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Common Statistical
Methods for
Clinical Research:
with SAS® Examples

Glenn A. Walker

SAS Publishing
More praise for this new edition

“This book is an extension and improvement to the excellent first edition, which appeared
in 1996. Each chapter has an introduction covering a specific statistical method and gives
examples of where the method is used. The introduction is followed by a synopsis
presenting the necessary and significant information for the reader to get a good
understanding of the statistical method. Excellent examples are given, followed by the
SAS code for the example. Detailed annotations make the SAS output easy to understand.
The book also gives numerous extensions for the methods.
Dr. Walker has certainly used his many years of consulting experience, his teaching
experience, and his understanding of SAS to produce an even better book that is equally
understandable and helpful to the novice as well as the experienced statistician. Each will
benefit from this insightful journey into statistics and the use of SAS, whether as a
teaching tool or a refresher. I can recommend this book wholeheartedly.”

Stephan Ogenstad, Ph.D.

Senior Director, Biometrics
Vertex Pharmaceuticals Incorporated
 SECOND EDITION

CommonStatistical Methods
for Clinical Research
with SAS Examples
®

Glenn A. Walker

58086
The correct bibliographic citation for this manual is as follows: Walker, Glenn A. 2002. Common Statistical Methods
®
for Clinical Research with SAS Examples, Second Edition. Cary, NC: SAS Institute Inc.
®
Common Statistical Methods for Clinical Research with SAS Examples, Second Edition

Copyright © 2002 by SAS Institute Inc., Cary, NC, USA

ISBN 1-59047-040-0
All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, or otherwise,
without the prior written permission of the publisher, SAS Institute Inc.
U.S. Government Restricted Rights Notice: Use, duplication, or disclosure of this software and related
documentation by the U.S. government is subject to the Agreement with SAS Institute and the restrictions set forth in
FAR 52.227-19, Commercial Computer Software-Restricted Rights (June 1987).

SAS Institute Inc., SAS Campus Drive, Cary, North Carolina 27513.

1st printing, July 2002

SAS Publishing provides a complete selection of books and electronic products to help customers use SAS software to
its fullest potential. For more information about our e-books, e-learning products, CDs, and hardcopy books, visit the
SAS Publishing Web site at www.sas.com/pubs or call 1-800-727-3228.
®
SAS and all other SAS Institute Inc. product or service names are registered trademarks or trademarks of SAS
Institute Inc. in the USA and other countries. ® indicates USA registration.

Other brand and product names are trademarks of their respective companies.
 Table of Contents

Preface to the Second Edition .........................................................................................................xi

Preface to the First Edition ............................................................................................................xiii

Chapter 1 - Introduction & Basics

1.1 Statistics—the Field .................................................................................................................... 1
1.2 Probability Distributions ........................................................................................................... 4
1.3 Study Design Features ............................................................................................................... 9
1.4 Descriptive Statistics ................................................................................................................ 13
1.5 Inferential Statistics ................................................................................................................. 16
1.6 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 21

Chapter 2 – Topics in Hypothesis Testing

2.1 Significance Levels .................................................................................................................... 23
2.2 Power ......................................................................................................................................... 25
2.3 One-Tailed and Two-Tailed Tests ............................................................................................ 26
2.4 p-Values ..................................................................................................................................... 27
2.5 Sample Size Determination ..................................................................................................... 27
2.6 Multiple Testing ........................................................................................................................ 30
2.7 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 38

Chapter 3 – The Data Set TRIAL

3.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................... 39
3.2 Data Collection ......................................................................................................................... 39
3.3 Creating the Data Set TRIAL.................................................................................................. 42
3.4 Statistical Summarization ....................................................................................................... 45
3.5 Summary.................................................................................................................................... 54

Chapter 4 – The One-Sample t-Test

4.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................... 55
4.2 Synopsis ..................................................................................................................................... 55
4.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................... 56
4.4 Details & Notes ......................................................................................................................... 64

Chapter 5 – The Two-Sample t-Test

5.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................... 67
5.2 Synopsis ..................................................................................................................................... 67
5.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................... 68
5.4 Details & Notes ......................................................................................................................... 73
 iv Table of Contents

Chapter 6 – One-Way ANOVA

6.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................... 77
6.2 Synopsis ..................................................................................................................................... 77
6.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................... 80
6.4 Details & Notes ......................................................................................................................... 86

Chapter 7 – Two-Way ANOVA

7.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................... 91
7.2 Synopsis ..................................................................................................................................... 91
7.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................... 94
7.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 107

Chapter 8 – Repeated Measures Analysis

8.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 111
8.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 111
8.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 115
8.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 148

Chapter 9 – The Crossover Design

9.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 157
9.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 158
9.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 160
9.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 171

Chapter 10 – Linear Regression

10.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 175
10.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 175
10.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 178
10.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 193

Chapter 11 – Analysis of Covariance

11.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 199
11.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 200
11.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 203
11.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 221

Chapter 12 – The Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test

12.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 227
12.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 227
12.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 228
12.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 234

