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Numerical Methods 4th Edition George Lindfield Digital
Instant Download
Author(s): George Lindfield, John Penny
ISBN(s): 9780128122563, 0128122560
Edition: 4
File Details: PDF, 7.45 MB
Year: 2018
Language: english
Numerical Methods
Using M ATLAB®
Numerical Methods
Using M ATLAB®
Fourth Edition

George Lindfield
Aston University, School of Engineering and Applied Science,
Birmingham, England, United Kingdom

John Penny
Aston University, School of Engineering and Applied Science,
Birmingham, England, United Kingdom
Academic Press is an imprint of Elsevier
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 This book is for my wife Zena. With tolerance and patience,
she has supported and encouraged me for many years
and for our grown up children Katy and Helen.
George Lindfield

This book is for my wife Wendy, for her patience, support and
encouragement, and for our grown up children, Debra, Mark and Joanne.
Also to our cat Jeremy who provided me with company
whilst I worked on this book.
John Penny
List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Superimposed graphs obtained using plot(x,y) and hold statements. 30
Fig. 1.2 Plot of y = sin(x 3 ) using 51 equispaced plotting points. 31
Fig. 1.3 Plot of y = sin(x 3 ) using the function fplot to choose plotting points adaptively. 31
Fig. 1.4 Function plotted over the range from −4 to 4. It has a maximum value of 4 × 106 . 32
Fig. 1.5 The same function as plotted in Fig. 1.4 but with a limit on the range of the y-axis. 32
Fig. 1.6 An example of the use of the subplot function. 33
Fig. 1.7 polar and compass plots showing the roots of x 5 − 1 = 0. 34
Fig. 1.8 Polar scatter plots. Left diagram with default size circle markers. Right diagram with larger
filled black circles. 35
Fig. 1.9 Polar scatter histogram. 35
Fig. 1.10 Three-dimensional surface using default view. 37
Fig. 1.11 Three-dimensional contour plot. 37
Fig. 1.12 Filled contour plot. 37
Fig. 1.13 Implicit quadrafolium and folium of Descartes. 38
Fig. 1.14 Plots illustrating aspects of handle graphics. 41
Fig. 1.15 Plot of functions shown in Fig. 1.14 illustrating further handle graphs features. 42
Fig. 1.16 Plot of cos(2x). The axes of the right-hand plot are enhanced using handle graphics. 43
Fig. 1.17 Plot of (ω2 + x)2 α cos(ω1 x). 44
Fig. 2.1 Electrical network. 74
Fig. 2.2 Three intersecting planes representing three equations in three variables. (A) Three plane
surfaces intersecting in a point. (B) Three plane surfaces intersecting in a line. (C) Three plane
surfaces, two of which do not intersect. (D) Three plane surfaces intersecting in three lines. 77
Fig. 2.3 Planes representing an under-determined system of equations. (A) Two plane surfaces
intersecting in a line. (B) Two plane surfaces which do not intersect. 80
Fig. 2.4 Planes representing an over-determined system of equations. (A) Four plane surfaces
intersecting in a point. (B) Four plane surfaces intersecting in a line. (C) Four plane surfaces not
intersecting at a single point. Point of intersection of (S1, S2, S3) and (S1, S2, S4) are visible.
(D) Four plane surfaces representing inconsistent equations. 81
Fig. 2.5 Plot of an inconsistent equation system (2.30). 110
Fig. 2.6 Plot of inconsistent equation system (2.30) showing the region of intersection of the equations,
where + indicates “best” solution. 112
Fig. 2.7 Effect of minimum degree ordering on LU decomposition. The spy function shows the matrix,
the ordered matrix, and LU decomposition with and without preordering. 125
Fig. 2.8 Mass-spring system with three degrees of freedom. 128
Fig. 2.9 Connections of different strengths between five pages of the internet. 150
Fig. 3.1 Solution of x = exp(−x/c). Results from the function fzero are indicated by o and those from
the Armstrong and Kulesza formula by +. 158
Fig. 3.2 Plot of the function f (x) = (x − 1)3 (x + 2)2 (x − 3). 159
Fig. 3.3 Plot of f (x) = exp(−x/10) sin(10x). 159
xiii
xiv List of Figures

Fig. 3.4 Iterates in the solution of (x − 1)(x − 2)(x − 3) = 0 from close but different starting points. 163
Fig. 3.5 Geometric interpretation of Newton’s method. 165
Fig. 3.6 Plot of x 3 − 10x 2 + 29x − 20 = 0 with the iterates of Newton’s method shown by o. 167
Fig. 3.7 Plot showing the complex roots of cos(x) − x = 0. 168
Fig. 3.8 Plot of the iterates for five complex initial approximations for the solution of cos(x) − x = 0
using Newton’s method. Each iterate is shown by ◦. 168
Fig. 3.9 The cursor is shown close to the position of the root. 172
Fig. 3.10 Plot of graph f (x) = sin(1/x). This plot is spurious in the range ±0.2. 172
Fig. 3.11 Plot of system (3.30). Intersections show roots. 182
Fig. 4.1 A log–log plot showing the error in a simple derivative approximation. 192
Fig. 4.2 Simpson’s rule, using a quadratic approximation over two intervals. 197
Fig. 4.3 Plots of functions defined by (4.41), (4.42), and (4.43). 221
Fig. 4.4 Function sin(1/x) in the range x = 2 × 10−4 to 2.05 × 10−4 . Nineteen cycles of the function
are displayed. 224
Fig. 4.5 Graph of z = y 2 sin x. 227
Fig. 5.1 Exact o and approximate + solution for dy/dt = −0.1(y − 10). 240
Fig. 5.2 Geometric interpretation of Euler’s method. 241
Fig. 5.3 Points from the Euler solution of dy/dt = y − 20 given that y = 100 when t = 0. Approximate
solutions for h = 0.2, 0.4, and 0.6 are plotted using o, +, and ∗ respectively. The exact solution
is given by the solid line. 242
Fig. 5.4 Absolute errors in the solution of dy/dt = y where y = 1 when t = 0, using Euler’s method
with h = 0.1. 244
Fig. 5.5 Relative errors in the solution of dy/dt = y where y = 1 when t = 0, using Euler’s method with
h = 0.1. 244
Fig. 5.6 Solution of dy/dt = y using Euler (∗) and trapezoidal method, o. Step h = 0.1 and y0 = 1 at
t = 0. 246
Fig. 5.7 Solution of dy/dt = −y. The ∗ represents Butcher’s method, + Merson’s method, and o the
classical method. 251
Fig. 5.8 Absolute error in solution of dy/dt = −2y using the Adams–Bashforth–Moulton method. The
solid line plots the errors with a step size of 0.5. The dot-dashed line plots the errors with step
size 0.7. 253
Fig. 5.9 Relative error in the solution of dy/dt = y where y = 1 when t = 0, using Hamming’s method
with a step size of 0.5. 255
Fig. 5.10 Solution of Zeeman’s model with p = 1 and accuracy 0.005. The solid line represents s and the
dashed line represents x. 261
Fig. 5.11 Solution of Zeeman’s model with p = 20 and accuracy 0.005. The solid line represents s and
the dashed line represents x. 261
Fig. 5.12 Sections of the cusp catastrophe curve in Zeeman’s model for p = 0 : 10 : 40. 262
Fig. 5.13 Variation in the population of lynxes (dashed line) and hares (solid line) against time, beginning
with 5000 hares and 100 lynxes. Accuracy 0.005. 263
Fig. 5.14 Graph showing the three coordinate responses of a mass-spring-damper system, shown by full
lines, when excited by a half sine pulse, shown by a dotted line. 270
Fig. 5.15 Plot showing the difference between the Newmark and 4th-order Runge–Kutta method
solutions for the three coordinates. 270
 List of Figures xv

Fig. 5.16 Solution of Lorenz equations for r = 126.52, s = 10, and b = 8/3 using an accuracy of
0.000005 and terminating at t = 8. 272
Fig. 5.17 Solution of Lorenz equations where each variable is plotted against time. Conditions are the
same as those used to generate Fig. 5.16. Note the unpredictable nature of the solutions. 272
Fig. 5.18 Solution of Lorenz equations for r = 28, s = 10, and b = 8/3. Initial conditions x = [5 5 5]
shown by the full line, and x = [5.0091 4.9997 5.0060] shown by the dashed line. Note the
sudden divergence of the two solutions from each other and unpredictable nature of the
solutions. 273
Fig. 5.19 Solution of Lorenz equations for r = 28, s = 10, and b = 8/3. The full line shows the solution
using the default accuracy of the M ATLAB Runge–Kutta 4/5 function. The dashed line shows a
higher accuracy solution. Note the sudden divergence of the two solutions from each other and
unpredictable nature of the solutions. 273
Fig. 5.20 Case 1: The full line is the output from Duffing oscillator. ω = 100 rad/s (15.92 Hz). Zero initial
conditions. The dashed line is the input force, arbitrarily scaled in amplitude. 275
Fig. 5.21 Output from Duffing oscillator. ω = 120 rad/s. Full line gives output with zero initial conditions.
Dashed line give output with an initial displacement of 1 mm and an initial velocity of 1 m/s. 275
Fig. 5.22 Output from Duffing oscillator. ω = 120 rad/s. Solution with zero initial velocity and initial
displacements of 1, 1.001, and 1.002 mm. (Shown by full, dashed and dot-dashed lines
respectively.) 276
Fig. 5.23 Output from Duffing oscillator. Phase plane plot. ω = 120 rad/s. 276
Fig. 5.24 Poincaré map showing output from Duffing oscillator. ω = 120 rad/s. 277
Fig. 5.25 Output from Duffing oscillator showing where points from two solutions lie on a Poincaré map.
+ and o indicate points generated from two different initial conditions with ω = 120 rad/s. 277
Fig. 5.26 Plot of sigmoid function V = (1 + tanh u)/2. 278
Fig. 5.27 Neural network finds the binary equivalent of 5 using 3 neurons and an accuracy of 0.005. The
three curves show the convergence to the binary digits 1, 0, and 1. 280
Fig. 5.28 Relative error in the solution of dy/dt = y using Hermite’s method. Initial condition y = 1
when t = 0 and a step of 0.5. 284
Fig. 5.29 Model of a second-order differential equation, (5.62). 289
Fig. 5.30 Model of a second-order differential equation with Coulomb damping. 290
Fig. 5.31 A second-order system modeled by a transfer function. 290
Fig. 5.32 Model of Van der Pol’s equation. 291
Fig. 5.33 Model of a pair of simultaneous ordinary differential equations. 292
Fig. 5.34 Two simultaneous ordinary differential equations modeled in state space form. 293
Fig. 5.35 Model to determine the root of a cubic equation. 294
Fig. 5.36 The Simulink model of Fig. 5.35 replaced by a single mask. 295
Fig. 6.1 Second-order differential equations with one or two independent variables and their solutions. 302
Fig. 6.2 Solutions of x 2 (d 2 y/dx 2 ) − 6y = 0 with initial conditions y = 1 and dy/dx = s when x = 1,
for trial values of s. 303
Fig. 6.3 Equispaced nodal points. 305
Fig. 6.4 Grid mesh in rectangular coordinates. 306
Fig. 6.5 Node numbering used in the solution of (6.15). 307
Fig. 6.6 Finite difference solution of (1 + x 2 )(d 2 z/dx 2 ) + xdz/dx − z = x 2 . The ◦ indicates the finite
difference estimate; the continuous line is the exact solution. 310
xvi List of Figures

