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Front Matter
Source: Hesperia Supplements, Vol. 40, Between Venice and Istanbul: Colonial Landscapes in
Early Modern Greece (2007)
Published by: American School of Classical Studies at Athens
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 SuPPLEMENT 40

BETWEEN VENICE AN D
ISTANBUL
COLONIAL LANDSCAPES IN EARLY
MODERN GREECE

edited by Siriol Davies andJack L. Davis

American School of
Classical Studies at Athens
2007
BETWEEN VENICE AND ISTANBUL
HEsPERIA SuPPLEMENTS

The HeJjJeria Supplement series (ISSN 1064-1173) presents book-length stud-

ies in the fields of Greek archaeology, art, language, and history. Founded in
1937, the series was originally designed to accommodate extended essays roo
long for inclusion in the journal Hnperia. Since that date the Supplements have
established a strong identity of their own, featuring single author monographs,
excavation reports, and edited collections on topics of interest to researchers
in classics, archaeology, art history, and Hellenic studies.

Hesperia Supplements are electronically archived in JSTOR (www.jstor.org),

where all but the most recent titles may be found. For order information and
a complete list of tides, see the ASCSA website (www.ascsa.edu.gr).
Hesperia Supplement 40

B ETW EEN V EN ICE AN D

ISTANBUL: COLONIAL
LANDSCAPES IN EARLY
MODERN GREECE

EDITED BY
SIRJOL DAVIES AND jACK L. DAVIS

The American School ofClassical Studies at Athens

:1.007
Copyright © 2007
The American School of
Classical Studies at Athens

All rights reserved.

Cover illustration: Map ofKythera (Cerigo). T. Porcacchi, L'isole piu.fomose

del mondo ... intagliate da Girolamo Porro .. . (Venice 1572), p. 106

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Between Venice and Istanbul: colonial landscapes in earty modern Greece I edited
by Siriol Davies and Jack L. Davis.
p. em.- (Hesperia supplement; 40)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-87661-540-9 (alk. paper)
L Greece--History-1453-1821. 2. Greece-Antiquities. 3. Landscape archae-
ology--Greece. 4. Excavations (Archaeology)-Greece. I. Davies, SirioL II. Davis,
Jack L. IlL Title; Colonial landscapes in early modern Greece.
DF8o1.B48 zoo7
949·5'os-dc22 zoo7or97I4
CONTENTS

List ofl11ustrations vu
List ofTabies xt
INTRODUCTION
by Jack L. Davis and Siriol Davies 1
Chapter 1
GREEKS, VENICE, AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE
by Siriol Davies and Jack L. Davis 25

PART I, SOURCES FOR A LANDSCAPE

HISTORY OF EARLY MODERN GREECE
Chapter 2
THE SMALLER AEGEAN IsLANDS IN THE r6TH-
r8TH CENTURIES ACCORDING TO OTTOMAN
ADMINISTRATIVE DocUMENTS
by Machiel Kid 35
Chapter3
NoTARIAL DocuMENTS AS A SouacE FOR AGRARIAN
HISTORY
by Ag!aia Kasdagli 55
Chapter4
KUTAHYA BETWEEN THE LINES: PosT-MEDIEVAL
CERAMICS AS HISTORICAL INFORMATION
by Joanita Vroom 71

PART u, ETHNICITY AND

POPULATION STABILITY IN SOUTHERN
GREECE AND ON CYPRUS
Chapter 5
PoPULATION ExcHANGE AND INTEGRATION oF
IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES IN THE VENETIAN
MoREA, r687-17I5
by Alexis MaUiaris 97
~ CONTENTS

Chapter6
EARLY MoDERN GREECE: LIQUID LANDSCAPES AND
FLUID PoPULATIONS
by Hamish Forbes 111
Chapter 7
MouNTAIN LANDSCAPES ON EARLY MoDERN
CYPRUS
by Michael Given 137

PART III, CONTRASTING

STRATEGIES OF LAND USE IN OTTOMAN
AND VENETIAN GREECE
Chapter8
ONE CoLONY, Two MoTHER CITIES: CRETAN
AGRICULTURE UNDER VENETIAN AND OTTOMAN RuLE
by Allaire B. Stallsmith 151
Chapter 9
CoNTRASTING IMPRESSIONS oF LAND UsE IN EARLY
MoDERN GREECE: THE EAsTERN CaRINTHIA AND
KYTHERA
by Timothy E. Gregory 173
Chapter 10
FRAGMENTARY "GEO-METRY": EARLY MODERN
LANDSCAPES OF THE MoREA AND CERIGO IN
TExT, IMAGE, AND ARcHAEOLOGY
by John Bennet 199

PART IV, TOWARD AN INTEGRATED

HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF EARLY
MODERN GREECE
Chapter 11
CoNSIDERATIONS FOR CREATING AN OTTOMAN
ARCHAEOLOGY IN GREECE
by John L. Bintliff 221
Chapter 12
REGIONALISM AND MoBILITY IN EARLY MonERN
GREECE: A CoMMENTARY
by Bjorn Forsen 237
Chapter 13
BETWEEN VENICE AND IsTANBUL: AN EPILOGUE
by Curtis Runnels and Priscilla Murray 245

Index 249
ILLUSTRATIONS

Map 1. The Venetian and Ottoman eastern Mediterranean 13

Map2. Map of Kea by the Expedition scientifique de Moree 18

1.1. Ottoman expansion in the eastern Mediterranean, 15th-

17th centuries 26

4.1. Thebes: Fragments of a slip-painted dish from

Didymoteichon 73

4.2. Athens: Brown and green sgraffito bowl from the Dimitris
Oikonomopoulos Collection 74

4.3. Arta: Locally produced jug with the year of production,

1791, painted on the shoulder 74
4.4. Athens: Local imitation of a majolica trefoil-mouth jug 75

4.5. Thebes: Locally produced majolica bowl 75

4.6. Boiotia: Locally produced majolica fragments from rural
sites 75
4.7. lraklion: Polychrome sgraffito bowl from Italy 77
4.8. Kythera: Fragment of a post-medieval storage jar in a
local fabric 79

4.9. Athens: Polychrome painted vessel from iznik, second

half of the 16th century 80
4.10. Butrint: Two fragments of a majolica jug with an image
of a lion 81
4.11. Serres: Bacini from Ottoman and early modern (20th
century) times in a wall of the 13th-century Monastery
ofTimios Prodromos (St. John the Baptist) 81

4.12. Thebes: Fragments ofiznik ware 82

4.13. Thebes: Fragments of Ktlrahya coffee cups 82

VIII ILLUSTRATIONS

4.14. Thebes: Blue-and-white Ming porcelain bowl

(or imitation) 82
4.15. Athens: Ceramic pipe bowl of the chibouk. style 85
4.16. Antalya: Kiitahya plate of the second half of the 18th
century painted with the figure of a woman smoking a
pipe of the chihouk. style 85
4.17. Istanbul: Ktitahya coffee cup and saucer and Kiitahya
coffeepot, all of the 18th century 85
4.18. Spread of coffeehouses in Anatolian villages, 1945-1960 87
4.19. Kythera: Fragment of a 19th -century transfer-printed plate
from England wi.th willow tree design 88
7.1. Map of Cyprus showing the study area and the TAESP
and SCSP survey areas 138
7.2. Villages in the northern Troodos Mountains with
numbers offrancomati in 1565 140
7.3. Villages in the northern Troodos Mountains wi.th rural
churches and population figures for 1881 140

7.4. Maurovounos from the south 143

9.1. Eastern Korinthia Archaeological Survey, study area 174
9.2. Australian Paliochora-Kythera Archaeological Survey,
study area 175
9.3. The Eastern Carinthia: The Examilia and lsthmia basins 177
9.4. Areas with possible Ottoman-period material in the
Eastern Carinthia 185
9.5. The Eastern Carinthia: Marougka, area 1 of possible
Ottoman/Venetian activity 185
9.6. The Eastern Carinthia: Ridge above Kyras Vrysi, area 2
of possible Ottoman/Venetian activity 186
9.7. The Eastern Carinthia: Gonia, area 3 of possible
Ottoman/Venetian activity 186
9.8. Kythera: Locations in the APKAS study area 188

9.9. Kythera: Locations of Venetian-period artifacts in the

APKAS study area 190

9.10. Kythera: Locations of churches of all periods shown on

aDEM of the APKAS study area 192

9.11. Kythera: Locations of churches in the APKAS study area

dated to the Byzantine period 192
9.12. Kythera: Locations of churches in the APKAS study
area dated to all periods 192
ILLUSTRATIONS
"
9.13. The north-south passes through Mt. Oneion in the
Eastern Carinthia 194
9.14. Kythera: Southern part of the APKAS study area, show-
ing the location of Ayios Dimitrios west of Aroniadika 195
10.1. Map of the island of Kea (Zea) 200
10.2. The approach to Kea (Zea) harbor 201
10.3. TT880: Entry no. 1, Ali Hoca 203
10.4. Excerpt from an unpublished Venetian map of the
territory ofModon and Navarino, ca. 1700 204

10.5 Excerpt from the Atlas prepared by the Expedition

scientifique de Moree 205
10.6. Detail of an Expedition scientifique de Moree draft map
in the National Historical Museum, Athens 206
10.7. Outlines ofKythera (Cerigo) on 15th- and 16th-
century maps by Bartolommeo da li Sonetti (1485),
Piri Reis (1524), and Benedetto Bordone (1528) 208
10.8. Kythera: Locations of 18th-century parishes and districts,
and other significant place-names mentioned in the text 209
10.9. Kythera: Locations of pre-18th-century churches,
18th-century parish churches, and other known churches
on the island 211
10.10. Map ofKythera (Cerigo) 213
11.1. The towns and villages of Boiotia in 1466 222
11.2. The towns and villages ofBoiotia in 1570 223
11.3. The deserted village site ofPanaya (VM4) in the Valley
of the Muses, Boiotia. Distribution of diagnostic pottery
of the Frankish period (13th-early 14th centuries) 224
11.4. The deserted village site ofPanaya (VM4) in the Valley
of the Muses, Boiotia. Distribution of diagnostic pottery
of the Final Frankish and Early Ottoman periods (late
14th-16th centuries) 224
11.5. Sketch of a traditional mainland Greek longhouse 225
11.6. The towns and villages ofBoiotia in 1687/8 226
11.7. The deserted village site ofPanaya (VM4) in the Valley
of the Muses, Boiotia. Distribution of diagnostic pottery
of the later Ottoman period (17th-18th centuries) 227
11.8. Ruined longhouse in the deserted village ofDusia in
Boiotia 228
11.9. A small Ottoman mosque in the Old Town ofLivadia,
Boiotia 230
TABLES

2.1. Households and Taxation on Skiathos, Skopelos, Skyros,

and Alonisos, 1539/40-1670/1 37
2.2. Sources Dating 1470-1981 for the Population ofKythera 40
2.3. Agricultural Production and Taxation on the Island of
Kythera, 1715/6 41
2.4. Populations and Taxation in the Western Cyclades,
1470-1734/5 42
2.5. Taxation on Principal Crops Produced on Siphnos,
167011 43
2.6. Value of Products, and Religious Affiliations of Producers,
on Kea, 1670/1 45
2.7. Taxation on Various Commodities Produced by Villages
on Seriphos and at the Monastery of the Taxiarchi,
167011 46
4.1. City ofThebes: Ottoman Revenue in the 15th and 16th
Centuries 83
4.2. Identified and Unidentified Villages in Tax Registers for
the Districts ofLidoriki and Vitrinitsa, Eastern Aitolia 88
6.1. Selected Nonstandard Nam_es from Archival Sources,
Psara, 1821-1824 120
6.2. Sequence of Related Households in the 1879 Census
ofMethana 125
6.3. Extracts from the MitroonArrenon, 1849-1872 126-127
9.1. EKAS Objects Datable to Broad Periods 182
9.2. EKAS Objects Datable to Narrow Periods 182
9.3. EKAS Material from Periods Overlapping the
Ottoman Period 184
XH TABLES

9.4. APKAS Objects Datable to Broad Periods 189

9.5. APKAS Objects Datable to Narrow Periods 189
9.6. Churches in the Eastern Carinthia (Examilia and lsthmia
Basins) 191
10.1. The Kastrofylaka Census ofKythera, 1583 212
10.2. Place-Names on Kythera Attested in 16th-Century
Notarial Acts of Kasimatis 212
PART[, SOURCES FOR A LANDSCAPE HISTORY
OF EARLY MODERN GREECE

A variety of rich source material-much of it newly available-is at the

disposal of archaeologists and historians desiring to study Venetian and
Ottoman Greece. Although all of the contributors to this volume employ
a wide range of evidence (from archival documents in Italy, Turkey, and
Greece, to published accounts of travelers and early modern historians, to
the material culture retrieved from archaeological excavations and field
surveys), the three chapters that constitute Part I illustrate the richness of
particular sources of information, all of which have been relatively neglected
by social historians and archaeologists until recently.
In Chapter 2, Machiel Kiel introduces new data, here published for
the first time, drawn from Turkish archives. The information he provides
not only forces us to reconsider opinions about patterns of settlement in
the Aegean islands after the Ottoman conquest, but also can be used in
tandem with archaeological data to build an integrated picture of setdement
and land use in particular places at particular points in time, as we have
attempted to do for Kea in the Introduction and as John Bennet does for
Kythera in Chapter 10. As Kiel notes, the information he presents here rep-
resents only a sample of the wealth of data available in archival sources.
In Chapter 3, Aglaia Kasdagli reprises and updates her pioneering re-
search on locally notarized legal documents from the Greek islands-wills,
dowry agreements, land sales, and the like. Although contemporary infor-
mation from Ottoman taxation registers is graduaLly becoming available,
they were all composed from the perspective of a central Ottoman admin-
istration in Istanbul that was concerned principally with the generation of
tax revenue. Notarized documents, in contrast, offer us information from
the unique, and often very personal, perspective of the subject population
that inhabited the Aegean islands. These Greek territories enjoyed con-
siderable autonomy within the Ottoman empire and, unlike areas such as
the Peloponnese, maintained local institutions of governance. The rich
descriptions of real and movable property, as Kasdagli notes, reflect social
conditions that left material consequences in the landscape subject to
archaeological documentation.
34

Finally, in Chapter 4,Joanita Vroom describes the significant develop-

ments that have occurred in the past few years in the study of ceramics
and other artifacts of the Venetian and Ottoman periods in Greece. Such
finds can now be dated with much greater precision than in the past, and
substantially more is known about the function of specific types of arti-
facts in the societies of early modern Greece. One result is that patterns
of settlement and land use in the landscapes of early modern Greece can
now be reconstructed by archaeologists with much higher chronological
resolution than was possible even a decade ago. The enormous progress
these developments have made possible is exemphfied by the case studies
in Boiotia discussed by John L. Bintliffin Chapter 11.
PART II, ETHNJC!TY AND POPULATION
STABILITY IN SOUTHERN GREECE AND
ON CYPRUS