Chapter 13 – The Wilcoxon Rank-Sum Test

13.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 237
13.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 237
13.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 239
13.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 244
 Table of Contents v

Chapter 14 – The Kruskal-Wallis Test

14.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 247
14.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 247
14.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 249
14.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 253

Chapter 15 – The Binomial Test

15.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 257
15.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 257
15.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 259
14.4 Details & Notes ....................................................................................................................... 261

Chapter 16 – The Chi-Square Test

16.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 265
16.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 265
16.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 267
16.4 Details & Notes........................................................................................................................ 279

Chapter 17 – Fisher’s Exact Test

17.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 285
17.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 285
17.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 286
17.4 Details & Notes........................................................................................................................ 289

Chapter 18 – McNemar’s Test

18.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 293
18.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 293
18.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 294
18.4 Details & Notes........................................................................................................................ 301

Chapter 19 – The Cochran-Mantel-Haenszel Test

19.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 305
19.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 305
19.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 307
19.4 Details & Notes........................................................................................................................ 313

Chapter 20 – Logistic Regression

20.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 317
20.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 318
20.3 Examples ................................................................................................................................. 322
20.4 Details & Notes........................................................................................................................ 340

Chapter 21 – The Log-Rank Test

21.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 349
21.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 350
21.3 Examples.................................................................................................................................. 351
21.4 Details & Notes........................................................................................................................ 359
 vi Table of Contents

Chapter 22 – The Cox Proportional Hazards Model

22.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 365
22.2 Synopsis ................................................................................................................................... 366
22.3 Examples.................................................................................................................................. 367
22.4 Details & Notes........................................................................................................................ 376

Chapter 23 – Exercises
23.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 381
23.2 Exercises .................................................................................................................................. 381
23.3 Appropriateness of the Methods ........................................................................................... 383
23.4 Summary.................................................................................................................................. 387

Appendix A – Probability Tables

A.1 Probabilities of the Standard Normal Distribution............................................................. 390
A.2 Critical Values of the Student t-Distribution....................................................................... 391
A.3 Critical Values of the Chi-Square Distribution ................................................................... 392

Appendix B – Common Distributions Used in Statistical Inference

B.1 Notation.................................................................................................................................... 393
B.2 Properties................................................................................................................................. 394
B.3 Results ...................................................................................................................................... 395
B.4 Distributional Shapes.............................................................................................................. 397

Appendix C – Basic ANOVA Concepts

C.1 Within- vs. Between-Group Variation.................................................................................. 399
C.2 Noise Reduction by Blocking ................................................................................................. 401
C.3 Least Squares Mean (LS-mean) ............................................................................................ 405

Appendix D – SS Types I, II, III, and IV Methods for an Unbalanced

Two-Way Layout
D.1 SS Types Computed by SAS .................................................................................................. 409
D.2 How to Determine the Hypotheses Tested ........................................................................... 411
D.3 Empty Cells.............................................................................................................................. 416
D.4 More Than Two Treatment Groups..................................................................................... 417
D.5 Summary.................................................................................................................................. 419

Appendix E – Multiple Comparison Methods

E.1 Multiple Comparisons of Means ........................................................................................... 421
E.2 Multiple Comparisons of Binomial Proportions.................................................................. 432
E.3 Summary.................................................................................................................................. 436

Appendix F – Data Transformations

F.1 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 437
F.2 The Log Transformation........................................................................................................ 438

Appendix G – SAS Code for Exercises in Chapter 23.................................................... 441

References .............................................................................................................................................. 447

Index ................................................................................................................................................... 453
 Examples

4.1 Body-Mass Index ......................................................................................................................56

4.2 Paired-Difference in Weight Loss ..........................................................................................60
5.1 FEV1 Changes ..........................................................................................................................68
6.1 HAM-A Scores in GAD ...........................................................................................................80
7.1 Hemoglobin Changes in Anemia ............................................................................................94
7.2 Memory Function ...................................................................................................................103
8.1 Arthritic Discomfort Following Vaccine ..............................................................................115
8.2 Treadmill Walking Distance in Intermittent Claudication................................................127
8.3 Disease Progression in Alzheimer’s Trial.............................................................................137
9.1 Diaphoresis Following Cardiac Medication ........................................................................160
9.2 Antibiotic Blood Levels Following Aerosol Inhalation.......................................................165
10.1 Anti-Anginal Response vs. Disease History .........................................................................178
10.2 Symptomatic Recovery in Pediatric Dehydration...............................................................185
11.1 Triglyceride Changes Adjusted for Glycemic Control.......................................................203
11.2 ANCOVA in Multi-Center Hypertension Study.................................................................214
12.1 Rose-Bengal Staining in KCS................................................................................................228
13.1 Global Evaluations of Seroxatene in Back Pain..................................................................239
14.1 Psoriasis Evaluation in Three Groups..................................................................................249
15.1 Genital Wart Cure Rate.........................................................................................................259
16.1 ADR Frequency with Antibiotic Treatment ........................................................................267
16.2 Comparison of Dropout Rates for 4 Dose Groups..............................................................274
16.3 Active vs. Placebo Comparisons of Degree of Response ....................................................277
17.1 CHF Incidence in CABG after ARA ....................................................................................286
18.1 Bilirubin Abnormalities Following Drug Treatment..........................................................294
18.2 Symptom Frequency Before and After Treatment .............................................................300
19.1 Dermotel Response in Diabetic Ulcers..................................................................................307
20.1 Relapse Rate Adjusted for Remission Time in AML..........................................................322
20.2 Symptom Relief in Gastroparesis..........................................................................................331
20.3 Intercourse Success Rate in Erectile Dysfunction...............................................................336
21.1 HSV-2 Episodes Following gD2 Vaccine..............................................................................351
22.1 HSV-2 Episodes with gD2 Vaccine (continued) ..................................................................367
22.2 Hyalurise in Vitreous Hemorrhage.......................................................................................370
viii Common Statistical Methods for Clinical Research with SAS Examples
 Figures