Fig. 6.7 Node numbering used in the solution of (6.17). 311

Fig. 6.8 The finite difference estimates for the first and second eigenfunctions of
x(d 2 z/dx 2 ) + dz/dx + λz/x = 0, denoted by a ∗ and a ◦ respectively: solid lines show the
exact eigenfunctions z0 (x) and z1 (x). 312
Fig. 6.9 Plot shows how the distribution of temperature through a wall varies with time. 316
Fig. 6.10 Variation in the temperature in the center of a wall. The steadily decaying solution denote by the
solid line was generated using the implicit method of solution; the temperatures computed by
the explicit method of solution are denoted by ◦. Note how the explicit method of solution gives
temperatures that are oscillating and diverging with time. 316
Fig. 6.11 Solution of (6.29) subject to specific boundary and initial conditions. 319
Fig. 6.12 Temperature distribution around a plane section. Nodes 1 and 2 are shown. 320
Fig. 6.13 Finite difference estimate for the temperature distribution for the problem defined in Fig. 6.12. 324
Fig. 6.14 Deflection of a square membrane subject to a distributed load. 324
Fig. 6.15 Finite difference approximation of the second mode of vibration of a uniform rectangular
membrane. 325
Fig. 7.1 Increasing the degree of the polynomial to fit the given data. (A) 1st degree; (B) 2nd degree;
(C) 3rd degree; (D) 4th degree. 331
Fig. 7.2 Use of splines to define cross-sections of a ship’s hull. 334
Fig. 7.3 Spline fit to the data of Table 7.1 denoted by o. 336
Fig. 7.4 The solid curve shows the function y = 2{1 + tanh(2x)} − x/10. The dashed line shows an
eighth-degree polynomial fit; the dotted line shows a spline fit. 336
Fig. 7.5 Fitting a cubic polynomial to data. Data points are denoted by o. 350
Fig. 7.6 Fitting third- and fifth-degree polynomials (that is, a full and a dashed line, respectively) to a
sequence of data. Data points are denoted by o. 353
Fig. 7.7 Polynomials of degree 4, 8, and 12 attempting to fit a sequence of data indicated by o in the
graph. 354
Fig. 7.8 Data sampled from the function y = sin[1/(x + 0.2)] + 0.2x. Data points denoted by o. 356
Fig. 7.9 Fitting y = a1 ea2 x + a3 ea4 x to data values indicated by ◦. 358
Fig. 7.10 Fitting transformed data, denoted by “o” to a quadratic function. 360
Fig. 7.11 Fitting (7.15) to the given data denoted by o. 360
Fig. 7.12 The graph shows the original data, denoted by o, and the fits obtained from y = beax shown by
the full line and y = ax b shown by the dotted line. 362
Fig. 7.13 Changes in the height of a projectile over the time of fight. Graph shows the path of the
projectile without noise as the dashed line, the observed values including noise as asterisks and
the path generated by the Kalman filter as the continuous line. 371
Fig. 7.14 Considerably expanded graph of the height of projectile over time of flight showing
observations subject to noise by asterisks, the dashed line of the flight of the projectile subject
only to laws of dynamics and the output of the Kalman filter after processing the noisy data. 371
Fig. 7.15 Relationship between selected variables. Dashed line is generated using only the first principal
component. 377
Fig. 7.16 Relationship between selected variables. Dashed line is generated using only the first and
second principal component. 377
Fig. 8.1 Numbering scheme for data points. 385
 List of Figures xvii

Fig. 8.2 Graph shows the relationship between a signal frequency and its component in the DFT. Thus,
for example, a signal frequency of twice Nyquist frequency, 2fmax , will give a component of
zero frequency in the DFT. 386
Fig. 8.3 Stages in the FFT algorithm. 390
Fig. 8.4 Plots of the real and imaginary part of the DFT. 392
Fig. 8.5 Frequency spectra. 393
Fig. 8.6 The top graph shows the data in the time domain and the bottom graph shows the corresponding
frequency spectrum. Note frequency components at 20, 50, and 70 Hz. 394
Fig. 8.7 The top graph shows the data in the time domain and the bottom graph shows the corresponding
frequency spectrum. Note that due to aliasing, frequency components are at 20, approximately
32.4 and 50 Hz. 395
Fig. 8.8 Spectrum of a sequence of data. 398
Fig. 8.9 Plot of data y against time, in seconds. The dashed line is the envelope derived from the
absolute value of the analytic data. 404
Fig. 8.10 A three-dimensional plot of the real and imaginary parts of the analytic data against time, in
seconds, showing an exponentially decaying spiral. 404
Fig. 8.11 Plot of frequency, in Hz, derived from the Hilbert transform, against time, in seconds. The
dashed line is the exact frequency. 404
Fig. 8.12 Fourier transform of the data, showing a spectrum between 0.5 Hz and 1.5 Hz, but the transform
gives no information about the variation of frequency with time. 404
Fig. 8.13 Original data is shown in the first plot in the left column. The remaining plots are of the first 5
intrinsic mode functions derived from it. 406
Fig. 8.14 Plot of the original data over the interval from t = 14.5 s to 16.5 s and data points reconstructed
from the first and second intrinsic mode functions indicated by ◦. Note the very close agreement. 406
Fig. 8.15 Plot showing the variation with time of the frequency components. The full lines are data from
the intrinsic mode functions. The dashed lines are the actual frequency components. 406
Fig. 8.16 Plot showing the variation with time of the amplitude of the frequency components. The full
lines are data from the intrinsic mode functions The dashed lines are the actual amplitudes of
the frequency components. 406
Fig. 8.17 Fourier transform of the data of Example 8.5. Note that this plot gives no information about the
variation of frequency with time. 407
Fig. 8.18 Walsh functions in the range t = 0 to 1, in ascending sequency order from WAL(0, t), with no
zero crossings to WAL(7, t) with seven zero crossings. 408
Fig. 8.19 Upper figure shows plot of time series. Lower figure shows power sequency spectrum of the
time series. 413
Fig. 8.20 Plots show the coefficients of CAL and SAL sequency spectrum for the time series shown in
Fig. 8.19. 413
Fig. 8.21 Diagram showing the partitioning of the time–frequency plane in the DWT. 417
Fig. 8.22 The Haar wavelets in ascending order from ψ(0, t) to ψ(7, t) over the range 0 < t < 1. 417
Fig. 8.23 Flow diagram for the fast Haar transform. Data carried by a dashed line entering a node is
negated and added to the data carried by the full line entering a node. 418
Fig. 8.24 Decomposition of x(t) into a constant term and 6 levels of Haar wavelets. 420
Fig. 8.25 Reconstruction of x(t) from its Haar wavelet components. Adding the constant term (Level −1)
and all the Haar wavelets from Level 0 to Level 5 together provides and exact reconstruction
x(t). 420
xviii List of Figures

Fig. 8.26 Contour plot of DWT of signal defined by (8.66), a composition of square waves. Responses
can be clearly seen at levels 5, 3, and 8. 422
Fig. 8.27 Contour plot of DWT of signal defined by (8.67), a composition of sine waves. Responses can
be observed at levels 5, 3, and 8. 423
Fig. 8.28 Contour plot of DWT of signal comprising bursts of exponentially decaying components,
(8.68). Response at levels 5 (at t = 3.2), 8 (at t = 6.4), 7 (at t = 11.2), 9 (at t = 17.6), and 3 (at
t = 19.2) can be observed. 424
Fig. 8.29 Plots of the wavelets db2, db4, db8, and db16. 424
Fig. 8.30 Plots of the real and imaginary parts of the Morlet wavelet. The mother wavelet in the middle of
the plot with a = 1 and b = 0, that is, the wavelet is neither dilated nor shifted. The wavelet at
the right of the plot is the wavelet shifted by b = 7 but it is not dilated. The wavelet at the left of
the plot is both shifted by b = −7 and dilated by a = 1/4. 426
Fig. 8.31 Ricker wavelet. 427
Fig. 8.32 Contour plot of the CWT of the signal defined by (8.72). Note that the frequency (Hz) = 2L
where L is the level. The burst of energy can be seen at levels −2, 0, 2, 4, and 5, thus
corresponding to frequencies of 0.25, 1, 4, 16, and 32 Hz, respectively. 428
Fig. 8.33 Contour plot of the CWT for Eq. (8.73). Note that the frequency (Hz) = 2L where L is the level.
It is seen that one component of the signal clearly increases smoothly over the sampling time. 428
Fig. 9.1 Graphical representation of an optimization problem. The dashed line represents the objective
function and the solid lines represent the constraints. 436
Fig. 9.2 Graph of a function with a minimum in the range [xa xb ]. 441
Fig. 9.3 A plot of the Bessel function of the second kind showing three minima. 443
Fig. 9.4 Three-dimensional plot of the Styblinski and Tang function. 448
Fig. 9.5 Contour plot of the Styblinski and Tang function, showing the location of four local minima.
The conjugate gradient algorithm has found the one in the lower left corner. The search path
taken by the algorithm is also shown. 448
Fig. 9.6 Graph showing the Styblinski–Tang function value for the final 40 iterations of the simulated
annealing algorithm. 461
Fig. 9.7 Contour plot of the Styblinski–Tang function. The final stages in the simulated annealing
process are shown. Note how these values are concentrated in the lower left corner, close to the
global minimum. 461
Fig. 9.8 Genetic algorithm. Each member of the population is represented by o. Successive generations
of the population concentrate toward the value 4 approximately. 464
Fig. 9.9 Contour plot of the Alpine 2 function showing the rapid convergence to the global maximum
using Differential Evolution. The bottom right contour plot is greatly expanded. 471
Fig. 9.10 Graph showing the minimization of the negative of the Alpine 2 function in 4 variables. The
plots show the maximum, mean, and minimum values of the population for 200 generations of
the DE algorithm. The continuous line denotes the mean values and the dashed lines denote the
maximum and minimum values. Convergence is to the exact solution, shown by the horizontal
line. 472
Fig. 9.11 Graph showing the objective function and constraints for Example 9.1. The four solutions are
also indicated. 476
Fig. 9.12 Graph of loge (x). 477
 List of Figures xix