Qyestions raised by the sheer magnitude of the population shifts docu-

mented in areas that now fall within the borders of Greece must be con-
fronted by all scholars of the early modern Balkans. Have we been viewing
the history of settlement in these lands from an overly narrow perspective,
one shaped by policies of the centralized state government of the modern
Greek state? Are there alternative, more nuanced histories yet to be writ-
ten-those that emphasize regional distinctions and relationships between
local populations that may not always have identified themselves as Greek
and central imperial governments that have dominated them economically,
socially, and politically?
Both material culture and text may be brought to bear on questions
of identity in early modern Greece, yet ethnicity too rarely has been the
focus of scholarly investigations. In part, this situation must reflect a still
commonly found belief among scholars of Greek history-that since clas-
sical antiquity a Greek race, speaking the Greek language, has remained
dominant and stable in both the rural and the urban populations throughout
the lands that now constitute the Greek nation.
Such a notion is clearly mistaken. Ottoman texts document, for ex-
ample, the wide and dense distribution of Albanian settlement in areas
such as the Carinthia as early as the 15th century. There are interesting
questions to be posed. Through what forces has the Greek state succeeded
in incorporating into a homogeneous Greek society peoples who once did
not speak Greek, observe the Orthodox faith, or identifY themselves as
Greek? Archaeological and documentary information also can threaten
the concept of the timeless village by working in synergy to permit the
composition of histories of individual settlements. At the same time, it is
clear that documentary evidence, in and ofitself, is not sufficient to monitor
population growth and decline.
Alexis Malliaris, a historian of early modern Greece who specializes in
the period ofVenetian ascendancy in the Morea (1687-1715), in Chapter 5
 draws on material explored in his dissertation regarding settlement in
the north of the peninsula. Here he explains the Venetian government's
strategy of encouraging immigrants to settle on land deserted by Muslims,
and explores the interaction between native and immigrant communities
and particularly the social structure of immigrant groups. Although the
general outline of these developments is known to historians, Malliaris's
very original contribution is to demonstrate how immigrants gained eco-
nomic and social status through the Venetian use of quasi-feudal, or, as
he calls them, para-feudal, institutions to create a new landed dass. This
instance is, of course, only one of many in which various states (Ottoman,
Byzantine, Frankish, and Venetian) either promoted or forced migration
into lands now belonging to modern Greece.
In Chapter 6, Hamish Forbes, an anthropologist and archaeologist who
has conducted research in the northeastern Peloponnese for more than 30
years, examines the population history of one Orthodox, almost entirely
Albanian-speaking, village on the Saronic Gulf peninsula of Methana.
He finds that the interpretation of evidence, as documented in official
records of the modern Greek state, must be approached with caution.
In particular, that households and individuals sometimes were recorded
under nicknames, not stable surnames, often giving a false impression
of discontinuity in population. After the establishment of the modern
Greek state, political and economic instability was a significant factor in
encouraging migration to Methana from Ottoman territories, but Forbes
draws the important conclusion, on the basis of his study of sources from
the 19th century that date to after the nation of Greece was established,
that fluidity and instability of rural populations are likely to have been the
norm in early modern Greek lands.
Both Malliaris and Forbes found their conclusions on documentary and
historical evidence. In contrast, in Chapter 7, Michael Given, an archaeolo-
gist prominent in two recent significant regional studies of mountainous,
frequently marginal, uplands on Cyprus, establishes a dialectical relation-
ship among (1) material cultural remains documented by his own research
projects; (2) the written testimonia of archived bureaucratic documents
commissioned by the various imperial powers that in succession controlled
that island (most recently, Great Britain); and (3) more casual comments
extracted from the travelogues ofWestern visitors. Above all, his observa-
tions emphasize once again the need to be critical, even at times skeptical,
in our use of archival sources. In particular, it is dangerous to assume that
early modern censuses can be employed unequivocally to reconstruct past
patterns of settlement and premodern distributions of population.
PART III: CONTRASTING STRATEGIES OF
LAND USE IN OTTOMAN AND VENETIAN
GREECE

One of the enormous advantages of conducting historical and archaeologi-

cal research in Greece and Cyprus is that it offers scholars the opportunity
to engage in research that can be cross-cultural and comparative. This is
particularly true for the Peloponnese and Crete, where rich administrative
archives survive from both Venetian and Ottoman times. The different
ways in which chapters in this part of our book exploit the potential for
comparison among and between subregions of early modern Greece il-
lustrate the vast, but still largely underutilized, significance of the material
remains, maps, and written culture of Venetian and Ottoman occupation
for archaeologists, anthropologists, and geographers.
Both powers had a tendency to accept the status quo in regard to
matters such as landholding regimes in their new conquests; this fact can
account for apparent similarities in administrative practices in the same
territories. It is also true that their economic policies varied according to
geography, terrain, and period, so that any general conclusions about them
may differ according to which region is examined and what chronological
time frame is the object of the inquiry.
Allaire Stallsmith, a historian of modern and ancient agriculture as
well as of ancient religion, for more than a decade has worked in associa-
tion with regional studies projects organized by archaeologists in eastern
Crete. There, she has been principally engaged in documenting the material
remnants of early modern rural settlement and archaeological activities in
the landscape of the island. In Chapter 8, she brings various types of evi-
dence to bear in illustrating differences in the ways the Venetians and the
Ottomans organized the rural economy of the island. Understanding the
effects of imperal policies on landscape is an important aid in interpreting
material remains.
Timothy Gregory, in Chapter 9, adds richness to the picture by consid-
ering the variable manner in which Ottoman and Venetian administrations
were exploiting contemporaneously two very different landscapes: one, an
area of the mainland east of Corinth; the other, Kythera (Venetian Cerigo ),
a small island off the southern coast between the Morea and Crete. Gregory,
a historian of the Byzantine Empire and an archaeologist specializing in
the study of the material culture of Byzantine and post-Byzantine Greek
lands, has organized and participated in archaeological excavations and
regional studies in Greece, Turkey, and on Cyprus. Here he draws on the
rich sets of data collected in the course of his recent fieldwork.
In Chapter lO,John Bennet takes a very different tack, emphasizing
how textual and archaeological information together describe the remark-
ably similar ways in which Venetian and Ottoman administrators, as well
as local Greek farmers, mentally organized the agricultural resources of
two territories of Greece in which he himself has conducted archaeological
and historical research. The relationship between text and material culture,
and the conceptualization of rural landscapes by tax authorities, have been
central topics in Bennet's research for two decades, whether it has involved
the palatial administrations of Knossos and Pylas in the 2nd millennium
B.c., or Venetian and Ottoman colonial administrations in early modern
times. His two case studies here, the Peloponnese and Kythera, are in a sense
mirror images, in that the former represents an instance in which Ottoman
territory was lost to Venice and then regained at a later date, whereas the
latter was Venetian territory lost for a brief pedod to the Ottomans.
PART IV, TOWARD AN INTEGRATED
HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF EARLY
MODERN GREECE

In the final section of this book, four distinguished archaeologists contribute

their perspectives. The appearance of these particular authors in our volume
may seem surprising to some readers and certainly requires explanation.
John Bintliff, BjOrn Forstn, Priscilla Murray, and Curtis Runnels all
have participated in the organization and execution of regional studies
projects in Greece for many years and, in that capacity, became aware,
as did one of the editors of this volume (Davis), of the enormous gaps in
historical knowledge concerning rural settlement and population levels,
and local agricultural practices in Venetian and Ottoman Greece. A lack
of derailed information about post-Byzantine pottery, particularly plain
and coarse wares, also severely hampered efforts to reconstruct patterns of
land use from the finds retrieved through intensive surface survey.
As a result, the organizers of regional studies projects were in a predica-
ment: the professed aim of integrating evidence from material culture with
that extracted from texts was being frustrated. Later chapters in their final
publications frequently were based solely on generalized historical sources.
These writings often were presented entirely from a Greek perspective
because of a lack of access to Ottoman documents.
Bintliff was one of the first archaeologists to try to cut this Gordian
knot by forming a partnership with an Ottomanist, Machiel Kid. In his
contribution here, Bintliff describes the enormous progress that has been
made in the archaeology of early modern Greece in the past two decades,
often with reference to his own work in Boiotia, and outlines a sensible
course of action for the future.
Runnels, a prehistorian, Murray, an ethnoarchaeologist, and Forsen,
a Roman historian, were invited to compose short commentaries on the
chapters in this volume. Each contribution, while properly celebrating
successes, recognizes that the reconstruction of early modern patterns of
settlement and land use is not a simple matter, even when ample textual
evidence is available.
INTRODUCTION

by jack L. Davis and Siriol Davies

Most of the chapters in this volume were composed in preliminary form

for the April 2003 workshop "Between Venice and Istanbul: Colonial
Landscapes in Early Modern Greece ca. 1500-1800 A.D.,'' sponsored by
the Department of Classics of the University of Cincinnati. 1 The publica-
tion of these papers in a supplement to Hesperia now seems particularly
appropriate, inasmuch as the American School of Classical Studies has
been a leader in the study of medieval and early modern Greece. Notable
have been its sponsorship of the Gennadius Library and its monograph
series. 2 Also deserving mention are the many studies oflater Greek monu-
ments and artifacts that have been conducted by its members, in particular,
examinations of finds from excavations at Corinth and in the Athenian
Agora. 3 The many references to this work by contributors to this volume
attest its significance.
Nonetheless, the archaeology of the so-called post-Byzantine era in
Greece remains a poor stepchild of classical archaeology, particularly with
regard to the period during which most of the area of the current nation-
state of Greece was incorporated within the Ottoman empire. To some
extent, the rarity of research programs explicitly designed to investigate
the material culture of these times reflects a general scholarly neglect of
this subject. 4

1. The term "colonial" used in the man Turkish is transliterated according

title of this volume is slippery and can to the general practice employed in
be defined in a variety of ways, none Zarinebaf, Bennet, and Davis 2005,
of which seem entirely satisfactory, but p.xxu.
usually include dements of settlement, 2. E.g., Paton 1940; Andrews 1953,
economic exploitation, and cultural 2006; Eliot 1992.
domination. See discussions in, e.g., van 3. E.g., Corinth III. I; Corinth IIL3;
Dommelen 1998, pp. 16, 121-129, 141- Cormth XI; Agora IX; Agora XX; Sand-
142; Cohn 1996; McKee 2000, pp. 1-7 ers 1987; MacKay 2003; Williams
(on ethnicity as a tool of domination on 2003.
Venetian Crete). For an argument that 4. A review of the state of histori-
Venetian Greece was not "colonial," see cal archaeology in areas once embraced
Finley1976,pp.176-177. by the Ottoman empire has appeared
Terms that might be unfamiliar to recently, however; see Yeni~ehirlioglou
the reader are glossed at first use. Otto- 2005.
 JACK L. DAVIS AND S!R!OL DAVIES

LATER GREEK STUDIES AND ARCHAEOLOGY

In their introduction to the only volume of collected essays from a sympo-

sium on Ottoman archaeology yet to be published, the editors, Uzi Baram
and Lynda Carroll, noted:
Throughout the 1990s, mostly implicitly and without any sustaining
scholarly organization, archaeologists began to face the challenge
of an archaeology of the Ottoman Empire, and a wealth of new
archaeological materials recovered from excavations were retained
for analysis. It became clear to us that the archaeological literature
on the Ottoman period was growing, as an increasing number of
scholars from a variety of different disciplines, such as history, art
history, classics, and geography, expanded their examination of the
Ottoman period in terms of its material culture. 5
Essays in that volume range widely in their focus. Kuniholm, for
example, emphasizes the enormous potential in employing evidence from
dendrochronological dating in conjunction with Ottoman records to
reconstruct complete histories of construction and repair for specific Ot-
toman buildings (e.g., the Octagonal Tower in Thessaloniki). In addition,
he presents evidence from his own studies for dating Ottoman monuments
on Acrocorinth, at Didymoteichon, in Thessaloniki, and in Trikala. 6
Other contributors consider the social role that various types of artifacts
played in Ottoman society. Baram, for example, suggests that the study of
tobacco pipes can "shed light on the active histories of peoples who did not
enter the documentary record. "7 Carroll considers the potential that the
examination of archaeologically observable distribution patterns in ceramics
has for shedding light on the consumption of various styles and varieties of
pottery by different socioeconomic groups within the Ottoman empire. 8
This otherwise praiseworthy book neglects research that addresses the
interface between text and material culture, however. Only one chapter,
that by Ziadeh-Seely, observes that a dialectic can exist between written
and nonwritten sources, and that more is to be gained from examining
areas of conflict and disagreement than by trying to use one category of
documentation to confirm the other. In this regard, she notes that evidence
from excavations at the site ofTi<innik in Palestine appears to contradict
the picture of prosperity in the 16th century that has been drawn on the
basis of information recorded in Ottoman defiers (tax registers). 9
Similarly, within the field of Greek archaeology itself, there have as yet
been few attempts to combine textual and artifactual evidence to produce
a genuinely integrated archaeology for the centuries following the fall of 5. Baram and Carro112000, p. ix.
Constantinople in 1453. The use of Ottoman documents for writing the 6. Kuniholm 2000, p. 113.
history of modern Greece is still uncommon, and when they have been 7. Baram 2000, p. 155.
mined for the study of material culture, the purpose has more often been 8. Carrol12000.
art historical than archaeological. Such efforts have been spearheaded by 9. Ziadeh-Seely 2000. For the
conversion of Islamic dates to Christian
Machiel Kiel, whose many studies have clarified the architectural histories
dates in this volume, see below, p. 35,
of individual monuments in Greece and elsewhere in the Balkans (although n. 3.
he also has devoted much attention to studying settlement patterns and 10. E.g., Kiel1970, 1971,1981,
population trends, a point to which we return later). 10 1983.
 INTRODUCTION 3

Kid's study of the date of construction of the most famous building

in Thessaloniki, the White Tower, or Lefkos Pyrgos, is characteristic of
this genre. 11 Various scholars had previously assigned this event to a time
anywhere from the early 13th century, under the Latin Empire ofThessa-
loniki, to the first half of the 15th century, when the city was under Ve-
netian occupation. In the 17th century, however, Evliya <;elebi described
the tower as an Ottoman work of the time of Suleyman the Magnificent,
basing his conclusion on a dedicatory inscription that once could be read
over the entrance to the tower. Evliya's conclusion was verified by Kid's
transcription and reading of the dedicatory inscription from a photograph
preserved in the archives of the Deutsches Archaologisches lnstitut in
Athens. He concludes that the Lefkos Pyrgos is "a remarkable piece of
Ottoman military architecture of the first half of the 16th century. "u In a
similar vein, Kid has more recently recovered documents pertaining to the
planning and execution of the building of the fortress of New Navarino. 13
Significantly, these texts also clarifY the political context in which it was
deemed necessary to embark on this project in the wake of the Ottoman
defeat at Lepanto in 1571.
At the same time, other research projects have attempted to document
and date later medieval and early modern architectural remains in Greece,
but largely without recourse to Ottoman documentary evidence or even
to any detailed site-specific Western written accounts. Fred Cooper and
Joseph Algaze's ambitious Morea Project, for example, had as its goal the
examination of Frankish and Ottoman architectural styles in the western
Peloponnese. The project mapped standing remains ofbuildings that were
constructed prior to the introduction of reinforced concrete in a selection
of villages and citadels in the western Peloponnese, principally in Elis and
Arcadia, but also in northern Messenia. In some instances the ubiquitous
fragments of tiles found in abandoned settlements were demonstrated to
derive from specific types of roofing systems that appear to be temporally
diagnostic. 14
Although they too have not yet received the attention they deserve,
manifestations of Venetian and Frankish material culture in Greece, in
contrast to Ottoman, have been gready favored by scholars. Such a prejudice
is not unique to archaeology, but reflects the prejudices of Greek historians
and of allied Western scholars who, for the most, part have fully embraced
an ideology ofHellenism. Such a preference for things Venetian as opposed
to Ottoman reflects, in Michael Herzfeld's words, "how well the nationalist
ideology of the Greek state, embodied in a more or less continuous condi-
tion of hostility with Turkey and embedded in larger, neo-Classical claims
to European status, has done its work ... and the current rehabilitation
11. Kiel1973. of the [Venetian] indicates the force of a cultural economy that ranks the
12. K.iel1973, p. 357. European stereotype over the Oriental." 15 In this context it is worth not-
13. Kid 2005. ing that three decades after the publication of Kid's decisive study of the
14. Cooper 2002. Lefkos Pyrgos in Thessaloniki, the internet site of the Ministry of Culture
15. Herzfeld 1991, p. 57.
of Greece continues to refer to this tower as a construction of the 15th
16. "Hellenic Ministry of Culture:
The White Tower," posted at century, built to replace a Byzantine tower on the same spot. 16
http:/I odysseus .culture.gr/h/2/eh251. If archaeologists have neglected the study of later Greece, a similar
jsp?obj_id~!l59. attitude often has characterized the research programs of historians of
4 JACK L. DAVIS AND SIRIOL DAVIES

both the Venetian Republic and the Ottoman Empire. Between 1500 and
1800, most of present-day Greece was either a distant colony of Venice or
an outlying province of the Ottoman empire. This fact consigned Greece
to a marginal place in the history of both empires as scholars have focused
on their mainland territories and have been more interested in the earlier
years of their imperial expansion than the later centuries of their decline.
Greek scholars, however, for more than a century have been mining Vene-
tian archives for the history of Greece in the medieval and early modern
periods. In the past 25 years there have appeared a number of significant
studies of those parts of Greece that were still under Venetian control in
the 16th and 17th centuries: for example, Crete, Corfu, Kythera, Cyprus,
and the Peloponnese. 17 At the same time, scholars have begun to investigate
more intensively the resources of Ottoman archives for Greek history. 18
They also have restudied documents in Greek archives, extracting new
types of information from them. 19
Interest in investigating the Venetian monuments of Greece is long-
standing. In the first decades of the 20th century, for example, Giuseppe
Gerola documented significant buildings on Crete, in the Aegean islands,
and in the Morea.w Because many of the structures he photographed have
since fallen victim to programs of urban renewal, the archive of images that
he assembled constitutes an irreplaceable scholarly resource today. 21 His
work has been supplemented by studies by Johannes Kader of the important
Venetian possession ofNegroponte (Euboia), by Kevin Andrews's analysis
of plans of fortresses in the Peloponnese that were executed by engineers
in the employ of Venice during its occupation of the Morea (1686-1715),
and, above all, by Antoine Bon's monumental study of the physical remains
of Frankish domination of the Peloponnese. 22
The work of this older generation of scholars continues to serve as
a solid foundation for contemporary scholarship. Maria Georgopoulou's
monographic examination of Crete and Euboia offers case studies ofbuilt
environments in colonial settings that expressed close cultural ties both
to the Byzantine past and to the Venetian present.z3 Patrice Foutakis's
research sheds light on the history of the fortress at Methoni. 24 Peter Lock
and Guy Sanders, on the other hand, have published a varied collection of
essays concerning Frankish Greece;zs these include relatively traditional
studies of medieval churches, Z6 fortifications and fortified settlements, J.J
grave monuments,~ and pottery..< 9