1.1. Probability Distribution for Z = X1 .................................................................................... 7

1.2. Probability Distribution for Z = X1+X2 .............................................................................. 7
1.3. Probability Distribution for Z = X1+X2+X3 ...................................................................... 8
1.4. Probability Distribution for Z = X1+X2+X3+X4+X5+X6+X7+X8 ...................................... 9
1.5. Histogram of Height Measurements (n=25) .................................................................... 13
1.6. Histogram of Height Measurements (n=300) ................................................................. 14
2.1. Power Curve for the Z-Test .............................................................................................. 26
3.1. Sample Data Collection Form 1 (Dichotomous Response) ............................................. 40
3.2. Sample Data Collection Form 2 (Categorical Response)................................................ 41
3.3. Sample Data Collection Form 3 (Continuous Numeric Response) ................................ 41
7.1. No Interaction (a,b,c) and Interaction (d,e,f) Effects.................................................... 102
7.2. Interaction in Example 7.2 .............................................................................................. 106
8.1. Sample Profiles of Drug Response.................................................................................. 114
8.2. Response Profiles (Example 8.1) ..................................................................................... 123
8.3. Mean Walking Distances for Example 8.2 ..................................................................... 136
8.4. ADAS-cog Response Profiles (Example 8.3) .................................................................. 139
10.1. Simple Linear Regression of y on x ................................................................................ 176
10.2. 95% Confidence Bands for Example 10.1...................................................................... 196
11.1. ANCOVA-Adjusted Means for Example 11.1 ............................................................... 208
20.1. Logistic Probability Function ......................................................................................... 319
20.2. Probability of Relapse (Px) vs. Remission Time (X) for Example 20.1........................ 325
20.3. Plot of Transformation from P to the Logit(P).............................................................. 343
20.4. Plot of Estimated Relapse Probabilities vs. Time since Prior Remission (X).............. 346
B.1. Distributional Shapes ...................................................................................................... 398
C.1. Plot of Mean Weights Shows No Treatment-by-Gender Interaction .......................... 405
x Common Statistical Methods for Clinical Research with SAS Examples
 Prreeffaaccee ttoo tthhee SSeeccoonndd EEddiittiioonn

This second edition expands the first edition with the inclusion of new sections,
examples, and extensions of statistical methods described in the first edition only
in their most elementary forms. New methods sections include analysis of
crossover designs (Chapter 9) and multiple comparison methods (Appendix D).
Chapters that present repeated measures analysis (Chapter 8), linear regression
(Chapter 10), analysis of covariance (Chapter 11), the chi-square test (Chapter 16),
and logistic regression (Chapter 20) have been notably expanded, and 50% more
examples have been added throughout the book. A new chapter of exercises has
also been added to give the reader practice in applying the various methods
presented. Also new in this edition is an introduction to α-adjustments for interim
analyses (Chapter 2).

Although many of the new features will have wide appeal, some are targeted to the
more experienced data analyst. These include discussion of the proportional odds
model, the clustered binomial problem, collinearity in multiple regression, the use
of time-dependent covariates with Cox regression, and the use of generalized
estimating equations in repeated measures analysis. These methods, which are
based on more advanced concepts than those found in most of the book, are
routinely encountered in data analysis applications of clinical investigations and, as
such, fit the description of ‘common statistical methods for clinical research’.
However, so as not to overwhelm the less experienced reader, these concepts are
presented only briefly, usually by example, along with references for further
reading.

First and foremost, this is a statistical methods book. It is designed to have

particular appeal to those involved in clinical research, biometrics, epidemiology,
and other health or medical related research applications. Unlike other books in the
SAS Books by Users (BBU) library, SAS is not the primary focus of this book.
Rather, SAS is presented as an indispensable tool that greatly simplifies the
analyst’s task. While consulting for dozens of companies over 25 years of
statistical application to clinical investigation, I have never seen a successful
clinical program that did not use SAS. Because of its widespread use within the
pharmaceutical industry, I include SAS here as the ‘tool’ of choice to illustrate the
statistical methods.

