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Development of
Economic Analysis

Seventh Edition

Now in its seventh edition, Ingrid Rima’s classic textbook charts the development of
the discipline from the classical age of Plato and Aristotle, through the Middle Ages to
the first flowering of economics as a distinct discipline—the age of Petty, Quesnay, and
Smith—to the era of classical economics and the marginalist revolution.
The book then goes on to offer extensive coverage of the twentieth century—the rise
of Keynesianism, econometrics, the Chicago School, and the neoclassical paradigm.
The concluding chapters analyze the birth of late twentieth-century developments such
as game theory, experimental economics, and competing schools of economic thought.
This text includes a number of practical features:

• a “family tree” at the beginning of each section, illustrating how the different
developments within economics are interlinked;
• the inclusion of readings from the original key texts;
• a summary and questions to discuss, along with glossaries and suggestions for
further reading.

This book provides the clearest, most readable guide to economic thought that exists
and encourages students to examine the relevance of the discipline’s history to con-
temporary theory. It will appeal to students of political economics, the history of
economic thought, and other disciplines within the social sciences.

Ingrid Rima is Professor of Economics at Temple University, Philadelphia, USA.

Development of
Economic Analysis

Seventh Edition

Ingrid Rima
First published 2009
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN, UK

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge
270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2008.

“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”

© 2009 Ingrid Rima

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Rima, Ingrid Hahne, 1925–
Development of economic analysis / Ingrid Rima.—7th ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and Index.
1. Economics—History. I. Title.
HB75.R46 2009
300.09—dc22 2008020299

ISBN 0-203-88794-8 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN10: 0–415–77293–1 (hbk)

ISBN10: 0–415–77292–3 (pbk)
ISBN13: 0–203–88794–8 (ebk)

ISBN13: 978–0–415–77293–8 (hbk)

ISBN13: 978–0–415–77292–1 (pbk)
ISBN13: 978–0–203–88794–3 (ebk)
For Philip and the diamonds of our acres, my students.
Contents

Preface ix

Part I 11 Karl Marx: An inquiry into the “Law

Preclassical Economics 1 of Motion” of the capitalist system 230

12 First-generation marginalists:
1 Early masterworks as sources of Jevons, Walras, and Menger 254
economic thought 9
13 “Second-generation” marginalists 283
2 The origins of analytical economics 25
3 The transition to classical
economics 46 Part IV
The Neoclassical Tradition, 1890–1945 311
Part II
Classical Economics 67 14 Alfred Marshall and the neoclassical
tradition 318

4 Physiocracy: The beginning of 15 Chamberlin, Robinson, and other

analytical economics 72 price theorists 349
5 Adam Smith: From moral 16 The “new” theory of welfare and
philosophy to political economy 93 consumer behavior 373
6 Thomas Malthus and J. B. Say: The
political economy of population behavior 17 Neoclassical monetary and
and aggregate demand 123 business-cycle theorists 396

7 David Ricardo: Analysis of the

distributive shares, international trade and Part V
money 145 The Dissent from Neoclassicism,
8 Building on Ricardian foundations:
1890–1945 417
The Mills, W. N. Senior and Charles
Babbage 168 18 The dissent of American
institutionalists 423
9 Classical theory in review: From
the French theorists to J. R. McCulloch 185 19 The economics of planning:
Socialism without Marxism 442
Part III
20 J. M. Keynes’s critique of the
The Critics of Classicism 203
mainstream tradition 456

10 Socialism, induction, and the 21 Keynes’s theory of employment,

forerunners of marginalism 209 output and income 473

vii
Contents

Part VI Part VII

Beyond High Theory 497 Competing Economic Paradigms 565

22 The emergence of econometrics as 25 The challenge of competing

a sister discipline of economics 506 paradigms in contemporary economics 572
23 Neo-Keynesians, neo-Walrasians,
and monetarists 519 Index 593

24 The analytics of economic

liberalism: The theory of choice 541

viii
Preface to the seventh edition

When the first edition of Development of Economic Analysis was published in 1967,
economists had already established their discipline as “scientific” in the mathematical
style in which they presented their arguments, which were quite explicitly developed to
become joined to quantitative research. That the new style of economic discussion and
communication leaned in this direction was partly a reflection of the influx of math-
ematicians, physicists, and engineers into the profession. It also reflected the shift of
focus in the allocation of research funds during the Great Depression, by such well-
endowed organizations as the Rockefeller Foundation toward “scientific” endeavors.
Thus, by the late 1960s the discursive non-mathematical style of textbooks on the his-
tory of economic thought made them appear outmoded in comparison with the increas-
ingly formal presentations in other textbooks that had by then become focused on
micro- or macroeconomic analysis.
Because there was still a substantial interest in the history of economics, the idea of
writing a text that would focus on the development of the analytical tools of economics
seemed to offer a vehicle for narrowing the distance between books in economic theory
and the traditional book in the history of thought. Accordingly, the first chapter of
Development of Economic Analysis posed the question: “Why was the emergence of
economic analysis delayed until the latter part of the eighteenth century, when eco-
nomic ideas can be traced to the philosophical, legal, religious, ethical, and political
writings of the scholars of antiquity?” The chapters of Part I, therefore, are designed
to present the emergence of economics as a discipline that has become increasingly
“scientific,” partly in consequence of its greater reliance on the tools and perspective
of the natural sciences, and focusing less on the value judgments which characterized
the discipline before the days of “logical positivism.”
Lamentably, the preference which professional economists now have for the language
of mathematics and empirical testing is in no small measure responsible for the present
relative neglect of the history of economic ideas, economic history, and institutionally
oriented courses in contemporary graduate and undergraduate programs in economics.
The requirement for studying the history of economics has been substantially elimin-
ated, because it is widely believed time is better spent in mastering mathematics for
economists and econometrics. It thus seems essential to rethink how the history of
economic thought might best be presented to recapture the interest of graduate and
undergraduate readers who have either been mislead into thinking the historical
aspects of their discipline are an unnecessary frill that will not add much to their

ix
Preface to the seventh edition

expertise if they are, or plan to become, professional economists. It is even suggested

that the history of economic thought is not particularly useful for an educated person
who is simply seeking to understand how the economic world functions.
One vehicle for reviving student interest in the history of economics is to incorporate
selections from the original source readings into the text. Selections from the Master-
works of the history of economics have been so positively received in earlier editions
that this feature is carried over into this edition. Selections now include contributions
that relate specifically to numeracy in economics. These are introduced within the
context of the many controversial issues to which those who shaped economics quanti-
tatively gave their attention. The Masterwork format offers the double advantage of
providing easy access to original source readings while reinforcing reader appreciation
of the intensely practical concerns of our intellectual forebears as problem solvers.
The differing “answers” they offered to the issues they addressed makes it manifestly
clear that intellectual controversy has been a characteristic of economic inquiry from
its earliest days.
Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations laid an important part of the groundwork for con-
troversy in economics by his lack of enthusiasm for Political Arithmetic, which
brought an early end to the first stage of numeracy in economics. The thinkers who
followed Adam Smith thus relied on the deductive method rather than empiricism to
establish the principles of the classical tradition. Part II explores the major themes of
Classicism in terms of the specific contributions of Smith, Malthus, Say, Ricardo, John
Stuart Mill, and Senior. The chapter titles are intended to convey the specific topical
areas of their contributions.
Part III, “The Critics of Classicism,” focuses on the writings of an extremely diverse
group of nineteenth century writers. Besides including Karl Marx’s alternative ana-
lytical system, the best known among these are the “first generation” marginalists—
William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger, and Léon Walras. The German and English his-
torical schools, and the English socialists, were also part of the dissent against the
classical tradition. Several who worked in England were part of the new movement “to
collect, arrange and compare facts” relating to economic activities, events, and out-
comes, and present them in numerical form which laid the foundation for the new
science of statistics. Their mission culminated in the establishment of the Statistical
Section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (subsequently
Section F) in 1833, and the Statistical Society of London (later the Royal Statistical
Society) in 1834. Within a few short years proponents of the science of fact-gathering
undertook to infer behavioral generalizations or economic “laws” from their data as a
basis for mounting public policies to gain compliance with standards of moral conduct
that would “promote the greatest good for the greatest number.” Especially in the work
of Jevons, this perspective led to the identification of mathematical expressions of
economic behavior and the view that, when supplemented by the empirical science
of statistics, economics might gradually be erected into an exact science.
Part IV, “The Neoclassical Tradition,” begins with the eclectic efforts of Alfred
Marshall to join marginalist techniques and thinking to the classical tradition. His
promotion of the use of diagrams as part of his effort to make economics “scientific” at
long last fully appreciated the possibilities recognized as long ago as René Decartes’
Geometria (1637), that the diagrams used in mathematics, meteorology, and engineering

x
 Preface to the seventh edition

could become models for political economists. While Marshall was skeptical that
“statistical treatment alone can give us definitions and precision of thought” (Book V,
Chap XII, p. 461), it is he who led economists to posit that money can serve as a basis for
measuring human behavioral motives. This approach has made economics unique
among the social sciences with respect to quantification.
Marshall’s oral and written tradition was refined and embellished by his students
and colleagues, as well as by American scholars who came under their influence.
These developments are part of the stunning intellectual breakthroughs that were
achieved during the period George Shackle so colorfully called “the years of high
theory.” These years were also characterized by the dissenting voices of the institu-
tionalists, the theoretical socialists, and John Maynard Keynes, whose intent was
nothing less than to generate an intellectual revolution. The issues of their dissent
are examined in the three chapters that comprise Part V; these also set the stage for
Part VI, “Beyond High Theory,” which undertakes to provide an historical guide to
contemporary theory. Chapter 22, “The emergence of econometrics as the sister discip-
line of economics,” interprets econometrics as playing a key role in shaping not only
contemporary economics, but in defining critical areas of controversy and dissent. It is
intended for users who wish to examine the continuum of ideas that link contemporary
theory with the history of thought. This “mainstream” approach to economics consti-
tutes the professional core of the PhD degree in economics at virtually all of the
graduate schools in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and
Western Europe. With the professionalization of economics via an international
community of scholars, who stay in close touch via journals, associations, society
conferences, FAX, e-mail, and the internet, the similarities among their programs are
typically greater than their differences.
There is currently a strong expression of dissent, especially among American and
British economists who categorically reject what each terms “the mainstream.” Thus,
in the first decade of the twenty-first century, economic inquiry reflects a competition
among different paradigms; institutionalism, the “new left” variant of Marxian theory,
and a rebirth of the Austrian school, transplanted (so to speak) via Vienna and the
London School of Economics to Chicago and numerous “Ivy League” institutions.
There are also at least two variants of post-Keynesian economics developed by indi-
viduals in the United States, the United Kingdom (in particular at Cambridge, Eng-
land), Canada, and to a lesser extent, Australia. Their teaching and research relates to
themes they consider consistent with the economics of Keynes and his The General
Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936). However, those who identify them-
selves as post-Keynesian are far from agreement in their interpretation of what pre-
cisely it means to be a post-Keynesian. Thus it is an important part of this revision to
articulate the nature of their dissent in a new Part VII, which chronicles a dissent
movement against neoclassical economics that was initiated by French students at the
Sorbonne, and followed by British students at Cambridge and Oxford. These were fol-
lowed by similar expressions of dissent at several leading economic departments at
American universities and colleges. Dissent now reflects an increasingly important
part of contemporary economics writings. It thus seems appropriate to conclude this
volume with a sufficiently detailed survey of writings directed against mainstream
theorizing and its methods, to provide at least some understanding of the possible

xi
Preface to the seventh edition

future direction of economics toward an integration of paradigms that is being called

“pluralism.”
A substantial intellectual debt in the preparation of this edition is to my many
friends and colleagues in the History of Economics Society, whose academic candor
and warm friendship provided a rare and positive stimulus to my efforts. Several
anonymous reviews were also important in helping me to think more carefully about
accommodating readers with different levels of background who are studying in
different English speaking countries. They were incredibly useful, and are gratefully
acknowledged. Finally, I wish to thank my editor, Mr. Robert Langham and his editor-
ial assistant Ms. Sarah Hastings for the creative ideas relating to a more modern format
for my volume, and for keeping me on schedule when my professorial instincts to
linger might have delayed the process. My special thanks to Ms. Elisabet Sinkie for her
care in seeing the manuscript through indexing and typesetting with special dispatch.
All of their efforts were coordinated with incredible skill by my husband Philip, with-
out whose comparative advantage in program management this volume would have
been considerably delayed.

Ingrid H. Rima
Temple University, Philadelphia

xii
Part I

Preclassical Economics
Key dates

c. 369–370 BC Plato The Republic

c. 355 BC Xenophon The Ways and Means to Increase the
Revenues of Athens
c. 300 BC Aristotle Politics, The Nicomachean Ethics
c. AD 1269–1272 Thomas Aquinas Summa Theologica
c. 1360 Nicholas Oresme Tractatus de origine natura jure, et
mutationibus monetarum
1613 Antonio Serra Breve trattato delle cause che possono
far abbondare li regni d’oro et
d’argento, dove non sono miniere con
applicazione al Regno di Napoli (A
Brief Treatise on the Causes Which
Can Make Gold and Silver Plentiful
in Kingdoms Where There Are No
Mines)
1664 Thomas Mun England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade
1690 Josiah Child Discourse about Trade
1690 Sir William Petty Political Arithmetick
1692 Dudley North Discourse upon Trade
1696 Nicholas Barbon A Discourse concerning making the
New Money Lighter
1714 Bernard de Mandeville The Fable of the Bees: or Private
Vices, Publick Benefits
1752 David Hume Political Discourses
1755 Richard Cantillon Essai sur la nature du commerce en
général
1767 James Steuart An Inquiry into the Principles of
Political Oeconomy
Part I Preclassical economics

Why study the history of economic sonal computers and the internet will
analysis in the twenty-first century? promote a rapid transfer of technical
knowledge and information about its use.
The first decade of the twenty-first cen- Nevertheless, problems to be confronted
tury marks the beginning of a globalized suggest that not only economists, but
economy. The free movement of infor- thinking non-economists will gain a sig-
mation made possible by the internet, nificantly better understanding of the
coupled with greater mobility across changing material world inherent in a
international boundaries aided by such globalized economy if they are familiar,
trading agreements as the North Atlantic not only with modern-day neoclassical
Treaty Agreement (NAFTA), the Euro- (or mainstream) principles, but also the
pean Economic Union (the EU), and the way in which it developed.
Asian Agreement, which facilitate less Many modern-day economists, espe-
restricted movements of commodities, cially in English-speaking countries,
services, and capital funds, presented believe that contemporary theory
practical men and women with a host of embodies all the valid intellectual break-
new problems. Despite the claims made for throughs and insights of earlier contri-
economics as a science of rigor and rele- butors to the discipline. If this is a valid
vance, there are numerous problems about viewpoint, it follows that younger
which economists are unable to agree, scholars ought to be taught these cumula-
either about theoretical explanations or tive “foundations” as a basis for progress-
policy agendas. High on the list are how ing toward the frontier of new economic
employment can be provided for all who knowledge. According to this view, time
are willing to work at the currently pre- spent studying the history of economics,
vailing level of wages and prices. Whether while interesting in its own right, does
and how can inflation be contained with- not advance the knowledge frontier.
out creating unemployment? Perhaps However, the latter is a view not shared
the most difficult question of all is “Can by all economists, if for no other reason
income be distributed to support a ‘middle than that it suppresses present-day chal-
class’ in post industrial economies, while lenges to the dominant neoclassical view.
also improving the status of impoverished Also, it is these heresies, criticisms of
workers in developing countries?” which provoked acknowledgement that
These problems are complicated by earlier theories embodied errors or
the fact that the economics of the “newly inconsistencies, that led to the refine-
emerging” industrial economies of Asia ments that characterize what might be
and eastern Europe have long histories of termed the “canon”; that is, the belief sys-
state management, to which the principles tem reflected by the neoclassical econom-
of capitalist economies do not apply. ics of the mainstream.
Replacement of the administered prices The neoclassicism that rules today
of a planned economy with market- reflects the intellectual marriage of the
determined prices requires complex legal, classical tradition that preceded it,
institutional, political, and cultural enriched by the traditions of general equi-
changes, which will no doubt require librium analysis, marginalism, and the
several generations to become realized, challenges they confronted over time
even though the process of globalization from thinkers like J. M. Keynes, Karl
promises that the combination of per- Marx, the Austrians, and members of the