17. E.g., Arbel2000; Aristeidou pn:served in Greek archives, see Balta American School just prior to World
1990; Dokos and Panagopoulos 1993; 2003. War II. They are reprinted in color in
Liata 1998, 2003; Maltezou 1997, 19. E.g., Kasdagli 1999; Koukkou Andrews 2006.
2002; Greene 2000; Nikifowu 1999; 1989; Liata 1987. 23. Georgopoulou 2001.
Maltezou and Papakosta 2006. 20. Gerola 1916-1920,1921-1922, 24. E.g., Foutakis 2005.
18. E.g.,Alexander 1999; Balta 1923-1924,1930-1931. 25. Lock and Sanders 1996.
1989,1992,1997, 1999; Greene 21. Curuni and Donati 1988. 26. Cooper 1996; Coulson 1996.
2000; BJel 1992, 1997; BJeland 22. Kader 1973; Andrews 1953; 27. Gregory 1996; Hodgetts and
Sauerwein 1994; Parveva 2003; Bon 1969. The drawings published by Lock 1996; Lock 1996; Sanders 1996.
Zarinebaf, Bennet, and Davis 2005. Andrews had come into the posses- 28. Ivison 1996.
Regarding Ottoman documents sion of the Gennadius Library of the 29. MacKay 1996.
 INTRODUCTION 5

THE IMPACT OF REGIONAL STUDIES

In the volume edited by Lock and Sanders, two essays, taking a different
perspective, explicitly consider the impact that regional archaeological
investigations have had on the study of later Greece. John Bindiff's es-
say addresses the contribution that the Boiotia Project has made to our
understanding of the nature of the countryside of central Greece under
Frankish domination, and the one by Nancy Stedman looks at published
accounts of early travelers to the area examined by the Boiotia Project as
well as traditional village and domestic architectural forms. 30 Bintliff's
analysis of archaeological data collected from intensive surface survey draws
on information gleaned from Western historical sources and inferred from
Ottoman documents pertinent to the period immediately preceding the
Ottoman conquest of this area. 3 '
The contributions by Bintliff and Stedman are exceptional in their
regional focus, and they stand out from other essays in that volume in the
same manner in which Allaire Brumfield's chapter in the volume edited
by Baram and Carroll does. There Brumfield considers Ottoman and
Venetian administrative documents and local Greek records pertaining to
monastic holdings and disputes over them; she adds to these sources her
own thorough ethnographic inventory of Ottoman-period architectural
remains in a region in eastern Crete that had been the target of systematic
archaeological survey. 32
In fact, in the past decade in Greece and on Cyprus, modern history
has become a subject of great interest to archaeologists who are involved
in regional studies, as are Bintliff and Brumfield. It has arguably been the
popularity of diachronic surface surveys that has led to a growing interest in
the medieval and post-medieval countryside. 33 The use of travelers' reports
as sources for the history of the rural landscape has been complemented by
investigations into Venetian and Ottoman archival records.
In conjunction with the Boeotia Project, K.iel, for example, system-
atically gathered data in Istanbul and Ankara in order to define local and
regional trends in population growth and decline, and to reconstruct the
agricultural economy of the areas investigated by that project. 34 A spe-
cial concern has been spatial variation in the locations of populations of
various ethnicities (Albanian, Slavic, Greek, Turkish, and Jewish). Explicit
comparisons between the results of survey and Ottoman documentary
information note, among other things, the much greater chronological
resolution currently possible from the written evidence.SS
Other regional studies have followed the lead of the Boeotia Project.
Gerstel and her colleagues, with assistance from K.iel, have attempted to

30. Bintliff 1996; Stedman 1996. Medieval and Post-Medieval Greece" documentation and archaeologtca[
31. Bintliff 1996. was specifically designed to examine evidence also has grown in recent years;
32. Brumfield 2000; Stallsmith interfaces between text and material see, e.g., Robinson 2002; Wilkinson
(2004) treats the same topics in much culture at the regional level. Elsewhere 2004.
grener detaiL in territories of the former Ottoman 34. Kie11997, 2000.
33. The conference held in Corfu Empire, interest in designing research 35. Bintliff 1999; Sbonias 2000,
in 1998 titled ~New Approaches to programs that draw on both archival pp. 223-225.
6 JACK L. DAVIS AND SIRIOL DAVIES

reconstruct Ottoman-period patterns of settlement and abandonment in

a small region on the border of Attica and Boiotia. In this instance, evi-
dence from excavation and an absence of reference in the earliest Ottoman
sources to the significant village of Panakton suggest that it already had
been abandoned by the time of the Ottoman conquest. 36
In Arcadia, Bjorn Forstn has integrated information from surface
survey with Ottoman data supplied at the village level by John Alexander
and Machie! KielY Finally, in Messenia, a partnership involving Siriol
Davies and Jack L. Davis (the editors of this volume), John Bennet, and
Fariba Zarinebaf, an Ottomanist, has used archaeological, topographical,
and Venetian and Ottoman archival evidence to compose a social and
economic geography for the area ofPylos in the late 17th and early 18th
centuries. 38
The difficulty shared by all these projects in closely dating local
pottery of the modern period has encouraged more intensive efforts to
understand local ceramic sequences. 39 The work of Joanita Vroom, one
of the contributors to this volume, has significantly improved the ability
of archaeologists involved in regional studies to date surface finds of the
modern period. Vroom has shown that it is possible to relate a detailed
study of the distribution of surface ceramics of various dates not only to
cycles of population increase in a region, but also to the life-histories of
sites in Boiotia. 40
At the same time, her warnings should be heeded that in parts of
Greece, such as Aitolia, few ceramics are likely to have been used until
recently. Therefore, only a negligible ceramk trace ofhuman presence may
remain in the landscape, particularly on sites located at higher altitudes
at a greater distance from the sea. 41 Nonetheless, Vroom's own Ph.D. dis-
sertation is a successful attempt to consider Ottoman-period pottery from
surface survey in the context of the particular locations where it was iden-
tified, and to relate such observations to documentary evidence extracted
from Ottoman sources. 42
Based on results of the Laconia Survey of the British School at Ath-
ens, Pamela Armstrong's research in the area of Sparta evinces a similarly
impressive command of local ceramic sequences, although documents
examined are principally those of Venice, composed during the period of
its brief control of the Morea (1686-1715), and of the French Expedition
scientifique de Moree, based on censuses and surveys conducted following
the Greek Revolution of1821-1829 and the establishment of independence 36. Gerstel eta!. 2003.
from the Ottomans. 43 37. Forsen 2003.
Certain categories of portable and durable artifacts other than pot- 38. Zarinebaf, Bennet, and Davis
2005.
tery-clay tobacco pipes, for example-also have been studied in some
39. Regarding the difficulties, see,
detail and have facilitated the dating of archaeological surface finds. 44 e.g., Shelton 2003.
Despite such encouraging results, it unfortunately remains a fact that, 40. Similarly impressive results are
even though regional diachronic archaeological investigations have now now evinced by archaeological investi-
been a feature of archaeology in Greece for nearly three decades, there is gations of medieval and post-medieval
still woefully little communication between historians and those archae- remains in several of the Cydadic
islands (Vionis 2005).
ologists engaged in such activities. There is little concern to integrate the 41. Vroom 1998.
evidence of text and material culture on a regional scale. This fact is all the 42. Vroom 2003.
more surprising when one considers the concerns that the two disciplines 43. Armstrong 1996.
have in common. 44. E.g., Robinson 1985.
 INTRODUCTION 7

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE

EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN

Where does this relatively new field, the study of the archaeology of the
Greek world in the 16th-18th centuries, fit in terms of theoretical develop-
ments in the archaeology of this period as conducted in other parts of the
world? The term "historical archaeology" in its broadest definition is the
study of the material remains of literate societies, which implies different
starting dates in different places around the globe. In Europe, naturally,
the classical world is included according to this definition, but in North
America it has quite a different significance. There, literacy is deemed to
commence with the arrival of Europeans, that is to say, post-1492, and
the earlier history of the continent is considered "prehistoric." An ac-
ceptance of the late 15th century as a start date has put an emphasis on
themes such as the impact of European colonialism on native peoples, the
development of capitalism and, ultimately, "modernity." Orser settles on
a rationale for historical archaeology as seeking "to understand the global
nature of modern life. "45 Implicit in this approach, in which the discovery
of the "New World" is seen as the beginning of the modern world, is the
assumption of a clean break with the past, a lack of continuity with medieval
Europe. 46 This appears to exclude, as a subject of inquiry, the archaeology
of Europe from the 16th century onward, although Matthew Johnson has
argued that an ''archaeology of capitalism" must include study of the "Old
World": "If we are serious about writing an archaeology of capitalism, the
preconditions of its emergence must be addressed. In the first place we
need to discuss core as well as periphery, 16th- and 17th-century Europe
as well as its colonies. "41
Although this is a welcome recommendation, it still leaves the emphasis
on Western Europe. What of the southern and eastern Mediterranean,
which developed in quite a different manner? Baram and Carroll, concerned
with the Ottoman world, have dealt with this question by suggesting that
"there are many paths toward an archaeology of the Ottoman empire." An
examination of Western mtl.uence and the rise of capitalism may be valu-
able, but these factors counsel against placing the Ottomans in a passive
position vis-il.-vts the West and promote alternative approaches, such as
examining the empire from the perspective of Middle Eastern studies or
an archaeology of Islam. H
In this call for a pluralistic approach, Baram and Carroll are joined by
45. Orser 1996, p. 23. others. Funari, Hall, and Jones remark that "the archaeology of post-1492
46. Funari, Hall, and Jones 1999, America is only one of many possible historical archaeologies, including
pp. 6-7.
classical and medieval archaeology, and that there is much to be gained from
47. Johnson 1999a, p. 224.
48. Baram and Carroll2000, a reunification of these fields within the wider discipline of archaeology. "49
pp.l6-18. As Funari points out, an emphasis on the growth of capitalism is problem-
49. Funari, Hall, and Jones 1999, atic, different societies having experienced its advent at different times. He
pp. 1-17. Davis (1998, p. 297) writes argues instead for a world perspective that defines historical archaeology as
of"the struggle to create a polyvocal the study of the ''material culture ofliterate societies" with special attention
archaeology," that is, one that incor-
given to the relationship between artifacts and documents. 50
porates a diversity of sources that offer
perspectives from various segments of American historical archaeology, having evolved largely in anthro-
the populations of past societies. pology departments, has not had a dose link with history; therefore, the
50. Funari 1999, pp. 55-57. treatment of historical sources has generated considerable debate. Eager
' JACK L. DAVIS AND SIRIOL DAVIES

that material evidence should not be seen as subservient to documents,

historical archaeologists have claimed that the contribution of archaeology
is to telt the story from the subaltern point of view, on the assumption that
material remains are exempt from the elitist bias of documentary sources.
This view imphes that the two types of evidence, having been produced
independently, can act as a check against each other. Such a view has been
somewhat refined by Johnson, who argues that if material culture is treated
as text (i.e., designed for communication), then the two classes of evidence
(material and documentary), rather than being produced independently,
could be generated by the same underlying processes, and thus material
culture can also be an elitist creation. Neither does he regard documents as
unproblematic, advocating an "archaeology of documents. "51 Clearly, the
relationship between textual evidence and material remains is complex and
subject to ongoing debate.
Another potential divide between the disciplines may be the particular-
ist/generalist one. The historical archaeologist looking for underlying social
processes may be dismissive of detailed local studies. As Robert Paynter, in
a review of developments in the field, puts it, the dilemma of the historical
archaeologist lies in ~trying to understand local history with perspectives
that tend to trivialize such an endeavor. "5"
One possible solution to the problem of linking the particularities
of time and place with broader social processes may be, as suggested by
Baram and Carroll for the Ottoman world, taking a geopolitical perspec-
tive and thinking in terms of an "archaeology of empire": ''An archaeology
of empire provides crucial information about the local histories and social
developments of the empire, in what Sinopoli (1994:169) calls the mate-
rial consequences of an empire .... We can examine social action on the
local level as a part of the development of the empire, to be compared and
contrasted with other regions. An archaeology of the Ottoman empire links
local and imperial histories in dynamic relationships." 53
Although neither the Venetian nor the Ottoman Empire fits the
paradigm common to historical archaeology of the dominion of Western
Europeans over non-Western peoples, taking an imperial view may facilitate
comparison with the colonialism of the New World.
Historians too have called for an approach that views Greek history
in this period as part of wider imperial histories. Historians of Crete, for
example, have drawn our attention to the importance of the Venetian
colonial model in the context of the history of European colonialism, and
to the usefulness of comparative studies of the Venetian and Ottoman re-
gimes. HThe landscapes of Greece and Cyprus were "imperial" in a number
of senses. Their political subjection to either Venice or Istanbul determines
the fact that much of the documentation available was created by impe- 5l.Johnson 1999b, pp. 3o-32. For a
rial administrators. It was designed to classify and order the property and detailed examination of the "conjoint"
persons of foreign subjects and weighted to describe those matters that use of documentary and archaeological
most interested the rulers, namely, revenues and defense. The increasing evidence, see Wylie 1999.
52. Paynter 2000, p. 22. This article
sophistication of such endeavors is naturally connected to the development
usefully surveys recent thinking in the
of the state and its needs for centralization and rationalization. The im- field.
mense complexity of customary systems ofland tenure, and the difficulty 53. Baram and Carroll2000, p. 12.
of reducing them to a system comprehensible to outsiders, has been well 54. Greene 2000; McKee 2000.
 INTROPUCTION 9