The examples have been updated to Version 8 of SAS, however, the programming
statements used have been kept ‘portable’, meaning that most can be used in earlier
versions of SAS as they appear in the examples, unless otherwise noted. This
includes the use of portable variable and data set names, despite accommodation
for use of long names beginning with Version 8. Because SAS is
xii Common Statistical Methods for Clinical Research with SAS Examples

not the main focus of this book but is key to efficient data analysis, programming
details are not included here, but they can be found in numerous references cited
throughout the book. Many of these references are other books in the Books by
Users program at SAS, which provide the details, including procedure options, use
of ODS, and the naming standards that are new in Version 8. For statistical
programming, my favorites include Categorical Data Analysis Using the SAS
System, Second Edition, by Stokes, Davis, and Koch (2000) and Survival
Analysis Using the SAS System, A Practical Guide, by Paul Allison (1995).

I welcome and appreciate reader comments and feedback through the SAS
Publications Web site.

Glenn A. Walker
July 2002
Preface xiii

Prreeffaaccee ttoo tthhee FFiirrsstt EEddiittiioonn

This book was written for those involved in clinical research and who may, from
time to time, need a guide to help demystify some of the most commonly used
statistical methods encountered in our profession.

All too often, I have heard medical directors of clinical research departments
express frustration at seemingly cryptic statistical methods sections of protocols
which they are responsible for approving. Other nonstatisticians, including medical
monitors, investigators, clinical project managers, medical writers and regulatory
personnel, often voice similar sentiment when it comes to statistics, despite the
profound reliance upon statistical methods in the success of the clinical program.
For these people, I offer this book (sans technical details) as a reference guide to
better understand statistical methods as applied to clinical investigation and the
conditions and assumptions under which they are applied.

For the clinical data analyst and statistician new to clinical applications, the
examples from a clinical trials setting may help in making the transition from other
statistical fields to that of clinical trials. The discussions of 'Least-Squares' means,
distinguishing features of the various SAS® types of sums-of-squares, and
relationships among various tests (such as the Chi-Square Test, the Cochran-
Mantel-Haenszel Test and the Log-Rank Test) may help crystalize the analyst's
understanding of these methods. Analysts with no prior SAS experience should
benefit by the simplifed SAS programming statements provided with each example
as an introduction to SAS analyses.

This book may also aid the SAS programmer with limited statistical knowledge in
better grasping an overall picture of the clinical trials process. Many times
knowledge of the hypotheses being tested and appropriate interpretation of the
SAS output relative to those hypotheses will help the programmer become more
efficient in responding to the requests of other clinical project team members.

Finally, the medical student will find the focused presentation on the specific
methods presented to be of value while proceeding through a first course in
biostatistics.

For all readers, my goal was to provide a unique approach to the description of
commonly used statistical methods by integrating both manual and computerized
solutions to a wide variety of examples taken from clinical research. Those who
learn best by example should find this approach rewarding. I have found no other
book which demonstrates that the SAS output actually does have the same results
as the manual solution of a problem using the calculating formulas. So ever
reassuring this is for the student of clinical data analysis!
xiv Common Statistical Methods for Clinical Research with SAS Examples

Each statistical test is presented in a separate chapter, and includes a brief, non-
technical introduction, a synopsis of the test, one or two examples worked
manually followed by an appropriate solution using the SAS statistical package,
and finally, a discussion with details and relevant notes.

Chapters 1 and 2 are introductory in nature, and should be carefully read by all
with no prior formal exposure to statistics. Chapter 1 provides an introduction to
statistics and some of the basic concepts involved in inference-making. Chapter 2
goes into more detail with regard to the main aspects of hypothesis testing,
including significance levels, power and sample size determination. For those who
use analysis-of-variance, Appendix C provides a non-technical introduction to
ANOVA methods. The remainder of the book may be used as a text or reference.
As a reference, the reader should keep in mind that many of the tests discussed in
later chapters rely on concepts presented earlier in the book, strongly suggesting
prerequisite review.

This book focuses on statistical hypothesis testing as opposed to other inferential

techniques. For each statistical method, the test summary is clearly provided,
including the null hypothesis tested, the test statistic and the decision rule. Each
statistical test is presented in one of its most elementary forms to provide the reader
with a basic framework. Many of the tests discussed have extensions or variations
which can be used with more complex data sets. The 18 statistical methods
presented here (Chapters 3-20) represent a composite of those which, in my
experience, are most commonly used in the analysis of clinical research data. I
can't think of a single study I've analyzed in nearly 20 years which did not use at
least one of these tests. Furthermore, many of the studies I've encountered have
used exclusively the methods presented here, or variations or extensions thereof.
Thus, the word 'common' in the title.

Understanding of many parts of this book requires some degree of statistical

knowledge. The clinician without such a background may skip over many of the
technical details and still come away with an overview of the test's applications,
assumptions and limitations. Basic algebra is the only prerequisite, as derivations
of test procedures are omitted, and matrix algebra is mentioned only in an
appendix. My hope is that the statistical and SAS analysis aspects of the examples
would provide a springboard for the motivated reader, both to go back to more
elementary texts for additional background and to go forward to more advanced
texts for further reading.