Fig. 10.1 Plot of the Fresnel sine integral in the range x = 1 to x = 3. 500
Fig. 10.2 Symbolic solution and numerical solution indicated by +. 513
Fig. 10.3 The Fourier transform of a cosine function. 518
Fig. 10.4 The Fourier transforms of a “top-hat” function. 518
About the Authors

George Lindfield is a former lecturer in the Department of Computer Science at Aston University and
is now retired. He taught courses in computer science and in optimization at bachelor- and master’s-
level. He has coauthored books on numerical methods and published many papers in various fields
including optimization. He is a member of the Institute of Mathematics, a Chartered Mathematician,
and a Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society.

John Penny is an Emeritus Professor in the School of Engineering and Applied Science at Aston
University, Birmingham. England. He is a former head of the Mechanical Engineering Department. He
taught bachelor- and master’s-level students in structural and rotor dynamics and related topics such as
numerical analysis, instrumentation, and digital signal processing. His research interests were in topics
in dynamics such as damage detection in static and rotating structures. He has published over 40 peer
reviewed papers. He is a Fellow of the Institute of Mathematics and its Applications and is a coauthor
of four text books.

xxi
Preface

Our primary aim in this text is unchanged from previous editions; it is to introduce the reader to a wide
range of numerical algorithms, explain their fundamental principles and illustrate their application. The
algorithms are implemented in the software package M ATLAB which is constantly being enhanced and
provides a powerful tool to help with these studies.
Many important theoretical results are discussed but it is not intended to provide a detailed and
rigorous theoretical development in every area. Rather, we wish to show how numerical procedures
can be applied to solve problems from many fields of application, and that the numerical procedures
give the expected theoretical performance when used to solve specific problems.
When used with care M ATLAB provides a natural and succinct way of describing numerical algo-
rithms and a powerful means of experimenting with them. However, no tool, irrespective of its power,
should be used carelessly or uncritically.
This text allows the reader to study numerical methods by encouraging systematic experimentation
with some of the many fascinating problems of numerical analysis. Although M ATLAB provides many
useful functions this text also introduces the reader to numerous useful and important algorithms and
develops M ATLAB functions to implement them. The reader is encouraged to use these functions to
produce results in numerical and graphical form. M ATLAB provides powerful and varied graphics facil-
ities to give a clearer understanding of the nature of the results produced by the numerical procedures.
Particular examples are given throughout the text to illustrate how numerical methods are used to
study problems which include applications in the biosciences, chaos, neural networks, engineering,
and science.
It should be noted that the introduction to M ATLAB is relatively brief and is meant as an aid to the
reader. It can in no way be expected to replace the standard M ATLAB manual or text books devoted to
M ATLAB software. We provide a broad introduction to the topics, develop algorithms in the form of
M ATLAB functions and encourage the reader to experiment with these functions which have been kept
as simple as possible for reasons of clarity. These functions can be improved and we urge readers to
develop the ones that are of particular interest to them.
In addition to a general introduction to M ATLAB, the text covers the solution of linear equations and
eigenvalue problems; methods for solving non-linear equations; numerical integration and differenti-
ation; the solution of initial value and boundary value problems; curve fitting including splines, least
squares, and Fourier analysis, topics in optimization such as interior point methods, non-linear pro-
gramming, and heuristic algorithms and, finally, we show how symbolic computing can be integrated
with numeric algorithms. Specifically in this 4th edition, descriptions and examples of some functions
recently added to M ATLAB such as implicit functions and the Live Editor are given in Chapter 1.
Chapter 4 now includes a section on adaptive integration. Chapter 5 now includes a brief introduction
to Simulink; a toolbox which provides a visual interface to help the user simulating the process of
solving differential equations. The old Chapter 7 has been split into two chapters and we have added
the Kalman filter and principal component analysis, and the Hilbert, Walsh, and wavelet transforms.
The old Chapter 8 has had the emphasis on the genetic algorithm reduced and replaced by the more
modern and efficient differential evolution algorithm.
xxiii
xxiv Preface

The text contains many worked examples, practice problems (some of which are new to this edition)
and solutions and we hope we have provided an interesting range of problems.
For readers of this book, additional materials, including all .m file scripts and functions listed in
the text, are available on the book’s companion site: https://www.elsevier.com/books-and-journals/
book-companion/9780128122563. For instructors using this book as a text for their courses, a solutions
manual is available by registering at the textbook site: www.textbooks.elsevier.com.
The text is suitable for undergraduate and postgraduate students and for those working in industry
and education. We hope readers will share our enthusiasm for this area of study. For those who do
not currently have access to M ATLAB, this text still provides a general introduction to a wide range of
numerical algorithms and many useful and interesting examples and problems.
We would like to thank the many readers from all over the world for their helpful comments which
have enhanced this edition and we would be pleased to hear from readers who note errors or have
suggestions for improvements.
George Lindfield
John Penny
Aston University, Birmingham
March 2018
Acknowledgment

We thank Peter Jardim for his encouragement and support, Joe Hayton, the Publishing Director and the
production team members.

xxv
 CHAPTER

AN INTRODUCTION TO M ATLAB®

Abstract
1
M ATLAB® is a software package produced by The MathWorks, Inc. (http://www.mathworks.com) and
is available on systems ranging from personal computers to super-computers and including parallel
computing. In this chapter we aim to provide a useful introduction to M ATLAB, giving sufficient back-
ground for the numerical methods we consider. The reader is referred to the M ATLAB manual for a full
description of the package.

1.1 THE SOFTWARE PACKAGE M ATLAB

M ATLAB is probably the world’s most successful commercial numerical analysis software and the
name M ATLAB is derived from the phrase “matrix laboratory”. It has evolved from some software writ-
ten by Cleve Moler in the late 1970s to allow his students to access matrix routines in the LINPACK
and EISPACK packages without the need to write FORTRAN programs. This first version of M ATLAB
had only 80 functions, primitive graphics and “matrix” was the only data type. Its use spread to other
universities and, after it was reprogrammed in C, M ATLAB was launched as a commercial product
in 1984. M ATLAB provides an interactive development tool for scientific and engineering problems
and more generally for those areas where significant numeric computations have to be performed. The
package can be used to evaluate single statements directly or a list of statements called a script can
be prepared. Once named and saved, a script can be executed as an entity. The package was origi-
nally based on software produced by the LINPACK and EISPACK projects but in 2000, M ATLAB was
rewritten to use the newer BLAS and LAPACK libraries for fast matrix operations and linear algebra,
respectively. M ATLAB provides the user with:
1. Easy manipulation of matrix structures.
2. A vast number of powerful built-in routines which are constantly growing and developing.
3. Powerful two- and three-dimensional graphing facilities.
4. A scripting system which allows users to develop and modify the software for their own needs.
5. Collections of functions, called toolboxes, which may be added to the facilities of the core
M ATLAB. These are designed for specific applications: for example neural networks, optimization,
digital signal processing, and higher-order spectral analysis.
It is not difficult to use M ATLAB, although to use it with maximum efficiency for complex tasks
requires experience. Generally M ATLAB works with rectangular or square arrays of data, the elements
of which may be real or complex. A scalar quantity is thus an array containing a single element.
This is an elegant and powerful notion but it can present the user with an initial conceptual difficulty.
A user schooled in many traditional computer languages is familiar with a pseudo-statement of the
form A = B + C and can immediately interpret it as an instruction that A is assigned the sum of the
Numerical Methods. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-812256-3.00010-5
Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1
2 CHAPTER 1 AN INTRODUCTION TO M ATLAB®

values stored in B and C. In M ATLAB the variables B and C may represent arrays so that each element
of the array A will become the sum of the values of corresponding elements of B and C; that is the
addition will follow the laws of matrix algebra.
There are several languages or software packages that have some similarities to M ATLAB. These
packages include:
Mathematica and Maple. These packages are known for their ability to carry out complicated sym-
bolic mathematical manipulation but they are also able to undertake high precision numerical
computation. In contrast M ATLAB is known for its powerful numerical computational and ma-
trix manipulation facilities. However, M ATLAB also provides an optional symbolic toolbox. This
is discussed in Chapter 10.
Other Matlab-style languages. Languages such as Scilab,1 Octave,2 and Freemat3 are somewhat
similar to M ATLAB in that they implement a wide range of numerical methods, and, in some
cases, use similar syntax to M ATLAB.
It should noted that the languages do not necessarily have a range of toolboxes like M ATLAB.
Julia. Julia4 is a new high-level, high-performance dynamic programming language. The develop-
ers of Julia wanted, amongst other attributes, the speed of C, the general programming easy
of Python, and the powerful linear algebra functions and familiar mathematical notation of
M ATLAB.
General purpose languages. General purpose languages such as Python and C. These languages
don’t have any significant numerical analysis capability in themselves but can load libraries of
routines. For example Python+Numpy, Python+Scipy, C+GSL.
The current M ATLAB release, version 9.4 (R2018a), is available on a wide variety of platforms.
Generally MathWorks releases an upgraded version of M ATLAB every six months.
When M ATLAB is invoked it opens a command window. Graphics, editing, and help windows
may also be opened if required. Users can design their M ATLAB working environment as they see fit.
M ATLAB scripts and function are generally platform independent and they can be readily ported from
one system to another. To install and start M ATLAB, readers should consult the manual appropriate to
their particular working environment.
The scripts and functions given in this book have been tested under M ATLAB release, version
9.3.0.713579 (R2017b). However, most of them will work directly using earlier versions of M ATLAB
but some may require modification.
The remainder of this chapter is devoted to introducing some of the statements and syntax of
M ATLAB. The intention is to give the reader a sound but brief introduction to the power of M ATLAB.
Some details of structure and syntax are omitted and must be obtained from the M ATLAB manual. A de-
tailed description of M ATLAB is given by Higham and Higham (2017). Other sources of information
are the MathWorks website and Wikipedia. Wikipedia should be used with some care.
Before we begin a detailed discussion of the features of M ATLAB, the meaning some terminology
needs clarification. Consider the terms M ATLAB statements, commands, functions, and keywords. If