4
 Part I Preclassical economics

historical school and their contemporary Alfred Marshall (1890). The latter was
followers who dissented from their views, subsequently joined by J. R. Hicks to
and carry on the pluralism of modern integrate John Maynard Keynes’s macro-
heterodoxy. The latter reflect other eco- economic principles into Marshallian
nomic belief systems that differ from the price theory. Subsequent to its mathe-
scarcity-equilibrium questions of neo- matical restatement by Paul Samuelson,
classical economics, and offer alternative this synthesis came to constitute the
explanatory hypotheses about economic “core” of contemporary economics. Even
phenomena. if one is persuaded that neoclassical
The difference between heterodox per- principles do offer the most robust and
spectives and neoclassical economics may sophisticated hypotheses articulated
be likened to the classic example of the until now to explain how modern econ-
sciences of astronomy. From the time of omies function and progress, it should be
the ancient Greeks until the fifteenth recognized that neoclassical principles
century, Ptolemaic theory (after the are themselves the product of consider-
Greek astronomer Ptolemy) maintained able intellectual change and challenge.
that the Earth is the center of the The neoclassical–neo-Walrasian tradition
universe. The counter-argument by the that rules today reflects the intellectual
Polish astronomer Nicolas Copernicus marriage of the classical tradition
(1473–1543) was that Earth is but one that preceded it and the traditions of
planet among many that revolve around Walrasian general equilibrium analysis,
the sun, which destroyed forever the old marginalism and the challenges they
Egyptian belief. confronted from Marxism, Historicism,
There has never been the equivalent Institutionalism, and the economics of
(nor is it likely that there ever will be) for J. M. Keynes. Familiarity with only con-
the Copernican revolution in economics. temporary economic theory, without any
Unlike the natural sciences in which new historical understanding of how it came
evidence totally supplants old theories, to be, is thus likely to be relatively un-
alternative paradigms in economics have sophisticated. The principles of modern
not only survived from the seventeenth, economics rest, in large part, on historical
eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, conceptions about what the issues of eco-
but have become refined and modernized nomics are and what are the methods
doctrines known as Institutionalism, by which answers shall be sought. Eco-
post-Keynesianism, Modern Austrian, nomics has become a science of multiple
and Marxism (or Radicalism), which paradigms whose competing claims to
are the most prominent contemporary validity comprise the basis for contem-
challenges to the neoclassical or main- porary controversy. Thus, the concluding
stream paradigm. Part VII of this book concerns con-
One can, of course, study contem- temporary heterodox economics, which
porary economic issues and problems examines the leading competing para-
without any paradigmatic perspective digms that have emerged to challenge
other than the conventional wisdom of neoclassical theory.
the neoclassical theory that emerged While the history of economics is
when the classical tradition of Adam worth studying for its own sake, a more
Smith and David Ricardo was joined to positive reason for studying it as the
nineteenth century Marginalism by problems of the twenty-first century

5
Part I Preclassical economics

emerge is surely to understand what are nomic issue to have been subjected to
the questions that economists ought to formal inquiry: what sort of wealth-
ask, and by what methods shall they seek getting activity is necessary and honor-
to answer them? It is not an exaggeration able for humans to undertake? While
to say that economics did not exist as a Aristotle’s was an ethical and moral
separate field of study prior to the eight- question, it was answered by means of
eenth century. Even in advanced ancient reasoned inquiry. That one of the areas
civilizations, such as those achieved by about which knowledge should be sought
the Greeks and Romans, inquiry into concerns human relationships as they
economic matters was quite a minor relate to the material environment, was a
aspect of intellectual effort. Yet the major intellectual departure for which we
inquiries of many pre-eighteenth-century are indebted to early Greek thinkers like
writers are so profound, and continue Aristotle.
to have so great an impact on the way in Roman and medieval thinkers also
which human beings conceive of their adopted a problem-solving perspective,
relationship to one another and their particularly about practical applications
environment, that they are remembered in jurisprudence and animal husbandry.
as part of the intellectual heritage of Their concern was with solving specific
western civilization. problems and answering specific ques-
tions, many of which related to the
material environment. Their intellectual
An overview of pre-classical economics
legacy is pre-scientific and pre-classical
The writings of Aristotle, Plato, in the sense that it does not represent a
Aurelieus, Oresme, and Aquinas are body of general principles about eco-
among the masterworks of human know- nomic matters, but observations and pre-
ledge bequeathed by the ancients. While scriptions relating to the good life or
the inquiries of the ancients into eco- good citizenship embedded in writings
nomic questions are unsystematic, and concerned chiefly with religion, ethics,
in most cases little more than moral pro- politics, or law. Even inquiries made
nouncements, it is also the case that even during the vital era known as the Renais-
those thinkers who, like Aristotle, had a sance failed to produce anything in the
desire for knowledge for its own sake were way of systematic principles or analysis,
most concerned about the solution of and so these were substantially delayed
practical problems. The philosophical until seventeenth-century mercantilist
studies of the ancient Greeks and Romans thought.
were undertaken in the context of par- The development of quantifying con-
ticular issues and problems. It was they cepts and techniques has accompanied
who taught us to seek solutions for the growth of knowledge throughout
practical problems, including those that human history. In earliest times, their
arise in our complex present-day material principal use was rooted in such practical
environment. The modern word “eco- undertakings as the building of roads,
nomics” has its origin in the Greek dams, and canals, in particular by the
word oikonomia, which means the art of Romans, and magnificent burial sites,
household management. In studying the such as the pyramids of Egypt. The
nature of this art, Aristotle undertook ancient Greeks, as philosophers and
to examine what is probably the first eco- geometers, were generally less interested

6
 Part I Preclassical economics

in the practical application of numeracy. statecraft. Mercantilism’s chief goal was

Socrates, on the other hand (according to to increase the political power and wealth
Plato), even though he was not interested of nation-states with respect to one
in quantification per se, seems to have another.
anticipated the expectations of many con- Mercantilistic goals directed economic
temporary economists about the potential activity and thought in England, France,
power of quantification as a learning and northern Europe from the sixteenth
tool when he said “the arts of measuring century well into the eighteenth century.
and numbering and weighing come to Some theoretical ideas, and also what may
the rescue of human understanding, and be termed “the first stage” of numeracy,
the apparent greater or less, or more or date from this time. The transition
heavier, no longer have mastery over us, period of the mid-seventeenth to the
but give way before calculation and mid-eighteenth centuries was thus a time
measure and weight.”1 Given the present- that was animated by many inquiring
day reliance by economists on mathe- minds, and was a period of great economic
matics and on econometrics as the sister vitality during which a substantial middle
discipline of economics, the study of class engaged in industry and trade
the development of economic analysis is came into power, particularly in England,
quite appropriately extended to include but also in France and Holland. These
reliance on what may broadly be called economic developments were accom-
“numeracy,” as it came to be used during panied by an attitude of increasing
different historical stages of inquiry into liberality: people began to believe that
economic phenomena.2 greater freedom from governmental
A quantified or numerical variable is restrictions would be advantageous to
one whose values are expressed as num- themselves as well as to the economy.
bers which measure a particular property Economics had not yet become estab-
or characteristic using a specific ordinal, lished as a separate discipline, perhaps
cardinal, or ratio scale. By contrast, a because there was so much theological
non-quantified or qualitative variable is and political controversy and such great
one whose values do not lend themselves interest in the natural sciences. However
to numerical expression. We will use the the ground from which the classical
term “numeracy” as a convenient “catch- tradition subsequently germinated was
all” for all the techniques that have been being prepared.
used by political economists, and sub- The three chapters that follow examine
sequently by economists, to enumerate, the highlights of pre-classical economics
measure, and quantify, ranging from sim- and their legacy as masterworks in
ple arithmetic to contemporary econo- economics.
metric techniques.3
The revival of trade from the fifteenth
Notes
century onwards gave an impetus to
financial techniques such as double-entry 1 Keynes, J. M., The General Theory of
bookkeeping and bills of exchange. These Employment, Interest and Money (New
coincided with the era of mercantilism, York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1936),
p. 383. Donald A. Walker offers a con-
which was characterized by strong temporary retrospective relating to the
national economies that pursued com- many present-day concerns for which past
mercial activity as an instrument of economic doctrine is not merely relevant,

7
Part I Preclassical economics

but essential to sophisticated understand- 3 The parallel development of economic

ing. See his “Relevance for present eco- theory and reliance on tools of numeracy
nomic theory of economic theory written to measure, quantify and lend greater pre-
in the past” in Journal of the History of cision to its concepts and relationships
Economic Thought, 21(1), March 1999. is examined in Rima, I. H. (ed.) Measure-
2 Plato, The Dialogues, Translated by ment, Quantification and Economic
B. Jowett, Great Books of the Western Analysis: Numeracy in Economics
World, vo1. 7, p. 431 (Chicago: Encyclopedia (London: Routledge, 1995).
Britannica, 1952).

8
Chapter 1

Early masterworks as sources of economic

thought

Not until the eighteenth century did of studying the reality of ideas, his
speculation about economic phenomena approach was to divide reality into the
begin to emerge as economic analysis several separate subjects of physics,
rather than as economic thought. The biology, ethics, and politics, each of which
reasons why economics did not exist as a he studied from observable facts. He clas-
separate subject in this pre-analytic stage sified them with such scrupulous care that
offer a useful departure point for studying after the rediscovery in the middle ages
the historical development of economic of works lost after Rome’s fall, Aristotle
analysis. There is much to be learned became revered as a “master of those who
about the history of economics by examin- know.” By starting with concrete obser-
ing the reasons why the focus of intel- vations about an empirically-based world
lectual inquiry was on politics, ethics, of knowledge, Aristotle established the
philosophy, and theology, but not on eco- principle that only knowledge derived
nomics qua economics. Yet the ancients from observation is true and certain. This
left a legacy of masterworks, two of led him to have greater faith in induction
which will be examined in this chapter. rather than in reason as the method for
Aristotle, in his book Politics, posed the understanding the world.
question of whether there is a difference Centuries later, during the Italian
between the art of acquisition, which is a Renaissance, the churchman Thomas
necessary part of the management of Aquinas posed questions relating to acts
the household, and the wealth-getting of cheating and other improper behaviors
activities of commerce. The answer he that are sometimes observed in buying
gave distinguished between two sorts of and selling, leading him to extend Aris-
wealth-getting activities in which house- totle’s principles into an ethical and
holds may engage; that which is “neces- religious context. The deep concern of
sary and honorable” and that which is those who wrote about ethical and
“unnatural.” Aristotle’s observational religious issues before the eighteenth cen-
experience led him to value private own- tury helped to impede the development
ership of property as most conducive to of an analytical approach to economics.
the preservation and the improvement of But, despite the non-analytical character
its productive powers. of their thinking about economic phen-
While Aristotle’s teaching started from omenon, they nevertheless expressed
his acceptance of the Ptolemaic tradition ideas about relationships, objects, and

9
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

sometimes persons, in terms of numbers merchant activity in Athens. He also

and measures. Human reliance on numer- urged increased production of silver
ical expression thus dates from antiquity. because he thought this metal would
never lose its value.
These recommendations are note-
Politics as economic thought
worthy from our point of view because
Greek thinkers believed that a good life they reflect the preoccupation with the
was the purpose of existence, and that it importance of the state that dominated
was best achieved within the city-state ancient Greek thought. Plato, especially,
(polis). To a Greek, the city-state was not believed that human happiness can be
merely a legal structure; it was a way of achieved only within the city-state. Thus,
life to which was connected every aspect the search for the good life was at one and
of daily existence. Individuals derived the same time the search for the ideal
their importance from their relation as state. While the emphasis on the state as
citizens to the state on which they an instrument to achieve socially optimal
depended, and to whose welfare they results is not incompatible with what has
could contribute. It was the state, rather come to be called social economics, it does
than the individual, that was omnipotent. preclude the emergence of economics as a
Thus, the attention of Greek thinkers was body of theory which seeks to explain how
primarily absorbed by political theory, socially optimal results can be achieved in
though the theory of the city-state the absence of a central authority that
embraced more than politics in the nar- directs the allocation of resources.
row sense. It encompassed, at one and the
same time, ethics, sociology, economics,
Philosophy as economic thought
and political science.
The absorption of Greek thinkers with After the disintegration of the Greek
the origin and functioning of the ideal city-states and the emergence of the
state and for Plato (though not for Aris- empires of Alexander and later of Rome,
totle) the subordination of the individual the belief that individuals as citizens are
to the state had the effect of limiting inseparable from the self-sufficient city-
the development of economic thought. state was replaced by new schools of
Consider, for example, the contribution of thought that separated the good life for
the Greek historian Xenophon (c. 431–352 persons from the good state as a political
BC). His work On the Means of Improving entity. Thus began the divorce of politics
the Revenue of the State of Athens begins from ethics and an appreciation of the
with a description of the natural advan- individual as a person rather than a social
tages of Athens as a commercial center being who is a part of the whole.
attractive to foreigners. Foreigners were Greek philosophy was introduced into
welcomed as a lucrative source of revenue the Roman world through Stoicism,
because as outsiders they were subject to which became the most influential of the
tax levies from which others were exempt. post-Aristotelian schools. Though first
In similar vein, merchants and ship- conceived by Zeno (c. 335–263 BC), the
owners were regarded as superior citizens philosophy of Stoicism received its most
because they brought wealth into the city. profound expression in the Meditations
Thus, Xenophon recommended various of the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius
measures to the state to encourage (AD 121–180). According to the Stoics, the

10
 Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

universe is systematic and rational, being both economic progress and the develop-
governed by the all-pervading laws of ment of economic thought than that
nature. Wise individuals live according to which originated in Europe.
nature; reason guides their conduct so The ancient Hebrews, while consider-
that their actions conform to the dictates ably less ascetic than the oriental phil-
of natural necessity. “Be satisfied with osophers, also believed that happiness is
your business and learn to love what you not dependent on wealth and that the
were bred to do, and as to the remainder pursuit of riches would lead to sin. The
of your life, be entirely resigned, and let lives of these people were circumscribed
the gods do their pleasure with your body by the rules of conduct set forth in the
and soul.” This is the essence of the stoic commands of Moses and the prophets.
philosophy. It is clearly not conducive These minutely regulated every phase of
to improvements in the production or dis- human existence, guiding individuals in
tribution of wealth, and thus did not their relationships with one another as
encourage individuals to think about well as in their personal lives. The rules
improving their material well-being. On were detailed and complex and also
the contrary, the belief that happiness is extended to the economic aspects of life.
achieved by conforming to the inevit- For example. charging interest to fellow
ability of destiny or of fate suggests a Hebrews for the use of money or goods
perspective similar to the belief of Arab- was strictly forbidden as usury. The term
Islamic scholars in kismet. It is probably “usury” refers here not to an excessive
also the case that the intellectual values interest rate, which is its present-day
of the Middle Ages of Western Europe meaning, but to any interest charge. Since
cannot be fully understood without the loans were made primarily for charitable
background influence of Islam.1 reasons, the Old Testament proscription
against the taking of usury introduced a
moral standard into economic behavior.
Ethics as economic thought
There are many other directives of an
Economics did not emerge as a separate economic nature in the Old Testament,
field of inquiry until the satisfaction of such as the rules concerning the restitu-
material needs became a desirable goal of tion of property, the remission of debt,
human activity. The thousands of years and the production and harvesting of
during which the pursuit of wealth was agricultural output. Many of these rules
regarded with disdain could scarcely have commemorate events of religious sig-
produced a systematic body of principles nificance such as the seventh day in
to explain acquisition. A negative attitude the story of the creation. These are
toward wealth among the ancient peoples typical of the economic aspects of the
is perhaps most clearly in evidence in the Mosaic law and are of interest to us
thinking of the Hindus and Chinese, because they demonstrate that a separate
although it is typical of Oriental thought science of wealth is incompatible with
in general. Oriental philosophy regards adherence to a religious and philo-
a state of mind in which material wants sophical code which completely dictates
are negligible as essential to happiness. It economic behavior. The religious signifi-
accepts poverty with fatalistic passivity cance of the seventh year illustrates an
and views wealth with indifference. early recognition of the need to measure
Oriental philosophy was less conducive to the passage of time.

11
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

Even Greece, with its highly developed of making money, is unnatural, as are all
culture, did not produce a separate body commercial activities for the acquisition
of economic thought. This is not because of coin. The most unnatural among these
the Greeks were disdainful of material is to demand interest for a loan, for money
goods. On the contrary, Plato and Aris- is intended only as a medium of exchange.
totle believed that a minimum amount of Usury, which is the use of the loan to
wealth is essential to the good life. beget money, is a perversion of the loan’s
According to Aristotle, the household proper function. Aristotle’s Politics
(oikos) exists for the purpose of satis- endures as a masterwork of economics
fying natural wants by producing useful because it shaped the thinking of succes-
commodities or acquiring them by sive generations about the distinction
exchange for consumption. Thus retail between natural and unnatural economic
trade, which is exchange for the purpose activities and forms of wealth.

Issues and Answers from the Masterworks 1.1

Issue
What sort of wealth-getting activity is necessary and honorable for individuals to
undertake?
Aristotle’s answer
From Politics (c. 300 BC), Book I, chapters 3, 4, 8, 9, 10.

Chapter 3
Seeing then that the state is made up of households, before speaking of the state we must
speak of the management of the household. The parts of household management correspond
to the persons who compose the household, and a complete household consists of slaves and
freemen . . . And there is another element of a household, the so-called art of getting wealth,
which, according to some, is identical with household management, according to others, a
principal part of it; the nature of this art will also have to be considered by us . . .

Chapter 4
Property is a part of the household, and the art of acquiring property is a part of the art of
managing the household; for no man can live well, or indeed live at all, unless he be provided
with necessaries. And as in the arts which have a definite sphere the workers must have their
own proper instruments for the accomplishment of their work, so it is in the management of a
household. Now instruments are of various sorts; some are living, others lifeless; in the rudder,
the pilot of a ship has a lifeless instrument, in the look-out man, a living instrument; for in the
arts the servant is a kind of instrument. Thus, too, a possession is an instrument for maintaining
life. And so, in the arrangement of the family, a slave is a living possession, and property a
number of such instruments; and the servant is himself an instrument which takes precedence
of all other instruments.