documented in many areas and should make us wary of taking too literally
the record of a state of affairs "frozen" in official data. 55
Local economies and therefore landscapes were inevitably shaped by
imperial policies on matters such as grain export, vine or olive cultivation,
and immigration. The defensive requirements of empire determined much
of the building that is still standing, and ideologies concerning urban space
influenced the street plans of major towns. The particularities of time and
place must be borne in mind, however; imperial policies of the 15th century
were not the same as those of the 18th.
Another reason for taking an imperial view is the difficulty of catego-
rizing this period of Greek history, for which there is no satisfactory term:
"post- Byzantine," "post-medieval," "premodern"? The investigation of this
period's social, economic, and material history lies uneasily among many
disciplines (Byzantine studies, Ottoman studies, Venetian studies, Middle
Eastern studies, and modern Greek studies, to name but a few). Readers
will notice the employment of a variety of chronological designations in
this volume, particularly by archaeologists, which reflects the lack of com-
mon terms of reference. "Early modern," when understood by historians
of Western Europe to be bounded by the Renaissance at one end and the
agricultural and industrial revolutions at the other, may seem inappropri-
ate when applied to the eastern Mediterranean. 56 Instead, it is a period
most easily defined by the struggle for dominion between the Venetian
and Ottoman empires.
In the framework of such studies of empire, there are many questions
ofinterest to both historians and archaeologists: What was the significance
for the Orthodox community of the transition from Venetian to Ottoman
rule in Cyprus, Crete, the Peloponnese, and the Cyclades? To what extent
did each regime adapt to the preceding one? How is this transition reflected
in architecture, urban plans, settlement patterns, forms ofland tenure, and
administrative, fiscal, and judicial structures? What effect did it have on
intercultural contacts, definitions of community, economic development,
and population movement?
Collaboration between historians and archaeologists may raise spe-
cific issues about the use of evidence. How were Venetian and Ottoman
cadastral surveys used to exert control, and how useful are they now as
sources for historical geography and the study of power relations? How
55. On "state projects oflegibilicy much can archival material tell us about material culture of the period?
and simplification," see Scott 1998, Is it correct to say that archival sources are useful only for studying the
pp. 1-52; on the British acquisition of history of the city, and that we must rely on archaeology to reveal the life
knowledge in India, see Cohn 1996. of the countryside?
56. The term has been retained in
There is a natural fit between Ottoman and Venetian documentary
the title of this volume in the interests
of communicating with a wider audi- records of population and economic resources that can be exploited to ad-
ence that will immediately recognize dress such questions in instances where these empires succeeded each other
the chronological period intended. chronologically and occupied the same territory. In the case of archaeologi-
The reader will note, however, that in cal projects, information has been collected at the regional level because
several of the archaeological contribu-
such studies were explicitly designed to investigate entire landscapes. It is
tions to this volume, it is used in a very
different way-namely, to refer to the equally obvious that archival documentation also holds promise of providing
19th and early 20th cenruries; see, e.g., potentially complete regional statistics concerning patterns of settlement
Chap. 4. and land use that may be spatially continuous. Faroqhi, for example, has
w JACK L. DAVIS AND SIRIOL DAVIES

discussed the regional nature of Ottoman sources, particularly the potential

of the tapu tahrir differs. 57 These tax registers, regularly prepared in the
15th and 16th centuries as a basis for assignment of revenue to Ottoman
administrators, officials, members of the military, or to the sultan and
his family, offer the possibility of reconstructing regional settlement and
land-use patterns over continuous landscapes. In areas of the Aegean that
were conquered or reconquered later, detailed tax registers continued to be
composed at the beginning of the 18th century. 58
It is therefore unfortunate that detailed analysis of Ottoman tax reg-
isters has fallen out of favor among a younger generation of Ottomanists
in the West. Faroqhi has commented:
During the last few years it seems that tahrin occupy a less central
place on the agenda of Ottomanist historians. This may partly be
due to the fact that today we understand the limitations of this
source better than we did 30 years ago. But the main reason is that
in the historiography of the 1990s, qualitative analysis happens to
be in favor. Concomitantly "hard data" are no longer regarded as the
sole desirable result of historical study. Ottomanists have tended
to move away to sources in which the subjective intentions of the
author are more obvious. An analysis of the mind and world view of
the compilers of tahrir registers remains a desideratum. 59
There is, we think, a serious risk of indiscriminately discarding good
sources of information when the focus of scholarship tips too far in the
direction of interpretation, and analysis of the texts of the registers is
slighted. Ottoman studies might well profit from the application of meth-
ods of textual editing and criticism that have long been familiar tools of
the classical philologist and literary critic. Systematic transcriptions and
transliterations of Ottoman defiers (those that reflect ambiguities in textual
readings) would facilitate interdisciplinary cooperation.
The availability of such texts permits scholars who have a solid
knowledge of historical geography and archaeological evidence to make
a contribution to understanding the worldview of the Ottoman scribes. 60
Archaeology can enter into debates over the emptiness of the landscape at
the time of the Ottoman conquest, so-called transition studies. 6 ' Anthro-
pology may also be added to the mix. Faroqhi proposes combining village
sociological studies with deeper historical investigations of the same places,
but notes that modern "anthropologists are quite rightfully concerned with
present-day problems, such as the social consequences of mechanized agri-
culture and the growing integration of villagers into the national or world
market. Viewed from the historian's standpoint, the anthropologist works
57. Faroqhi 1999, esp. pp. 86-109.
within a 'short' time horiwn, often limited to the 1950s."61 Fortunately,
58. E.g., Greene 2000; Parveva
this generalization is not entirely accurate for Greece, where some cultural 2003; Zarinebaf, Bennet, and Davis
anthropologists have adopted a long-term historical perspective and have 2005.
shown considerable interest in material culture. 63 59. Faroqhi 1999, p. 95.
Faroqhi bemoans the lack of archaeological evidence concerning the 60. E.g., see Zarinebaf, Bennet, and
Davis 2005, pp. 116-117, regarding
rural population of the Ottoman empire. To be sure, this is a deficiency
scribal "routes."
that archaeology has the potential to address. But regional archaeologi- 61. Faroqhi 1999, p.101.
cal data also would seem to provide a means by which the completeness 62. Faroqhi 1999, p. 107.
of documentary data can be evaluated. At the same time, researchers can 63. E.g., Sutton 1990.
 INTRODUCTION n

approach well-known problems in evaluating the appropriateness of the

use of Ottoman defiers for population estimation by comparing their
contents with similar Venetian records for the same areas. In this regard,
special opportunities await in places-such as the Morea and Crete-that
belonged successively to the Venetian and the Ottoman empires, but these
as yet have been little exploited. 64
Heath Lowry, the historian who coined the term "defterology;" has
discussed the limitations of Ottoman taxation registers at length. 65 He de-
fines four schools of approach among Ottomanists, admittedly caricatures
of much more complex traditions: (1) a "Hungarian School,"which empha-
sizes the use of such registers for local history and includes transliterations
and translations, but little interpretation; (2) a "Barkan-Braudelian School,"
which trea.ts defiers as though they are genuine censuses and not taxation
documents; (3) a "Turkish School," which stresses the analysis of a series
of registers for the same region; and (4) a "French School," which puts a
premium on a microscopic word-by-word examination of a single entry,
or focuses on the meaning of a single term (e.g., "taxable crop").
Common to all of these approaches are spatial and temporal constraints
that make it difficult to recognize inconsistencies in the registers that may
"limit their value for many of the purposes [for] which scholars have at-
tempted to use them. "66 In addition, they often exclude sources of income
outside the timar (military fief) system that consisted of tax-free income
from private property or religious endowments, or revenue intended to go
directly to the central treasury.
In his own work, Lowry has tried to control for such difficulties by
using Byzantine monastic documents, by examining complementary Otto-
man documents (icmal [summary] and vakif[pious foundation] registers),
and by comparing earlier and later tapu tahrir registers. Data from regional
studies projects would offer an alternative solution to such problems that
would be of special importance in the greater part of the Ottoman empire
where earlier Byzantine documentation is nonexistent, and in those places
where Ottoman documentation is temporally discontinuous or lacking
altogether in later centuries.

THE CINCINNATI WORKSHOP

It was the enormous potential for cooperation between historians and

archaeologists that encouraged us to organize the workshop in Cincinnati
in 2003. That meeting followed a profitable, but much more informal,
gathering in Cincinnati the previous year. 67 We believed that the general
lack of communication between the disciplines was largely the result of
disciplinary compartmentalization rather than any intentional disregard for
one another's work. Our particular goal was to assemble archaeologists and
historians who, in the context of their own research, had been concerned
64. See, however, Davies 2004. with patterns of settlement and land use in regions. The University of
65. Lowry 1992, pp. 3-18.
Cincinnati was a suitable place for a workshop in light of Peter Topping's
66. Lowry 1992, p. 6.
67. Participants included the editors pioneering research conducted there in collaboration with the Minnesota
of this volume and several contributors Messenia Expedition and the enviable strength of its library's holdings in
to it (namely, Bennet, Forse.n, and Kid}. modern Greek studies.
 JACK L. DAVlS AND SJRJOL DAVIES

We hoped that an awareness of one another's research would in itself

stimulate discussion, and would encourage participants to think about how
in the future they might draw on the fruits of studies in other disciplines
to the benefit of their own research. It needed to be demonstrated that
both history and archaeology have much to gain from collaboration, or we
risked opening up yet another divide, such as has existed between classical
archaeologists and philologists for so long. We believed it was important
for both groups of scholars to recognize that the flow of benefits from
cooperation is not in one direction.
The collection of papers published here addresses many of the issues
discussed in the preceding section of this introduction by bringing to bear
on them the differing perspectives of archaeologists, historians, and an-
thropologists. Archaeological data are drawn from the results of regional
studies projects as well as excavations. Documentary evidence and historical
texts in Italian, Greek, and Ottoman Turkish are considered. Scholars
with expertise in Venetian and Ottoman studies are included. The result
is a book that is, we hope, genuinely interdisciplinary and that assembles
contributions by scholars who do not normally communicate easily with
one another.
Our choice of geographkal areas addressed in this volume (Map 1, and
Fig. 1.1 below) needs comment. First, to take advantage of the comple-
mentary nature of Venetian and Ottoman sources, it was deemed valuable
to focus on areas that had experienced dominion by both powers: the
Peloponnese, Crete, Cyprus, the Cyclades, and Kythera. Second, we invited
archaeologists who were known to be working on survey projects with a
declared interest in the early modern period and keen to use documentary
evidence (Bennet in Messenia and on Kythera, Gregory ln the Carinthia
and on Kythera, Bindiff in Boiotia, Given on Cyprus, Vroom in Boiotia
and on Kythera, Stallsmith on Crete). Next we thought of historians and
ethnographers specializing in Venetian, Ottoman, or Greek documents
whose work demonstrates the value of these sources for illustrating issues
pertaining to landholding, cultivation, and mobility patterns, important
themes for the student of the history of the landscape and material culture
(Kid on the Sporades, the Cyclades, and Kythera; Kasdagli on the Cyclades;
Malliaris and Forbes on the Peloponnese). Naturally, in geographical terms
we have excluded large parts of the Greek mainland (Thessaly, Macedonia,
Thrace) that did not undergo periods ofVenetian dominion; this is not to
say that there is not enormous potential for combining Ottoman sources
with the results of survey in these areas. Nor have we included every Aegean
region that experienced the dominion of both empires, such as Chios and
Euboia, or those Ionian islands that knew only Venetian dominion. In any
future attempt to evaluate the imprint on the landscape of one empire or the
other, these areas would, of course, provide very interesting comparisons.
Chapter 1 offers a brief survey of the historical background to the
period, for the benefit of any reader new to it. The chapters by the three
historians (Kiel, Kasdagli, and Malliaris) discuss the potential of very differ-
ent sources of documentation for reconstructing rural and agrarian histories
of early modern Greece. It should be obvious, although the authors have
not always chosen to emphasize this point explicitly, that the economic
 ~
BLACK SEA

IONIAN SEA

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10<J0->000m"'"

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MEDITERRANEAN SEA

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.
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Map 1. The Venetian and Ottoman eastern Mediterranean. R.J. Robertson

 JACK L. DAVIS AND SIRIOL DAVIES

patterns and social changes they describe had material consequences that
are susceptible to investigation by archaeological methods.The remaining
chapters in the volume were written by archaeologists who bring to bear on
problems of great interest both archaeological and textual evidence. Like
the earlier chapters in this collection, these are all concerned to a greater
or lesser extent with the management of empires and the material conse-
quences of the incorporation into them of the regions investigated.
Machiel Kiel, in Chapter 2, considers various Ottoman documents
pertaining to the Sporades, the northern Cyclades, and Kythera that were
misfiled geographically in the Ottoman archives in Istanbul and have
previously been unavailable to scholars. The discovery of these documents
has yielded considerable new information concerning the history of settle-
ment and agriculture on these islands, data that complement, but at times
contradict, information recorded in the accounts ofWestern travelers and
in Venetian sources. Most significantly for archaeologists, these documents
constitute a virtual invitation to integrate this information with the results
of regional studies already completed or in progress in the Cyclades and
on Kythera. 68
In Chapter 3, Aglaia Kasdagli considers the potential of another signifi-
cant source of documentary evidence, notarial documents from Latin and
Ottoman Greece. In many parts of Greece, where no other local archival
information survives, notarial documents can provide significant informa-
tion regarding the social and economic organization and management of
these areas while they were part of Frankish, Venetian, or Ottoman impe-
rial systems, and their agrarian histories. Among other issues, Kasdagli is
concerned with land-management systems that worked to the detriment of
small farmers and that were dismantled after Greece achieved independence
from the Ottoman Empire. Her conclusions deserve comparison with
those of ethnohistorical and archaeological investigations that have already
considered the material consequences of such a distribution of control over
agricultural resources (we return to this issue later).
Chapter 4, by Joanita Vroom, may be read as complementary to the
work of John Bintliff in Chapter 11: in large part, it is her research that
has permitted a finer chronological resolution in the interpretation of the
archaeological finds from the Boiotia Project. She observes that, after
pioneering articles by Frederick Waage and Allison Frantz in Hesperia,
interest in Ottoman pottery languished in the period following World War
II. Regional studies projects therefore had considerable difficulty in dat-
ing surface finds from the more recent Greek past. This chapter describes
the results of Vroom's recent refinements in the analysis of Ottoman and
contemporary Mediterranean ceramics as they apply to the reconstruction
of rural patterns of settlement during the times of Ottoman and Venetian
occupation.
In Chapter 5, AleXis Malliaris discusses how, after the conquest of the
Peloponnese by the Venetian general Morosini that began in 1685, the 68. See Chap. 10, where Bennet
discusses the relevance of these newly
Venetian government embarked on a long-term program of state-sponsored
discovered data for the history of
colonization of the Peloponnese. As a result of these efforts, many thousands Kythera, and the section, later in this
of Greeks moved to the Morea from Ottoman and Venetian territories Introduction, in which we consider
alike. This study examines the consequences of these migrations for the these new data with reference to Kea.
lNTROPUCTION '5

social and economic history of Greece. The tight chronological resolution

and dose spatial focus of the data relevant to this significant event in the
history of the Morea constitute a challenge to archaeologists to identify
its consequences in the material cultural record.
In Chapter 6, Hamish Forbes draws on ethnographic and historical
evidence, including local registers of births and deaths, that gives a strong
impression of flux and fluidity among populations in premodern Greece.
Some patterns are more apparent than real, based as they are on observations
in documentary evidence about continuity and discontinuity in personal
names that are presumed to be surnames. Forbes suggests that such names
may not have been in use for longer than a generation, and therefore are
unlikely to be true surnames. Changes in them can give a false impression
of a constant movement of households in and out of communities. The
tendency of a significant proportion of the population to have multiple
residences can also contribute a spurious element of flux and mobility
to the interpretation of past landscapes. Such conclusions have obvious
implications for how archaeologists might interpret evidence for the size
and continuity of settlements, as well as the extent of residence by farmers
in dispersed farmhouses.
In Chapter 7, Michael Given notes that most evidence for occupation
in the mountainous areas of Cyprus dates to the 12th century and later, to
times when the island was controlled by Lusignans, Venetians, and Otto-
mans. He contrasts the picture of settlement that can be reconstructed from
documentary evidence with the material cultural record. He argues that
written and archaeological testimonies are indispensable complementary
sources of evidence for the reconstruction of the history of rural settlement
and land use, and for understanding the various strategies of control that
successive imperial powers imposed on the population of the island.
In Chapter 8, Allaire Stallsmith considers Crete, another of the large
islands of the eastern Mediterranean contested by Venice and Istanbul. She
compares the strategies that the Venetian and Ottoman empires used in
the administration of their possessions on the island of Crete. Although
the origins of the two regimes and their administrative goals differed, she
argues that these imperial powers employed remarkably similar systems
to control their peasant populations (i.e., they adapted the status quo).
This study focuses on the ways in which policies of Venice and Istanbul
affected the crops grown and agricultural techniques favored by the primary
cultivators of the island.
In Chapter 9, Timothy Gregory draws on archaeological, historical,
and documentary information to address similar themes and to reconstruct
pictures of agricultural exploitation in the Ottoman Carinthia and on the
Venetian island ofKythera. He concludes that the systems of administra-
tion in the two regions differed considerably because the goals set by the
Ottoman and Venetian empires varied. The Ottomans wished to capital-
ize on the rich produce of areas that could easily be manipulated as cash
crops. The Venetians, on the other hand, were not primarily interested in
the production of cash crops; they insisted on the production of wheat as
a means to feed the fleet and to make the island self-sufficient and not
dependent on Venetian support.
 JACK L. DAVIS AND SIRIOL DAVIES