Many of the examples are based on actual clinical trials which I have analyzed. In
all cases, the data are contrived, and in many cases fictitious names are used for
different treatments or research facilities. Any resemblence of the data or the tests'
results to actual cases is purely coincidental.

Glenn A. Walker
May 1996



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 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
abject condition and the universal contempt in which they were held,
the degraded state of their religion was sufficiently apparent.
A priest acted as the exponent of the tenets of the Christian belief to
the king. Christianity, he said, believes in the eternity of God and the
creation of the world out of nothing, and that all men are descended
from Adam; it accepts as true all that the Torah and the Scriptures of
Judaism teach, but holds as its fundamental dogma, the incarnation of
the Deity through a virgin of the Jewish royal house. The Son of God,
the Father and the Holy Ghost form a unit. This trinity is venerated by
the Christians as a unity, even though the phrase appears to indicate a
threefold personality. Christians are to be considered as the real
Israelites, and the twelve apostles take the place of the twelve tribes.
The mind of the king was as little gratified by the answer of the
Christian as by that of the Philosopher, the reply not being in accordance
with the dictates of reason. The Christian, he thought, should have
adduced positive, incontrovertible proofs, which would satisfy the human
intellect. He, therefore, felt it his duty to seek further for true religion.
Thereupon he inquired of a Mahometan theologian as to the basis of
the faith of Islam. The Moslem believe, as he affirmed, in the unity and
eternity of God, and in the creatio ex nihilo; but reject anthropomorphic
conceptions. Mahomet was the last and most important among the
prophets, who summoned all people to the faith, and promised to the
faithful a paradise with all the delights of eating, drinking, and
voluptuous love, but to the infidels, the eternal fire of damnation. The
truth of Islam depends upon the fact that no man is capable of
producing so remarkable a book as the Koran, or even a single one of its
Suras. To him also the king replied that the fact of the intimate
intercourse of God with mortals must rest upon undeniable proofs,
which the internal evidence for the divine origin of the Koran does not
afford, for even if its diction is able to convince an Arab, it has no power
over those who are unacquainted with Arabic.
As both the Christian and the Moslem had referred their religions to
Judaism in order to verify the historic basis of each, the truth-seeking
king at length determined to overcome his prejudice against Judaism,
and to make inquiries of a Jewish sage. The latter made the following
statement of the tenets of his creed, in reply to the request of the king:
"The Jews believe in the God of their ancestors, who delivered the
Israelites from Egypt, performed miracles for their sake, led them into
the Holy Land, and raised up prophets in their midst—in short, in all that
is taught in the Holy Scriptures." Thereupon the king of the Chazars
replied, "I was right, then, in not asking of the Jews, because their
wretched, low condition has destroyed every reasonable idea in them.
You, O Jew, should have premised that you believe in the Creator and
Ruler of the world, instead of giving me so dry and unattractive a mass
of facts, which are of significance only to you." The Jewish sage replied:
"This notion that God is the Creator and Ruler of the universe requires a
lengthy demonstration, and the philosophers have different opinions on
the matter. The belief, however, that God performed miracles for us
Israelites demands no proof, as it depends upon the evidence of
undoubted eye-witnesses." Starting from this point, the religious
philosopher, Jehuda Halevi, has an easy task to unfold proofs of the
truth and divine character of Judaism. Philosophy discards God and
religion entirely, not knowing what place to assign to them in the world.
Christianity and Islam turn their backs on reason, for they find reason in
opposition to the cardinal doctrines of their religions. Judaism, on the
contrary, starts from a statement of observed facts, which reason cannot
possibly explain away. It is quite compatible with reason, but assigns to
reason its limits, and does not accept the conclusions of reason, often
degenerating into sophistry, when certainty can be attained in another
way.
In his correct view of the value of speculative thought, Jehuda
Halevi stood alone in his own time, and anticipated many centuries. The
thinkers of his time, Jewish, Mahometan and Christian, Rabbi, Ulema
and Churchman, bowed the knee to Aristotle, whose philosophical
judgments upon God and His relation to the world they placed above
Holy Writ, or at least they strained and subtilized the Biblical verses until
they expressed a philosophical idea, and thus they became at once
believers and sceptics. Jehuda Halevi alone had the courage to point out
the limits set by nature to human thought, and to proclaim, "Thus far
shalt thou go, and no further." Philosophy has no right to attack well-
accredited facts, but must accept them as undeniable truths; it must
start with them for bases, bringing to bear its power of co-ordinating the
facts and illuminating them by the aid of reason. Just as in the realm of
nature the intellect dare not deny actual phenomena when they present
themselves, however striking and contrary to reason they may appear,
but must strive to comprehend them, so must it act when touching on
the question of the knowledge of God. This excellent and irrefutable
idea, which of late years, after many wanderings in the labyrinth of
philosophy, has at length discovered a way for itself, was first enunciated
by Jehuda Halevi. In a poem, which is as beautiful as its matter is true,
he thus expresses his opinion of the Greek spirit which studious disciples
of philosophy so eagerly affected:

"Do not be enticed by the wisdom of the Greeks,

Which only bears fair blossoms, but no fruit.
What is its essence? That God created not the world,
Which, ever from the first, was enshrouded in myths.
If to its words you lend a ready ear, you
Return with chattering mouth, heart void, unsatisfied."