Chapter 8
Of the art of acquisition then there is one kind which by nature is a part of the management
of a household, in so far as the art of household management must either find ready to

12
 Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

hand, or itself provide, such things necessary to life, and useful for the community of the
family or state, as can be stored. They are the elements of true riches; for the amount of
property which is needed for a good life is not unlimited, although Solon in one of his poems
says that

“No bound to riches has been fixed for man”

But there is a boundary fixed, just as there is in the other arts; for the instruments of any art
are never unlimited, either in number or size, and riches may be defined as a number of
instruments to be used in a household or in a state. And so we see that there is a natural art
of acquisition which is practiced by managers of households and by statesmen, and what is the
reason of this.

Chapter 9
There is another variety of the art of acquisition which is commonly and rightly called an art of
wealth-getting, and has in fact suggested the notion that riches and property have no limit.
Being nearly connected with the preceding, it is often identified with it. But though they are not
very different, neither are they the same. The kind already described is given by nature, the
other is gained by experience and art.
Let us begin our discussion of the question with the following considerations:

Of everything which we possess there are two uses: both belong to the thing as such, but
not in the same manner, for one is the proper, and the other the improper or secondary use
of it. For example, a shoe is used for wear, and is used for exchange; both are uses of the
shoe. He who gives a shoe in exchange for money or food to him who wants one, does
indeed use the shoe as a shoe, but this is not its proper or primary purpose, for a shoe is not
made to be an object of barter. The same may be said of all possessions, for the art of
exchange extends to all of them, and it arises at first from what is natural, from the circum-
stance that some have too little, others too much. Hence we may infer that retail trade is not
a natural part of the art of getting wealth; had it been so, men would have ceased to
exchange when they had enough. In the first community, indeed, which is the family, this art
is obviously of no use, but it begins to be useful when the society increases. For the
members of the family originally had all things in common; later, when the family divided into
parts, the parts shared in many things, and different parts in different things, which they had
to give in exchange for what they wanted, a kind of barter which is still practiced among
barbarous nations who exchange with one another the necessaries of life and nothing more;
giving and receiving wine, for example, in exchange for corn, and the like. This sort of barter
is not part of the wealth-getting art and is not contrary to nature, but is needed for the
satisfaction of men’s natural wants. The other or more complex form of exchange grew, as
might have been inferred, out of the simpler. When the inhabitants of one country became
more dependent on those of another, and they imported what they needed, and exported
what they had too much of, money necessarily came into use. For the various necessaries of
life are not easily carried about, and hence men agreed to employ in their dealings with each
other something which was intrinsically useful and easily applicable to the purposes of life,
for example, iron, silver, and the like. Of this the value was at first measured simply by size
and weight, but in process of time they put a stamp upon it, to save the trouble of weighing
and to mark the value.

13
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

When the use of coin had once been discovered, out of the barter of necessary articles
arose the other art of wealth-getting, namely, retail trade; which was at first probably a simple
matter, but became more complicated as soon as men learned by experience whence and by
what exchanges the greatest profit might be made. Originating in the use of coin, the art of
getting wealth is generally thought to be chiefly concerned with it, and to be the art which
produces riches and wealth; having to consider how they may be accumulated. Indeed, riches
are assumed by many to be only a quantity of coin, because the arts of getting wealth and
retail trade are concerned with coin. Others maintain that coined money is a mere sham, a
thing not natural, but conventional only, because, if the users substitute another commodity
for it, it is worthless, and because it is not useful as a means to any of the necessities of
life, and, indeed, he who is rich in coin may often be in want of necessary food. But how
can that be wealth of which a man may have a great abundance and yet perish with hunger,
like Midas in the fable, whose insatiable prayer turned everything that was set before him
into gold?
Hence men seek after a better notion of riches and of the art of getting wealth than the mere
acquisition of coin, and they are right. For natural riches and the natural art of wealth-getting
are a different thing; in their true form they are part of the management of a household;
whereas retail trade is the art of producing wealth, not in every way, but by exchange. And it is
thought to be concerned with coin; for coin is the unit of exchange and the measure or limit of it.
And there is no bound to the riches which spring from this art of wealth-getting. As in the art of
medicine there is no limit to the pursuit of health, and as in the other arts there is no limit to the
pursuit of their several ends, for they aim at accomplishing their ends to the uttermost (but of
the means there is a limit, for the end is always the limit), so, too, in this art of wealth-getting
there is no limit of the end, which is riches of the spurious kind, and the acquisition of wealth.
But the art of wealth-getting which consists in household management, on the other hand, has
a limit; the unlimited acquisition of wealth is not its business. And, therefore, in one point of
view, all riches must have a limit; nevertheless, as a matter of fact, we find the opposite to be
the case; for all getters of wealth increase their hoard of coin without limit. The source of the
confusion is the near connection between the two kinds of wealth-getting; in either, the instru-
ment is the same, although the use is different, and so they pass into one another; for each is a
use of the same property, but with a difference; accumulation is the end in the one case, but
there is a further end in the other. Hence some persons are led to believe that getting wealth is
the object of household management, and the whole idea of their lives is that they ought either
to increase their money without limit, or at any rate not to lose it. The origin of this disposition in
men is that they are intent upon living only, and not upon living well; and, as their desires are
unlimited, they also desire that the means of gratifying them should be without limit. Those who
do aim at a good life seek the means of obtaining bodily pleasures; and, since the enjoyment of
these appears to depend on property, they are absorbed in getting wealth: and so there arises
the second species of wealth-getting.

Chapter 10
There are two sorts of wealth-getting, as I have said; one is a part of household management,
the other is retail trade; the former necessary and honourable. while that which consists in
exchange is justly censured; for it is unnatural, and a mode by which men gain from one
another. The most hated sort, and worth the greatest reason, is usury, which makes a gain out
of money itself, and not from the natural object of it. For money was intended to be used in

14
 Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

exchange, but not to increase at interest. And this term interest, which means the birth of
money from money, is applied to the breeding of money because the offspring resembles the
parent. Wherefore of all modes of getting wealth this is the most unnatural.

Summing up: Aristotle’s key point The long interval between the fall of
Rome (AD 426) and the fall of Constanti-
Aristotle addressed, for the first time in nople to the Turks in 1453 is generally
recorded human history, the following known as the “Dark” or Middle Ages. For
issue “What sort of individual wealth- roughly 1000 years of human existence
getting activity is necessary and honor- the barbarians who invaded from the
able for humans to undertake?” In his north imperiled civilized society. Two
view, there is a difference between the art institutions provided relief: feudalism
of acquisition, which is a necessary part and the Christian church. Feudal lords
of the management of the household, and provided law and order on the landed
the wealth-getting activities of retail estates or manors over which their rule
trade. Retail trade and usury are ensured that everyone, freemen included,
unnatural, for their purpose is the acqui- had a place in society and a function
sition of coin (i.e. money), which is “not to perform. Custom perpetuated these
useful as a means to any of the necessities arrangements from generation to gener-
of life.” The issue Aristotle posed was a ation until approximately the twelfth
major intellectual departure in the sense century. By then, the revival of trade and
that it clearly established that economic the emergence of town life lured freemen,
questions are often also ethical and moral as well as serfs, away from the manors.
questions. These developments encouraged indi-
viduals to acquire material goods by
engaging in money-making activities that
Church doctrine as economic thought included commerce and money lending.
Church scholars, among them Thomas
Christianity was but one religion among Aquinas (1225–74) and Nicholas Oresme
many during the Roman era, and its fol- (1320–82) who viewed these pursuits as
lowers were often victims of persecution. compromising people’s spiritual lives,
It was not until the fourth century that added to the conflicts about which Augus-
emperor Constantine declared Christian- tine wrote. They undertook to resolve
ity the official religion of the empire. these moral problems by trying to recon-
Father Augustine’s (354–439) The City of cile the scholarship of the ancients
God, written during this early Christian with their own Christian theology. They
era, taught that humans belong to two studied the rediscovered works of the
kingdoms—the kingdom of man and the Greeks, especially Aristotle and Claudius
kingdom of God. Unlike earthly king- Ptolemy, that had been lost when Rome
doms, the kingdom of God will endure fell.
forever to reward those who follow its Ptolemy was the greatest of the Greco-
teachings with life everlasting. He attri- Roman astronomers who lived during the
buted the fall of Rome to the barbarians second century. He is know for his com-
to conflicts between the City of God and plex mathematical system to account for
the City of Man. the motion of the stars and planets

15
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

(known as wandering stars), based on Readers acquainted with Chaucer’s

the widely held belief that the earth is at Canterbury Tales will, perhaps, remember
rest at the center of the universe. The the words of the Parson, who observes,
churchmen adopted Ptolemy’s model and “God has ordained that some folk should
added their own interpretation that the be more high in estate and in degree, and
universe is a hierarchy leading to God. some folk more low, and that everyone
God’s creatures occupy Earth, which is at should be served in his estate and in his
the center between Heaven above and Hell degree.” By putting these words into the
below. Thus, the studies of the Schoolmen, Parson’s mouth, Chaucer achieves a syn-
or Scholastics, as these church scholars thesis of philosophy and theology—the
are sometimes called, succeeded in their essence of medieval thought.
task of joining the Ptolemaic conception The view of the churchmen, like Aris-
of the universe to Christian theology. totle’s before them, was that it is essential
Their interpretations of Aristotle’s that human affairs be conducted in
ethics undoubtedly also reflect the treat- accordance with the principles of dis-
ises of Arabian philosophers with whom tributive and commutative justice. Distri-
they were familiar, and which they also butive justice is concerned with the cri-
used as a basis for interpreting Aristotle’s teria for allocating honors, income, and
work, and to reconcile his ethics with wealth to particular persons or classes.
their own positions. The Churchmen con- Commutative justice (from commutates or
sidered avarice or lust for earthly things transaction) is concerned with equity,
as one among the seven deadly sins; only or fairness, in transactions among indi-
those economic activities that maintain viduals. From Thomas’s perspective,
individuals in the rank order into which which reflected the influence of Roman
God has placed them were regarded as civil law, it is necessary to determine
proper. Within this framework, society whether an action that is not unlawful
was seen as an integrated whole in which may, nevertheless, be sinful. While modern
God, nature, and man each had a pre- economists are not interested in matters
ordained place. The good life required such as these, the Summa Theologica
that each class—farmer, artisan, priest, survives as a masterwork of economics
and nobleman—perform its proper work because it confronts the co-existence of
according to the laws by which God and ethical and economic questions in human
nature would preserve the class structure. behavior as a seminal issue.

Issues and Answers from the Masterworks 1.2

Issue
Are the civil contracts governing individual relationships also consistent with a higher
natural law? Specifically, is it lawful to sell a thing for more than it is worth? What are
the obligations of buyers and sellers with regard to transactions? Is it a sin to take
usury for money lent?
Aquinas’s Answer
From Summa Theologica (1269–90), Part 11, Questions 77 and 78.

16
 Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

Question: 77 Of cheating, which is committed in buying and selling

We must now consider those sins which relate to voluntary commutations. First, we shall
consider cheating, which is committed in buying and selling; secondly, we shall consider usury,
which occurs in loans. In connection with the other voluntary commutations no special kind
of sin is to be found distinct from rapine and theft.
Under the first head there are four points of inquiry: (1) Of unjust sales as regards the price;
namely, whether it is lawful to sell a thing for more than its worth? (2) Of unjust sales on the part
of the thing sold. (3) Whether the seller is bound to reveal a fault in the thing sold? (4) Whether it
is lawful in trading to sell a thing at a higher price than was paid for it?

Source: Summa Theologica (l269–90 AD) Translated by the Fathers of the English
Dominican Province (London: Washborne, 1911), pp. 1513–14, 1518–19

First Article: Whether It Is Lawful to Sell a Thing for More Than Its Worth ?

We proceed thus to the First Article:

Objection 1. It would seem that it is lawful to sell a thing for more than its worth. In the
commutations of human life, civil laws determine that which is just. Now according to these
laws it is just for buyer and seller to deceive one another (Cod., IV, xliv, De Rescind. Vend. 8, 15);
and this occurs by the seller selling a thing for more than its worth, and the buyer buying a thing
for less than its worth. Therefore it is lawful to sell a thing for more than its worth.

Obj. 2. Further, that which is common to all would seem to be natural and not sinful. Now
Augustine relates that the saying of a certain jester was accepted by all. You wish to buy for
a song and to sell at a premium, which agrees with the saying of Prov. xx. 14, It is naught, it is
naught, saith every buyer: and when he is gone away, then he will boast. Therefore it is lawful to
sell a thing for more than its worth.

Obj. 3. Further, it does not seem unlawful if that which honesty demands be done by mutual
agreement. Now, according to the Philosopher (Ethics, viii, 13), in the friendship which is based
on utility, the amount of the recompense for a favor received should depend on the utility
accruing to the receiver; and this utility sometimes is worth more than the thing given, for
instance if the receiver be in great need of that thing, whether for the purpose of avoiding a
danger, or of deriving some particular benefit. Therefore, in contracts of buying and selling, it is
lawful to give a thing in return for more than its worth.
On the contrary, It is written (Matth. vii, 12): All things . . . whatsoever you would that men
should do to you, do you also to them. But no man wishes to buy a thing for more than its worth.
Therefore no man should sell a thing to another man for more than its worth . . .
It is altogether sinful to have recourse to deceit in order to sell a thing for more than its just
price, because this is to deceive one’s neighbor so as to injure him. Hence Tully says (De Offic.
iii, 15): Contracts should be entirely free from double-dealing: the seller must not impose upon
the bidder, nor the buyer upon one that bids against him.
But, apart from fraud, we may speak of buying and selling in two ways. First, as considered
in themselves, and from this point of view, buying and selling seem to be established for the
common advantage of both parties, one of whom requires that which belongs to the other and
vice versa, as the Philosopher states (Polit. i, 3). Now whatever is established for the common

17
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

advantage, should not be more of a burden to one party than to another, and consequently all
contracts between them should observe equality of thing and thing. Again, the quality of a thing
that comes into human use is measured by the price given for it, for which purpose money was
invented, as stated in Ethic. v, 5. Therefore if either the price exceed the quantity of the thing’s
worth. or, conversely, the thing exceed the price, there is no longer the equality of justice; and
consequently, to sell a thing for more than its worth, or to buy it for less than its worth, is in itself
unjust and unlawful.
Secondly we may speak of buying and selling, considered as accidentally tending to the
advantage of one party, and to the disadvantage of the other; for instance, when a man has
great need of a certain thing, while another man will suffer if he be without it. In such a case
the just price will depend not only on the thing sold, but on the loss which the sale brings on the
seller. And thus it will be lawful to sell a thing for more than it is worth in itself, though the price
paid be not more than it is worth to the owner. Yet if the one man derive a great advantage by
becoming possessed of the other man’s property, and the seller be not at a loss through being
without that thing, the latter ought not to raise the price, because the advantage accruing to the
buyer, is not due to the seller, but to a circumstance affecting the buyer. Now no man should sell
what is not his, though he may charge for the loss he suffers.
On the other hand if a man find that he derives great advantage from something he has
bought, he may, of his own accord, pay the seller something over and above; and this pertains
to his honesty.

Reply Obj. 1. As stated above (I–II, Q. 96, A. 2) human law is given to the people among
whom there are many lacking virtue, and it is not given to the virtuous alone. Hence human law
was unable to forbid all that is contrary to virtue. Accordingly, if without employing deceit
the seller disposes of his goods for more than their worth, or the buyer obtain them for less
than their worth, the law looks upon this as licit, and provides no punishment for so doing,
unless the excess be too great, because then even human law demands restitution to be made;
for instance, if a man be deceived in regard to more than half the amount of the just price of
a thing.
On the other hand the Divine law leaves nothing unpunished that is contrary to virtue. I add
this condition, because the just price of things is not fixed with mathematical precision, but
depends on a kind of estimate, so that a slight addition or subtraction would not seem to destroy
the equality of justice.
Question 78. Of the Sin of Usury
We must now consider the sin of usury, which is committed in loans; and under this head
there are four points of inquiry: (1) Whether it is a sin to take money as a price for money
lent, which is to receive usury? (2) Whether it is lawful to lend money for any other kind of
consideration, by way of payment for the loan? (3) Whether a man is bound to restore just gains
derived from money taken in usury? (4) Whether it is lawful to borrow money under a condition
of usury?

First Article: Whether It Is a Sin to Take Usury for Money Lent?

We proceed thus to the First Article:

Objection 1. It would seem that it is not a sin to take usury for money lent. For no man sins
through following the example of Christ. But Our Lord said of Himself (Luke xix, 23): At My

18
 Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

coming I might have exacted it [i.e. the money lent] with usury. Therefore it is not a sin to take
usury for lending money.