In Chapter 10,John Bennet outlines examples of how a combination

of text, image, and archaeology has facilitated archaeological-historical
research in the context of two regional studies projects in which he has been
involved: the Pylas Regional Archaeological Project and the Kythera Island
Project. Drawing on these examples, he suggests how the use by politically
dominant forces of what might broadly be termed "geo-metrical"-that
is, land-measuring-techniques may offer insights into the ways in which
control over land was conceptualized and enabled by governing elites and
indigenous populations.
In Chapter 11, research on the history and archaeology of the Otto-
man period in central Greece is reviewed by John Bintliff in the light of
archaeological fieldwork and archival studies. He considers the enormous
potential for an Ottoman-period archaeology of Greece and defines criti-
cal research areas. These include water-management systems, khans and
hostels, and vernacular architecture.
Chapter 12, by Bjorn Forstn, and Chapter 13, by Curtis Runnels and
Priscilla Murray, serve as commentaries on the previous chapters.

A CASE STUDY OF THE ISLAND OF KEA

We conclude this Introduction with a case study growing out of the in-
terdisciplinary gathering in Cincinnati. Kid's presentation at the Cincin-
nati workshop of entirely new information concerning the economic and
social history of the Cydad~c island of Kea (published here as Chap. 2)
was particularly welcome, since one of the editors of this volume (Davis)
had, in 1983-1984, collaborated in organizing a team of archaeologists to
explore the northwestern part of the island, an area that was effectively
the hinterland both of the prehistoric site of Ayia Irini and of the classi-
cal city-state of Korisia. 69 The Ottoman and early modern periods were
of particular interest to the project, inasmuch as the former constituted
"an extreme example of residential nucleation in the context of increased
monopolization ofland ownership.''70
As elsewhere in the Aegean islands under the Latins and Ottomans,
control ofland on Kea was dominated by a wealthy privileged class that also
occupied public offices and served to mediate between the islanders and
the Ottoman administration, since few, if any, non-Greeks were generally
resident on the island. Much of the land on the island was monopolized
by members of this class in large parcels (voles), over which in their totality
grazing rights were held by a single owner, while each parcel was in turn
broken mto myriad sma11er fields that could be cultivated but not fenced.
Such a system, similar to that described by Kasdagli for Naxos in Chapter
3, would have impeded the consolidation ofland by peasants. Thus, there
could have been little incentive to live in isolation in the countryside
69. Cherry, Davis, and Mantzourani
when one's agricultural parcels had been scattered by partible inheritance
1991.
throughout the island. 70. Cherry, Davis, and Mantzourani
With the Greek Revolution of 1821 and the subsequent emergence 1991, p. 467 (on the later history of the
of a democracy that offered individual citizens a voice in government, the island, see pp. 467-471).
 INTRODUCTION '7

older system ofland ownership that was supported by the elite collapsed.
Land in the later 19th and 20th centuries then changed hands readily.
Some small farmers were able to consolidate parcels and pursued a more
intensive agricultural strategy that included residence amidst their fields.
This-impressive expansion of settlement outside the town ofChora is readily
observable in the distribution of agricultural structures that have been built
in the rural landscape in the past 200 years, and in the changing shapes of
fields as the older voles have been increasingly subdivided. 71
At the time of publication of archaeological fieldwork in the north-
western part of the island, the earliest published text from Kea that related
to Ottoman administration dated to 1770 and emanated from a Greek
source. 72 The discovery and transcription by K.iel of relevant Ottoman
documents has thus opened a window on an almost entirely unknown stage
in the history of Kea from the 15th to the 19th century, a period familiar
only from the accounts of foreign visitors. 73 Of particular interest is that
this new information appears to confirm what was previously suspected:
The only significant settlement was located at the modern capital of the
island, Chora (officially loulis), and there were no other villages.
At the same time, the Ottoman documents seem to support the no-
tion that there was little in the way of isolated rural settlement prior to the
period of Greek independence. The detailed Ottoman register ( mufassal
defter) of1670/1 divides all inhabitants of the island into 15 mahalle (Greek
llaxaMOe.;-neighborhoods, or wards, or districts). 74 These are identified
in relation to churches, all of which appear to have been located in Chora
or nearby. 75 The only individuals who are registered as resident elsewhere
are the few monks recorded in Appendix 2 of Chapter 2.
Such a highly nucleated pattern of settlement is precisely that suggested
by the account of Giuseppe Sebastiani, who visited Kea only three years
before the Ottoman register was composed. He wrote in 166 7 that "Hoggi
ha una sola citti dove il Latini hanna una chiesa dedicate a S. Andrea
apostolo. "76 That this distribution of population continued to be characteris-
tic of the island in the following century is indicated by an unpublished map
(Map 2) drawn immediately following the Greek Revolution by members
of the Expedition scientifique de Moree. Aside from Zea (Chora) and its
"chiteau," marked elsewhere are only rural seasonal shelters, "magazines,"
doubtless those used for storage of velanidi (acorn caps) awaiting export,

7 L Whitelaw 1991. Triada); (unreadable name]; Ayo Yani been especially useful in identifying
72. Psyllas 1921, pp. 312-313. Sdogo (Ayios loannis Theologos); churches on Kea: Dimitropoulos 1983;
73. Bennet and Voutsaki 1991. Porodromo (Ayios loannis Prodromos); Gerola 1921-1922; and Thomopoulos
74. This defter is among those Aya Nikola (Ayios Nikolaos); Hristos 1963. We are grateful to Eleftherios
described by Kiel in Chap. 2. (Metamorphosis tou Hristou?); Aya Lepouras of Kea and to Evi Gorogianni
75. Tapu ve Kadastro Gene! MUdUr- Yorgi (Ayios Yorgios); Panaya Yerusa- for their assistance in this regard. Only
lii[U (TKGM), Ankara, no. 105, fols. lim (Panayia tou Yerusalim, at present the church ofPanaya Zodoho is not
91a-100b (A.D. 1670/1). We are grate- Panayia Rematiani); Ayi Pandi (Ayioi attested in Chora itself, but a church
ful to Machiel Kid for providing us Pantes); Ayo Vasil (Ayios Vasilios); of Panayia Zoodohos Piyi is nearby at
with information extracted from this Panaya Arva(nilan') (Panayia' Axvani- Sklavonikolas, ca. 2 km to the south-
document. The ma.halfe include: Aya tissa); Ayo Andoni (Ayios Antonios); west.
Apostol (Ayioi Apostoloi); Ayo Atanas and Panaya Zodoho (Panayia Zoodo- 76. Gerola 1921-1922, p.194.
(Ayios Athanasios); Tirianda (Ayia hos Piyi). The following sources have
,, JACK L. DAVIS AND SJRIOL DAVIES

Map 2. Map ofKea by the Expedition

scientifique de Moree, "St. Gregoire
d'Arbora, Zea Andros, C 14-19,
en trois morceaux, 2' feuille." Wirh
permission of the Board of Directors of
rhe Historical and Ethnolog"al Soc1ety of
Grtect

at the site of the present town ofKorisia (Hagios Nikolaos on Map 2), and
several houses close to the northeast of Chora. 77
In the case of Kea, both Western accounts and Ottoman documents
point to the existence of a highly nucleated pattern of settlement, at least
from the later 17th century until the Greek Revolution. Such a picture is in
accord with the results of archaeological investigations in the northwestern 77. "St. Gregoire d'Arbora, Zea
part of the island, which were largely unsuccessful in finding artifacts dat- Andros, C 14-19, en trois morceaux,
2• feuille." The image presented here as
able to the 16th through early 19th centuries outside Chora, in the rural
Map 2 was made from a copy held in
landscape, despite the fact that the entire ceramic assemblage from the the collection of the National Histori-
project was examined by archaeologists familiar with the ceramics of these cal Museum of Athens, and is repro-
centuries. 78 The archaeological evidence and the map of the Expedition duced with the permission of the Board
scientifique suggest that the Ottoman data do not conceal a situation in of Directors of the Historical and
which farmers maintained both urban and rural residences, as Forbes has Ethnological Society of Greece. We are
grateful to Philippos Mazarakis-A.inian
described for Methana in Chapter 6.
of the National Historical Museum of
It is important to emphasize that it is only the combination of various Athens for facilitating our study of it.
threads of evidence that permits us to make the preceding statements with 78. Cherry, Davis, and Mantzourani
confidence. Data from Ottoman defiers can in themselves be misleading 1991, pp. 353-355.
 INTRODUCTION '9

with regard to the pattern of settlement. In Seriphos, for example, it is

clear from local Greek taxation records that, in the later 18th century,
population was considerably dispersed beyond the capital. 79 Both then and
at the end of the 17th century, the accounts ofWesterners imply, however,
that settlement was very nucleated, with references only to one village that
bore the name of the island and to a hamlet. 80 Gerola quotes a report of
a Jesuit, Giacomo Saverio Portier: "La principale demeure des Serphiotes
est dans un gros bourg, situ€ sur la pointe d'une montagne fort escarpe,
a pres d'un lieue de lamer, et dans un village doigne du bourg d'environ
une lieue.~n Tournefort calls this village San NicolO; Gerola identifies it
with the present town ofPyrgos. 81 The Ottoman difier of1670/llikewise
does not hint at a dispersed pattern of settlement. The population of the
island is .recorded with reference to seven churches, six of which appear to
represent neighborhoods in Chora.B 3

CONCLUSION

The preceding case study illustrates some of the advantages of using

different types of evidence, even if it takes 20 years to find it! 84 The chal-
lenges that can divide the disciplines of archaeology and history require a
tremendous amount of dialogue and understanding of the respective meth-
odologies. Perhaps the most basic steps are to agree on examining the same
geographical areas, and, for archaeologists, to agree that they must devote
more resources to the analysis of post-classical artifacts. Historians of this
period may not yet be accustomed to looking to archaeology for answers
and are perhaps, through disciplinary traditions, isolated from developments
in archaeological thinking. The multiperiod, multidisciplinary projects
that have become common in Mediterranean archaeology are perhaps still
alien to the traditionally solitary historian who has specialized, perforce,
in a narrow time period.
Orser complains that "historical archaeologists are not sought out by
scholars 10 other disciplines. "85 In terms of the confines of this book, there
is to date still little published archaeology of this period for Greece or
Cyprus. This needs to be remedied to allow historians to access the results
and begin to see the potential of cooperation.

79. Liata 1987, p. 40; Davis 1991, Evangelista), and Ayios Konstantinos, published archaeological projects in
pp. 177-180. see Gerola 1916-1920, pp. 217-218. light of new archival research could be
80. Di Krienen 1773, p.10S. On the use of these three churches and equally rewarding. One thinks, e.g.,
81. Gerola 1916-1920, pp. 211, n. 2. Hriscos to describe areas of Chora, see of the potential for integrating more
82. Tournefort 1727, vol.1, p. 215; Liata 1987, pp. 41, 183.ln addition fully the wealth of Venetian textual and
Gerola 1916-1920, p. 212. to these places, seven individuals are cartographic information available for
83. All entries are preceded by recorded at Taksiarhi. These men prob- the Argolid (e.g., Liata 2002, 2003;
hi!ire-t (church of) and include Hristos, ably represent laity associated with the Topping 2000) with fruits of intensive
[illegible], Ayo Yorgi (Ayios Yioryios), Monastery of the Taxiarchi, where IS surface survey in the Hermionid and
Seiogo (Ayios Joannis Theologos), monks are recorded separately, although in Methana (Jameson, Runnels, and
[illegible], Taksiarhi (Taxtarchi), and there was also a Church of the Taxiar- van Andel 1994; Mee and Forbes 1997;
Kostantino (Ayios Konstantinos). chi in the village of Pyrgos. Sutton 2000).
Regarding Ayios Yioryios, Ayios 84. It is worth noting that similar 85. Orser 1996, p. 62.
Ioannis Theologos (San Giovanni reexaminations of data from other
 JACK L. DAVIS AND S!R!OL DAVIES

It was in the hope of starting such a dialogue among historians and

archaeologists working in Greece that this volume was conceived. Although
not all the chapters are examples of interdisciplinary work, if we have at
least made the disciplines more aware of each other and their common
interests, then we have taken a step forward.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In dosing, it is our pleasure to acknowledge the support we have received

in producing this volume. We are grateful to the Semple Fund of the
Department of Classics of the University of Cincinnati for underwriting
costs of production, and for supporting the workshop in Cincinnati, where
most of the chapters in the book were first presented as conference papers.
We thank Shari Stocker for her help in organizing that event, and Mark
Armstrong, Yuki Furuya,Jody Gordon, Evi Gorogianni,Julie Hruby, Ols
Lafe, and Sean Lockwood for their assistance in performing the many duties
that are necessarily coincident with such a gathering. Gayle McGarrahan
and Ken Gottorff offered much valuable advice regarding planning. Several
scholars in attendance at the workshop did not contribute to this volume,
but their participation in discussion was no less valuable in promoting the
fruitful exchange of ideas. In this regard, we thank Cyprian Broodbank,
Elizabeth Frierson, Thurstan Robinson, and Fariba Zarinebaf Help from
Rosemary Robertson and John Wallrodt has, as always, been indispens-
able in ensuring that illustrations are of the highest standards, Sarah Lima
has helped with the assembly of both text and images, and John Schicht
with editing. Finally, we thank Victoria Sabetai, Yiannis Saltas, and the
anonymous reviewers of this manuscript for help with bibliography, and
the latter also for insightful comments that, we hope, have greatly improved
the final product.
INTRODUCTION

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at Athens, Princeton Historical Archaeology of the Otto ~tum
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CHAPTER I