Judaism cannot, according to this system, be assailed by philosophy

at all, because it stands on a firm basis, which the thinker must respect,
the basis of historical facts. The Jewish religion entered the world not
gradually, little by little, but suddenly, like something newly created. It
was revealed to a vast multitude—to millions of men—who had sufficient
means of inquiring and investigating whether they were deceived by
some trickery. Moreover, all the miracles that preceded the revelation on
Sinai, and continued to occur during the wandering in the desert, took
place in the presence of many people. Not only on one occasion, the
beginning of Israel's nationality, was the evident interference of God
manifested, but it revealed itself often, in the course of five hundred
years, in the outpouring of the spirit of prophecy upon certain individuals
and classes. By virtue of this character, of the confirmed authenticity of
these facts, Judaism is invested with a certainty greater than that
established by philosophy. The existence of God is demonstrated more
powerfully by the revelation of Sinai than by the conclusions of the
intellect. Jehuda Halevi believed that he had not only cut away the
ground from beneath the philosophical views of his time, but that he
had also undermined the foundations both of Christianity and Islam, and
laid down the criterion by which the true could be distinguished from the
false religion. Judaism does not feed its adherents with the hope of a
future world full of bliss, but grants them here on earth a glimpse of the
heavenly kingdom, and raises, through an enduring chain of indisputable
facts, the hope of the immortality of the soul to the plane of absolute
certainty.
Whilst thus giving the general principles of Judaism, he had so far
not justified it in all its details. In order to do this, Jehuda Halevi
propounded a view which is certainly original and ingenious. The truth of
the creation, as related in the Torah, being pre-supposed, he starts from
the fact that Adam was in soul and body completely perfect when he
came from the hand of the Creator, without any disturbing ancestral
influences, and the ideal, after which man should strive, was set forth in
all its purity. All truths which are accessible to the human soul might
have been known to Adam without any wearisome study, by his innate
consciousness, and he possessed, so to speak, a prophetic nature, and
was therefore called the son of God. This perfection, this spiritual and
moral endowment, he bequeathed to those of his descendants who, by
virtue of their spiritual fitness, were capable of receiving it. Through a
long chain of ancestors, with some slight interruptions, this innate virtue
passed to Abraham, the founder of the family of the Israelites, and
thence to the ancestors of the twelve tribes. The people of Israel thus
forms the heart and kernel of the human race, and through divine grace,
and especially through the gift of prophecy, it was peculiarly fitted for
this position. This ideal nature elevates the possessor; it may be said to
constitute the intermediate step between man and the angels. In order
to attain and preserve this divine gift, it is necessary to have some place
which, by reason of the circumstances of the climate, is of help in
promoting a higher spiritual life. For this purpose God selected the land
of Canaan. Like Israel, so the Holy Land was specially chosen; it was
selected because it lies at the center of the earth. There the rule of God
was made manifest by the rise of prophets and by extraordinary
blessings and curses, which were supernatural. The precepts and
prohibitions which Judaism ordains are means whereby the divinely
prophetic nature in the Israelite nation may be nurtured and preserved.
To this end the priests of the house of Aaron were appointed, the
Temple erected, the sacrificial laws and the whole code established. God
alone, from whom all these laws emanated, knows in how far they aid in
furthering this great aim. Human wisdom durst not find fault with or
change them, because the most unimportant alteration might easily
cause the grand end to be lost sight of, even as nature brings forth
varied productions by slight changes of the soil and climate. The duties
of morality, or the laws of reason, do not constitute the peculiarity of
Judaism, as many imagine. These are rather the bases on which the
commonwealth was established, as even a robber band cannot dispense
with justice and fairness if it wishes to hold together. The religious duties
are the true essentials of Judaism, and are intended to preserve in the
people of Israel divine light and grace and permanent prophetic
inspiration.
Though the exact significance of the religious laws is rightly withheld
from human understanding, the wisdom of their originator is yet
reflected in them. Judaism involves neither the life of a hermit nor
ascetic mortification; and, the opponent of brooding melancholy, it
desires to see in its followers a joyful disposition. It indicates the limits
of the soul's activity and the promptings of the heart, and thus
maintains the individual and communal life of the nation in harmonious
equipoise. A man deserving to be called pious from a Jewish point of
view, does not flee from the world, nor despise life, and desire death in
order more quickly to obtain eternal life; he does not deny himself the
pleasures of life, but is an upright guardian of his own territory, that is,
of his body and soul. He assigns to all the faculties of the body and the
soul what is due to each, protects them against want and superfluity,