Obj. 2. Further, according to Ps. xviii, 8, The law of the Lord is unspotted, because, to wit, it
forbids sin. Now usury of a kind is allowed in the Divine law, according to Deut. xxiii, 19, 20.
Thou shalt not fenerate to thy brother money, nor corn, nor any other thing, but to the stranger;
nay more, it is even promised as a reward for the observance of the Law, according to
Deut. xxviii, 12; Thou shalt fenerate to many nations, and shalt not borrow of any one. There-
fore it is not a sin to take usury.

Obj. 3. Further, in human affairs justice is determined by civil laws. Now civil law allows usury to
be taken. Therefore it seems to be lawful.

Obj. 4. Further, the counsels are not binding under sin. But, among other counsels we find
(Luke vi, 35): Lend, hoping for nothing thereby. Therefore it is not a sin to take usury . . .
It is written (Exod. xxii: 25), If thou lend money to any of thy people that is poor, that dwelleth
with thee, thou shalt not be hard upon them as an extortioner, nor oppress them with usuries . . .
To take usury for money lent is unjust in itself, because this is to sell what does not exist, and
this evidently leads to inequality which is contrary to justice.
In order to make this evident, we must observe that there are certain things the use of which
consists in their consumption; thus we consume wine when we use it for drink, and we consume
wheat when we use it for food. Accordingly if a man wanted to sell wine separately from the use
of the wine, he would be selling the same thing twice, or he would be selling what does not exist,
wherefore he would evidently commit a sin of injustice. In like manner he commits an injustice
who lends wine or wheat, and asks for double payment, viz. one, the return of the thing in equal
measure, the other, the price of the use, which is called usury.
Now money, according to the Philosopher (Ethics. v, 5; Polit. i, 3) was invented chiefly for
the purpose of exchange; and consequently the proper and principal use of money is its
consumption or alienation whereby it is sunk in exchange. Hence it is by its very nature unlawful
to take payment for the use of money lent, which payment is known as usury; and just as a man
is bound to restore other ill-gotten goods, so is he bound to restore the money which he has
taken in usury.

Reply Obj. 1. In this passage usury must be taken figuratively for the increase of spiritual goods
which God exacts from us, for He wishes us ever to advance in the goods which we receive from
Him; and this is for our own profit not for His.

Reply Obj. 2. The Jews were forbidden to take usury from their brethren, i.e. from other Jews.
They were permitted, however, to take usury from foreigners, not as though it were lawful, but in
order to avoid a greater evil, lest, to wit, through avarice to which they were prone according to
Is. Ivi, 11, they should take usury from the Jews who were worshippers of God.
Where we find it promised to them as a reward, Thou shalt fenerate to many nations, etc.,
fenerating is to be taken in a broad sense for lending, as in Ecclus. xxix, 10, where we read:
Many have refused to fenerate, not out of wickedness, i.e. they would not lend. Accordingly the
Jews are promised in reward an abundance of wealth, so that they would be able to lend to
others . . .

19
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

Reply Obj. 3. Human laws leave certain things unpunished, on account of the condition
of those who are imperfect, and who would be deprived of many advantages, if all sins were
strictly forbidden and punishments appointed for them. Wherefore human law has permitted
usury, not that it looks upon usury as harmonizing with justice, but lest the advantage of many
should be hindered. Hence it is that in civil law it is stated that those things according to natural
reason and civil law which are consumed by being used, do not admit of usufruct, and that the
senate did not (nor could it) appoint a usufruct to such things, but established a quasi-usufruct,
namely by permitting usury. Moreover the Philosopher, led by natural reason, says that to make
money by usury is exceedingly unnatural.

Reply Obj. 4. A man is not always bound to lend, and for this reason it is placed among the
counsels. Yet it is a matter of precept not to seek profit by lending; although it may be called a
matter of counsel in comparison with the maxims of the Pharisees, who deemed some kinds of
usury to be lawful, just as love of one’s enemies is a matter of counsel. Or again, He speaks
here not of the hope of usurious gain, but of the hope which is put in man. For we ought not to
lend or do any good deed through hope in man, but only through hope in God.

Summing up: Aquinas’s key points selling an item at a higher price than was
paid for it. His object was to establish a
The questions to which Aquinas gave standard for commutative justice to
his attention in the Summa Theologica guide people in their dealings with one
were intended to provide guidance for another.
Christian behavior under circumstances The moral necessity for justice applies
that arose as a result of expanding also to monetary transactions. Since
commercial activities. These led him to Aquinas, like Aristotle, saw money only
examine the civil law in the light of as a medium of exchange, he condemns
Christian teaching and the then recently most interest charges on loans as usury
rediscovered works of Aristotle. Aqui- and as unjust, even though he entertained
nas’s studies had their basis in theology the possibility that such a charge is per-
or, more precisely, Christian ethics. In missible if there is a delay in repayment or
contrast with modern economics, which if there is restitution of stolen money. The
seeks to explain economic phenomena, latter exception subsequently provided a
Aquinas and the Schoolmen sought to basis for rationalizing the legitimacy of
lay down rules of conduct for Christian all interest payments.
behavior and salvation. Among these The Scholastics’ insistence on ethics as
conduct rules, none are of greater a basis for reaching conclusions about
importance than those that relate to issues that relate to the material world
cheating, either in the sale of goods or the gives them relevance beyond their use as
lending of money. There are specific an instrument for teaching Christian pre-
transgressions that Aquinas identifies as cepts. Yet the intellectual focus of church
examples of cheating: selling a thing for scholars precluded the development of a
more than it is worth, failing to reveal a systematic body of economic analysis,
fault in an item that is being sold, and such as that which developed from the

20
 Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

mid-eighteenth century onward into resources were allocated required no

modern times. The interest to medieval special explanation. It was, simply, a mat-
scholars in economic questions was per- ter of law or tradition. Ancient Greek,
ipheral to their interest in theology and Jewish, and Roman philosophers, priests,
philosophy, just as for the ancient Greeks, and law givers were concerned with
it was peripheral to philosophy and explaining misfortune, which was some-
politics. times economic, and prescribing proper
human behavior as part of their teaching
about ethics, religion, and politics. Nat-
Concluding comments ural phenomena and mathematics were
also of interest to them. But there was
Every society must establish priorities neither opportunity nor necessity to
among the material desires of its citizens, explain economic events or behavior
for scarcity of resources universally because, in ancient societies, decision
imposes the necessity of choice. The making about economic activities was
common characteristic of all societies outside the scope of individual action.
before the eighteenth century is that Also, these societies were not yet oriented
decisions about the priority of wants to thinking in terms of the ever-
and the allocation of resources to satisfy expanding abundance of physical goods
them were dictated by central authority that later technical skills, organization,
and reinforced by custom. How well a and capital accumulation were to make
particular group or individual could fare possible. Consuming units—among them
relative to others depended on one’s household estates such as the Greek oikos,
status in the social hierarchy, and this the Roman latifundium, and the feudal
status reflected the importance attached manor—were typically self-sustaining.
to one’s function by society. Soldiers, The goods that society required were pro-
scholars, priests, artisans, farmers, and duced according to time-honored methods
tradespeople have performed their func- and distributed for consumption accord-
tions from time immemorial, but different ing to custom or the regulations of the
societies have accorded them varying ruling authority This method of want sat-
degrees of status. The source of authority isfaction left little need for economic
and the criteria according to which wants explanation. Tradition and law explained
were given priority differed from one virtually everything. Thus, it was not
ancient society to another. But there was until the eighteenth century that specula-
an essential similarity: the prime mover of tion about economic phenomena began to
economic activity was determined by cus- develop as economic analysis rather than
tom and command, and was a reflection of as economic thought.
the prevailing philosophical or theo-
logical standard for social and moral well-
being. Economic decision making was Notes
thus outside the scope of individual 1 It is worth noting that there is disagree-
action and individual acquisition. Taking ment between two major history of eco-
interest (or usury) was especially cen- nomic thought scholars, Karl Pribram and
Joseph Schumpeter concerning the contri-
sured. This framework was incompatible
butions of Arabic thinkers. Whereas
with the development of economics in Schumpeter disputes that Islamic scho-
the modern sense. Thus, the way that lars made substantive contributions

21
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

(Schumpeter, 1954, Chapter 2, p. 12), Pri- history. Among the entries relating
bram recognizes the influence on the scho- specifically to this chapter are M. I. Finley
lastics, not only of Aristotle, but also “the
on Aristotle, vol. 1, pp. 112–13; Barry
treatises in which Arabian philosophy
interpreted Aristotle’s work in light of Gordon on St. Thomas Aquinas, vol. 3,
their own reasonings” (Pribram 1983,4). pp. 754–55; N. E. Simmonds on Natural
Modern scholars increasingly accept Pri- Law, vol. 3, pp. 602–03; Henry W. Spiegel
bram’s interpretation as expressed in his on Xenophon, vol. 4, pp. 935–36; and
posthumously published work.
P. R. Stein on Jurisprudence, vol. 1,
pp. 1037–39.
Questions for discussion and further
research
General references
1 How is economic analysis different from
Of special note, Wesley Mitchell’s Types of Eco-
economic thought? What characteristics of nomic Theory: From Mercantilism to Insti-
early societies (e.g. Greek, Judaic, Roman, tutionalism, vols. I and II, with an introduction
Egyptian) inhibited the development of by Joseph Dorfman (New York: Augustus
analytical economics? Kelley, 1967, 1969) is the classic contribution by
an European scholar.
2 How does the excerpt from Aristotle’s Mark Perlman and Charles R. McCann, Jr.
Politics, reprinted above, substantiate the are the authors of The Pillars of Economic
point that early scholars addressed eco- Understanding (Ann Arbor, MI: University of
nomic questions within the context of larger Michigan Press, 1998). Theirs is the most
recent among interpretations of the history
concerns? What specific issue does Aristotle
of economic thought in the grand tradition of
address in the selection above? Do his Schumpeter, Mitchell, and Pribram by Ameri-
insights have any contemporary relevance? can scholars.
3 What are the major economic questions The magnum opus of the late Professor J. A.
Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis
that Thomas Aquinas addressed in Summa (1954) is the most comprehensive and sophisti-
Theologica? How does this work reflect the cated treatise by a European scholar. A more
influence of Aristotle on philosophy and how recent posthumously published contribution,
does it relate to the theological concerns of also conceived on a grand scale, is Karl
church scholars? Pribram’s A History of Economic Reasoning
(Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University
4 Is it appropriate to describe the Summa Press, 1983).
Theologica as an early contribution to There are also numerous textbooks on the
economic analysis? Why or why not? history of economic thought that can serve as
useful collateral reading, either because they
include contributions of a less theoretical
nature than those that are the focus of this
Notes for further reading book, or because they provide interpretations
and examine the impact of economic ideas in a
The New Palgrave Dictionary of Eco- way that is precluded by the scope of this
nomics (hereafter The New Palgrave), inquiry. Two books on contemporary economic
edited by John Eatwell, Murray Milgate, analysis are also included in the list that follows
because of their historical orientation; each is
and Peter Newman (London and New marked with an asterisk.
York: Macmillan and Stockton Press,
1989), has already become the most valu- Bell, John E. A History of Economic Thought
(New York: Ronald Press, 1953).
able general reference for seasoned eco-
*Blaug, Mark. Economic Theory in Retrospect
nomics scholars and students alike on Rev. ed. (Homewood, IL.: Richard D. Irwin,
topics relating to economics and its 1968.

22
 Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

Bonar, James. Philosophy and Political Analysis (New York: Oxford University
Economy. 2d edn (London: George Allen and Press, 1954).
Unwin, 1909). —— Economic Doctrine and Method. Trans-
Canterbery, E. Ray. The Making of Economics. lated by R. Aris (New York: University
Rev. edn (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1980). Press, 1967).
Ekelund, Robert B., Jr., and Robert E. Hebert. Seligman, Ben. Main Currents in Modern
A History of Economic Theory and Method. Economics (New York: Free Press, 1962).
3rd edn (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990). Taylor, Overton. A History of Economic
*Fellner, William, The Emergence and Concern Thought (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960).
of Modern Economic Analysis (New York: Whittaker, Edmund. Schools and Streams
McGraw-Hill, 1960). of Economic Thought (Chicago: Rand
Ferguson, John M. Landmarks of Economic McNally, 1960).
Thought. 2nd edn (New York: Longmans, Zweig, Ferdynand. Economic Ideas: A Study in
Green, 1950). Historical Perspective. (Englewood Cliffs,
Gide, Charles, and Rist, Charles. A History NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1950).
of Economic Doctrine. Translated by R.
Richards. 7th edn (Boston, MA: D. C. Heath, There are also several collections of readings
1948). from original sources and essays on economic
Gray, Alexander. The Development of Economic thought or about the works of specific contri-
Doctrine (New York: Longmans, Green, butors with which the reader will find it useful
1933). to be acquainted.
Gruchy, Allan G. Modern Economic Thought:
The American Contribution (New York: Abbot, Leonard D. (ed.) Masterworks of
Prentice-Hall, 1947). Economics (Garden City, NY: Doubleday
Haney, Lewis H. History of Economic Thought Publishing, 1949).
4th edn (New York: Macmillan, 1949). Ghazanfar, S. M. “Scholastic Economics and
Heibroner, Robert. The Worldly Philosophers Arab Scholars: The ‘Great Gap’ Thesis
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1953). Reconsidered.” In Diogenes: International
Heimann, Eduard. History of Economic Doc- Review of Humane Sciences, Paris: The
trine (New York: Oxford University Press, International Council for Philosophy and
1964). Humanistic Studies, no. 154, 1991.
Homan, Paul T. Contemporary Thought (New Gheritity, James A. (ed.) Economic Thought: A
York: Harper & Row, 1928). Historical Anthology (New York: Random
Hutchison, Terrence W. A Review of Economic House, 1965).
Doctrines. 1870–1929 (Oxford: Clarendon Keynes, John Maynard. Essays in Biography.
Press, 1953). Rev. edn (London: Rupert Hart-Davis,
Landreth, Harry, and David Collander. History 1951).
of Economic Theory (Boston, MA: Lowry, S. Todd. The Archeology of Economic
Houghton Mifflin, 1989). Ideas: The Classical Greek Tradition
Lekachman, Robert. A History of Economic (Durham, NC: Duke University Press,
Ideas. (New York: Harper & Row, 1959). 1987).
Lekachman, Robert (ed). The Varieties of Eco- Monroe, Arthur E. (ed.) Early Economic
nomics, 2 vols (New York: Harcourt Brace Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni-
Jovanovich, 1962). versity Press, 1924).
Pribram, Karl. A History of Economic Reason- Newman, Philip Arthur Gayer, and Milton
ing (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins Spencer (eds) Source Readings in Economic
University Press, 1983). [Published Thought (New York: W. W. Norton,
posthumously.] 1954).
Rogin, Leo. The Meaning and Validity of Patterson, S. Howard (ed.) Readings in the
Economic Theory (New York: Harper & Row, History of Economic Thought (New York:
1956). McGraw-Hill, 1932).
Roll, Eric. A History of Economic Thought. 3rd Rima, I. H. (ed.) Readings in the History of
edn (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Economic Theory (New York: Holt, Rine-
1956). hart & Winston, 1970).
Schumpeter, Joseph A. A History of Economic Robbins, Lionel. A History of Economic

23
Chapter 1 Early masterworks as sources of economic thought

Thought, edited by S. Medema and W. Sam- Bonar, James. Philosophy and Political Econ-
uels, (eds) (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uni- omy. 2nd edn (London: George Allen and
versity Press), Lectures 1–3, pp. 5–26. Unwin, 1909).
Schumpeter, Joseph A. Ten Great Economists Lowry, S. Todd. The Archaeology of Economic
(London: Oxford University Press, 1951). Ideas. (Durham, NC: Duke University
Spengler, Joseph J., and W. Allen (eds) Essays Press, 1987).
in Economic Thought: Aristotle to Marshall Plato. The Republic. Translated by R. W.
(Chicago, IL: Rand McNally, 1960). Sterling and W. C. Scott (New York: Norton,
Spiegel, William H. (ed.) The Development of 1985).
Economic Thought (New York: John Wiley —— Theaetetus. Translated by John McDowell
& Sons, 1952). (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973).
Viner, Jacob. The Long View and the Short Tawney, R. H. Religion and the Rise of
(New York: Free Press, 1958). Capitalism. (New York: Penguin Books,
Wilson, George W. (ed.) Classics of Economic 1947).
Theory. (Bloomington, IN: Indiana Uni- Weber, Max. Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
versity Press, 1964). Capitalism. Translated by Talcott Parsons
(New York: Scribner, 1948).
Weisskopf, Walter A. The Psychology of Eco-
nomics (Chicago: The University of Chicago
Selected references and suggestions for Press, 1955).
further reading Worland, Stephen. “Scholasticism and Welfare
Economics” (South Bend, IN: University of
Aquinas, Thomas. Summa Theologica. Trans- Notre Dame Press, 1967).
lated by Fathers of the Dominican Province Xenophon. Memorabilia and Oeconomicus.
(London: Washborne, 1911). Translated by E. C. Marchant (New York:
Aristotle. The Works of Aristotle. Edited by G. P. Putnam & Sons, 1923).
W. D. Ross. 12 vols (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1908–52).