1 http://www.scilab.org.
2 http://www.gnu.org/software/octave.
3 http://freemat.sourceforge.net.
4 https://julialang.org/.
 1.2 MATRICES IN M ATLAB 3

we take a very simple M ATLAB expression, like y = sqrt(x) then, if this is used in the command
window for immediate execution, it is a command for M ATLAB to determine the square root of the
variable x and assign it to y. If it is used in a script, and is not for immediate execution, then it is
usually called a statement. The expression sqrt is a M ATLAB function, but it can also be called a
keyword. The vast majority of M ATLAB keywords are functions, but a few are not: for example all,
long, and pi. The last of these is a reserved keyword to denote the mathematical constant π. Thus, the
use of the four word discussed are often interchangeable.

1.2 MATRICES IN M ATLAB

A two-dimensional array is effectively a table of data, not restricted to numeric data. If arrays are
stacked in the third dimension, then they are three-dimensional arrays. Matrices are two-dimensional
arrays that contain only numeric data or mathematical expressions where the variables of the expression
have already been assigned numeric values. Thus, 23.2 and x 2 are allowed, peter is allowed if it is a
numeric constant but not if it is a person’s name. Thus a two dimension array of numeric data can
legitimately be called an array or a matrix. Matrices can be operated on, using the laws of matrix
algebra. Thus if A is a matrix, then 3A and A−1 have a meaning, whereas, if A is an alpha-numeric array
these statements have no meaning. M ATLAB supports matrix algebra, but also allows array operations.
For example, an array of data might be a financial statement, and therefore, it might be necessary to
sum the 3rd through 5th rows and place the result in the 6th row. This is a legitimate array operation
that M ATLAB supports.
The matrix is fundamental to M ATLAB and we have provided a broad and simple introduction to
matrices in Appendix A. In M ATLAB the names used for matrices must start with a letter and may be
followed by any combination of letters or digits. The letters may be upper or lower case. Note that
throughout this text a distinctive font is used to denote M ATLAB statements and output, for example
disp.
In M ATLAB the arithmetic operations of addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division can be
performed in the usual way on scalar quantities, but they can also be used directly with matrices or
arrays of data. To use these arithmetic operators on matrices, the matrices must first be created. There
are several ways of doing this in M ATLAB and the simplest method, which is suitable for small ma-
trices, is as follows. We assign an array of values to A by opening the command window and then
typing

>> A = [1 3 5;1 0 1;5 0 9]

after the prompt >>. Notice that the elements of the matrix are placed in square brackets, each row
element separated by at least one space or comma. A semicolon (;) indicates the end of a row and the
beginning of another. When the return key is pressed the matrix will be displayed thus:

