Fequant, Lieutenant, 312.
Ferber, Captain, 256.
Ferrel, W., 356, 376–379, 397, 413, 436.
Fin, 229.
Flesselle, the, 48, 49, 50.
Flexible balloons, 122, 123.
Fluctuating winds, 427–439.
cause of, 436–438.
impact of, 435, 436.
Flying machine, impossibility of, 12, 17.
Flying machine models, 173 et seq.
Abbe’s proposed, 200.
Cayley’s aërial glider, 181, 182.
Da Vinci’s helicopter, 175.
Da Vinci’s parachute, 177, 178.
Forlanini’s helicopter, 200.
Garnerin’s parachute, 179.
Hargrave’s, 190, 191.
Helicopter, 198–201.
Henson’s aëroplane, 182–184.
Henson and Stringfellow’s, 184, 185, 187.
Langley’s, 192–197.
Launoy and Bienvenu’s, 198, 199.
Lenormand’s parachute, 177, 178.
Paper traveling parachutes, 180, 181.
Penaud’s toy, 188.
Phillips’ aëroplane, 191, 192.
Phillips’ helicopter, 199.
Tatin’s aëroplane, 189.
Veranzio’s parachute, 177, 178.
Wenham’s aëroplane, 185, 186.
Zanonia Macrocarpa, 180.
Forbes, A. Holland, 6.
Forlanini, Professor, 200.
Fort Myer flights, 138, 272, 275–281.
Foulois, Lieutenant Benjamin, 278.
France, the, 93–97.
Franklin, Benjamin, 48, 446.
Free air, composition of, 349.
conditions of precipitation in, 351, 352.
critical points of constituents of, 351.
dynamical properties of dry, 353, 356.
friction of, 239.
humidity and density of, 358–361.
kinds of expansion of, 361, 362.
properties of moist, 357, 361.
French Academy, 17, 35.
French dirigibles, 88–129.
Icarus, 3, 4, 5.
Ice, launching from, 265.
Indian seed parachute, 180.
Inherent stability, 229.
Insolation, effect on density of air, 364.
quantity of, received, 364–366.
Isobaric lines and surfaces, 371.
Isothermal lines, surfaces, 366, 367.
Isothermal layer, 370.
Italian Aviation Society, 318.
Italian military dirigibles, 130.
La Belgique, 129.
La España, 124, 126, 127.
La Flesselle, 48, 49, 50.
La France, 93–97.
Lahm, Lieutenant Frank P., 272, 277.
La Liberté, 120.
Lambert, Count de, 273, 302.
Lana, 23, 24.
La Nature, 312.
Land-and-sea breezes, 392.
Landelle, G. de la, 203.
Langley, S. P., 187, 192–197, 211, 231, 232, 239–245, 251, 427,
433, 434, 439.
La Patrie, 115, 118, 119, 459–465.
La République, 115, 118, 119.
La Russie, 120.
Latent heat of condensation, 364.
Lateral balance of aëroplane, 229–231.
Latham, Hubert, 283, 288–290, 291, 319, 320, 324.
Launching an aëroplane, 202, 230, 256, 258, 259, 265.
Launching methods, 202, 240, 258, 259, 265.
Launoy and Bienvenu, 198, 199.
Laurens, 314.
La Ville de Paris, 120–123.
Lebaudy, the, 116, 117.
Le Blanc, Alfred, 273, 290, 310, 313, 326, 331.
Le Clément-Bayard, 123, 131–133, 456–459.
Le Colonel Renard, 124, 126.
Lefebvre, 293.
Leganeaux, U. G., 311, 319.
Lenormand, Sebastien, 177, 178.
Levino, A. S., vii.
Lift, defined, 186.
Lilienthal, Otto, 210–216, 250.
London Daily Mail, 289.
Loomis, 402, 414.
Lord Rayleigh, 6, 427.
Panhard-Levassor, 136.
Parachutes, 176–81.
Parseval dirigibles, 138, 140–143.
Parseval, Major von, 77, 138.
Passive fliers, 174.
Patrie, the, 115, 118, 119, 459–465.
Paulhan, Louis, 284, 293–296, 305, 311, 315, 316, 317, 324,
325.
Peltier, H., 456.
é
Pénaud, A., 188.
Pendular stability, 233.
Philadelphia Ledger, the, 313.
Phillips, Horatio, 191, 192, 199.
Picardie military maneuvers, 131.
Pilcher, 216–218, 246.
Polignac, Marquis de, 301.
Porter, Rufus, 86, 87.
Post, Augustus, 6, 75.
Power expended in flight, 6, 7.
Power flyers, 174.
Pressure, critical, 351.
atmospheric, 370–374.
Preussen, the, 70.
Projectile stability, 232.
Propeller, Chauvière, 125, 136.
Puy de Dome, 314.
Pylons, 292.
ebookgate.com