24
Chapter 2

The origins of analytical economics

Introduction acquire stocks of gold, whether by ex-

ploratory expeditions to the New World,
The Renaissance unleashed the forces conquest, or pursuing export trade. Thus,
that were ultimately to provide the mercantile or business interests became
climate for the development of economics aligned with the sovereign to pursue pol-
as a separate discipline. Historians are icies that promised success in the acquisi-
not in complete agreement as to the exact tion of national treasure. The era of mer-
time-span during which the many and cantilism or statecraft was the product of
complex forces that were to destroy feudal their symbiosis. It gave rise to an import-
economic, political, social, and religious ant new issue: specifically, can the wealth-
life were at work. Usually, the beginning getting activities of the merchant also
of the Renaissance is placed at the time of enrich the sovereign and promote the
the fall of Constantinople (now Istanbul) economic gain of the nation? The answer
in 1453, though many of the events of the of the merchant, whose chief English
eleventh and twelfth centuries heralded spokesperson was Thomas Mun (1571–
the changes that reached fuller develop- 1641), an officer of the powerful East
ment in later centuries. India Company, was a resounding affirma-
The precise dating of the Renaissance tive. This chapter examines the post-
as a momentous time in human history is Renaissance changes that indirectly
considerably less important than recog- helped to stimulate economic inquiry.
nizing the tremendous, though gradual, Such changes as the decline of the
changes taking place in every aspect of manorial system, the emergence of a
human life. From an economic and social wage-earning class of persons, the
point of view, it was a period during Protestant Reformation, the Copernican
which European commerce revived, new revolution, and political nationalism all
forms of wealth emerged, and a town life played a critical role in paving the way
dominated by an entirely new social class for the rise of capitalism and the market
came into existence. Intellectually, it was system. Since it is the functioning of the
a time of skepticism, increasing secular- market system that economics as a dis-
ization, and a corresponding decline in cipline undertakes to explain, the many
the authority of the Church in Rome. evolutionary changes that led to its de-
Politically, it was a period of emerging velopment indirectly served to stimulate
nation-states that rivaled one another to economic inquiry.

25
Chapter 2 The origins of analytical economics

Stimuli to economic inquiry was developed along with evolving com-

mercial relationships. The institution of
The decline of the manorial system: The written contracts (commendas), which
end of feudalism establishes the financial and managerial
responsibilities between partners, has
The power vacuum created by the fall of
been documented from the fifteenth cen-
the Roman empire was filled by feudal
tury. The commenda and other partner-
lords who provided law and order on their
ship contracts were indigenous to the
manors, as their landed estates are
Arab world, and spread to Latin Europe
known. Each manor constituted a self-
through the influence and writings of
sufficient economic, social, and political
Arab scholars, jurists and merchants.1
unit that functioned according to the
Arab coins and the spirit of entrepre-
orders of the lord who held the most
neurship were not unfamiliar in the
exalted position by virtue of his owner-
medieval Europe centered around the
ship of the land and everything on it. His
Mediterranean and Adriatic.
position was reinforced by tradition and
The heartland of continental Europe
in reciprocity for his power he was
was still slumbering in the unchanging
pledged to protect the lives of the serfs
institutions of feudalism until the popula-
and freemen of his domain who, in turn,
tion migration that accompanied the
had the obligation to serve in the lord’s
crusades brought commercial activity
army. More than any other economic
from Constantinople to the interior of the
phenomenon the disintegration of the
continent, introducing new and exotic
manorial system heralded the Renais-
commodities from the East. This encour-
sance and the dawn of modern times.
aged the regional specialization of pro-
The decline of feudalism was gradual
duction that the accident of natural
and, if we view the experience of Europe
resource distribution and the growth of
as a whole, extended over several cen-
population made possible in Northern
turies. Yet the most dramatic feature of
Europe. By the eleventh century, Flanders
the Renaissance was the decline of the
was so heavily populated that it began
manorial system, for it signaled the end
to concentrate on the production of
of feudalism. While the specific causes of
cloth, which it exported for raw materials
its decline are exceedingly complex, the
and food. Wool from England and fish
expansion of trade was a major force. Two
from Denmark and southern Sweden
great commercial movements took place
became the staples of interregional
in Europe between the eleventh and six-
trade, which was centered in Flanders.2
teenth centuries; one centered around
Great international fairs developed in
the Mediterranean and Adriatic Seas, the
places located at road or river junctions.
other on the northern shores of Europe
Champagne, a small principality near
that were accessible via the North and
Paris where roads from Flanders, Italy,
Baltic Seas. Trade was conducted from
France, and Germany converged, became
the Arab world, both before and after the
the most famous of several commercial
crusades, through Russia to Poland to the
oases to which merchants brought their
Baltic area and northward to central
wares.
Europe and even Scandinavia. The trans-
The institutions that were to become
mission of techniques and instruments of
an integral part of capitalism flourished
commerce in long use in the Arab world
together with the commercial activities of

26
 Chapter 2 The origins of analytical economics

medieval Europe. Italy—or more specific- servitude of most of the rural population,
ally, Venice—is the birthplace of the the majority of whom were not free. The
financial institutions of capitalism. legal sanction to individual freedom
Besides her several important indus- provided by the town charters was an
tries—among them the glass industry, additional factor that contributed to
which flourishes and is famous to this the destruction of feudal institutions and
day—and her extensive commercial trade, their mode of economic behavior. Feudal
Venice had financial institutions for lords were reduced to collecting revenues
dealing in bills of exchange, conducting from the townspeople in exchange for
credit transactions, and writing maritime political freedom; townspeople directed
insurance. The Florentines also excelled their attentions to nurturing their eco-
in banking; London’s Lombard Street is nomic gain through trade.3
a modern reminder of the place of the The merchant traders formed volun-
Lombards in the early history of banking. tary associations, known as guilds, and
The Medici family also specialized in often banded together in overland cara-
facilitating foreign exchange, that is, vans to better ensure the safety of both
exchanging the currencies of one locale merchandise and traders. Various
into that of another. This activity was the regional guilds joined to form national
natural outgrowth of the expansion of guilds and larger organizations of
trade and the medieval fairs. Because merchants in free German cities were
these attracted merchants with different known as Hansas. National guilds became
currencies from all over Europe, money- typical in England, whereas Hansas
changers provided facilities for conver- developed and flourished in areas like
sion at some standard rate. Bills of Germany, which lacked a strong central
exchange were used in long-distance trade government even into modern times. The
because they reduced the need to ship Hanseatic League was the most powerful
gold and silver. Thus, in their banking and famous of all. It served as a proxy for
activities, the merchant bankers of the central government from the late Middle
late medieval period pioneered the use of Ages until the political unification of
debt as a money substitute—a factor that Germany, while at the same time facilitat-
became an essential feature of modern ing trade between the various regions of
banking activity. Europe.
Another by-product of the expansion of During the latter part of the thirteenth
trade was that it established an economic century, north European trade shifted
base for city life, which was virtually from its early center at Champagne to
destroyed with the disintegration of the Bruges, Antwerp, and Amsterdam. This
Roman Empire. Originally the feudal change marked the transition from the
lords claimed jurisdiction over the towns traveling to the sedentary merchant as the
adjacent to their lands, but the com- chief participant in long-distance trade. It
mercial activities of the towns were was accompanied by important develop-
inconsistent with the restrictions inher- ments in both business and market organi-
ent in feudal relationships. As a result, it zation and in operating techniques. In
was not uncommon for a town to purchase particular, the bourse replaced the fair as
a charter granting political freedom from a selling organization. The fairs of earlier
the feudal lords. The status of the towns- eras had offered varying grades and
people was uniquely different from the types of merchandise sold by individual

27
Chapter 2 The origins of analytical economics

craftsmen. The bourses facilitated the the development of the factory system out
sale and purchase of items that lent them- of the more primitive handicraft system
selves to sufficient physical standardiza- and marks the beginning of the first per-
tion that the actual goods did not need manent wage-earning class.
to be physically present. The institution No wage class existed under the medi-
of the bourse operated under conditions eval craft system—apprentices typically
approximating those of pure competition, became journeymen, who developed their
offering homogeneous commodities along skills and became masters themselves.
with access to free markets. From the Under the putting-out system, capital
sixteenth century to the present day this became a factor completely separate from
is symbolized by the inscription “Open to labor, typically provided by rural folk
the Merchants of All Nations.” working out of their own cottages. Thus,
by the fourteenth century, the extension
of the market was the primary force
Emergence of a wage class: The putting-out
leading to the decline of the medieval
system
handicraft system just as the expansion of
Europe’s population growth and natural trade was a primary force in destroying
resource endowments, coupled with the manorial system two centuries earlier.
improved techniques of production, facili-
tated both the expansion of production
New political concepts: The State and
and the extension of markets. Growing
natural law
markets made it possible for workers to
specialize in particular products and Further stimulus to economic inquiry
acquire skills as artisans. Specialization, came from changing political develop-
and the division of labor that tends to ments and ideas. The Reformation was a
accompany it, resulted in production for major source of such political develop-
the market rather than the more primitive ments. Europe became torn by religious
form of production for self-consumption dissension as Protestants and Catholics
that was typical of the manor. The medi- fought for supremacy. The principal
eval handicraft industry is thus an inter- beneficiary of this struggle was absolute
mediate step toward industrialization. monarchy. In the interpretation offered
During the most advanced stage of the by the great sixteenth-century political
handicraft system, craft-workers con- theorist Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), only
tracted their outputs to merchants and the monarch, that is, a strong central
thereby divorced themselves from the final authority, which he idealized as Leviathan
consumer. At a still later stage, which (1651), has the power to create a suf-
developed as the market became further ficiently powerful social order to curb the
extended, merchants contracted for out- base, natural tendencies of humans to be
put directly with workers, who now perpetually in a state of war. As monarchy
worked for wages instead of functioning replaced feudal relationships, so taxation
as independents. The merchants fre- superseded personal service as a means
quently provided tools as well as raw of supporting the state. The emergence of
materials and collected and sold the national governments, and the necessarily
finished product. This system, which is associated need to find ways to enhance
known as the putting-out, or domestic, their revenues, marks the beginning of
system, served as the intermediary step in modern political economy. This was the era

28
 Chapter 2 The origins of analytical economics

of mercantilism, during which economic the dictates of “right reason.” This

decision making was not yet liberated seventeenth-century conception of
from the state, and economics remained natural law was conceived by the Dutch
in its pre-analytic phase. The subsequent jurist Hugo Grotius.
divorce of economics from politics Grotius’s secularized version of natural
required the development of the concepts law was especially significant in regard
of the natural order and the natural law. to defining the natural rights that reason
These concepts became the vehicle for demonstrates as belonging to individuals
the political and economic liberalism of by virtue of their humanity. These are
the Physiocrats John Locke and Adam the inalienable rights that cannot be
Smith in the eighteenth century. Both abrogated by law and which John Locke
derive from the Stoic philosophy, which (1632–1704) later formulated as the “right
eventually passed into Roman legal con- to life, liberty and property.” The rising
ceptions through the writings of Marcus commercial classes were quick to embrace
Tullius Cicero (106–43 BC). According to this philosophy, for it reflected their own
Roman jurists, natural law is not only growing aspirations. As a result of their
universal and immutable, but is also the enhanced economic status during the
foundation of the state, since it existed period of mercantilism, they eventually
before the founding of any state. Thus, the challenged privileges based on birth and
state is “an assemblage of men associated social position. They believed in the
in consent to law.” This Roman concept is rights of individuals to own property and
different from the Greek view of the state the fruits of their own labor; to speak, to
as the outgrowth of “natural necessity.” write, to assemble, and to worship as they
Roman thinkers thus contributed two chose; to have the right to fair trial and
ideas that were profoundly to affect future freedom from arbitrary imprisonment
political and economic thought: first, the and cruel or unusual punishment. Thus,
idea of universal law; second, the idea of the same burgher class that supported
the state being based on mutual consent. the absolutism of the Tudors in England
These two ideas provided the foundation during the sixteenth century led the
for the conception of individual rights, Glorious Revolution, which culminated in
without which modern capitalism would establishing the supremacy of Parliament
not have evolved. While Roman thinkers in the seventeenth century. This protest
contributed little as far as the develop- against the unlimited power of the sover-
ment of economic thought is concerned, it eign marked the first victory of liberalism
is Roman law, with its emphasis on private over absolutism—a victory later echoed
property and freedom of contract, that in the American Revolution for inde-
constitutes the basis for the legal doc- pendence from Britain in 1776 and the
trines and institutions of capitalism. French Revolution of 1789.
These ideas were given new expression
during the seventeenth century. Indi-
The Protestant ethic: Individualism and
viduals challenged the uncompromising
accumulation
authority of the monarch who claimed to
rule by divine right, for such authority As the preceding discussion suggests, by
was in conflict with the whole conception the end of the fifteenth century, only the
of an autonomous individual subject last vestiges of a rural feudalistic economy
only to his or her own conscience and remained. Many islands of capitalism

29
Chapter 2 The origins of analytical economics

flourished in both northern and southern revelation (theology). As in the Arabic

Europe and were on the verge of expand- sources with which the churchmen were
ing over European economic life as a undoubtedly familiar, all branches of
whole. Only one essential prerequisite learning (logic, ethics, politics, and eco-
of capitalism was absent: an ethical nomics) were welded together into one
standard that was compatible with great whole through theology. The union
accumulation. The teachings of such between philosophy and theology was,
churchmen as Saint Augustine (AD 396– however, far from permanent, and over a
430) and Saint Aquinas (1225–74) were period of centuries, it was challenged
negative toward activities undertaken to even from within the church itself.4
pursue wealth and thus were difficult The consequence of the eventual
to reconcile with the need to accumulate. divorce between reason and faith was a
If capitalistic production was to continue secularism and a religious skepticism that
its growth, an entirely new ideology was was to characterize intellectual activity
required to give moral sanction to from the fifteenth through the seven-
acquisitive behavior. This sanction came teenth centuries. In essence, this intel-
within the framework of a wholly new lectual revolution asserted the primacy
intellectual climate. of the individual as capable of reason and
The philosophical and political transi- possessed of an individual will. These
tion which precedes the theorists of the principles became fundamental to the
sixteenth century and the evolution of spiritual revolution inherent in the
economic relationships that would later Protestant Reformation which Martin
emerge with the development of capital- Luther provoked with his sixteenth-
ism is apparent in the very different per- century attack against the misuse of
spective about the “faith versus reason” indulgences, the worship of images and
debate. These became encapsulated in the relics, and the necessity for the faithful to
“commonsense” views of anti-Catholic call upon the Mother of God and the
(low church) thinkers. The directly Saints for their salvation. To Luther,
challenging view of Thomas Hobbes is humans are autonomous individuals
perhaps the most important among the created in the image of God and therefore
non-clerical exponents of the view that inherently good, but individually respon-
knowledge is the product of observation sible for their salvation. The idea of a
not faith. This was to stimulate the “masterless man” possessing an indi-
emergence of modern philosophy, the vidual will and therefore power to think
Protestant Reformation, and also modern and discover truth gave the people of the
science. Renaissance feelings of self-worth and
Essentially, these developments have a importance in the scheme of things that
common origin, which is the thesis that would have been inconceivable in the
human reason, as distinct from divine Middle Ages.
revelation, is sufficient to discover truth. While Luther’s interpretation of
This thesis destroyed the link forged by Christian teachings was not particularly
the Scholastics of the Middle Ages sympathetic to industry and trade, the
between faith and reason, and thus reform movements of John Calvin, John
between theology and philosophy. To Knox, and the Puritans in the same cen-
Aquinas, knowledge was the product not tury were much more so. Indeed. they
only of reason (philosophy) but also of adopted such strongly favorable attitudes

30
 Chapter 2 The origins of analytical economics

toward acquisition by useful labor and the as was taught by Ptolemy (Claudius
judicious and prudent use of wealth that Ptolemaeous) the mathematician, geog-
their views have been described as the rapher, and astronomer (born c.1361) gave
Protestant ethic, which launched and way to a revolutionary new conception
encouraged the development of capitalism based on the studies of the Polish astron-
in northern Europe. This thesis was omer Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543).
advanced in the nineteenth century by He noted that the actual movements
Max Weber, the German sociologist and of the planets Mercury and Venus did
economist, in The Protestant Ethic and not coincide with the predictions of
the Spirit of Capitalism. Ptolemy’s system. The discrepancy
Weber’s hypothesis, of course, does not created by this inconsistency led him to
necessarily tell the whole story, for the challenge the Ptolemaic theory. He
fact that northern Europe and England hypothesized that the Earth rotates on an
were geographically well located for trade axis of its own and orbits the sun, as do
and had a climate and resources con- the other planets. This alternative to the
ducive to industry was undoubtedly also Ptolemaic system seemed to explain the
a factor in their industrial development. relative positions of Venus and Mercury.
Nevertheless, Protestantism was con- While Copernicus’s theory that the
genial to the development of personal spheres of the universe were sun centered
attributes that encouraged business was denounced by the Church as contrary
activity. In this sense, the Reformation to scripture, it nevertheless served to
contributed toward capitalist develop- drive another wedge (besides those of
ment and economic thought.5 Hobbes and Luther) between faith and
Protestantism considers acquisition a reason. Thus, the Copernican revolution
virtue rather than a sin, and instead of became important for the history of
merchants being considered un-Christian natural science and, eventually, for eco-
because of their activities for profit, they nomics. Together with the later studies of
came to be regarded as pillars of the the German Johannes Kepler (1571–1630)
church and the community. Their pur- and the Italian Galileo Galilei (1564–
suit of gain, unrelated to material needs 1642), Copernicus precipitated an intel-
and the virtue of frugality, became as lectual revolution that was to alter com-
integral a part of Protestant ethic as the pletely our conception of the universe.
autonomy of the individual. Joined with Galileo, whose experiments represented
the notion of the dignity and moral a breakthrough into the behavior of the
worth of work, Protestant emphasis on physical universe, also looked through
frugality served the capitalistic system his telescope and, upon identifying the
well, for it stimulated thrift and capital mountainous surface of the moon,
accumulation. surmised that “Heaven” was no more
“perfect” than earth. He observed the
satellites orbiting Jupiter and concluded
Modern science
that these are heavenly spheres that
The new intellectualism brought with it a orbit neither the Sun nor the Earth. His
quest for new knowledge, new techniques studies brought him into conflict with
for its acquisition, and new bases for its the Church, which threatened him with
evaluation. In the process, the conception excommunication until he retracted his
that the Earth is central to the universe, heretical beliefs.