A =
1 3 5
1 0 1
5 0 9
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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[334] The constable of the Tower, fearing that they would speak upon
the scaffold, reminded them that the honor due to the king would
not permit them to doubt the justice of their sentence. When they
reached the place of punishment, Lord Rocheford, no longer able to
keep silence, turned towards the spectators and said: 'My friends, I
am going to die, as such is his majesty's pleasure. I do not complain
of my death, for I have committed many sins during my life, but I
have never injured the king. May God grant him a long and happy
life!' Then, according to the chronicler, he presented his head
Au dur tranchant qui d'un coup l'emporta.[335]
Norris, Weston, and Brereton were beheaded after him.
The king, before putting his wife to death, desired to perform an
act not less cruel: he was determined to annul his marriage with
Anne, notwithstanding Northumberland's denials. Did he wish to
avoid the reproach of causing his wife to perish by the hands of the
executioner? or, in a fit of anger, did he desire to strike the queen on
all sides at once? We cannot tell. Be that as it may, the king in his
wrath did not see that he was contradicting himself; that if there
was no marriage between him and Anne, there could be no adultery,
and that the sentence, based on this crime, was ex facto null.
Cranmer, the most unfortunate, but perhaps not the least guilty of all
the lords who lent themselves servilely to the despotic wishes of the
prince—Cranmer believed (as it appears) that the position of the
queen would thus become better; that her life would be saved, if she
could no longer be regarded as having been Henry's wife. This
excuses, although slightly, his great weakness. He told the unhappy
lady that he was commissioned to find the means of declaring null
and void the ties which united her to the king. Anne, stunned by the
sentence pronounced upon her, was also of opinion that it was an
expedient invented by some relics of Henry's regard, to rescue her
from the bitterness of death. Her heart opened to hope, and
imagining that she would only be sent into banishment, she formed
a plan of returning to the continent. 'I will go to Antwerp,' she said
at dinner, with an almost happy look.[336] She knew that she would
meet with protestants in that city, who would receive her with joy.
But vain hope! In the very letter wherein the governor of the Tower
reports this ingenuous remark of the queen, he asks for the king's
orders as to the construction of the scaffold.[337] Henry desired
personally to order the arrangement of those planks which he was
about to stain with innocent blood.
About nine o'clock in the forenoon of the 17th of May the lord-
chancellor, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Essex (Cromwell), the earl
of Sussex, with several doctors and archdeacons entered the chapel
at Lambeth.[338] The archbishop having taken his seat, and the
objections made against the marriage of Henry VIII. and Anne
Boleyn having been read, the proctors of the king and of the queen
admitted them, and the primate declared the marriage to be null
and void. The queen was not present, as some historians have
thought.
=DELIGHT OF THE POPE.=
On the very day of Anne Boleyn's divorce, Da Casale, the English
envoy at Rome, having heard of the queen's imprisonment, hurried
to the pontifical palace to inform Paul III. of the good news.[339] 'I
have never ceased praying to heaven for this favor,' said the pope
with delight, 'and I have always hoped for it. Now his majesty may
accomplish an admirable work for the good of Christendom. Let the
king become reconciled with Rome, and he will obtain from the king
of France all that he can wish for. Let us be friends. I will send him a
nuncio for that purpose. When the news of cardinal Fisher's death
reached Rome,' he continued, recollecting that terrible bull, 'it is true
I found myself driven to a measure somewhat severe ... but I never
intended to follow up my words by deeds.' Thus, according to the
pope and his adherents, the imprisonment of Anne Boleyn was to
reconcile England and Rome. This fact points to one of the causes
which made Norfolk and other catholics enter into the conspiracy
against her.
On the same day also (17th of May), towards evening, the queen
learnt that the sentence would assuredly be carried out. Although it
was declared that she had never been the king's wife, the doom
pronounced upon her for adultery must nevertheless be
accomplished. This is what Henry VIII. called administering justice.
=ANNE ASKS MARY'S PARDON.=
Anne desired to take the Lord's Supper, and asked to be left alone.
About two hours after midnight the chaplain arrived; but, before
partaking of the holy rite, there was one thing she wished to do.
One fault weighed heavily on her heart. She felt that she had sinned
against queen Catherine by consenting to marry the king. Her
conscience reproached her with having injured the princess Mary. It
filled her with the deepest sorrow, and she was eager, before she
died, to make reparation to the daughter of the woman whose place
she had taken. Anne would have liked to see Mary, to fall a queen at
her feet, and implore her pardon; but alas! she could not: she was
only to leave the prison for the scaffold. Resolved, however, to
confess her fault, she did so in a striking manner, which showed all
the sincerity of her repentance and her firm determination to humble
herself before Catherine's daughter. She begged Lady Kingston, the
wife of the constable of the Tower, who had little regard for her, to
take her seat in the chair of state. When the latter objected, Anne
compelled her, and kneeling before her, she said, all the while crying
bitterly: 'I charge you—as you would answer before God—to go in
my name to the princess Mary, to fall down before her as I do now
before you, and ask her forgiveness for all the wrongs I have done
her. Until that is done,' she added, 'my conscience will have no
rest.'[340] At the moment when she was about to appear before the
throne of God, she wished to make reparation for a fault that
weighed heavily upon her heart. 'In that,' she said, 'I wish to do
what a Christian ought.' This touching incident leads us to hope that
if, during life, Anne was simply an honest protestant, trusting too
much to her own works, the trial had borne fruit and had made her
a true Christian. But of this she was to give a still more striking
proof.
 As she rose from her knees, Anne felt more calm and prepared to
receive the sacrament. Before taking it, she once more declared her
innocence of the crime imputed to her. The governor was present,
and he did not fail to inform Cromwell of this declaration, made as it
were in the presence of God. Anne had found in Christ's death new
strength to endure her own: she sighed after the moment that
would put an end to her sorrows. Contrary to her expectation, she
was told that the execution was put off until the afternoon. 'Mr.
Kingston,' she said, 'I hear that I am not to die this afternoon, and I
am very sorry for it; for I thought by this time to be dead and past
my pain.'—'Madam,' replied the governor, 'you will feel no pain, the
blow will be so sharp and swift.'—'Yes,' resumed Anne, 'I have heard
say that the headsman is very clever,' and then she added: 'and I
have but a little neck,' putting her hand about it and smiling.[341]
Kingston left the room.
Meanwhile the devout adherents of the Roman primacy were full
of exultation, and allowed the hopes to appear which Anne's death
raised in their bosoms. 'Sire,' they told the king, 'the tapers placed
round the tomb of queen Catherine suddenly burst into flame of
their own accord.'[342] They concluded, from this prodigy, that
Roman-catholicism was once more about to shed its light on
England. The priests were eager to chant their Deo gratias, and a
report was circulated that this new victory over the Reformation was
going to be inaugurated by hanging a group of heretics along with
Anne.[343] Neither friends nor enemies drew any real distinction
between the cause of Anne and the cause of protestantism; and
many evangelical Christians, imagining that when Anne was dead
there would be no one to protect them any longer, prepared to quit
the kingdom.
Henry, however, keenly desiring to have if it were but one word
from Anne that would exculpate him, sent some one to her with a
commission to sound her, and to discover whether the hope of
escaping death would not induce her to satisfy him. Anne replied,
and they were the last words she addressed to the king: 'Commend
me to his majesty, and tell him that he has ever been constant in his
career of advancing me. From a private gentlewoman he made me a
marchioness, from a marchioness a queen; and now that he has no
higher degree of honor left, he gives my innocence the crown of
martyrdom.'[344] The gentleman went and reported this noble
farewell to his master. Even the jailer bore testimony to the peace
and joy which filled Anne Boleyn's heart at this solemn moment. 'I
have seen men and also women executed,' wrote Kingston to
Cromwell, 'and they have been in great sorrow; but to my
knowledge this lady has much joy and pleasure in death.'[345]
=ANNE'S EXECUTION.=
Everything was arranged so that the murder should be
perpetrated without publicity and without disturbance. Kingston
received orders to turn all strangers out of the Tower, and readily
obeyed. About eleven in the forenoon of the 19th of May, the dukes
of Suffolk and Richmond, the lord-chancellor, Cromwell, the lord-
mayor with the sheriffs and aldermen, entered the Tower, and took
their stations on the green, where the instrument of punishment had
been erected. The executioner, whom Henry had summoned from
Calais, was there with his axe and his attendants. A cannon,
mounted on the walls, was to announce both to king and people that
all was over. A little past noon Anne appeared, dressed in a robe of
black damask, and attended by four of her maids of honor. She
walked up to the block on which she was to lay her head. Her step
was firm, her looks calm; all indicated the most complete
resignation. She was then thirty years old, and 'never had she
looked so beautiful before,'[346] says a French contemporary, then in
London. Her eyes expressed a meek submission; a pleasing smile
accompanied the look she turned on the spectators of this tragic
scene.[347] But just when the executioners had made the last
preparations, her emotion was so keen that she nearly fainted.
Gradually she recovered her strength, and her faith in the Saviour
filled her with courage and hope.
 It is important to know what, in this last and solemn moment,
were her sentiments towards the king. She had desired that Mary
should be asked to forgive her wrongs: it was her duty, if she died a
Christian, also to pardon Henry's faults. She must obey her Saviour,
who said: 'Love your enemies, bless them that curse you.' She had
pardoned everything; but it was her duty to declare it before she
died, and if she was humble, she would do so without affectation.
Addressing those who had been her subjects and were then
standing round her, she said: 'Good Christian people, I am not come
here to justify myself; I leave my justification entirely to Christ, in
whom I put my trust. I will accuse no man, nor speak anything of
that whereof I am accused, as I know full well that aught that I
could say in my defence doth not appertain unto you, and that I
could draw no hope of life from the same. I come here only to die,
according as I have been condemned. I commend my judges to the
Lord's mercy. I pray God (and I beg you to do the same) to save the
king and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler or more
merciful prince there never was. To me he was ever a good, gentle,
and sovereign lord. And thus I take my leave of the world and of
you, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me. O Lord, have mercy
upon me! To God I commit my soul!'[348]
Such are the simple words in which Anne gave utterance to the
feelings of peace with which her heart was filled towards her
husband, at the moment when he was robbing her of life. Had she
said that she forgave him, she would have called up the memory of
the king's crime, and would thus have appeared to claim the merit of
her generous pardon. She did nothing of the sort. During one part of
their wedded life, Henry had been a 'good lord' to her. She desired
to recall the good only, and buried the evil in oblivion. She did so
without any thought of self; for she knew that before the gracious
words could reach the king's ears, the axe would have already fallen
upon her, and it would be impossible for Henry to arrest the fatal
blow.
This Christian discourse could not fail to make a deep impression
on all who heard her. As they looked at the unfortunate queen, they
felt the tenderest compassion and the sharpest pain.[349] The firmer
her heart became, the weaker grew the spectators of the tragedy.
Ere long they were unable to check the tears which the sufferer had
the strength to restrain.[350] One of the ladies of the royal victim
approached her to cover her eyes; but Anne refused, saying that she
was not afraid of death, and gave her as a memorial of that hour, a
little manuscript prayer-book that she had brought with her.
The queen then removed her white collar and took off her hood,
that the action of the axe might not be impeded;[351] this head-dress
formed a queue and hung down behind. Then falling on her knees,
she remained a few moments silent and motionless, praying
inwardly. On rising up, she approached the fatal block, and laid her
head on it: 'O Christ, into thy hands I commit my soul!' she
exclaimed. The headsman, disturbed by the mild expression of her
face, hesitated a few seconds, but his courage returned. Anne cried
out again: 'O Jesus, receive my soul!' At this instant the axe of the
executioner flashed in the air and her head fell. A cry escaped from
the lips of the spectators, 'as if they had received the blow upon
their own necks.'[352] This is honorable to Anne's enemies, so that we
may well believe the evidence. But immediately another sound was
heard: the gunner, placed as a signal-man on the wall, had watched
the different phases of the scene, holding a lighted match in his
hand; scarcely had the head fallen, when he fired the gun, and the
report, which was heard at a distance, bore to Henry the news of
the crime which gave him Jane Seymour.[353] The ladies of queen
Anne, though almost lifeless with terror, would not permit the noble
remains of the mistress, whom they had loved so much, to be
touched by rude hands; they gathered round the body, wrapped it in
a white sheet, and carried it (almost fainting as they were) to an old
elm chest, which had been brought out of the arsenal and had been
used for storing arrows. This rough box was the last home assigned
to her who had inhabited costly palaces: not so much as a coffin had
been provided for her. The ladies placed in it Anne's head and body;
'the eyes and lips were observed to move,' says a document, as if
her mouth was repeating the last words it had uttered. She was
immediately buried in the Tower chapel.[354]
Thus died Anne Boleyn. If the violent passions of a prince and the
meanness of his courtiers brought her to an untimely death, hatred
and credulity have killed her a second time. But an infamous
calumny, forged by dishonest individuals, ought to be sternly
rejected by all sensible men. Not in vain did Anne, at the hour of
death, place her cause in the hands of God, and we willingly believe
that all enlightened men, without prejudice or partiality, among
Roman-catholics as among others, turn with disgust from the vile
falsehoods of malicious courtiers and the deceitful fables of the
papist Sanders and his followers.
=HENRY'S INHUMANITY.=
On the morning of this day, Henry VIII. had dressed himself in
white, as for a festival, and ordered a hunting-party. There was a
great stir round the palace; huntsmen hurrying to and fro, dogs
baying, horns sounding, nobles arriving. The troop was formed and
they all set off for Epping Forest, where the sport began. At noon
the hunters met to repose themselves under an oak which still bears
the name of the King's Oak. Henry had taken his seat beneath it,
surrounded by his suite and the dogs; he listened and seemed to be
agitated. Suddenly a cannon shot resounded through the forest—it
was the concerted signal—the queen's head had fallen. 'Ha, ha!'
exclaimed the king, rising, 'the deed is done! uncouple the hounds
and away.'[355] Horns and trumpets were sounded, and dogs and
horses were soon in pursuit. The wretched prince, led away by his
passions, forgot that there is a God to whom he would have to
render an account not only of the execution in the Tower, but of the
chase in the forest; and by these cruel acts, which should have
shocked the hearts even of his courtiers, he branded himself with his
own hands as a great criminal. The king and his court returned to
the palace before nightfall.
At last Henry was free. He had desired Jane Seymour, and
everything had been invented—adultery, incest—to break the bonds
that united him to the queen. The proofs of Anne's crimes failing,
the ferocious acts of the king were to supply their place. Could those
who witnessed the cruelty of the husband venture to doubt the guilt
of the wife? Henry had become inhuman that he might not appear
faithless. Now that the object was obtained, it only remained to
profit by his crime. His impatience to gratify his passions made him
brave all propriety. The mournful death of his queen; the Christian
words that she had uttered, kissing as it were the cruel hand that
struck her—nothing softened that man's heart, and the very next
day he married the youthful maid of honor. It would have been
difficult to say in a more striking manner: 'This is why Anne Boleyn is
no more!' When we see side by side the blood-stained block on
which Anne had received her death-blow, and the brilliant altar
before which Henry and Jane were united, we all understand the
story.[356] The prince, at once voluptuous and cruel, liked to combine
the most contrary objects in the same picture—crime and festivities,
marriage and death, sensuality and hatred. He showed himself the
most magnificent and most civilized monarch of Europe; but also the
rival of those barbarous kings of savage hordes who take delight in
cutting off the heads of those who have been their favorites and
even the objects of their most passionate love. We must employ
different standards in judging of the same person, when we regard
him as a private and as a public individual. The Tudor prince, so
guilty as a husband, father, and friend, did much good as a ruler for
England. Louis XIV., as well as Henry VIII., had some of the
characteristics of a great king; and his moral life was certainly not
better than that of his prototype in England. He had as many, and
even more mistresses than the predecessor of the Stuarts had
wives; but the only advantage which the French monarch had over
the English one, is that he knew how to get rid of them without
cutting off their heads.
The death of Anne Boleyn caused a great sensation in Europe, as
that of Fisher and More had done before it. Her innocence, which
Henry (it is said) acknowledged on his death-bed,[357] was denied by
some and maintained by others; but all men of principle expressed a
feeling of horror when they heard of her punishment. The protestant
princes and divines of Germany had not a doubt that this cruel act
was the pledge of reconciliation offered to the pope by Henry VIII.,
and renounced the alliance they were on the point of concluding
with England. 'At last I am free from that journey,' said Melanchthon,
whom Anne Boleyn's death, added to that of Sir Thomas More, had
rendered even less desirous of approaching the prince who had
struck them. 'The queen,' he continued, 'accused, rather than
convicted, of adultery, has suffered the penalty of death, and that
catastrophe has wrought great changes in our plans.'[358]
Somewhat later the protestants ascribed Anne's death especially
to the pope: 'That blow came from Rome,' they cried; 'in Rome all
these tricks and plots are contrived. Even Petrarch had long since
called that city
Nido di tradimenti, in cui si cuova
Quanto mal per lo mondo hoggi si spande.'[359]
In this I suspect there is a mistake. The plots of the Roman court
against Elizabeth have caused it to be accused of similar designs
against the mother of the great protestant queen. The friends of
that court in England were probably no strangers to the crime, but
the great criminal was Henry.