GREEKS, VENICE, AND THE

OTTOMAN EMPIRE

by Siriol Davies and jack L. Davis

The history of Venice's territorial possessions in the Aegean area begins

at the start of the 13th century, when the Republic agreed to transport
the Fourth Crusade to the Holy Land. These forces instead attacked and
plundered the Byzantine capital of Constantinople, to the ultimate ad-
vantage of Venice's economic interests in the Levant. When the city fell
to the crusaders in 1204, the Venetian doge, Enrico Dandolo, negotiated
for a major share of the spoils of the Byzantine Empire in Greece. The
territories which thus came under Latin rule became known in the West
as ~Romania."
By the mid-15th century, in areas now within the borders of the mod-
ern Greek state, Venice held the island of Crete, the fortresses of Koroni
(Caron) and Methoni (Modon) in Messenia, Argos and Nauplion, certain
of the Aegean islands, the islands of Corfu and Kythera, and Naupaktos
(Lepanto). Venice in the 13th century also had acquired virrual sovereignty
over the island ofEuboia (Negroponte), which it maintained until1470,
when the island was lost to the Ottomans.
Parallel to this expansion ofVenice in the Balkans, a fledgling Ottoman
Empire whittled away at Byzantine territory in the East. By the beginning
of the 14th century, the Byzantines had lost almost all of Asta Minor to
several small independent Turkish states. One of these, a small polity in
northwestern Asia Minor in the area of Bithynia, was ruled by Osman,
founder of the Ottoman dynasty. As he expanded his rule through wars of
conquest, coastal Byzantine cities such as Nicaea and Nicomedia soon fell
and an Ottoman fleet began to threaten Byzantine island possessions.
In 1354, Ottoman armies entered Europe for the :first time; by 1370,
Didymoteichon and Adrianople in Thrace had been captured. After the
defeat of the Serbs at the Battle ofKosovo in 1389, Constantinople became
a Byzantine island surrounded by Ottoman possessions, and the Morea
(the Peloponnese) was the only substantial Balkan territory that remained
in Byzantine hands. In 1453, Constantinople also fell, and Mehmed the
Conqueror transformed it into the Ottoman capital, now Istanbul.
In the course of the next 450 years, the borders of the Ottoman
Empire expanded or contracted in the Balkans and the Aegean, as terri-
tory was gained or lost through warfare or treaty in lands that once had
belonged to the Byzantine Empire or subsequently to various Latin powers
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
"Oh, I say, must I sleep alone in the Room of Penitence? I'll be
dreaming of Dysy all night."
"No; there is another room got ready for you."
Henrietta remained quite silent while Mrs. Faithful got up and rang
the bell in a peculiar way. She had a method of her own for calling
the special people she required to come to her.
Dinah now entered the room. Dinah smiled quite benignly upon
Henrietta.
"Thy hair is in a mop," she said. "Curly hair is what we in our Body
call a Desecration."
"Oh Dinah, honey, how can I help it when God gave it to me!"
"Don't scold her now, Dinah," said Mrs. Faithful. "Be very gentle with
her. I am relieved to tell you that Miss Maureen O'Brien is coming.
She is the daughter of that dear Mr. Maurice O'Brien whom we all so
loved."
"Ah, indeed, and we truly loved him!" said Dinah. "Thou art wearing
thyself out, dear Jane Faithful."
"I am sad and anxious," said Jane Faithful.
"Might I take the liberty of returning to thee, Jane Faithful, when this
little perverse one is safe in her bed?"
"Yes, Dinah, I shall welcome you."
"Come, Henrietta," said Dinah. She held out her hand.
Henrietta went away with her at once. She did not wait to say good-
night to Mrs. Faithful. She forgot Mrs. Faithful in the presence of
Dinah.
"Why dost thou call me Henrietta?" she inquired. "Dost thou not
know that thou art taking a great liberty? For I—I am a lady with a
fortune, although it is but a small one, and thou art only a poor
serving maid."
"In our community," replied Dinah, "we never call anyone except by
the baptismal name. There is no Mrs., no Miss, no Mr. in our
community. Now come; I have something nice for thy supper."
"Feel my tummy-tum," said Henrietta. "It is ever so empty. I hope
thy supper will prove to be a true supper, large in quantity, rich in
quality, and fit for a Christian maid."
"But, my dear, thou art not a Christian maid. Nevertheless, thy
supper is sufficient. Come now to my room and eat."
Henrietta went. The supper was of the very best: Green peas, roast
duck, new potatoes, a glass of milk, and some stewed peaches.
"Upon my word," said Henrietta, "I like thy calm ways, Dinah. I, too,
will become a Quaker and say 'thee' and 'thou,' not because of
spiritual guidance, but because the Quakers nourish their little tum-
tums so well."
"Henrietta, thou must not speak like that."
"Dinah, thou art not to scold me. The woman here, called Faithful,
said I was to be dealt gently with. Dost thou know, dear Dinah, that
a dreadful trouble is coming on me?"
"Indeed, I fear it," said Dinah.
"Oh, I don't mean about Dysy—poor little snippet! I mean something
far worse."
"I fail to understand thee," replied Dinah.
"I will whisper it to thee, Dinah. My direst, darkest, most fearful
enemy is coming on the scene—she whom I hate. Couldst thou not
hide me from her?"
"What dost thou mean, Henrietta?"
"The one they call Maureen is coming. She is coming very soon, the
day after to-morrow—quite early."
Dinah was silent.
"Couldst thou not hide me from her, dear Dinah?"
"Dost thou mean the young daughter of Maurice O'Brien of blessed
memory? Ah, but to look into his eyes was to look into the Joy of
Life, and the Peace of Heaven combined. It is impossible for thee,
Henrietta, to hate that blessed child."
"And wilt thou also join the band of her worshippers?" asked
Henrietta.
"I only worship the Lord my God, and Him only do I serve."
"Then thou wilt hate her?"
"Hate?" said Dinah. "I know not the word."
"Ah, but I can teach it to thee. It is so jolly nice to hate."
"Henrietta, it is far, far nicer to love. Now thou hast consumed this
large meal and much work awaits me. I will take thee to thy
chamber and see thee into bed, poor little one!"
"Thou hast a sweet voice, Dinah. It is such a pity that thou canst not
hate. Well, I will do it for us both, and then it will be jolly fearsome."
Dinah made no remark, but, taking Henrietta's hand, led her to the
Chamber of Love.
"Is it here I am to sleep?" said the girl. "Why, how pretty! Wilt thou
lie beside me on this bed, Dinah? Why, the walls are all pale blue like
the sky; even the bed is blue. Why am I put here?"
"Because of Love," said Dinah. "See what is written on the door; and
commune well with thine own heart, before the Angel of Sleep visits
thee. Can one who hates have sweet dreams in this Chamber where
Love dwells?"
"Then I hate the room; I won't stay in it," said Henrietta.
"Dear little girl, wilt thou not for my sake?"
"I'd do a great deal for thee," said Henny, "only I wish those words
weren't written over the door." For reply, to the unbounded
amazement of Henrietta, Dinah fell on her knees; she folded her
soft, white hands and raised her gentle, dovelike eyes so that they
looked out, as from a summer sky. Henrietta longed to fly from the
room, but the sight of the kneeling woman restrained her.
After an interval of profound silence, the woman began to speak:
"Lord, Thou art here! Come close, Lord, close, and fold—yes, fold—
this little tempestuous being in Thy embrace! Lord, have mercy, have
pity——"
She suddenly stopped, for there came a resounding smack on her
cheek.
"Stay here, Quaker woman!" said Henrietta. "This room is not fit for
me. I am going out!"
Before poor Dinah could rise from her knees, Henrietta had dashed
away, had flown down the quiet, orderly house and out into the soft,
summer night. She ran fast, as though furies were pursuing her. She
soon left the precincts of Felicity and still ran on and on, with
panting breath, cheeks on fire, and a little rumpled head of fiery hair.
She saw a wood in the distance, and got into it. The dew lay heavy
on the grass—oh, how cool, how delicious! She flung herself on the
grass and fell sound asleep.
Poor distracted Dinah came down in a state of anything but peace to
Mrs. Faithful.
"She's gone, m'm."
"Gone! Who? Which?"
"I don't know anything about Daisy, Jane Faithful. It's Henrietta.
She's very queer, and when I tried to comfort her and offered up a
few words of prayer, directed assuredly by the Blessed Spirit, she
smacked me on the cheek. Not that I mind that—thou knowest it is
but a trifle—but before I could stop her, she had flown, I know not
where. She was quite tractable until I took her to her beautiful
bedroom, and then the name sent her wild. I'm afraid we shall have
trouble with her, dear Jane Faithful."
"Dinah," said Mrs. Faithful, "do you think she has gone out?"
"I apprehend that she has done so," said Dinah.
"In that case, Dinah, you and I will go and seek for her. We will go
alone, for she cannot have gone very far."
Mrs. Faithful and Dinah found Henrietta sound asleep on the wet
grass in the wood nearest to Felicity. She was dragged to her feet,
and the two women brought her back.
The remainder of that night she slept warm and snug in the arms of
Dinah.
"Thou art a good sort, Dinah," was her last remark, as she dropped
off into the land of dreams.
 CHAPTER XXI.
THE BRIGHT SIDE OF THE SCHOOL.