31
Chapter 2 The origins of analytical economics

Not much later, in Germany, Kepler laws ruling the behavior of society.
noted that the planets orbited the Earth Developments in the natural sciences,
in an elliptical, rather than a circular, physics and, in particular, astronomy thus
motion. His observations, like those were influential in establishing the point
Galileo made at the tower of Pisa con- of view and methodology for studying the
cerning falling bodies, proclaimed the behavior of the economic system.
existence of laws governing the behavior
of heavenly bodies. These special cases
Statecraft as economics
were ultimately encompassed in the
mechanics of Isaac Newton (1642–1727), The growth of religious and political
whose death came only four years after freedom was paralleled by greater eco-
the birth of Adam Smith in 1723. Smith nomic freedom, which gave rise to new
was later to describe the Newtonian economic problems and phenomena
system as “the greatest discovery ever requiring explanation. Some headway was
made by man.”6 made during the period of mercantilism
Newton saw the entire universe as gov- in the development of economic con-
erned by a small number of mathematical cepts and tools of analysis. Mercantilist
laws, in particular his celebrated inverse- thinkers, particularly in the early period,
square law of gravitation. Even though were practitioners dedicated to improving
the universe is not mechanically perfect, their own fortunes and those of their
making it necessary for God to intervene nation in the struggle against other states
from time to time to take care of planetary for supremacy. The ultimate test of the
perturbations, Newton’s emphasis on strong state was its ability to wage war,
the usefulness of mathematics and make conquests, and hold colonial areas.
experimentation established the rhetoric These national objectives presented
and tone of modern science. problems different from those en-
Another aspect of the development of countered during the Middle Ages. The
science that took place during the century lord of the manor recruited soldiers and
of the Enlightenment deserves notice. materials for warfare from his own
Once it was recognized that the physical domain. But the modern state needed
universe obeys certain laws that can be money to acquire the sinews of war. It
discovered by experimentation and obser- depended on an army of mercenaries
vation, it was only a question of time employed by the sovereign. The essence
before it was asked whether the same of mercantilism, therefore. was statecraft
principles might not also be applied to (Staatsbildung); thus, economic policy
society to discover the laws that govern became a primary instrument to promote
social phenomena. Just as Newton sought the simultaneous development and
to discover the regularities governing the growth of the economy and the state.
behavior of the physical universe and give The revival of trade during the
them expression in a system of natural Renaissance and the emergence of a
laws, the Physiocrats of France, John money economy had already cemented the
Locke (1632–1704), and the Scottish moral association between money and wealth.
philosophers, among them David Hume While the accumulation of precious
(1711–76), Francis Hutcheson (1684–1746), metals was common in the ancient world
and his most eminent pupil, Adam Smith and during the Middle Ages, England and
(1723–90), sought to identify the natural the countries of Western Europe pursued

32
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
está, allí está la limpieza, y con ella la gravedad, ayudadora y
compañera suya. Pues ¿cómo seremos honestos si no curamos de lo
que sirve á la honestidad como propio instrumento, que es el ser
graves? Ó ¿cómo conservaremos la gravedad, maestra de lo honesto
y de lo casto, si no guardamos lo severo ansí en la cara como en el
aderezo, como en todo lo que en nuestro cuerpo se ve? Por lo cual
también en los vestidos poned tasa con diligencia, y desechad de
vosotras y dellos las galas demasiadas; porque ¿qué sirve traer el
rostro honesto y aderezado con la sencillez que pide nuestra
profesión y doctrina, y lo demás del cuerpo rodeado de esas
burlerías de ropas agironadas y pomposas y regaladas? Que fácil es
de ver cuán junta anda esa pompa con la lascivia, y cuán apartada
de las reglas honestas, pues ofrece al apetito de todos la gracia del
rostro, ayudada con el buen atavío; tanto, que si esto falta, no
agrada aquello, y queda como descompuesto y perdido. Y al revés,
cuando la belleza del rostro falta, el lucido traje cuasi suple por ella.
Aun á las edades quietas ya y metidas en el puerto de la templanza,
las galas de los vestidos lucidos y ricos las sacan de sus casillas, é
inquietan con ruines deseos su madurez grave y severa, pensando
más el sainete del traje, que la frialdad de los años.
»Por tanto, benditas, lo primero, no deis entrada en vosotras á las
galas y riquezas de los vestidos, como á rufianes que sin duda son y
alcahuetes; lo otro, cuando alguna usare de semejantes arreos,
forzándola á ello ó su linaje ó sus riquezas ó la dignidad de su
estado, use dellos con moderación cuanto le fuere posible, como
quien profesa castidad y virtud, y no dé riendas á la licencia con
color que le es fuerza; porque ¿cómo podremos cumplir con la
humildad que profesamos los que somos cristianos, si no cubijáis
como con tierra el uso de vuestras riquezas y galas que sirve á la
vanagloria? Porque la vanagloria anda con la hacienda. Mas diréis:
¿No tengo de usar de mis cosas? ¿Quién os lo veda que uséis? Pero
usad conforme al Apóstol, que nos enseña[101] que usemos deste
mundo como si no usásemos dél. Porque, como dice: «todo lo que
en él se parece vuela. Los que compraren, dice, compren como si no
poseyesen[102].» Y esto ¿por qué? Porque había dicho primero[103]:
«el tiempo se acaba.» Y si el Apóstol muestra que aun las mujeres
han de ser tenidas como si no tuviesen, por razón de la brevedad de
la vida, ¿qué será destas sus vanas alhajas? ¿Por ventura muchos no
lo hacen así, que se ponen en vida casta por el reino del cielo,
privándose de su voluntad del deleite permitido y tan poderoso? ¿No
se ponen entredicho algunos de las cosas que Dios cría, y se
contienen del vino y se destierran del comer carne, aunque pudieran
gozar dello sin peligro ni solicitud, pero hacen sacrificio á Dios de la
afición de sí mismos en la abstinencia de los manjares? Harto habéis
gozado ya de vuestras riquezas y regalos, harto del fruto de vuestras
dotes. ¿Habéis por caso olvidado lo que os enseña la voz de salud?
Nosotros somos aquellos en quien vienen á concluirse los siglos[104];
nosotros á los que, siendo ordenados de Dios antes del mundo para
sacar provecho y para dar valor á los tiempos[105], nos enseña él
mismo[106] que castiguemos, ó como si dijésemos, que castremos el
siglo; nosotros somos la circuncisión general de la carne y del
espíritu[107], porque cercenamos todo lo seglar del alma y del cuerpo.
¿Dios sin duda nos debió de enseñar cómo se cocerían las lanas, ó
en el zumo de las hierbas ó en la sangre de las ostras? ¿Olvidósele,
cuando lo crió todo, mandar que naciesen ovejas de color de grana
ó moradas? ¿Dios debió de inventar los telares do se tejen y labran
las telas, para que labrasen y tejiesen las telas delicadas y ligeras, y
pesadas en solo el precio? ¿Dios debió de sacar á luz tantas formas
de oro para luz y ornamento de las piedras preciosas? ¿Dios
enseñaría horadar las orejas con malas heridas, sin tener respeto al
tormento de su criatura, ni al dolor de la niñez, que entonces se
comienza á doler, para que de aquellos agujeros del cuerpo,
soldadas ya las heridas, cuelguen no sé qué malos granos? Los
cuales los partos se engieren por todo el cuerpo en lugar de
hermosura; y aun hay gentes que al mismo oro, de que hacéis honra
y gala vosotras, le hacen servir de prisiones, como en los libros de
los gentiles se escribe. De manera que estas cosas, por ser raras,
son buenas, y no por sí. La verdad es, que los ángeles malos fueron
los que las enseñaron, ellos descubrieron la materia, y los mismos
demostraron el arte. Juntóse con el ser raro la delicadez del artificio,
y de allí nació el precio, y del precio la mala codicia que dello las
mujeres tienen, las cuales se pierden por lo precioso y costoso. Y
porque estos mismos ángeles que descubrieron los metales ricos,
digo la plata y el oro, y que enseñaron cómo se debían labrar, fueron
también maestros de las tinturas con que los rostros se embellecen y
se coloran las lanas, por eso fueron condenados de Dios, como en
Enoch se refiere.
Fases de la vida de la mujer
La viudez
 »Pues ¿en qué manera agradaremos á Dios, si nos preciamos de
las cosas de aquellos que despertaron contra sí la ira y el castigo de
Dios? Mas háyalo Dios enseñado, háyalo permitido, nunca Esaías[108]
haya dicho mal de las púrpuras, de los joyeles; nunca haya
embotado las ricas puntas de oro; pero no por eso, haciendo lisonja
á nuestro gusto, como los gentiles lo hacen, debemos tener á Dios
por maestro y por inventor destas cosas, y no por juez y pesquisidor
del uso dellas. ¡Cuánto mejor y con más aviso andaremos si
presumiéremos que Dios lo proveyó todo y lo puso en la vida para
que hubiese en ella alguna prueba de la templanza de los que le
siguen! De manera que, en medio de la licencia del uso, se viese por
experiencia él templado. ¿Por ventura los señores que bien
gobiernan sus casas no dejan de industria algunas cosas á sus
criados, y se las permiten, para experimentar en qué manera usan
dellas, si moderadamente, si bien, pues que loado es allí el que se
abstiene de todo, el que se recela de la condescendencia del amo?
Así pues, como dice el Apóstol[109], «todo es lícito, pero no edifica
todo.»
»El que se recelare en lo lícito, ¡cuánto mejor temerá lo vedado!
Decidme qué causa tenéis para mostraros tan enjaezadas, pues
estáis apartadas de lo que á las otras las necesita; porque ni vais á
los templos de los ídolos, ni salís á los juegos públicos, ni tenéis que
ver con los días de fiesta gentiles; que siempre por causa destos
ayuntamientos, y por razón de ver y de ser vistas se sacan á plaza
las galas, ó para que negocie lo deshonesto, ó para que se engría lo
altivo, ó para hacer el negocio de la deshonestidad, ó para fomentar
la soberbia.
»Ninguna causa tenéis para salir de casa, que no sea grave y
severa, que no pida estrechez y encogimiento; porque, ó es visita de
algún infiel enfermo, ó es ver la misa ó el oir la palabra de Dios.
Cada cosa destas es negocio santo y grave, y negocio para que no
es menester vestido y aderezo, ni extraordinario, ni polido, ni
disoluto. Y si la necesidad de la amistad ó de las buenas obras os
llama á que veáis los infieles, pregunto, ¿por qué no iréis aderezadas
de lo que son vuestras armas, por eso mismo, porque vais á las que
son ajenas de vuestra fe, para que haya diferencia entre las siervas
del demonio y de Dios? ¿Para que les sea como ejemplo y se
edifiquen de veros? ¿Para que, como dice el Apóstol, sea Dios
ensalzado en vuestro cuerpo? Y es ensalzado con la honestidad y
con el hábito que á la honestidad le conviene. Pero dicen algunas:
Antes porque no blasfemen de su nombre en nosotras, si ven que
quitamos algo de lo antiguo que usábamos; luego ni quitemos de
nosotros los vicios pasados. Seamos de unas mismas costumbres,
pues queremos ser de un mismo traje, y entonces con verdad, ¿no
blasfemarán de Dios los gentiles? ¡Gran blasfemia es, por cierto, que
se diga de alguna que anda pobre, después que es cristiana!
¿Temerá nadie de parecer pobre después que es más rica, ó de
parecer sin aseo después que es limpia? Pregunto á los cristianos,
¿cómo les conviene que anden, conforme al gusto de los gentiles, ó
conforme al de Dios?
»Lo que habemos de procurar es no dar causa á que con razón
nos blasfemen. ¡Cuánto será más digno de blasfemia si las que sois
llamadas sacerdotes de honestidad salís vestidas y pintadas como
las deshonestas se visten y afeitan, ó que más hacen aquellas
miserables que se sacrifican al público deleite y al vicio, á las cuales,
si antiguamente las leyes las apartaron de las matronas y de los
trajes que las matronas usaban, ya la maldad deste siglo, que
siempre crece, las ha igualado en esto con las honestas mujeres, de
manera que no se pueden reconocer sin error! Verdad es que las
que se afeitan como ellas, poco se diferencian dellas; verdad es que
los afeites de la cara, las escrituras nos dicen que andan siempre
con el cuerpo burdel[110], como debidos á él y como sus allegados.
Que aquella poderosa ciudad, de quien se dice[111] que preside sobre
siete montes, y quien mereció que la llamase ramera Dios, ¿con qué
traje, veamos, corresponde á su nombre? En carmesí se asienta sin
duda, y en púrpura y en oro y en piedras preciosas, que son cosas
malditas, y sin que pintada ser no pudo la que es ramera maldita. La
Thamar, porque se engalanó y se pintó, por eso á la sospecha de
Judas fué tenida por mujer que vendía su cuerpo[112]; y como la
encubría el rebozo, y como el aderezo daba á entender ser ramera,
hizo que la tuviese por tal; quísola y recuestóla, y puso su concierto
con ella. De adonde aprendemos que conviene en todas maneras
cortar el camino aun á lo que hace mala sospecha de nosotros. Que
¿por qué la entereza del ánima casta ha de querer ser manchada
con la sospecha ajena? ¿Por qué se esperará de vos lo que huís
como la muerte? ¿Por qué mi traje no publicará mis costumbres,
para que, por lo que el traje dice, no ponga llaga la torpeza en el
alma, y para que pueda ser tenida por honesta la que desama el ser
deshonesta? Mas dirá por caso alguna: No tengo necesidad de
satisfacer á los hombres, ni busco el ser aprobada dellos; «Dios es el
que ve el corazón[113].» Todos sabemos eso, mas también nos
acordamos de lo que él mismo por su Apóstol escribe: «Vean los
hombres que vives bien[114].» Y ¿para qué, sino para que la mala
sospecha no os toque, y para que seáis buen ejemplo á los malos, y
ellos os den testimonio? Ó ¿qué es, si esto no es? Resplandezcan
vuestras buenas obras; ó ¿para qué nos llama el Señor luz de la
tierra[115]? ¿Para qué nos compara á ciudad puesta en el monte, si
nos sumimos y lucir no queremos en las tinieblas? Si abscondiéredes
debajo del celemín la candela de vuestra virtud, forzoso será
quedaros á escuras, y de fuerza estropezarán en vosotras diversas
gentes.
»Las obras de buen ejemplo, estas son las que nos hacen
lumbreras del mundo; que el bien entero y cabal no apetece lo
escuro, antes se goza en ser visto, y en ser demostrado se alegra. Á
la castidad cristiana no le basta ser casta, sino parecer también que
lo es; porque ha de ser tan cumplida, que del ánima mane al
vestido, y del secreto de la conciencia salga á la sobrehaz para que
se vean sus alhajas de fuera, y sean cual convienen ser para
conservar perpetuamente la fe.
»Porque conviene mucho que desechemos los regalos muelles,
porque su blandura y demasía excesiva afeminan la fortaleza de la fe
y la enflaquecen. Que cierto no sé yo si la mano acostumbrada á
vestirse del guante sufrirá pasmarse con la dureza de la cadena, ni
sé si la pierna hecha al calzado bordado consentirá que el cepo la
estreche. Temo mucho que el cuello embarazado con los lazos de las
esmeraldas y perlas no dé lugar á la espada. Por lo cual, benditas,
ensayémonos en lo más áspero, y no sentiremos. Dejemos lo
apacible y alegre, y luego nos dejará su deseo. Estemos aprestadas
para cualquier suceso duro, sin tener cosa que temamos perder; que
estas cosas ligaduras son que detienen nuestra esperanza.
Desechemos las galas del suelo si deseamos las celestiales. No
améis el oro, que fué materia del primer pecado del pueblo de
Dios[116]. Obligadas estáis á aborrecer lo que fué perdición de aquella
gente; lo que apartándose de Dios, adoró; y aun ya desde entonces
el oro es yesca del fuego. Las sienes y frentes de los cristianos en
todo tiempo, y en este principalmente, no el oro, sino el hierro, las
traspasa y enclava. Las estolas del martirio nos están prestas y á
punto. Los ángeles las tienen en las manos para vestírnoslas. Salid,
salid aderezadas con los afeites y con los trajes vistosos de los
apóstoles. Poneos el blanco de la sencillez, el colorado de la
honestidad; alcoholad con la vergüenza los ojos, y con el espíritu
modesto y callado. En las orejas poned como arracadas las palabras
de Dios. Añudad á vuestros cuellos el yugo de Cristo. Subjetad á
vuestros maridos vuestras cabezas, y quedaréis así bien hermosas.
Ocupad vuestras manos con la lana, enclavad en vuestra casa los
pies, y agradarán más así que si los cercásedes de oro. Vestid seda
de bondad, holanda de santidad, púrpura de castidad y pureza, que
afeitadas desta manera, será vuestro enamorado el Señor.» Esto es
el Tertuliano.
Mas no son necesarios los arroyos, pues tenemos la voz del
Espíritu Santo, que por la boca de sus apóstoles San Pedro y San
Pablo condena este mal clara y abiertamente. Dice San Pedro[117]:
«Las mujeres estén sujetas á sus maridos, las cuales ni traigan
por defuera descubiertos los cabellos, ni se cerquen de oro, ni se
adornen con aderezo de vestiduras preciosas, sino su aderezo sea en
el hombre interior, que está en el corazón escondido. La entereza y
el espíritu quieto y modesto, el cual es de precio en los ojos de Dios;
que desta manera en otro tiempo se aderezaban aquellas santas
mujeres.»
Y San Pablo escribe semejantemente[118]: «Las mujeres se vistan
decentemente, y su aderezo sea modesto y templado, sin cabellos
encrespados y sin oro y perlas, y sin vestiduras preciosas, sino cual
conviene á las mujeres que han profesado virtud y buenas obras.»
Este, pues, sea su verdadero aderezo, y para lo que toca á la
cara, hagan como hacía alguna señora deste reino. Tiendan las
manos y reciban en ellas el agua sacada de la tinaja, que con el
aguamanil su sirvienta les echare, y llévenla al rostro, y tomen parte
della en la boca y laven las encías, y tornen los dedos por los ojos y
llévenlos por los oídos, y detrás de los oídos también, y hasta que
todo el rostro quede limpio no cesen, y después, dejando el agua,
límpiese con un paño áspero, y queden así más hermosas que el sol.
Añade:
 XIII
LA BUENA MUJER HA DE SER DICHA, GLORIA, FELIZ SUERTE Y BENDICIÓN DE
SU MARIDO.