[313] 'The saying was that he was grievously racked.'—

Archéologie, xxiii. p. 164.
[314] 'No man will confess anything against her.'—Kingston's
Letters, p. 458.
[315] Kingston's Letters, p. 458.
[316] 'The vain hope of this changeable world.'—Histoire
d'Anne de Boleyn, by Crespin, p. 140.
[317] 'Avecque Dieu lors plus se fortifie.'—Ibid. p. 190.
[318] 'Speaking like a mistress to these lords.'
[319] A copy of this letter was found among the papers of
Cromwell, at that time the king's chief minister. 'It is universally
known,' says Sir Henry Ellis, 'as one of the finest compositions
in the English language.'—Original Letters, ii. p. 53.
[320] Burnet, Records, book iii. No. 49. The original is in the
Cotton Library.
[321] Froude.
[322] Baga de Secretis, pouch 8.
[323] Meteren, Histoire des Pays-Bas.
[324] Godwin's Annals, p. 139.—Queen Elizabeth raised his
son to the peerage, and four of his grandsons were among the
greatest of England's captains during the reign of Anne
Boleyn's daughter.
[325] Burnet, Addenda, vol. i.
[326] Ibid. Baga de Secretis, pouch 8.
[327]
'On vit la reine au jugement venir,
Qui ne se veut que de Dieu souvenir;
Ne faisant cas de chose qui la touche;
Mais plus se tient constante qu'une souche,
Qui ne craint grêle ou vent impétueux.'
Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, by Crespin, p. 200.
The last lines of this narrative are dated 2d of June, 1536, only
seventeen days after the queen's trial and sentence. It would
appear that the author, Crespin, lord of Milverne, was an eye-
witness of the scene.
[328] 'Having an excellent quick wit and being a ready
speaker, she did so answer all objections.'—Harleian MSS.
[329]
'Peu parlait, mais qui la regardait,
Coulpe de crime en elle n'attendait.'
Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, by Crespin, p. 201.
[330] The catholic historian, Lingard, makes this remark. Vol.
iii. ch. v.
[331] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, by Crespin,
p. 202.
[332] Meteren, Histoire des Pays-Bas, p. 21.
[333] Meteren, Histoire des Pays-Bas, p. 21.
[334] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, by Crespin,
pp. 196, 198, 199, 205.
[335] Ibid. pp. 205, 206.—To the sharp axe which severed it
at a blow.
[336] 'This day at dinner the queen said that she should go to
Antwerp.'—Kingston, Letters, p. 460.
[337] 'I desire to know the king's pleasure for the preparation
of the scaffold.'—Ibid.
[338] 'Inter horas ix et xi ante meridiem, in quodam basso
sacello.'—Wilkins, p. 803. It is an error of the copyist or of the
printer which makes Wilkins say that the act relates to Anne of
Cleves (Annam Clivensem).
[339] 'Ten days have elapsed since I went to the pope and
narrated to him the tidings.'—Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xiv. fol.
215, May 27th, 1536.
[340] Burnet, i. p. 185.
[341] Burnet, i. p. 185.
[342] Cotton MSS., Vitellius, B. xiv. p. 216; Turner, ii. p. 457.
[343] Cotton MSS., Vitellius, B. xiv. p. 216; Turner, ii. p. 457.
[344] 'Purposing to make her by martyrdom a saint in
heaven.'—Strype, p. 437.
[345] Kingston, Letters, p. 461.
[346] 'Oncque n'avoit été vue si belle.'
[347] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, by Crespin.
[348] Anne Boleyn's last words are given by Hall, p. 819;
Burnet, i. p. 373; Turner, ii. p. 455; Wyatt, p. 214. See also the
Memorial of Constantine who was present (Archeologia, vol.
xxiii.), and the letter of a Portuguese gentleman quoted by
Lingard, vol. iii. ch. v.
[349] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, by Crespin.
[350] Ibid.
[351] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, by Crespin.
[352] Wyatt, p. 449.
[353] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre.
[354] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre. Spelman,
Hall, Burnet.
[355] Anderson, Annals of the English Bible, i. p. 476; Tytler,
Life of King Henry VIII., p. 383; Nott, &c.
[356] Hume, who is certainly an impartial judge, has
described these things with justice, and better than the most
recent historians. See his History of England, House of Tudor,
ch. viii.; and also Burnet, Turner, &c.
[357] Thevet: Cosmographie Universelle, p. 656. This author
was a contemporary Franciscan monk, and consequently an
impartial witness. Meteren, Histoire des Pays-Bas, p. 21;
Burnet, iii. p. 120; Turner, ii. p. 459.
[358] 'Posterior regina, magis accusata quam convicta
adulterii, ultimo supplicio affecta est; magna conciliorum
mutatio secuta est.'—Corpus Reformatorum, iii. p. 89.
[359] Memoir of Anne Boleyn, by G. Wyatt, p. 445.
 CHAPTER XI.
REFORMING MOVEMENT AFTER ANNE'S DEATH; CATHOLIC AND SCHOLASTIC
REACTION.
(Summer, 1536.)

=POSITION OF THE TWO PARTIES.=

After queen Anne's death the two parties were agitated in
opposite directions. The friends of the Reformation wished to show
that the disgrace of that princess did not carry with it the disgrace of
the cause they had at heart, and consequently believed that they
ought to accelerate the Reform movement. The friends of Rome and
its doctrines, imagining, on their part, that the queen's death had
put their affairs in good train, thought they had but to redouble their
activity to gain a complete victory. The latter seemed indeed to have
some reasons for encouragement. If Catherine's death had
reconciled Henry VIII. and the emperor just when the latter was
threatening England with invasion, the death of Anne Boleyn
appeared as if it would reconcile the king with Paul III., who was
ready to issue his terrible bull. Henry's wives played a great part in
his private history, but they had also a certain importance in his
relations with the powers of Europe, especially with the pope. As
soon as the pontiff had seen Charles V. and Francis I. preparing for
war, he had instructed his son to hint to Da Casale, that the court of
Rome was very desirous of reviving the ancient friendship which had
united it to England.[360] These desires increased rapidly.
On the 20th of May, when the news of the queen's prosecution
arrived in Rome, both pope and cardinals were transported with joy.
The frightful calumnies of which that princess was the victim, served
the cause of the papacy too well not to be accepted as truths, and
all felt persuaded that, if Anne fell from the throne, the acts done at
London against the Italian primacy would fall with her. When Da
Casale informed the pope that the queen had been sent to prison,
Paul exclaimed with delight: 'I always thought, when I saw Henry
endowed with so many virtues, that heaven would not forsake him.
If he is willing to unite with me,' he added, 'I shall have authority
enough to enjoin the emperor and the king of France to make
peace; and the king of England, reconciled with the Church, will
command the powers of Europe.' At the same time Paul III.
confessed that he had made a mistake in raising Fisher to the
cardinalate, and wound up this pontifical effusion in the kindest of
terms. Da Casale, much delighted on his part, asked whether he was
to repeat these matters to the king. 'Tell him,' answered the pope,
'that his majesty may, without hesitation, expect everything from
me.'[361] Da Casale, therefore, made his report to London, and
intimated that, if Henry made the least sign of reconciliation, the
pope would immediately send him a nuncio. Thus Paul left not a
stone unturned to win over the king of England. He extolled his
virtues, promised him the foremost place in Europe, flattered his
vanity as an author, and did not fear—he the infallible one—to
acknowledge that he had made a mistake. Everybody at the court of
Rome felt convinced that England was about to return to the bosom
of the Church; cardinal Campeggi even sent his brother to London to
resume possession of the bishopric of Salisbury, of which he had
been deprived in 1534.[362] Up to the end of June, the pope and the
cardinals became kinder and more respectful to the English, and
entertained the most flattering expectations regarding the return of
England.
=THE TWO HENRYS.=
Would these expectations be realized? Henry VIII. was not one
man, but two: his domestic passions and his public acts formed two
departments entirely distinct. Guided as an individual by passion, he
was, as a king, sometimes led by just views. He believed that neither
pope nor foreign monarch had a right to exercise the smallest
jurisdiction in England. He was therefore decided—and this saved
Great Britain—to maintain the rupture with Rome. One circumstance
might have taught him that in all respects it was the best thing he
could do.
 Rome has two modes of bringing back princes under her yoke—
flattery and abuse. The pope had adopted the first: a person, at that
time without influence, Reginald Pole, an Englishman, and also a
relative and protégé of Henry's, undertook the second. In 1535 he
was in the north of Italy; burning with love for the papacy and
hatred for the king, his benefactor, he wrote ab irato a defence of
the unity of the Church, addressed to Henry VIII., and overflowing
with violence. The wise and pious Contarini, to whom he showed it,
begged him to soften a tone that might cause much harm. As Pole
refused, Contarini entreated him at least to submit his manuscript to
the pope; but the young Englishman, fearing that Paul would require
him to suppress the untoward publication, declined acceding to his
friend's request. His object was, not to convert the king, but to stir
up the English against their lawful prince, and induce them to fall
prostrate again before the Roman pontiff. The treatise, finished in
the winter of 1536, before Anne's trial, reached London the first
week in June. Tonstall, bishop of Durham, and Pole's friend, read the
book, which contained a few truths mixed up with great errors, and
then communicated it to the king. Never did haughty monarch
receive so rude a lesson.
=POLE'S APPEAL TO THE KING.=
'Shall I write to you, O prince,' said the young Englishman, 'or
shall I not? Observing in you the certain symptoms of the most
dangerous malady, and assured as I am that I possess the remedies
suitable to cure you, how can I refrain from pronouncing the word
which alone can preserve your life? I love you, sire, as son never
loved his father, and God perhaps will make my voice to be like that
of his own Son, whose voice even the dead hear. O prince, you are
dealing the most deadly blow against the Church that it can possibly
receive, you rob it of the chief whom it possesses upon earth. Why
should a king, who is the supreme head of the State, occupy a
similar place in the Church? If we may trust the arguments of your
doctors, we must conclude that Nero was the head of the Church.
[363] We should laugh, if the laughter were not to be followed by