Mrs. Faithful had never before, in the whole course of her long years
as a school-mistress, pronounced herself a failure, but on this
occasion she did. She was an essentially honest woman. She told
her girls the truth, and what was far more to the point, she told
herself the truth. She took her character, so to speak, to pieces, and
wondered, as she did on the present occasion, where she could
possibly have gone wrong.
The two girls left in her charge were naughty girls—very naughty
girls—but then she had had naughty girls before. Of course, these
were undoubtedly worse, more defiant in their characters, than any
of the various maidens who had visited Felicity and had gone
through its stern and yet withal its beneficial training; for the school
was, as a matter of fact, divided into two parts. There were the girls
who needed sharp correction, who required individual and most
anxious care, and there were the girls who, having successfully and
victoriously passed this ordeal, had entered the happy and bright
portion of the school.
Here indeed, as far as the East is from the West, all things were
different; here, in those lovely rooms called Faith, Hope, Charity, Joy,
were laughter and mirth, were games and all pleasantness. There
was an intermediate room called Patience. In this room the girls as a
rule remained under a very diluted form of discipline for two or even
perhaps three months. During this time their hair was allowed to
grow, and their uniform was changed from dull grey and white to
pale blue and white.
When they entered the happy rooms above mentioned, they were
altogether different from those most unhappy girls who went
through Penitence and Discipline. There was no enjoyment denied to
them, as long as they were good and obedient. Obedience was
required, discipline was maintained, but over all the Sun of Love and
Kindness shone.
In the summer they romped in the gardens and the paddocks. They
forgot the dismal, the awful period when Penitence and Discipline
were their portion. All went well with them, and Mrs. Faithful loved
these pupils dearly. She sent them back by-and-by to their homes
completely changed characters, earnest in their efforts, willing and
anxious to work, with a great deal of vanity and self-conceit, the ruin
of so many girls, completely knocked out of them.
Poor Miss Pinchin, as she was called—except by Dinah, who called
her Joan—had the painful charge of the first breaking in of these
young, wild creatures. Mrs. Faithful considered her an admirable
woman for the purpose. How was it that she so signally and
completely failed with Henrietta and Daisy?
Daisy was lying most dangerously ill. Henrietta was unmanageable.
Maureen was expected. She might arrive at any moment. She had
said in her telegram that she would come early, and the day of her
arrival had dawned.
Mrs. Faithful felt terribly unhappy; she knew that if Daisy got worse,
it would be her duty to wire to the Reverend Patrick O'Brien to beg
of him to come immediately to see his step-daughter. Her keen eyes
had perceived at a glance how ill her kinsman looked. She knew also
that he did not really love these girls, who were not his own. She
bitterly regretted now having yielded to her softer nature, and taken
the girls into the school at all.
Well, she had done it on a condition, and the condition was agreed
to. Maureen O'Brien was coming. This fact alone would have given
the poor lady untold delight, but for Henrietta's intemperate and
extraordinary remarks about her. She feared that Henrietta would
torment the child, so high-minded and noble in nature. She resolved,
however, on an expedient which she trusted might save her.
Maureen, whatever happened, must not be unhappy. She was not
coming to the school as a pupil, but as a guest; Mrs. Faithful
therefore resolved to have prayers half an hour earlier than usual
that morning and then to give a short address to the girls—those
girls who had passed through the worst stage of discipline and were
thoroughly enjoying themselves at the school.
Amongst these was one called Margaret Devereux. There was also
another—Evelyn Ross. They were cousins, and had been at first
most troublesome, most defiant, most disobedient. They had now
been four years at Felicity, and no one would recognise them for the
little uncared-for wild imps whom their unhappy fathers had brought
to the school, begging Jane Faithful to do what she could for them.
Jane Faithful, aided by her staff of teachers, did her best, and
sweeter, brighter girls than Margaret Devereux and Evelyn Ross it
would be difficult to find. They were neither of them exactly
beautiful, but there was a wonderful look of strength about them,
like those who have met Apollyon in the Valley of the Shadow—and
have come out on the other side. All the other girls were of varied
intensity of character.
The remarkable thing about all these girls was that they had
characters, that there was nothing small about them. It was
impossible to reach the Halls of Faith, Hope, and Joy without having
passed through Conflict. This expression is seldom seen on a young
face, but when it is there, it has a specially ennobling effect.
Mrs. Faithful thought that a great deal might be done for Maureen
by means of Margaret and Evelyn, but she wanted all her band of
bright girls, all those who had passed through the Valley, to be kind
and interested in the newcomer. She therefore spoke about her very
simply.
"I have a few words to say to you, girls," began the headmistress.
They were all in white on this summer morning, and as they were
just preparing to go into the large schoolroom to begin their
accustomed work, they paused and turned in some astonishment.
Margaret, in especial, clasped the hand of Evelyn Ross and squeezed
it.
Now Evelyn and Margaret four years ago used to be the direst foes.
They were members of one household, but they could not live
happily together or with anyone else; hence the chief reason for
their arrival at Felicity.
"My dears," said Mrs. Faithful, who observed this affectionate clasp,
"I have some pleasant news for you all. I am expecting almost
immediately a young visitor. She is, I believe, fifteen years of age,
but although tall looks much younger than her years. I have heard
of her, but have not seen her. She will not be a pupil unless indeed
she wishes to join any special class. She will sleep in the Chamber of
Peace, and I want you, Margaret, and you, Evelyn, as my head girls,
to take special care of her, and to do all in your power to make her
happy. She has, I believe, a specially fine character which may be
partly accounted for by her birth, for she belongs to mixed races,
being French on her mother's side and Irish on her father's. Her
name is Maureen, her surname is O'Brien. Maureen, as perhaps you
know, is the Irish for Mary. She is greatly beloved by her uncle, and
as far as I can tell by most of those who know her. There is,
however, an exception, and I want you, Margaret, and you, Evelyn,
to guard Maureen O'Brien against that exception. You have not yet
been introduced to Henrietta Mostyn. Alas, alas! poor girl! It will, I
greatly fear, be some time before you make her acquaintance. She
has lived in the same house with Maureen, and cordially hates her—I
fear because she is good. How you know what an awful thing hatred
is. We have banished it, I hope, from the greater part of Felicity."
"We have—we have," said Margaret and Evelyn.
"I therefore ask you, my dear children," continued the headmistress,
"to be particularly good to Maureen O'Brien. She comes of a noble
stock. I wish you could have seen her father, Major O'Brien. He
belonged indeed to those gifted ones whom the Lord has blessed.
He was a soldier in the truest sense of the word. He died from the
effects of a wound in battle, when Maureen was a very little child.
Her mother had died before him. Major O'Brien died in saving a
fellow-soldier who was in desperate straits. He dragged him away
from the range of the enemies' guns. For this splendid action he got
his V. C., and, although he died of his wounds later on, he truly died
covered with glory. Now, my children, will you help me with regard
to Maureen if she requires your help?"
"We will—we will!" said one and all.
"We should love to!" cried Margaret.
"We just adore her already," remarked Evelyn.
At that moment the sound of wheels was heard approaching on the
winding gravel sweep.
"She has come," said Mrs. Faithful. "Go to your lessons, girls; you
will meet her at early dinner."
The girls went away, filled with the keenest excitement. Mrs. Faithful
had struck the right note. Patriotism and the love of country were in
their blood. Maureen, in their eyes, was a heroine before they saw
her.
Mrs. Faithful had been quite sure she had done right as she went
into the centre of the hall, where Dominic and Maureen were
standing.
The boy held out his hand; the girl struggled to speak, but her face
was very white.
"You are tired, darling," said Mrs. Faithful.
"She is—she's beat out," said Dominic.
"Dom—you know I'm not beat out." The clear, rather slowly
pronounced words, which were some of Maureen's peculiarities,
dropped from her pretty lips. "I've come here—indeed, I have—just
to be useful and to make no trouble."
"Ha! Ha! Naughty one—I know you!" suddenly shouted a voice, and
a fiery head was poked over the staircase, and Henrietta clapped her
hands. "You make yourself useful, indeed! I like that."
There was an evident tussle between Henrietta and a grave, sweet,
elderly woman, who was dragging her back.
"Thou shalt not—thou shalt not!" cried the naughty girl. "She's my
enemy—she has come! Let me alone, Dinah, with thy 'thees' and thy
'thous.' I'll get at her; nothing will keep me back."
"Thee wilt come with me immediately to thy excellent breakfast,"
was Dinah's response.
"Ah, my poor tummy, it is empty," exclaimed Henrietta. "Well, I'll
feed up a good lot, and get all the stronger, because of that which
lies before me. Canst thee tell me, Dinah, where old Pinchin kept her
birch-rod?"
"I could tell thee, child, but I will not. Eat this delicious honey and
this fresh bread and good butter, and drink this rich creamy milk,
and forget that wicked thing called Hatred."
"I'll gobble hard, thou mayst be sure," remarked Henrietta, "but thou
mayst also be sure, that NOTHING will induce me to give up my darling
hatey-hate! Fancy thee and me—two Quakers—and I doing the
hatey-hate for both. It's pretty strong, Dinah duck. Oh, Dinah,
Dinah, I wish thou wouldst sometimes laugh."
"How can one laugh with a sore, sore heart," was Dinah's response.
"Ah, Henrietta, poor babe, thou dost not guess the sorrows that
await thee."
Meanwhile Mrs. Faithful took her young guests into her own sitting-
room, where she gave them an excellent breakfast, and told Dominic
that there was a very nice hotel quite close, where he could stay for
the day if he liked, and could come and see his cousin in the
afternoon.
"Yes, do, Dom," said Maureen.
"I will, if you wish it, Maureen."
"It's all settled about Uncle Pat now, so you can stay," said Maureen.
"Then I will stay for one night," answered Dominic. "What is the
name of the hotel, Mrs. Faithful?"
"I will send one of my men with your things there, my boy," said
Jane Faithful. "You can come back here again to dinner. We dine at
two."
"I think I will go with the man at once," said Dominic. "I am tired
and dirty. We travelled right through, and the way was long."
"The hotel is called the Rose and Honeysuckle," said Mrs. Faithful.
"Ring that bell three times, Dominic."
Dominic obeyed. One of the grooms appeared. He was given brief
directions, and the man and the boy started off to the Rose and
Honeysuckle, the man wheeling Dominic's little suitcase on his
barrow.
He was much taken by the Irish lad.
"And now, please, tell me everything," said Maureen to the
headmistress. "Where are they? how are they?"
"Oh, Maureen, my darling, you are barely in time. I have only bad
news for you—bad news! Poor little Daisy is most dangerously ill. We
went the wrong way to work with them both."
"You tried perhaps the way of fear," said Maureen.
"Yes! I am afraid we did."
"Henrietta seems as determined as ever," said Maureen; "but what
has made Daisy so ill?"
"It is a long story, Maureen, but I will tell it you in as few words as
possible. I know the school—and when I say the school, I speak of
the girls who have passed through their time of Penitence and
Rebellion and through Discipline and Patience, and have learnt the
joys which await those who follow His Commandments. These girls,
and there are many of them in the school, will receive you, Maureen,
with rejoicing. But you look very, very tired. Had you not better
come to your chamber and sleep?"
"I—sleep?" said Maureen. "No; I want to work."
"But it would not be right for you to see those wild girls at present."
"Yes, it would be quite right," said Maureen. "Please pardon me,
Mrs. Faithful, but I have come here principally to ask their
forgiveness. I did them a very terrible wrong."
"Maureen, do I hear you aright? Your uncle said that the girl called
Daisy tried to poison your horse."
"Yes—and I—oh I must not talk of it, except to them. I will find them
—I must find them. May I go to my room just for a few minutes and
wash and put on something white, and then I will go to them both."
"I am certain, my child, the doctor will not allow you to visit Daisy."
"Well, may I at least see the doctor when he comes?"
"You certainly may do that. As a matter of fact, I expect him at any
moment."
"Then I will go to my room, if you will take me."
Mrs. Faithful conducted the girl to the Chamber of Peace. Maureen
looked round her, and her lovely eyes grew bright.
"Oh, how exquisite," she said. "And a bath-room and all. Give me
barely ten minutes. Please remember that I must see the doctor."
In almost less than the time mentioned a grave-looking girl in pure
white, her thick brown hair neatly arranged, her soft brown eyes full
of a sort of divine love, her lips slightly tremulous, but nevertheless
firm and sweet, stood outside the Infirmary, where Daisy Mostyn
tossed from side to side on her little bed, while the cruel fever, like a
consuming fire, burnt her slender life away.
Dr. Halsted went in and saw the patient. He came out again shaking
his head.
"We must have a consultant," he said to the nurse. "The symptoms
are most alarming. Why, who is this young lady?"
"I am Maureen," was the girl's quiet reply. "I want to go to Daisy—I
have known her for some time. She and I lived in the same dear
home in Ireland. There is something I want to say to her and
afterwards to her sister, Henrietta. I promise most faithfully not to
make her worse. May I go to her?"
"Yes, child, go," said the doctor.
He looked at the nurse and said:
"Is that an angel or a human being? Alas, alas, I fear there is little
hope. I shall get Dr. Duncan immediately, but let that little white
angel do what she can."
Henrietta had been peeping about. Henrietta was speechless with
rage. She set to work tearing her clothes and upsetting everything
she could in Dinah's neat room.
Dinah, although the soul of gentleness, could be very firm when she
liked. She deliberately got a strong cord and fastened Henrietta into
a chair in such a position that, struggle as she might, she could not
move.
She made the remark, after fastening her victim securely into the
chair of punishment, "Thee art full of mischief, and thee wilt stay
here until I choose to unfasten thee. Weep away, poor sinner; no
one will hear thee in my room. Thou wouldst have killed thy sister
had I not caught thee in time."
"But the enemy is with her—the enemy!" shrieked and sobbed
Henrietta.
"Dost thou indeed call that most beautiful, spiritual young creature
an enemy? Ah, well, the Lord God, He hears—the Lord God, He
hearkens. I will pray for thee, Henrietta, while thou art in thy chair
of punishment, and where thou art now, thou canst not smack me
on the cheek. I promise faithfully, and where I promise I fulfil, that
thou wilt stay in that chair until the Spirit tells me to untie thy
cords."
"Hypocrite, horror," shrieked Henrietta; but Dinah was already on
her knees, her dove-like eyes were closed, her lips were moving very
slowly—not a sound could Henrietta catch.
She went on looking at Dinah and hurling every ugly word she could
think of at that noble and patient head. The Quakeress went on
praying. After a time there seemed to come over Henrietta a sort of
awe. She even preferred Miss Pinchin and the rod to this. The
silence was so intense. The position of the praying woman, in spite
of the girl's own recklessness, was awe-inspiring.
At last, after quite an hour, Dinah rose from her knees, her eyes wet
with tears.
Henrietta said softly, "Take my hanky-panky—I can't get at it—and
wipe away those drops. Thou art a very pretty Quakeress. I will
certainly join thee, for thou hast a marvellous effect upon me."
 CHAPTER XXII.
THE WHITE ANGEL.