Señalado en las puertas

su marido, cuando se asentare
con los gobernadores del pueblo.
PROVERBIOS

En las puertas de la ciudad eran antiguamente las plazas, y en las

plazas estaban los tribunales y asientos de los jueces y de los que se
juntaban para consultar sobre el buen gobierno y regimiento del
pueblo. Pues dice que en las plazas y lugares públicos, y adonde
quiera que se hiciere junta de hombres principales, el hombre cuya
mujer fuere cual es la que aquí se dice, será por ella conocido y
señalado y preciado entre todos. Y dice esto Salomón, ó en Salomón
el Espíritu Santo, no sólo para mostrar cuánto vale la virtud de la
buena, pues da honra á sí y ennoblece á su marido, sino para
enseñarle en esta virtud de la perfecta casada, de que vamos
hablando, que es lo sumo della, y la raya hasta donde ha de llegar,
que es el ser corona y luz y bendición y alteza de su marido; pues es
así que todos conocen y cantan y reverencian, y tienen por dichoso
y bienaventurado al que le ha cabido esta buena suerte; lo uno, por
haberle cabido, porque no hay joya ni posesión tan preciada, ni
envidiada, como la buena mujer; y lo otro, por haber merecido que
le cupiese; porque, así como este bien es precioso y raro, y don
propiamente dado de Dios, así no le alcanzan de Dios sino los que,
temiéndole y sirviéndole, se lo merecen con señalada virtud. Así lo
testifica el mismo Dios en el Eclesiástico[119]: «Suerte buena es la
mujer buena, y es parte de buen premio de los que sirven á Dios, y
será dada al hombre por sus buenas obras.» De arte que el que
tiene buena mujer es estimado por dichoso en tenerla, y por
virtuoso en haberla merecido tener. De donde se entiende que el
carecer deste bien, en muchos es por su culpa dellos. Porque á la
verdad, el hombre vicioso y distraído y de aviesa[120] y revesada
condición, que juega su hacienda, y es un león en su casa, y sigue á
rienda suelta la deshonestidad, no espere, ni quiera tener buena
mujer; porque ni la merece, ni Dios la quiere á ella tan mal, que la
quiera juntar á compañía tan mala, y porque él mismo con su mal
ejemplo y vida desvariada la estraga y corrompe. Pero torna
Salomón á lo casero de la mujer, y dice:
 XIV
LA INDUSTRIA Y CUIDADO DE LA BUENA CASADA HAN DE LLEGAR, NO SÓLO Á
LO QUE BASTA EN SU CASA, SINO AUN Á LO QUE SOBRA.

Lienzo tejió y vendiólo;

franjas dió al cananeo.
PROVERBIOS

Cananeo llama al mercader y al que decimos cajero, porque los

de aquella nación ordinariamente trataban desto, como si dijésemos
ahora al portugués. Y va siempre añadiendo una virtud á otra virtud,
y lleva poco á poco á su mayor perfección esta pintura que hace, y
quiere que la industria y cuidado de la buena casada llegue, no sólo
á lo que basta en su casa, sino aun á lo que sobra, y que las sobras
las venda, y las convierta en riqueza suya y en arreo y provisión
ajena. Y baste lo que ya acerca desto arriba tenemos dicho.
 XV
DE LA TEMPLANZA Y MEDIO QUE HA DE OBSERVAR LA PERFECTA MUJER EN SU
CONDICIÓN Y TRATO.

Fortaleza y buena gracia su vestido,

reirá hasta el día postrero.
PROVERBIOS

Aunque esta buena casada ha de ser para mucho, que es lo que

aquí Salomón llama fortaleza, no por eso tiene licencia para ser
desabrida en la condición, y en su manera y trato desgraciada; sino,
como el vestido ciñe y rodea todo el cuerpo, así ella toda y por todas
partes ha de andar cercada y como vestida de un valor agraciado y
de una gracia valerosa. Quiero decir, que ni la diligencia, ni la vela, ni
la asistencia á las cosas de su casa la ha de hacer áspera y terrible,
ni menos la buena gracia y la apacible habla, ni el semblante ha de
ser muelle, ni desatado. Sino que templando con lo uno lo otro,
conserve el medio en ambas á dos cosas, y haga de entrambas una
agradable y excelente mezcla. Y no ha de conservar por un día ó por
un breve espacio aqueste tenor, sino por toda la vida, hasta el día
postrero della. Lo cual es propio de todas las cosas que, ó son virtud
ó tienen raíz en la virtud, ser perseverantes y casi perpetuas, y en
esto se diferencian de las no tales; que éstas, como nacen de
antojo, duran por antojo; pero aquéllas, como se fundan en firme
razón, permanecen por luengos tiempos. Y los que han visto alguna
mujer de las que se allegan á esta que aquí se dice, podrán haber
experimentado lo uno y lo otro. Lo uno, que á todo tiempo y á toda
sazón se halla en ella dulce y agradable acogida; lo otro, que esta
gracia y dulzura suya no es gracia que desata el corazón del que la
ve, ni le enmollece, antes le pone concierto y le es como una ley de
virtud, y así le deleita y aficiona, que juntamente le limpia y purifica;
y borrando dél las tristezas, lava las torpezas también; y es gracia
que aun la engendra en los miradores. Y la fuerza della, y aquello en
que propiamente consiste, lo declara más enteramente lo que se
sigue:
 XVI
CUÁNTO IMPORTA QUE LAS MUJERES NO HABLEN MUCHO Y QUE SEAN
APACIBLES Y DE CONDICIÓN SUAVE.

Su boca abrió en sabiduría,

y ley de piedad en su lengua.
PROVERBIOS

Dos cosas hacen y componen este bien de que vamos hablando,

razón discreta y habla dulce. Lo primero llama sabiduría, y piedad lo
segundo, ó por mejor decir, blandura. Pues entre todas las virtudes
sobredichas, ó para decir verdad, sobre todas ellas, la buena mujer
se ha de esmerar en esta, que es ser sabia en su razón y apacible y
dulce en su hablar. Y podemos decir que con esto lucirá y tendrá
como vida todo lo demás de virtud que se pone en esta mujer, y que
sin ello quedará todo lo otro como muerto y perdido. Porque una
mujer necia y parlera, como lo son de continuo las necias, por más
bienes otros que tenga, es intolerable negocio. Y ni más, ni menos la
que es brava y de dura y áspera conversación, ni se puede ver, ni
sufrir. Y así, podemos decir que todo lo sobredicho hace como el
cuerpo desta virtud de la casada que dibujamos; mas esto de ahora
es como el alma y es la perfección y el remate y la flor de todo este
bien. Y cuanto toca á lo primero, que es cordura y discreción ó
sabiduría, como aquí se dice, la que de suyo no la tuviere ó no se la
hubiere dado el don de Dios, con dificultad la persuadiremos á que
le falta y á que la busque. Porque lo más propio de la necedad es no
conocerse y tenerse por sabia.
Y ya que la persuadamos, será mayor dificultad ponerla en el
buen saber, porque es cosa que se aprende mal cuando no se
aprende en la leche. Y el mejor consejo que les podemos dar á las
tales, es rogarles que callen y que ya que son poco sabias, se
esfuercen á ser mucho calladas.
Que como dice el Sabio[121]: «Si calla el necio, á las veces será
tenido por sabio y cuerdo.» Y podrá ser así, que callando y oyendo,
y pensando primero consigo lo que hubieren de hablar, acierten á
hablar lo que merezca ser oído. Así que, deste mal esta es la
medicina más cierta, aunque ni es bastante medicina, ni fácil.
Mas, como quiera que sea, es justo que se precien de callar
todas, así aquellas á quien les conviene encubrir su poco saber,
como aquellas que pueden sin vergüenza descubrir lo que saben;
porque en todas es, no sólo condición agradable, sino virtud debida,
el silencio y el hablar poco.
Y el abrir su boca en sabiduría, que el Sabio aquí dice, es no la
abrir sino cuando la necesidad lo pide, que es lo mismo que abrirla
templadamente y pocas veces, porque son pocas las que lo pide la
necesidad. Porque, así como la naturaleza, como dijimos y diremos,
hizo á las mujeres para que encerradas guardasen la casa, así las
obliga á que cerrasen la boca; y como las desobligó de los negocios
y contrataciones de fuera, así las libertó de lo que se consigue á la
contratación, que son las muchas pláticas y palabras. Porque el
hablar nace del entender, y las palabras no son sino como imágenes
ó señales de lo que el ánimo concibe en sí mismo; por donde, así
como á la mujer buena y honesta la naturaleza no la hizo para el
estudio de las ciencias, ni para los negocios de dificultades, sino para
un solo oficio simple y doméstico; así les limitó el entender, y por
consiguiente les tasó las palabras y las razones; y así como es esto
lo que su natural de la mujer y su oficio le pide, así por la misma
causa es una de las cosas que más bien le está y que mejor le
parece.
Y así solía decir Demócrito[122] que el aderezo de la mujer y su
hermosura era el hablar escaso y limitado. Porque, como en el rostro
la hermosura dél consiste en que se respondan entre sí las
facciones, así la hermosura de la vida no es otra cosa sino el obrar
cada uno conforme á lo que su naturaleza y oficio le pide.
El estado de la mujer, en comparación del marido, es estado
humilde, y es como dote natural de las mujeres la mesura y
vergüenza, y ninguna cosa hay que se compadezca menos, ó que
desdiga más, de lo humilde y vergonzoso, que lo hablador y lo
parlero.
Cuenta Plutarco[123] que Fidias, escultor noble, hizo á los elienses
una imagen de Venus que afirmaba los pies sobre una tortuga, que
es un animal mudo y que nunca desampara su concha; dando á
entender que las mujeres por la misma manera han de guardar
siempre la casa y el silencio. Porque verdaderamente el saber callar
es su sabiduría propia y aquella de quien habla aquí Salomón,
aunque para aprendida es muy dificultosa á aquellas que de su
cosecha no la tienen, como decíamos. Y esto cuanto á lo primero.
Mas lo segundo, que toca á la aspereza y desgracia de la condición,
que por la mayor parte nace más de la voluntad viciosa que de
naturaleza errada, es enfermedad más curable.
Y deben advertir mucho en ello las buenas mujeres; porque, si
bien se mira, no sé yo si hay cosa más mostruosa y que más disuene
de lo que es, que ser una mujer áspera y brava. La aspereza hízose
para el linaje de los leones ó de los tigres, y aun los varones, por su
compostura natural y por el peso de los negocios en que de
ordinario se ocupan, tienen licencia para ser algo ásperos. Y el
sobrecejo y el ceño y la esquivez en ellos está bien á las veces; mas
la mujer, si es leona, ¿qué le queda de mujer? Mire su hechura toda,
y verá que nació para piedad.
Y como á las onzas las uñas agudas y los dientes largos y la boca
fiera y los ojos sangrientos las convidan á crudeza, así á ella la figura
apacible de toda su disposición la obliga á que no sea el ánimo
menos mesurado que el cuerpo parece blando.
Y no piensen que las crió Dios, y las dió al hombre sólo para que
le guarden la casa, sino también para que le consuelen y alegren;
para que en ella el marido cansado y enojado halle descanso, y los
hijos amor, y la familia piedad, y todos generalmente acogimiento
agradable. Bien las llama el hebreo á las mujeres «la gracia de
casa». Y llámalas así, en su lengua con una palabra, que en
castellano, ni con decir gracia, ni con otras muchas palabras de
buena significación, apenas comprehendemos todo lo que en aquélla
se dice; porque dice aseo, y dice hermosura, y dice donaire, y dice
luz y deleite y concierto y contento, el vocablo con que el hebreo las
llama.
Por donde entendemos que de la buena es tener estas cualidades
todas, y entendemos también que la que va por aquí, no debe ser
llamada, ni la gracia, ni la luz, ni el placer de su casa, sino el trasto
della y el estropiezo, ó por darles su nombre verdadero, el trasgo[124]
y la estantigua[125] que á todos los turba y asombra.
Y sucede así, que como las casas que son por esta causa
asombradas, después de haberlas conjurado, al fin los que las viven
las dejan; así la habitación donde reinan en figura de mujer estas
fieras, el marido teme entrar en ella, y la familia desea salir della, y
todos la aborrecen, y lo más presto que pueden la santiguan y
huyen.
¿Qué dice el Sabio?[126] «El azote de la lengua de la mujer brava
por todo se extiende, enojo fiero la mujer airada y borracha, es su
afrenta perpetua[127].» Conocí yo una mujer que cuando comía reñía,
y cuando venía la noche reñía también, y el sol cuando nacía la
hallaba riñendo, y esto hacía el disanto[128] y el día no santo, y la
semana y el mes y todo el año no era otro su oficio sino reñir;
siempre se oía el grito y la voz áspera, y la palabra afrentosa y el
deshonrar sin freno, y ya sonaba el azote y ya volaba el chapín, y
nunca la oí que no me acordase de aquello que dice el poeta[129]:

«Tesifone, ceñida de crueza,

la entrada sin dormir de noche y día
ocupa, suena el grito, la braveza,
el lloro, el crudo azote, la porfía.»

Y así, era su casa una imagen del infierno en esto con ser en lo
demás un paraíso, porque las personas della eran, no para mover á
braveza, sino para dar contento y descanso á quien lo mirara bien.
Por donde, cargando yo el juicio algunas veces en ello, me resolví
en que de todo aquel vocear y reñir no se podía dar causa alguna
que colorada fuese, sino era querer digerir con aquel ejercicio las
cenas en las cuales de ordinario esta señora excedía.
 Y es así que en estas bravas, si se apuran bien todas las causas
desta su desenfrenada y continua cólera, todas ellas son razones de
disparate; la una, porque le parece que cuando riñe es señora; la
otra, porque la desgració el marido, y halo de pagar la hija ó la
esclava; la otra, porque su espejo no le mintió, ni la mostró hoy tan
linda como ayer, de cuanto ve levanta alboroto. Á la una embravece
el vino, á la otra su no cumplido deseo, y á la otra su mala ventura.
Pero pasemos más adelante. Dice:
 XVII
NO HAN DE SER LAS BUENAS MUJERES CALLEJERAS, VISITADORAS Y
VAGABUNDAS, SINO QUE HAN DE AMAR MUCHO EL RETIRO Y SE HAN DE
ACOSTUMBRAR Á ESTARSE EN CASA.