tears. There is as great a distance between the ecclesiastical and the

civil power, as there is between heaven and earth. There are three
estates in human society: first, the people; then the king, who is the
son of the people; and lastly, the priest, who being the spouse of the
people is consequently the father of the king.[364] But you, in
imitation of the pride of Lucifer, set yourself above the vicar of Jesus
Christ.
'What! you have rent the Church, as it was never before rent in
that island, you have plundered and cruelly tormented it, and you
claim, in virtue of such merits, to be called its supreme head. There
are two Churches: if you are at the head of one, it is not the Church
of Christ; if you are, it is like Satan, who is the prince of the world,
which he oppresses under his tyranny.... You reign, but after the
fashion of the Turks. A simple nod of your head has more power
than ancient laws and rights. Sword in hand you decide religious
controversies. Is not that thoroughly Turkish and barbarian?[365]
'O England! if you have not forgotten your ancient liberty, what
indignation ought to possess you, when you see your king plunder,
condemn, murder, squander all your wealth, and leave you nothing
but tears. Beware, for if you let your grievances be heard, you will
be afflicted with still deeper wounds. O my country! it is in your
power to change your great sorrow into greater joy. Neither Nero
nor Domitian, nor—I dare affirm—Luther himself, if he had been king
of England,[366] would have wished to avenge himself by putting to
death such men as Fisher and Sir Thomas More!
'What king has ever given more numerous signs of respect to the
supreme pontiff than that Francis I. who spoke of you, O Henry, in
words received with applause by the whole Christian world: "your
friend,—till the altar," Amicus—usque ad aras.—The emperor Charles
has just subdued the pirates; but is there any pirate that is worse
than you? Have you not plundered the wealth of the Church, thrown
the bodies of the saints into prison, and reduced men's souls to
slavery? If I heard that the emperor with all his fleet was sailing for
Constantinople, I would fall at his feet, and say—were it even in the
straits of the Hellespont—"O emperor, what are you thinking of? Do
you not see that a much greater danger than the Turks threatens
the Christian republic? Change your route. What would be the use of
expelling the Turks from Europe, when new Turks are hatched
among us?" Certainly the English for slighter causes have forced
their kings to put off their crowns.'[367]
After the apostrophe addressed to Charles V., Reginald Pole
returns to Henry VIII., and imagining himself to be the prophet
Elijah before king Ahab, he says with great boldness: 'O king, the
Lord hath commanded me to curse you; but if you will patiently
listen to me, he will return you good for evil. Why delay to confess
your sin? Do not say that you have done everything according to the
rules of Holy Scripture. Does not the Church, which gives it
authority, know what is to be received and what rejected? You have
forsaken the fountain of wisdom. Return to the Church, O prince!
and all that you have lost you shall regain with more splendor and
glory.
'But if anyone hears the sound of the trumpet and does not heed
it, the sword is drawn from the scabbard, the guilty is smitten, and
his blood is upon his own head.'
=ITS EFFECT ON HENRY.=
We have hardly given the flower of this long tirade, written in the
style of the 16th century, which, divided into four books, fills one
hundred and ninety-two folio pages. It reached England at the
moment of the condemnation of the innocent Anne, which Pole
unconsciously protested against as unjust, more unjust even than
the sentences of Fisher and More. Henry did not at first read his
'pupil's' philippic through. He saw enough, however, to regard it as
an insult, a divorce which Italy had sent him. He ordered Pole to
return to England; but the latter remembered too well the fate of
Fisher and Sir Thomas More to run the risk. Bishop Tonstall, one of
the enemies of the Reformation, wrote, however, to Pole, that as
Christ was the head of the Church, to separate it from the pope was
not to separate from its head. This refutation was short but
complete.
 The king was resolved to maintain his independence of the pope.
Some have ascribed this determination to Pole's treatise, and others
to the influence of Jane Seymour. Both these circumstances may
have had some weight in Henry's mind; but the great cause, we
repeat, is that he would not suffer any master but himself in
England. Gardiner replied to Pole in a treatise which he entitled: On
True Obedience,[368] to which Bonner wrote the preface.
Paul III. was not the only one who descried the signal of triumph
in Anne's death: the princess Mary believed that she would now
become heiress-presumptive to the crown. Lady Kingston, having
discharged Anne Boleyn's Christian commission, Catherine's
daughter, but slightly affected by this touching conduct, took
advantage of it for her own interest, and charged that lady with a
letter addressed to Cromwell, in which she begged him to intercede
for her with the king, so that the rank which belonged to her should
be restored. Henry consented to receive his daughter into favor, but
not without conditions: 'Madam,' said Norfolk, who had been sent to
her by the king, 'here are the articles which require your signature.'
The daughter of the proud Catherine of Aragon was to
acknowledge four points: the supremacy of the king, the imposture
of the pope, the incest of her own mother, and her own illegitimacy.
She refused, but as Norfolk was not to be shaken, she signed the
two first articles;[369] then laying down the pen, she exclaimed: 'As
for my own shame and my mother's—never!' Cromwell threatened
her, called her obstinate and unnatural, and told her that her father
would abandon her: the unhappy princess signed everything. She
was restored to favor, and from that time received yearly three
thousand pounds sterling; but she was deceived in thinking that the
misfortune of her little sister Elizabeth would replace her on the
steps of the throne.
=THANKS OF PARLIAMENT.=
Parliament met on the 8th of June, when the chancellor
announced to them that the king, notwithstanding his mishaps in
matrimony, had yielded to the humble solicitations of the nobility,
and formed a new union. The two houses ratified the accomplished
facts. No man desired to stir the ashes from which sparks might
issue and kindle a great conflagration. At no price would they
compromise the most exalted persons in the kingdom, and especially
the king. All the allegations, even the most absurd, were admitted:
Parliament wanted to have done with the matter. It even went
further: the king was thanked for the most excellent goodness which
had induced him to marry a lady whose brilliant youth, remarkable
beauty, and purity of blood were the sure pledges of the happy issue
which a marriage with her could not fail to produce; and his most
respectful subjects determined to bury the faults of their prince
under flowers, compared him for beauty to Absalom, for strength to
Samson, and for wisdom to Solomon. Parliament added, that as the
daughters of Catherine and Anne were both illegitimate, the
succession had devolved upon the children of Jane Seymour. As,
however, it was possible that she might not have any issue,
parliament granted him the privilege of naming his successor in his
will: an enormous prerogative, conferred upon the most capricious
of monarchs. Those who refused to take the oath required by the
statute were to be declared guilty of high treason.
Parliament having thus arranged the king's business, set about the
business of the country. 'My lords,' said ministers on the 4th of July
to the upper house, 'the bishop of Rome, whom some persons call
pope, wishing to have the means of satisfying his love of luxury and
tyranny, has obscured the Word of God, excluded Jesus Christ from
the soul, banished princes from their kingdoms, monopolized the
mind, body, and goods of all Christians, and, in particular, extorted
great sums of money from England by his dreams and superstitions.'
Parliament decided that the penalties of præmunire should be
inflicted on everybody who recognized the authority of the Roman
pontiff, and that every student, ecclesiastic, and civil functionary
should be bound to renounce the pope in an oath made in the name
of God and all his saints.[370]
This bill was the cause of great joy in England; the protestant
spirit was stirred; there was a great outburst of sarcasms, and one
could see that the citizens of the capital naturally were not friends to
the papacy. Man is inclined to laugh at what he has respected when
he finds that he has been deceived, and then readily classes among
human follies what he had once taken for the wisdom of Heaven. A
contest of epigrams was begun in London, similar to that which had
so often taken place at Rome between Pasquin and Marforio:
perhaps, however, the jokes were occasionally a little heavy. 'Do you
see the stole round the priest's neck?' said one wit; 'it is nothing else
but the bishop of Rome's rope.'[371]—'Matins, masses, and evensong
are nothing but a roaring, howling, whistling, murmuring, tomring,
and juggling.'[372]—'It is as lawful to christen a child in a tub of water
at home or in a ditch by the way, as in a font-stone in the church.'—
Gradually this jesting spirit made its way to the lower classes of
society.—'Holy water is very useful,' said one who haunted the
London taverns; 'for as it is already salted, you have only to put an
onion in it to make sauce for a gibbet of mutton.'—'What is that you
say,' replied some blacksmith, 'it is a very good medicine for a horse
with a galled back.'[373] But while frivolity and a desire to show one's
wit, however coarse it might be, gave birth to silly jests merely
provocative of laughter, the love of truth inspired the evangelical
Christians with serious words which irritated the priests more than
the raillery of the jesters. 'The Church,' they said, 'is not the clergy,
the Church is the congregation of good men only. All ceremonies
accustomed in the Church and not clearly expressed in Scripture
ought to be done away. When the sinner is converted, all the sins
over which he sheds tears are remitted freely by the Father who is in
heaven.'[374]
After the words of the profane and of the pious came the words of
the priests. A convocation of the clergy was summoned to meet at
St. Paul's. The bishops came and took their places, and anyone
might count the votes which Rome and the Reformation had on the
episcopal bench. For the latter there were: archbishop Cranmer;
Goodrich, bishop of Ely; Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury; Fox, bishop of
Hereford; Latimer, bishop of Worcester; Hilsey, bishop of Rochester;
Barlow, bishop of St. David's; Warton, bishop of St. Asaph; and
Sampson, bishop of Chichester—nine votes in all. For Rome there
were: Lee, archbishop of York; Stokesley, bishop of London; Tonstall,
bishop of Durham; Longland, bishop of Lincoln; Vesey, bishop of
Exeter; Clerk, bishop of Bath; Lee, bishop of Lichfield; Salcot, bishop
of Bangor; and Rugge, bishop of Norwich—nine against nine. If
Gardiner had not been in France there would have been a majority
against the Reformation. Forty priors and mitred abbots, members of
the upper house, seemed to assure victory to the partisan of
tradition. The clergy, who assembled under their respective banners,
were divided not by shades but by glaring colors, and people asked,
as they looked on this chequered group, which of the colors would
carry the day. Cranmer had taken precautions that they should not
leave the church without being enlightened on that point.
=LATIMER'S SERMON.=
The bishop of London having sung the mass of the Holy Ghost,
Latimer, who had been selected by the primate to edify the
assembly, went up into the pulpit. Being a man of bold and