Maureen had the calm of a really great nature. She went steadily
now and took her place by the sick girl's bedside. Daisy glanced at
her for a minute with dull and uncomprehending eyes, then she
turned away with a sort of groan.
"She hates—hates—hates me," muttered the sick child. "I did my
best to kill her horse, only I didn't mean to kill it. Upon my word, I
didn't. I meant to make it bad as I am now, but that horrid Garry
came and frightened me, and my hand shook and I couldn't put in
the right quantity of the stuff. It is awful to be hated by one like
Maureen. She is so strong—so strong. I'm a poor little nobody—but
she—she crushes me down and down. It's awful, isn't it? Who are
you?"
A dim, very dim, glance of understanding crept into the dull eyes.
"I," said Maureen. She spoke in her richest voice. "I am one who
indeed gave way to that awful, unholy sin of hate; but all that has
passed—has vanished. Where I hated, now I love. According to the
strength of my hatred, so is the greatness of my love."
"Pah," said Daisy, "I expect you are one of the angels. I don't want
any of them about. I suppose that means I am going to die. But I
won't die; I won't go pop like mumsie, only I'm horrid hot. Angel,
are you cool?"
"Yes; shall I hold your—your hand?"
"But you are not going to take me away?"
"No, indeed, I am not."
"Then if you are cool, you may hold my hand. You remind me of
someone—I don't know who. A good person. I do so loathe good
people; but then you are not a person at all. You are an angel.
Angel, send those nurses away and hold my hand."
Maureen beckoned to the two women, who retired behind a screen
in a corner of the room.
Maureen had extraordinary sympathy in her hand. Some people
have that gift, and it is very remarkable. It quiets better than any
drug; it soothes beyond any medicine which has ever yet been
invented.
The girl, who had been tossing impatiently from side to side, began,
slowly and impatiently at first, but after a time quite perceptibly, to
feel the influence of the little hand. Then the two hands were placed
over hers and she gave a deep sigh of relief.
"I'm better, I think," she said. "I'll soon be all right again, and ready
to punch Pinchin and Maureen and all my enemies. I couldn't eat,
you know; that's why I flopped down like this. Angel, will you stay
with me?"
"Yes."
"And you don't hate me?"
"I—LOVE—you."
"You have a queer, deep voice—something like Maureen's. I say,
shall we both fight her together?"
"We will," said Maureen.
"Ha! Ha! that's good. Ha! Ha! Ha! Have those horrible nurses gone?"
"They are not near you now. I command you to sleep. Close your
eyes and sleep."
"Oh, but I do feel yawny. You wouldn't ask me to sleep if you knew
what my dreams were."
"I can promise you will not have those dreams while I hold your
hand."
"Then I think I will have a snooze. I am getting quite comfy.
Mumsie, she broke her neck—doubled under her you know—and she
left her money to Maureen—all of it to Maureen. Poor Henny and I
were beggars. I'm getting very sleepy. Maureen has all the money—
she who said, 'I hate you!' But you are different, dear angel; you
don't hate."
"No; as she hated, so do I in a much greater degree love."
"That's nice—I'll take a snooze. You won't mind if I keep my mouth
open and snore?"
By the time the two doctors arrived, the girl in white with the
wonderful eyes was seated by the bedside, and the sick girl who was
so dangerously ill was in a light refreshing slumber. There were great
drops of dew on her forehead. Maureen's little hands held hers and
the power of Maureen's love was surrounding her.
The nurses, who had listened to the conversation between the two,
had told the doctors what had occurred. They listened in untold
amazement.
Dr. Halsted said, "We will make a slight examination without waking
her, and the girl in white must stay by her side."
It was some hours later, long past dinner-time, when Maureen
slipped out of the Infirmary and went for a moment to the Chamber
of Peace. She was, in truth, deadly tired. She felt like one who had
been dragged through a rushing torrent; she felt like one who,
hitherto strong, was now strangely weak.
This was not to be wondered at, for she had given of the very
essence of her life to the sick girl, and before she left her she had
turned the scales for Daisy Mostyn towards this present life.
The worst was over, the girl would live. Maureen rang her bell.
Immediately Mrs. Faithful, who had been on the watch all these
hours, came to the child.
"Oh, my dear, wonderful little girl," she began.
"Don't praise me, please," said Maureen. "I think she's better; I think
she'll live."
"Yes; the doctors are quite sure she'll live, darling, and you have
done it."
"It was the least I could do," said Maureen; "but please, I should like
something to eat. I want to rest for half an hour, and then I must
see Henrietta."
"Oh, my child, you cannot go through fresh tortures with that
terrible girl to-day."
"But indeed, please, I must. I have come here for the sake of those
girls. May I have something—anything—sustaining. You see,"
continued Maureen, "I sort of—sort of put my life into Daisy. That's
why I feel so tired. It can be done, and I did it."
At that moment the door was opened and one of the many nice
servants appeared, carrying a tray of refreshing food for Maureen to
eat. There was also a tiny glass of invalid wine.
"Lie on the bed, darling," said Mrs. Faithful, "and I will feed you."
"No," said Maureen. "Dear Mrs. Faithful, be as kind to me as you like
to-night, when my task is over. But until it is over kindness might
make me break down. By the way, is Dom here?"
"Of course he is. Would you like to see him?"
"Not yet."
"Then eat, dearest, eat. Don't take your glass of wine first. Eat."
Maureen smiled faintly, but obeyed.
The food was light and perfect. It was nourishing and easily
digested. Mrs. Faithful saw that the girl was in a very high state of
excitement, and took measures accordingly. She cut up the food into
little morsels and made Maureen eat, and then she gave her sips of
the rare wine and did all that she did do in a sort of matter of fact
way, for she knew that she had in her charge a very precious little
girl and that she must take great care of her.
"I'm better now—quite well in fact," said Maureen when the meal
had come to an end.
She stood up and stretched herself a little.
"You are good to me," she said. "I can't thank you; there's no time
at present. Ask Dominic to wait for me until I want him. I shall want
him, I hope, very soon."
"He's going to spend the day here, my love. At present he, Margaret
Devereux, and Evelyn Ross are walking in the paddock. I think they
are enjoying themselves very much."
"You have a beautiful home," said Maureen.
"It is a home with two sides, darling. For those who have conquered
in the fight it is a beautiful home."
"I understand," said Maureen. "Thank you. Please, where shall I find
Henrietta?"
"Oh, my darling, you must not go to her now. She's most
troublesome and rebellious. We are doing all we can, but nothing
seems to move her. You are not in a fit state for an interview with
that terrible girl."
"Mrs. Faithful," said Maureen, "why did you send for me?"
Mrs. Faithful was silent; she absolutely blushed under that steadfast
gaze.
"I will tell you why," said Maureen. "Uncle Pat told you everything,
and you, wise woman that you are, knew perfectly well that you
would require my help; that it was just possible for me to accomplish
what you with all your knowledge might fail to attain. Please, I must
go to Henrietta, and please, I am quite well now, and not at all tired,
and I must accomplish my work before I rest."
"Well, child, I cannot refuse. I will ring for Dinah."
"Dinah? What a pretty name!"
"Yes, and she is good and strong—as good as her name. At present
she is the sole caretaker of Henrietta Mostyn. I will just prepare you
for the fact that she is a Quakeress."
"Oh, but I love them," said Maureen, her eyes shining.
"Here she comes then. Once she had the great privilege of helping
to nurse your father. He had a sharp attack of fever at Felicity after
the death of your dear young mother. Here she comes. Dinah, this is
our Miss Maureen."
"Maureen O'Brien, I greet thee," said Dinah.
Dinah was an elderly woman. She wore the old-fashioned dress of
her Order. She had a tight-fitting cap over her head, made of the
softest, finest muslin. It was tied under her chin. Her eyes were like
dove's eyes. She gave the instant impression of great peace.
Maureen looked at her and shivered a little. Then she said:
"Oh, I am glad to see you!"
"And I to see thee, sweetest and best," said Dinah.
"Dinah, take me to Henrietta."
"But, hast thee the strength?" inquired Dinah.
"God will give it to me, Dinah."
"Then thou shalt assuredly come. Take my hand."
The house of Felicity was very large and rambling, and certain rooms
were sound-proof. This was found to be necessary on account of the
outrageous conduct of some of the naughty girls when they first
arrived. Dinah, still holding Maureen's hand, stepped lightly on the
highly polished floor. Then she opened a door. There was a little dark
passage inside. She opened a second door, and Maureen suddenly
heard the wild shrieking notes of a voice which she knew but too
well.
"Dysy—Dysy—give us your answer, do! Dysy—Dysy—why, I say—get
out of this, brat!"
"Thou wilt not speak words of this sort," said Dinah.
"But I will, pretty Quakeress," said Henny, who was still securely
fastened in the punishment chair. "I say, where's the birch rod?
Dinah, me honey, take care of thy money; it's all botheration from
bottom to top."
"Maureen O'Brien has come to see thee," remarked Dinah. "Thou
wilt treat her civilly."
"I'm peckish, peckish," said Henrietta. "I don't want to see the
enemy, and I'm tied into this odious chair, so that I can't get at her. I
tell thee I'm just pining to scratch her face."
"Dinah, may I speak to Henrietta?" said Maureen.
"Thou hast full permission," said Dinah.
She sat down at once and went on with her eternal sewing. She had
her back slightly turned to the two girls.
Henrietta burst into a scream of laughter.
"I say, Goody-two-shoes, doesn't she look nobby in that Quaker cap.
I'm going to be a Quaker in future, and I'll 'thee' and 'thou' thee all
out of the world. I expect I'll make a very striking Quaker. Isn't my
hair jolly fuzzy? She took the glue out of it—you might rumple it up
for me a bit if you like."
Maureen approached quite near. She laid her gentle hand on the
little fiery head, and did what Henrietta required. Henrietta made
some futile attempts to bite her, but Maureen was sharp enough to
evade them.
"Henny," she said then in her gentle voice, "I must confess
something to you."
"Lawk-a-massy me! That sounds a bit of Yorkshire relish. You—
Goody-two-shoes—confessing forsooth! Well, go ahead. I'm in the
mood to be pleased with any trifle; so would you, if you had been
tied in this chair since early morning. It doesn't hurt a bit. It's even
fairly comfy, but I can't move my hands or arms or legs or even my
head much. Dinah, Dinah, isn't it time for thee to feed thy sister
Quaker again?"
"Not yet, child," was Dinah's reply.
"There," said Henny. "You see for yourself the way I'm treated, and
yet I'm fond of Dinah. I'm going to join her persuasion and will go to
the Meeting-House with her and speak when the Spirit prompts me.
I have been thinking out what my first discourse will be. It will all be
about a horrid girl called Maureen, who secured for herself a great
lump of mumsie's money. I'll show you up, Maureen. I rather guess
it will be an exciting meeting."
"Thou must not speak of our holy Meeting-House in that fashion,"
said Dinah.
"Please, dear Dinah," suddenly interrupted Maureen, "let her say just
what she likes for the present."
Dinah bent over her fine sewing and her lips moved in silent prayer.
"That's how she goes on all day," said Henrietta. "Lively for me, isn't
it? Well, Miss Hate—Hate—Hate, and how do you find yourself?"
"Henrietta, I've come here to-day——"
"Oh, I don't want humbug," said Henrietta.
"I've come here to-day," continued Maureen, "to unsay those cruel
words. I own that I was frightfully hurt, and I gave way to great
sin."
"Ah—the little saint—she gave way to great sin," repeated Henrietta.
"And God was very angry with me," continued Maureen.
"I should think so, indeed. You looked downright shocking."
"I cannot tell you of those days of misery; but the God who forgives
forgave me, and great, great joy came back to me. And Love—oh,
most wonderful—and Henny, of all the people whom I felt I ought to
love and help, you and Daisy came first."
"Is Daisy going to die?"
"No; I think she will live. I have been with her for several hours."
"Lawk-a-massy me!"
"Now, Henrietta, I wish to tell you that having spent the entire
morning with Daisy and being well assured that she will recover, I
want to help you, for my hatred has been turned into love—very
deep. Will you take it, dear Henny?"
"I take your love? Not I! I don't want it. I like your hatred best. I can
speak better when the Spirit moves me, thinking of you as hating
me."
"Poor Henrietta."
"Don't pity me. I won't be pitied."
"Very well, I won't. But I tell you what, I think you want a little
change, and do you know that Dom is here?"
"Old Dom? I like old Dominic."
"Well, he's here. It was he who brought me over. What I thought
was this, that you and Dominic and I could go and have tea at
Dominic's hotel—the Rose and Honeysuckle—in the town quite close.
We'll have a lovely tea and come back in the cool of the evening.
Don't you think it would be a good plan?"
"Is it joking you're after?" said Henrietta.
"No; I'm in earnest. Ask Dinah."
"Oh, I'd give the world to go," said Henrietta. "Dinah, ducky of all
ducky-ducks. Thou wilt say yes—thou wilt unbind the bands of thy
sister and set her free."
Dinah rose very slowly.
"On a condition, I will do this thing," she remarked.
"What is that?"
"That thou dost not once raise the hand of spite against this dear
lady."
"But I may feel it, I suppose."
"God help thee, poor child. Wilt thou never see the beautiful light?"
"I'm sure I'm staring at it when I look at thee," said Henrietta.
"I fear to loosen thee," remarked Dinah.
She sat down again in her chair.
Maureen felt puzzled. She seemed to have said everything, and
exhaustion was again stealing over her. Suddenly, however, she was
startled by a great cry.
"Dinah, Dinah, I'll be good. I'll not raise the hand of spite. I must go
out with Maureen and with Dominic; I must gorge at the Hotel."
"First thou wilt say these words after me: 'I love Maureen O'Brien.'"
"But I don't," said Henrietta.
Dinah resumed her sewing. Another half hour passed.
"Dinah, ducksie, I will not smack Maureen. Dinah, I—I love
Maureen."
"Is that true?" asked Dinah.
"Yes; I've been wrestling in the Spirit—it is true."
"Then I will unfasten thee. But Maureen O'Brien, I will come with
thee on this walk, and enter that inn called the Rose and
Honeysuckle, for I do not consider it safe to send thee alone with
this maiden."
"I don't mind having thee, Dinah," said Henrietta in a meek voice.
"Come along, unfasten the cords; set me free—set me free. Oh,
jolly! Oh, golloptious! Oh, my poor leg—it has got the cramp—and
my arm! Let me walk up and down the room, Dinah, leaning on
thee."
"Dinah," said Maureen, "is there not a prettier frock she could
wear?"
"It is against the rules," said Dinah; "but everything appears to be
against the rules to-day. I have just finished a little blue muslin robe
with a pale blue ground covered with forget-me-nots, and there is a
hat with a wreath of forget-me-nots, which she can wear on this
great occasion."
"Oh, golloptious!" cried Henny. "Let me get into the frock! Why, I am
a darling Fuzzy-wuzzy. Look at my hair, Maureen. Don't you envy it
like anything?"
"You must be quick," said Maureen. "The dress is very pretty."
She helped Dinah to get Henrietta into the blue dress. The little hat,
on the top of the tangle of red hair, was really becoming. Then the
Quaker woman put on her own long gray cloak and her Quaker
bonnet, and promised to meet Maureen with Henrietta outside the
grounds in ten minutes' time. There Dominic and Maureen did meet
Henrietta and her companion.
Dominic gave Henrietta one of his straight glances.
"I'm good, Dommy," she said, "and I love Maureen like anything; but
oh, I am so peckish. How soon can we get a good spanking feed?"
"I expect before long," said Dominic. "Don't lean on me, Henrietta. I
have no doubt that good lady will offer you her arm if you require it,
and I must help Maureen."
Thus they started off and reached the Rose and Honeysuckle.
Henrietta mightily enjoyed the good things set before her, and fixed
her bold, blue eyes on each individual who came into the coffee-
room.
Having at last satisfied even her appetite, she tried the dodge of
whispering to Dominic, but Dominic said aloud, "Whispering is not
good form," then turned and spoke to Maureen.
He spoke in a low, confidential voice to his dear little cousin, and
Henrietta's fiery temper assumed the colour of her hair. The Quaker
woman was, however, watching her. But she herself was unaware of
this fact.
Suddenly she sprang from her seat, and pulling Maureen towards
her gave her several violent kisses on her lips, forehead, and cheeks.
At the same time she managed to tangle the table-cloth round
Maureen's little feet, so that when the party rose to go Maureen was
the last to leave the table. She did not know what Henny had so
cleverly contrived to do, but the entire contents of the tea-service
were scattered in hopeless confusion on the floor. Cups and saucers
were smashed, so was the old-fashioned slop bowl, and so was the
cream jug and cake plates.
But not only did all this mischief occur, but the tea from the large
metal teapot was spread all over the damask table-cloth, and a part
of the liquid mess lay also on the neat carpet. Even worse was to
follow, for Henny pretended that she liked her tea weak, and a small
brass urn full of boiling water shared in the general ruin; it had a
spirit lamp beneath, and Maureen in trying to save it, and to put the
lamp out, burnt and scalded her hand and arm rather badly. The
pain made her turn faint and sick for a moment, but she quickly
recovered herself.
Henrietta, who saw everything, was in wild spirits.
"For such a very good colleen, you were awkward, Maureen
mavourneen," she cried. "Hurrah! I can't help it. A pretty sum you
will have to pay; but that seems fair enough, for it will be out of
poor Mumsie's money."
Maureen took no notice of Henny's words, but said something in a
low tone to Dominic. The boy and girl between them spoke to the
waiter, and made up for the damage inflicted.
"Thou and I will walk quietly home together, Henrietta," said Dinah.
"I don't want to; I want to walk with Dom," said the girl.
"Thou wilt walk with me; Dominic and Maureen, precede us, please.
I have words to say to this young maid."
 CHAPTER XXIII.
THE WOUNDED HAND AND ARM.

The moment the boy and girl, Maureen and Dominic, found
themselves alone, to Maureen's surprise, Dominic lagged back and
said a word to Dinah. She raised her delicate arched brows in pain
and astonishment, then nodded her head and walked quickly to
Felicity with Henrietta.
"Where are you going, Dominic?" said Maureen.
"That horrid scald and burn must be attended to," said the boy. "I
am going to take you immediately to Dr. Halsted to have them both
dressed."
"They do smart a little," said Maureen, "but the worst pain is over.
Oh, Dom, dearest, don't let us make a fuss now. I am so anxious to
get back to Felicity."
"But I am not anxious to take you back," said Dominic. "Come along,
little mate, come along. This is Dr. Halsted's house."
Maureen really did feel sick and faint. The doctor by great good luck
happened to be at home. He immediately dressed the wounded
hand and arm and inquired how the accident could have occurred.
"It was my clumsiness," said Maureen. "I don't know how it
happened, but I must have caught my foot in the tablecloth. Oh,
what's the matter? Oh, Dominic, don't look at me like that!"
"May my cousin lie on your sofa for a few minutes," said Dom, "and
I will explain matters to you."
"Ah yes, that is really nice," said Maureen in a grateful tone. "But be
quick, Dom, be quick. I feel that I am wanted back at Felicity."
The doctor and the lad left the room; the girl closed her tired eyes
gratefully.
"The wound is very trivial," said Dr. Halsted, when he got Dominic
into another room, "but I should have thought——"
"You wonder how it happened," interrupted Dominic. "Well, forgive
me, I'll tell you. We're Irish folks, sir, and Maureen is about the most
precious thing my father and I possess. I brought her here by Mrs.
Faithful's request, and you know what she has done for that horrid
girl, Daisy Mostyn."
"As my patient, I cannot call her a horrid girl," said the doctor with
his grave smile, "but your cousin, as far as I can see, has saved her
life. I have just returned from Felicity, and the news with regard to
Daisy Mostyn is of the very best."
"There is another girl at the school," said Dominic, "sister to Daisy.
That little angel, Maureen, after wearing herself out trying to save
the life of one sister, did her best for the other. The other is not ill,
except indeed in soul, so she need not come under your professional
sympathies, Dr. Halsted. My cousin, Maureen, suggested that she
and I should take Henrietta to the hotel where I am staying and give
her tea there just by way of a change. You may well suppose that I
felt rather sick, for I honestly detest Henrietta Mostyn. However, my
good sir, she was all agog to come. She was not a bit anxious about
her sister. She had been put by Mrs. Faithful under the care of a nice
gentle Quakeress named Dinah."
"I know her well," said the doctor; "she is an admirable person."
"Well," continued Dominic, "luckily, as it happened, Dinah insisted on
coming with us. Henrietta was in her usual uproarious spirits—most
horridly unsuitable. Upon my word, sir, I felt half sick. Then, what do
you think? In the middle of the entertainment she jumped up and
contrived, without dear little Maureen noticing it, to sweep a part of
the tablecloth round Maureen's feet and legs. I was watching and
saw the whole thing and would have prevented Maureen getting up
until I disentangled the cloth, but she was too quick for me. There
was a little brass urn on the table with a spirit-lamp, and the
moment Maureen rose, everything tumbled off—the china and such
like were smashed, and she, in her efforts to put out the spirit lamp,
was badly burnt and scalded. Now, do you think, sir, that Felicity is a
fit place for my cousin?"
"Hmm!" said the doctor. "She is badly wanted there. Upon my word,
that is an ugly story you have told me, Mr.——"
"My name is Dominic O'Brien," said the lad.
"Well, you had better talk to her, young sir. Felicity is a curious place,
and curious characters are found there from time to time. These
characters belong, not to the insane, but to the uncontrolled of the
earth. As a rule, and I have attended at the school for many years,
my dear friend, Mrs. Faithful, has, by her admirable system,
managed to reclaim these naughty girls, and they have left Felicity
with their characters altered, and their chance of doing good work in
the world assured."
"Thank you," said Dominic. He shook hands with the doctor, who,
finding out where he was staying, invited him to come in and have a
chat with him that evening. This the boy gratefully accepted. He
then whistled for Maureen, who came to him looking very pale, but
much as usual.
"Lean on me, acushla machree," said the young lad.
They went in the direction of the school together.
"What in the world were you talking to Dr. Halsted about?" she
asked.
"I was telling him how you got that burn."
"But, darling Dom, that was through my awkwardness. I can't
imagine how I twisted the table-cloth round my feet."
"You didn't twist it round, aroon, bless your dear little heart. It was
the act of that fiery one. I watched her when she was pretending to
kiss you. She did it very quickly and cleverly, and I was just about to
prevent your rising when you were too quick for me. Oh, dear little
Maureen, I can't leave you at Felicity, I can't."
Maureen's clear brown eyes were raised to her cousin's face, "But
indeed and truly you can, Dominic, for my work is at Felicity, and
even you, and even Uncle Pat, shall not, must not keep me back
from my work."
"It's hopeless," said the lad, "quite hopeless. Oh, Maureen darling,
even you cannot do the impossible."
"But I can, and I will," was the reply. "I mean that I shall stay at
Felicity for the present. I am glad you have explained to me about
poor Henrietta. I pity her so much."
"She doesn't deserve a scrap of pity," said the boy.
"Now, Dom, you are not going to put on that horrible cloak of
hatred. Oh, Dom, it is so fearful! Once, once I wore it tightly round
me for some days, and I shall never forget it—never! Oh, the agony
that was in my breast! Of course, Dom, you know the old, old story
of the Wind and the Sun. There was a traveller, who was mounting
up into the high hills and the wind and the sun had a great quarrel
about him and they swore a sort of oath that they'd tear his cloak
from him. 'I'll do it,' said the Wind. 'You won't succeed,' replied the
Sun; and the traveller, knowing nothing about this, walked up, his
cloak around him. Then the Wind came out in a mighty, mighty rage,
rushed at him, and tore him and did all that Wind and Tempest could
to get rid of his cloak. But the harder the Wind blew and the sharper
it stung, the closer did the traveller fold his cloak round him. Then
the Sun came out in a great golden beam, and said, 'You have had
fair play, Wind, and I haven't interfered. Now, give me a chance.' So
the Wind very sulkily died down, and the Sun poured his hot rays
over the traveller, and lo, and behold! the traveller first loosened his
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