Rodeó todos los rincones de su casa,

y no comió el pan de balde.
PROVERBIOS

Quiere decir que en levantándose la mujer, ha de proveer todas

las cosas de su casa, y poner en ellas orden, y que no ha de hacer lo
que muchas de las de ahora hacen; que unas en poniendo los pies
en el suelo, ó antes que los pongan, estando en la cama, negocian
luego con el almuerzo, como si hubiesen pasado cavando la noche.
Otras se sientan con su espejo á la obra de su pintura, y se están en
ella enclavadas tres ó cuatro horas, y es pasado el mediodía, y viene
á comer el marido y no hay cosa puesta en concierto. Y habla
Salomón desta diligencia aquí, no porque antes de ahora no hubiese
hablado della, sino por dejarla, con el repetir, más firme en la
memoria, como cosa importante, y como quien conocía de las
mujeres cuán mal se hacen al cuidado y cuán inclinadas son al
regalo. Y dícelo también porque, diciéndole á la mujer que rodee su
casa, le quiere enseñar el espacio por donde ha de menear los pies
la mujer, y los lugares por donde ha de andar, y como si dijésemos,
el campo de su carrera, que es su casa propia, y no las calles, ni las
plazas, ni las huertas, ni las casas ajenas. «Rodeó, dice, los rincones
de su casa;» para que se entienda que su andar ha de ser en su
casa, y que ha de estar presente siempre en todos los rincones
della, y que porque ha de estar siempre allí presente, por eso no ha
de andar fuera nunca, y que porque sus pies son para rodear sus
rincones, entienda que no los tiene para rodear los campos y las
calles. ¿No dijimos arriba que el fin para que ordenó Dios la mujer, y
se la dió por compañía al marido, fué para que le guardase la casa, y
para que lo que él ganase en los oficios y contrataciones de fuera,
traído á casa, lo tuviese en guarda la mujer, y fuese como su llave?
Pues si es por natural oficio guarda de casa, ¿cómo se permite que
sea callejera y visitadora y vagabunda? ¿Qué dice San Pablo á su
discípulo Tito que enseñe á las mujeres casadas? «Que sean
prudentes, dice, y que sean honestas y que amen á sus maridos, y
que tengan cuidado de sus casas[130].» Adonde, lo que decimos,
«que tengan cuidado de sus casas,» el original dice así: «Y que sean
guardas de su casa.» ¿Por qué les dió á las mujeres Dios las fuerzas
flacas y los miembros muelles, sino porque las crió, no para ser
postas, sino para estar en su rincón sentadas?
Su natural propio pervierte la mujer callejera. Y como los peces,
en cuanto están dentro del agua, discurren por ella y andan y vuelan
ligeros, mas si acaso los sacan de allí, quedan sin se poder menear;
así la buena mujer, cuanto para de sus puertas adentro ha de ser
presta y ligera, tanto para fuera dellas se ha de tener por coja y
torpe. Y pues no las dotó Dios ni del ingenio que piden los negocios
mayores, ni de fuerzas las que son menester para la guerra y el
campo, mídanse con lo que son y conténtense con lo que es de su
suerte, y entiendan en su casa y anden en ella, pues las hizo Dios
para ella sola. Los chinos, en naciendo, les tuercen á las niñas los
pies, porque cuando sean mujeres no los tengan para salir fuera, y
porque para andar en su casa aquellos torcidos les bastan. Como
son los hombres para lo público, así las mujeres para el
encerramiento, y como es de los hombres el hablar y el salir á luz,
así dellas el encerrarse y encubrirse.
Aun en la iglesia, donde la necesidad de la religión las lleva y el
servicio de Dios, quiere San Pablo[131] que estén así cubiertas, que
apenas los hombres las vean, ¿y consentirá que por su antojo vuelen
por las plazas y calles, haciendo alarde de sí? ¿Qué ha de hacer
fuera de su casa la que no tiene partes ningunas de las que piden
las cosas que fuera della se tratan? Forzoso es que, como la
experiencia lo enseña, pues no tienen saber para los negocios de
sustancia, traten, saliendo, de poquedades y menudencias, y forzoso
es que, pues no es de su oficio, ni natural, hacer lo que pide valor,
hagan el oficio contrario. Y así es que las que en sus casas cerradas
y ocupadas las mejoran, andando fuera dellas las destruyen. Y las
que con andar por sus rincones ganarán las voluntades y edificarán
las conciencias de sus maridos, visitando las calles corrompen los
corazones ajenos y enmollecen las almas de los que las ven, las que,
por ser ellas muelles, se hicieron para la sombra y para el secreto de
sus paredes. Y si es de lo propio de la mujer mala el vaguear por las
calles, como Salomón en los Proverbios lo dice[132], bien se sigue que
ha de ser propiedad de la buena el salir pocas veces en público. Dice
bien uno acerca del poeta Menandro[133]:

«Á la buena mujer le es propio y bueno

el de continuo estar en su morada,
que el vaguear defuera es de las viles.»

Y no por esto piensen que no serán conocidas ó estimadas si

guardan su casa, porque al revés, ninguna cosa hay que así las haga
preciar como el asistir en ella á su oficio, como de Teano la
pitagórica, que siendo preguntada por otra cómo vendría á ser
señalada y nombrada, escriben que dijo[134] que hilando y tejiendo y
teniendo cuenta con su rincón. Porque siempre á las que así lo
hacen les sucede lo que luego se sigue. Esto es:
 XVIII
DE CÓMO PERTENECE AL OFICIO DE LA PERFECTA CASADA HACER BUENO AL
MARIDO, Y DE LA OBLIGACIÓN QUE TIENE LA QUE ES MADRE DE CRIAR POR
SÍ Á LOS HIJOS.

Levantáronse sus hijos y loáronla,

y alabóla también su marido.
PROVERBIOS

Parecerá á algunos que tener una mujer hijos y marido tales que
la alaben, más es buena dicha della, que parte de su virtud. Y dirán
que no es ésta alguna de las cosas que ella ha de hacer para ser la
que debe, sino de las que si lo fuere, la sucederán.
Mas aunque es verdad que á las tales les sucede esto; pero no se
ha de entender que es suceso que les adviene por caso, sino bien
que les viene porque ellas lo hacen y lo obran. Porque al oficio de la
buena mujer pertenece, y esto nos enseña Salomón aquí, hacer
buen marido y criar buenos hijos, y tales, que no sólo con debidas y
agradecidas palabras le den loor, pero mucho más con buenos
hechos y obras. Que es pedirle tanta bondad y virtud cuanta es
menester, no sola para sí, sino también para sus hijos y su marido.
Por manera que sus buenas obras dellos sean propios y verdaderos
loores della, y sean como voces vivas que en los oídos de todos
canten su loor. Y cuanto á lo del marido, cierto es lo primero que el
Apóstol dice, que muchas veces la mujer cristiana y fiel, al marido
que es infiel le gana y hace su semejante[135]. Y así, no han de
pensar que pedirles esta virtud es pedirles lo que no pueden hacer,
porque si alguno puede con el marido es la mujer sola. Y si la
caridad cristiana obliga al bien del extraño, ¿cómo puede pensar la
mujer que no está obligada á ganar y á mejorar su marido?
Cierto es que son dos cosas las que entre todas tienen para
persuadir eficacia: el amistad y la razón. Pues veamos cuál destas
dos cosas falta en la mujer que es tal cual decimos aquí, ó veamos si
hay algún otro que ni con muchas partes se iguale con ella en esto.
El amor que hay entre dos, mujer y marido, es el más estrecho,
como es notorio, porque le principia la naturaleza, y le acrecienta la
gracia, y le enciende la costumbre, y le enlazan estrechísimamente
otras muchas obligaciones. Pues la razón y la palabra de la mujer
discreta es más eficaz que otra ninguna en los oídos del hombre,
porque su aviso es aviso dulce. Y como las medicinas cordiales, así
su voz se lanza luego y se apega más con el corazón.
Muchos hombres habría en Israel tan prudentes y de tan discreta
y más discreta razón que la mujer de Tecua; y para persuadir á
David y para inducirle á que tornase á su hijo Absalón á su gracia,
Joab, su capitán general, avisadamente se aprovechó del aviso de
sola esta mujer, y sola ésta quiso que con su buena razón y dulce
palabra ablandase y torciese á piedad el corazón del rey, justamente
indignado[136], y sucedióle su intento; porque, como digo, mejórase y
esfuérzase mucho cualquiera buena razón en la boca dulce de la
sabia y buena mujer. Que ¿quién no gusta de agradar á quien ama?
Ó ¿quién no se fía de quien es amado? Ó ¿quién no da crédito al
amor y á la razón cuando se juntan? La razón no se engaña y el
amor no quiere engañar; y así, conforme á esto, tiene la buena
mujer tomados al marido todos los puertos, porque ni pensará que
se engaña la que tan discreta es, ni sospechará que le quiere
engañar la que como su mujer le ama. Y si los beneficios en la
voluntad de quien los recibe crían deseo de agradecimiento y la
aseguran, para que sin recelo se fíe de aquel de quien los ha
recibido, y ambas á dos cosas hacen poderosísimo el consejo que da
el beneficiador al beneficiado, ¿qué beneficio hay que iguale al que
recibe el marido de la mujer que vive como aquí se dice?
De un hombre extraño, si oímos que es virtuoso y sabio, nos
fiamos de su parecer, ¿y dudará el marido de obedecer á la virtud y
discreción que cada día ve y experimenta? Y porque decimos cada
día, tienen aún más las mujeres para alcanzar de sus maridos lo que
quisieren esta oportunidad y aparejo, que pueden tratar con ellos
cada día y cada hora, y á las horas de mejor coyuntura y sazón. Y
muchas veces lo que la razón no puede, la importunidad lo vence, y
señaladamente la de la mujer, que, como dicen los experimentados,
es sobre todas. Y verdaderamente es caso, no sé si diga vergonzoso
ó donoso, decir que las buenas no son poderosas para concertar sus
maridos, siendo las malas valientes para inducirlos á cosas
desatinadas que los destruyen.
La mujer por sí puede mucho, y la virtud y razón también á sus
solas es muy valiente, y juntas entrambas cosas, se ayudan entre sí
y se fortifican de tal manera, que lo ponen todo debajo de los pies. Y
ellas saben que digo verdad, y que es verdad que se puede probar
con ejemplo de muchas que con su buen aviso y discreción han
enmendado mil malos siniestros en sus maridos, y ganádoles el alma
y enmendádoles la condición, en unos brava, en otros distraída, en
otros por diferentes maneras viciosa. De arte que las que se quejan
ahora dellos y de su desorden, quéjense de sí primero y de su
negligencia, por la cual no los tienen cual deben.
Mas si con el marido no pueden, con los hijos, que son parte suya
y los traen en las manos desde su nacimiento y les son en la niñez
como cera, ¿qué pueden decir, sino confesar que los vicios dellos y
los desastres en que caen por sus vicios, por la mayor parte son
culpas de sus padres? Y porque ahora hablamos de las madres,
entiendan las mujeres que, si no tienen buenos hijos, gran parte
dello es porque no les son ellas enteramente sus madres. Porque no
ha de pensar la casada que el ser madre es engendrar y parir un
hijo; que en lo primero siguió su deleite, y á lo segundo le forzó la
necesidad natural. Y si no hiciesen por ello más, no sé en cuánta
obligación los pondrán.
Lo que se sigue después del parto es el puro oficio de la madre y
lo que puede hacer bueno al hijo y lo que de veras le obliga. Por lo
cual, téngase por dicho esta perfecta casada que no lo será si no
cría á sus hijos, y que la obligación que tiene por su oficio á hacerlos
buenos, esa misma le pone necesidad á que los críe á sus pechos;
porque con la leche, no digo que se aprende, que eso fuera mejor,
porque contra lo mal aprendido es remedio el olvido; sino digo que
se bebe y convierte en sustancia y como en naturaleza todo lo
bueno y lo malo que hay en aquella de quien se recibe; porque el
cuerpo ternecico de un niño, y que salió como comenzado del
vientre, la teta le acaba de hacer y formar. Y según quedare bien
formado el cuerpo, así le avendrá el alma después cuyas costumbres
ordinariamente nacen de sus inclinaciones dél; y si los hijos salen á
los padres de quien nacen, ¿cómo no saldrán á las amas con quien
pacen, si es verdadero el refrán español? ¿Por ventura no vemos que
cuando el niño está enfermo purgamos al ama que le cría, y que con
purificar y sanar el mal humor della le damos la salud á él? Pues
entendamos que, como es una la salud, así es uno el cuerpo, y si los
humores son unos, ¿cómo no lo serán las inclinaciones, las cuales,
por andar siempre hermanadas con ellos, en castellano con razón las
llamamos humores? De arte que si el ama es borracha, habemos de
entender que el desdichadito beberá con la leche el amor del vino; si
colérica, si tonta, si deshonesta, si de viles pensamientos y ánimo,
como de ordinario lo son, será el niño lo mismo. Pues si el no criar
los hijos es ponerlos á tan claro y manifiesto peligro, ¿cómo es
posible que cumpla con lo que debe la casada que no los cría?
Esto es decir la que en la mejor parte de su casa, y para cuyo fin
se casó principalmente, pone tan mal recaudo. ¿Qué le vale ser en
todo lo demás diligente, si en lo que es más es así descuidada? Si el
hijo sale perdido, ¿qué le vale la hacienda ganada? Ó ¿qué bien
puede haber en la casa donde los hijos para quien es no son
buenos? Y si es parte desta virtud conjugal, como habemos ya visto,
la piedad generalmente con todos, las que son tan sin piedad, que
entregan á un extraño el fruto de sus entrañas, y la imagen de
virtud y de bien que en él había comenzado la naturaleza á obrar,
consienten que otro lo borre, y permiten que imprima vicios en lo
que del vientre salía con principio de buenas inclinaciones, cierto es
que no son buenas casadas, ni aun casadas, si habemos de hablar
con verdad; porque de la casada es engendrar hijos, y hacer esto es
perderlos; y de la casada es engendrar hijos legítimos, y los que se
crían así, mirándolo bien, son llanamente bastardos.
Y porque vuestra merced vea que hablo con verdad, y no con
encarecimiento, ha de entender que la madre en el hijo que
engendra no pone sino una parte de su sangre, de la cual la virtud
del varón, figurándola, hace carne y huesos. Pues el ama que cría
pone lo mismo, porque la leche es sangre, y en aquella sangre la
misma virtud del padre que vive en el hijo hace la misma obra; sino
que la diferencia es ésta, que la madre puso este su caudal por
nueve meses, y la ama por veinticuatro; y la madre cuando el parto
era un tronco sin sentido ninguno, y el ama cuando comienza ya á
sentir y reconocer el bien que recibe; la madre influye en el cuerpo,
el ama en el cuerpo y en el alma. Por manera que echando la cuenta
bien, el ama es la madre, y la que parió es peor que madrastra, pues
enajena de sí á su hijo, y hace borde lo que había nacido legítimo, y
es causa que sea mal nacido el que pudiera ser noble, y comete en
cierta manera un género de adulterio poco menos feo y no menos
dañoso que el ordinario, porque en aquel vende al marido por hijo el
que no es dél, y aquí el que no lo es della, y hace sucesor de su
casa al hijo del ama y de la moza, que las más veces es una ó
villana ó esclava.
Bien conforma con esto lo que se cuenta haber dicho un cierto
mozo romano, de la familia de los Gracos, que volviendo de la
guerra vencedor y rico de muchos despojos, y viniéndole al
encuentro para recibirle alegres y regocijadas su madre y su ama
juntamente, él, vuelto á ellas y repartiendo con ellas de lo que traía,
como á la madre le diese un anillo de plata y al ama un collar de
oro, y como la madre, indignada desto, se doliese dél, le respondió
que no tenía razón; «porque, dijo, vos no me tuvisteis en el vientre
más de por espacio de nueve meses, y ésta me ha sustentado á sus
pechos por dos años enteros. Lo que yo tengo de vos es sólo el
cuerpo, y aun ese me diste por manera no muy honesta, mas la
dádiva que desta tengo, diómela ella con pura sencilla voluntad. Vos,
en naciendo yo, me apartaste de vos y me alejaste de vuestros ojos;
mas ésta ofreciéndose, me recibió, desechado, en sus brazos
amorosamente, y me trató así, que por ella he llegado y venido al
punto y estado en que ahora estoy.»
Manda san Pablo, en la doctrina que da á las casadas, que «amen
á sus hijos[137].» Natural es á las madres amarlos, y no había para
qué San Pablo encargase con particular precepto una cosa tan
natural; de donde se entiende que el decir «que los amen», es decir
que los críen, y que el dar leche la madre á sus hijos, á eso San
Pablo llama amarlos, y con gran propiedad; porque el no criarlos es
venderlos y hacerlos no hijos suyos, y como desheredarlos de su
natural, que todas ellas son obras de aborrecimiento, y tan fiero, que
vencen en ello aun á las fieras, porque, ¿qué animal tan crudo hay,
que no críe lo que produce, que fíe de otro la crianza de lo que
pare?
La braveza del león sufre con mansedumbre á sus cachorrillos
que importunamente le desjuguen las tetas. Y el tigre, sediento de
sangre, da alegremente la suya á los suyos. Y si miramos á lo
delicado, el flaco pajarillo, por no dejar sus huevos, olvida el comer y
se enflaquece, y cuando los ha sacado, rodea todo el aire volando, y
trae alegre en el pico lo que él desea comer, y no lo come porque
ellos lo coman.
Fases de la vida de la mujer
La ancianidad
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