independent character, and penetrating, practical mind, which could
discover and point out every subterfuge, he wanted a Reform more
complete even than Cranmer desired. He took for his text the
parable of the unjust steward.[375] 'Dear brethren,' he said, 'you have
come here to-day to hear of great and weighty matters. Ye look, I
am assured, to hear of me such things as shall be meet for this
assembly.' Then having introduced his subject, Latimer continued: 'A
faithful steward coineth no new money, but taketh it ready coined of
the good man of the house. Now, what crowds of our bishops,
abbots, prelates, and curates, despising the money of the Lord as
copper and not current, teach that now redemption purchased by
money and devised by men is of efficacy, and not redemption
purchased by Christ.'
The whole of Latimer's sermon was in this strain. He did not stop
here; in the afternoon he preached again. 'You know the proverb,'
he said—'"An evil crow, an evil egg."[376] The devil has begotten the
world, and the world in its turn has many children. There is my Lady
Pride, Dame Gluttony, Mistress Avarice, Lady Lechery, and others,
that now hard and scant ye may find any corner, any kind of life,
where many of his children be not. In court, in cowls, in cloisters,
yea, where shall ye not find them? Howbeit, they that be secular are
not children of the world, nor they that are called spiritual, of the
clergy. No, no; as ye find among the laity many children of light, so
among the clergy ye shall find many children of the world. They do
execrate and detest the world (being nevertheless their father) in
words and outward signs; but in heart and works they coll and kiss
him.[377] They show themselves to be as sober as Curius the Roman
was,[378] and live every day as if all their life were a shroving time (a
carnival). I see many such among the bishops, abbots, priors,
archdeacons, deans, and others of that sort, who are met together
in this convocation, to take into consideration all that concerns the
glory of Christ and the wealth of the people of England. The world
has sent us some of its whelps.[379] What have you been doing these
seven years and more? Show us what the English have gained by
your long and great assemblies. Have they become even a hair's
breadth better? In God's name, what have you done?—so great
fathers, so many, so long a season, so oft assembled together—what
have you done? Two things: the one, that you have burnt a dead
man (William Tracy); the other, that ye went about to burn one
being alive.[380] Ye have oft sat in consultation, but what have ye
done? Ye have had many things in deliberation, but what one is put
forth whereby either Christ is more glorified, or else Christ's people
made more holy? I appeal to your own conscience.'
Here Latimer began, as Luther had done in his Appeal to the
German Nobility, to pass in review the abuses and errors of the
clergy—the Court of Arches, the episcopal consistories, saints' days,
images, vows, pilgrimages, certain vigils which he called
'bacchanalia,' marriage, baptism, the mass, and relics.
After this severe catalogue, the bishop exclaimed: 'Let us go home
even as good as we came hither, right-begotten children of the
world. Let us beat our fellows, let us eat and drink with drunkards.
But God will come, God will come, yea and he will not tarry. He will
come upon such a day as we nothing look for him. He will come and
cut us in pieces, and let be the end of our tragedy.[381] These be the
delicate dishes prepared for the world's well-beloved children. These
be the wafers and junkets provided for worldly prelates—wailing and
gnashing of teeth.
'If you will not die eternally, live not worldly. Preach truly the Word
of God. Feed ye tenderly the flock of Christ. Love the light. Walk in
the light, and so be the children of light while you are in the world,
that you may shine in the world to come bright as the sun, with the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Amen.'
An action full of simplicity and warmth had accompanied the firm
and courageous words of the Reformer. The reverend members of
convocation had found their man, and his sermon appeared to them
bitterer than wormwood. They dared not, however, show their anger,
for behind Latimer was Cranmer, and they feared lest they should
find the king behind Cranmer.
Ere long the clergy received another mortification which they
dared not complain of. A rumor got abroad that Cromwell would be
the representative of Henry VIII. in the assembly. 'What!' they cried
out, 'a layman, a man who has never taken a degree in any
university!' But what was the astonishment of the prelates, when
they saw not Cromwell enter, but his secretary, Dr. Petre, one of the
convent visitors, whom the primate seated by his side—a delegate of
a delegate! On the 21st of June, Cromwell came down, and took his
seat above all the prelates. The lay element took, with a bold step, a
position from which it had been so long banished.
=THE MALA DOGMATA DENOUNCED.=
It was to be expected that the champions of the middle ages
would not submit to such affronts, and particularly to such a terrible
fire as Latimer's, without unmasking their batteries in return, and
striving to dismantle those of the enemy. They saw that they could
not maintain the supremacy of the pope and attack that of the king;
but they knew that Henry adhered to transubstantiation and other
superstitious doctrines of the dark ages; and accordingly they
determined to attack by this breach, not only Latimer, but all the
supporters of the Reformation. Roman-catholicism did not intend to
perish without a struggle; it resolved—in order that it might hold its
ground in England—to make a vigorous onslaught. The lower house
having chosen for its prolocutor one Richard Gwent, archdeacon of
bishop Stokesley and a zealous ultramontanist, the cabal set to
work, and the words of Wycliff, of the Lollards, of the Reformers,
and even of the jesting citizens having been carefully recorded,
Gwent proposed that the lower house should lay before the upper
house sixty-seven evil doctrines (mala dogmata). Nothing was
forgotten, not even the horse with the galled back. To no purpose
were they reminded that what was blamable in this catalogue were
only 'the indiscreet expressions of illiterate persons;' and that the
rudeness of their imagination alone had caused them to utter these
pointed sarcasms. In vain were they reminded that, even in horse
races, the riders to be sure of reaching their goal pass beyond it.
The enumeration of the mala dogmata was carried, without omitting
a single article.
On the 23d of June, the prolocutor appeared with his long list
before the upper house of convocation. 'There are certain errors,' he
said, 'which cause disturbance in the kingdom,' and then he read the
sixty-seven mala dogmata. 'They affirm,' he continued, 'that no
doctrine must be believed unless it be proved by Holy Scripture; that
Christ, having shed his blood, has fully redeemed us, so that now we
have only to say, O God, I entreat Thy Majesty to blot out my
iniquity.[382] They say that the sacrifice of the mass is nothing but a
piece of bread; that auricular confession was invented by the priests
to learn the secrets of the heart, and to put money in their purse;
that purgatory is a cheat; that what is usually called the Church is
merely the old synagogue, and that the true Church is the assembly
of the just; that prayer is just as effectual in the open air as in a
temple; that priests may marry. And these heresies are not only
preached, but are printed in books stamped cum privilegio, with
privilege, and the ignorant imagine that those words indicate the
king's approbation.'[383]
The two armies stood face to face, and the scholastic party had no
sooner read their lengthy manifesto than the combat began. 'Oh,
what tugging was here between these opposite sides,' says honest
Fuller.[384] They separated without coming to any decision. Men
began to discuss which side they should take: 'Neither one nor the
other,' said those who fancied themselves the cleverest. 'When two
stout and sturdy travellers meet together and both desire the way,
yet neither is willing to fight for it, in their passage they so shove
and shoulder one another, that they divide the way between them,
and yet neither gets the same.[385] The two parties in convocation
ought to do the same: there ought to be neither conquerors nor
conquered.' Thus the Church, the pillar of truth, was required to
admit both black and white—to say Yes and No. 'A medley religion,'
exclaims an historian; 'to salve (if not the consciences) at least the
credits of both sides.'[386]
=ALESIUS IN CONVOCATION.=
Cranmer and Cromwell determined to use the opportunity to make
the balance incline to the evangelical side. They went down to
convocation. While passing along the street Cromwell noticed a
stranger—one Alesius, a Scotchman, who had been compelled to
seek refuge in Germany for having professed the pure Gospel, and
there he had formed a close intimacy with Melanchthon. Cranmer, as
well as Cromwell, desirous of having such an evangelical man in
England—one who was in perfect harmony with the Protestants of
Germany, and whose native tongue was English—had invited him
over to London.[387] Melanchthon had given him a letter for the king,
along with which he sent a copy of his commentary on the Epistle to
the Romans. Henry was so charmed with the Scotchman, that he
gave him the title of 'King's Scholar.' Alesius was living at the
archbishop's palace in Lambeth. Cromwell, observing him so
seasonably, called him and invited him to accompany them to
Westminster. He thought that a man of such power might be useful
to him; and it is even possible that the meeting had been
prearranged. Together the Englishman and the Scotchman entered
the chamber in which the bishops were sitting round a table, with a
number of priests standing behind them. When the vicar-general
and Alesius, who was unknown to most of them, appeared, they all
rose and bowed to the king's representative. Cromwell returned the
salutation, and, after seating the exile in the highest place opposite
the two archbishops, he addressed them as follows: 'His majesty will
not rest until, in harmony with convocation and parliament, he has
put an end to the controversies which have taken place, not only in
this kingdom but in every country. Discuss these questions,
therefore, with charity, without brawling or scolding, and decide all
things by the Word of God.[388] Establish the divine and perfect truth
as it is found in Scripture.'
=GOD'S WORD THE SOURCE OF LIFE.=
Cromwell wanted the submission of all to the divine revelations:
the traditional party answered him by putting forward human
doctrines and human authorities. Stokesley, bishop of London,
endeavored to prove, by certain glosses and passages, that there
were seven sacraments: the archbishop of York and others
supported him by their sophistry and their shouts. 'Such disputes
about words, and such cries,' said Cranmer, 'are unbecoming serious
men. Let us seek Christ's glory, the peace of the Church, and the
means by which sins are forgiven. Let us inquire how we may bring
consolation to uneasy souls; how we may give the assurance of
God's love to consciences troubled by the remembrance of their sins.
Let us acknowledge that it is not the outward use of the sacraments
that justifies a man, and that our justification proceeds solely from
faith in the Saviour.'[389] The prelate spoke admirably and in
accordance with Scripture: it was necessary to back up this noble
confession. Cromwell, who kept his Scotchman in reserve, now
introduced him to the clergy, as the 'king's scholar,' and asked him
what he thought of the discussion. Alesius, speaking in the assembly
of bishops, showed that there were only two sacraments—Baptism
and the Lord's Supper, and that no ceremony ought to be put in the
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