thereby making them docile, and employs them as willing instruments,
enabling him to rise to the higher life which emanates directly from the
Deity.
After Jehuda Halevi had discovered the great value of religious
deeds, it was an easy task for him to prove the superiority of Talmudical
Judaism over Karaism, and also to invest it with more resplendent
virtues than those distinguishing Islam and Christianity. The condition of
slavery into which Israel had fallen, whilst scattered among the nations
of the earth, is, according to the view of the poet-philosopher, no
evidence of its decay, nor a reason for abandoning hope. In the same
manner, the temporal power, on which Christians and Moslems equally
pride themselves, is no proof of the divinity of their doctrines. Poverty
and misery, despised in the eyes of man, are of higher merit with God
than inflated pride and greatness. The Christians themselves are not so
proud of their mighty princes as of humble men, such as Jesus, who
commanded that "whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to
him the other also," and of their apostles who suffered the martyrdom of
humiliation and contumely. The Moslems also take pride in the followers
of their Prophet, who endured much suffering on his account. The
greatest sufferer, however, is Israel, since he is among men what the
heart is in the human organism. Just as the heart sympathetically suffers
with every part of the body, so the Jewish nation suffers most keenly for
every wrongdoing among the nations, whether consciously or
unconsciously perpetrated. The words which the great prophet
represents the nations of the world as saying apply to Israel: "He hath
borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows." The Jewish people, in spite
of the unspeakable agonies it has gone through, has not perished; it
may be likened to a person who is dangerously ill, whom the skill of the
physician has entirely given up, but who expects to be saved by some
miracle. The picture of the scattered, lifeless bones, which at the word
of the prophet unite, are clothed with flesh and skin, have new breath
breathed into them, and again stand erect, also applies to Israel; it is a
complete description of Israel in its despoiled and low condition. The
dispersion of Israel is a miraculous, divine plan, devised to impart to the
nations of the earth the spirit with which Israel is endowed. The race of
Israel resembles a grain of seed which, placed in the ground, apparently
rots away, and appears to have been absorbed into the elements of its
surroundings. But when it buds and blossoms forth, it again assumes its
original nature, and throws off the disfiguring husk which envelops it,
and finally displays its own vital force according to its kind, till it, step by
step, attains its highest development. As soon as mankind, prepared for
it by Christianity and Islam, recognizes the true importance of the
Jewish nation as the bearer of the divine light, it will also pay due honor
to the root, hitherto looked upon with contempt. All mankind will adhere
to Israel, and having developed into glorious fruit, will finally enter the
Messianic kingdom, which is the true fruit of the tree.
Certainly the exalted significance of Judaism and the people that
confess it was never more eloquently preached. Thought and feelings,
philosophy and poetry, all combined in this original system of Jehuda of
Castile, in order to set up a sublime ideal, the point of union between
heaven and earth.
 Abulhassan Jehuda did not belong to that class of men who form
noble conceptions, and lead a contemptible life. In him thought and
deed were identical. As soon as he had come to the conclusion that the
Hebrew language and the land of Canaan possessed a peculiarly divine
character, that they were consecrated means for a holy purpose, this
conviction governed his conduct. The treasures of his poetical genius
were left uncultivated for a long time, because he considered it a
profanation to employ the Hebrew language in imitating the Arabic
measures. The philosopher-poet was firmly convinced, moreover, that
the Holy Land bore traces of the divine grace. His poetic soul was filled
with the spiritual glory of Palestine. From the decayed splendor of its
desolate condition there still breathed a higher inspiration. The bitterest
pangs of sorrow penetrated his heart at the thought of the sacred ruins.
For him the gates of heaven were to be found now as ever at the doors
of Jerusalem, and thence poured forth that divine grace which enabled
the appreciative mind to attain to happiness and a higher state of
repose. Thither would he go, there live according to the dictates of his
innermost heart, and there would he be animated by the divine breath.
When he began his work on the philosophy of religion, he spoke in
mournful tones of the fact that he, like many others, was so insensible
to the merits of the Holy Land, that, whilst with his lips he expressed a
longing for it, he never attempted to realize this desire. The more,
however, he meditated upon the importance of the Holy Land as a place
where the divine gift of grace could be obtained, the stronger his
determination grew to journey thither and there spend his last days.
This irresistible impulse towards Zion, the favored city, gave birth to
a series of deeply impassioned songs, which are as full of true feeling as
they are beautiful in form. The songs of Zion, composed by Jehuda
Halevi, represent the most excellent fruits of neo-Hebraic poetry, and
they may well be compared with the Psalms:

"O city of the world, with sacred splendor blest,

My spirit yearns to thee from out the far-off West;
Had I an eagle's wings, straight would I fly to thee,
2
Moisten thy holy dust with wet cheeks streaming free."
n the East, in the East, is my heart, and I dwell at the end of the West;
ow shall I join in your feasting, how shall I share in your jest,
ow shall my offerings be paid, my vows with performance be crowned,
hile Zion pineth in Edom's bonds, and I am pent in the Arab's bound!
the beauties and treasures of Spain are worthless as dust, in mine eyes;
t the dust of the Lord's ruined house, as a treasure of beauty I prize."

This is the keynote of all the songs of Zion. But in how many and in
what various ways does the poet skilfully manipulate his subject! What a
wealth of sentiments, images and devices does he develop! The ancient
days of Israel are idealized in his verses; the people of his own age at
one time appear invested with the thorny crown of a thousand
sufferings, and at another with the glittering diadem of a glorious hope.
The contents of his lyrics unwittingly penetrate into the soul of the
reader, and hurry him to and fro, from pain and woe to hope and
rejoicing, and for a long time the deep impression remains, intermingled
with feelings of enthusiasm and conviction.
The bard, who was thus inspired by the cause of his nation, busied
himself in communicating to his brethren this deep longing for
Jerusalem, and in arousing them to arrange some plan of return. One
poem, in elevated and lovely strains, encouraged the people, "The
Distant Dove," to leave the fields of Edom and Arab (Christendom and
Mahometan countries), and to seek its native nest in Zion. But no
answering echo was awakened. It was a sublime, ideal conception that
enabled the pious poet-philosopher even to dream of so daring a flight.
The soul of Jehuda Halevi was drawn by invisible cords to Israel's
ancient home, and he could not detach it from them. When he had
concluded his immortal work, the dialogue of the Chozari (about 1141),
he entertained serious thoughts of starting on his holy journey. He made
no slight sacrifices to this remarkable, if somewhat adventurous, resolve.
He exchanged a peaceful, comfortable life for one of disquietude and
uncertainty, and left behind his only daughter and his grandson, whom
he loved most dearly. He gave up his college which he had established in
Toledo, and parted from a circle of disciples whom he loved as sons, and
who in turn revered him as a father. He bade farewell to his numerous
friends, who, without envy, praised him as a distinguished scholar. All
this in his estimation was of little value in comparison with his love of
God and the Holy Land. He desired to bring his heart as an offering to
the sacred place, and to find his grave in sanctified earth.
Provided with ample means, Jehuda Halevi started on his journey,
and his passage through Spain resembled a triumph. His numerous
admirers in the towns through which he passed outvied each other in
attentions to him. With a few faithful companions he took passage on
board a vessel bound for Egypt. Confined in the narrow wooden cabins,
where there was no room either to sit or to lie down, a mark for the
coarse jests of the rough mariners, sea-sick and in weak health, his soul
yet lost none of its power to elevate itself into a brighter sphere. His
ideals were his most trusty companions. The storm which tossed the
ships about on the waves like a plaything, when "between him and
death there intervened only a board," unlocked the store of song within
his breast. Of the sea he sang songs which for faithfulness of description
and depth of feeling have few equals:

"The billows rage—exult, oh soul of mine,

3
Soon shalt thou enter the Lord's sacred shrine!"

Delayed by adverse winds, the ship arrived at Alexandria at the time of

the Feast of Tabernacles (September), and Jehuda betook himself to his
co-religionists, with the firm determination to spend but a short time
with them, and never to forget the aim of his journey. But as soon as his
name became known, all hearts were drawn towards him. The most
distinguished man of the Alexandrian congregation, the physician and
rabbi Aaron Ben-Zion Ibn-Alamâni, who was blessed with prosperity and
children, and was himself a liturgical poet, hastened to receive him as a
noble guest, showed him the highest honor, and placed his hospitable
mansion at the disposal of Halevi and his comrades. Under the careful
treatment of cordial friends, he recovered from the effects of his sea-
voyage, and expressed his gratitude in beautiful Hebrew verses. The
family of Ibn-Alamâni were so urgent in their desire to keep him with
them, that in spite of his great longing for Jerusalem, he remained for
nearly three months at Alexandria, till the Feast of Dedication. He tore
himself away by force from such dear friends, and meant to go to the
port of Damietta, where dwelt one of his best friends, Abu Said ben
Chalfon Halevi, whose acquaintance he had made in Spain. He was,
however, compelled to alter the course of his journey, for the Jewish
prince Abu Mansur Samuel ben Chananya, who held a high post at the
court of the Egyptian Caliph, sent him a pressing letter of invitation.
Abu Mansur, who dwelt in the palace of the Caliph, appears to have
been the head of the Jewish congregations in Egypt, bearing the title of
Prince (Nagid). Jehuda Halevi was the less able to decline this flattering
invitation, as it was important for him to obtain from the Jewish prince,
whose fame was wide-spread, letters of recommendation, facilitating the
continuance of his pilgrimage to Palestine. Abu Mansur's hint that he
was willing to aid him with large supplies of money, he delicately put
aside in a letter, saying, that "God had blessed him so munificently with
benefits that he had brought much with him from home, and had still
left plenty behind." Soon after, he traveled to Cairo in a Nile boat. The
wonderful river awoke in him memories of the Jewish past, and
reminded him of his vow. He immortalized his reminiscences in two
beautiful poems. He was warmly received by the Prince Abu Mansur in
Cairo, and basked in the sunshine of his splendor, and sang of his
liberality, renown, and of his three noble sons. He made but a brief stay
in Cairo, and hastened to the port of Damietta, which he reached on the
Fast of Tebeth (December, about 1141, 1142). Here he was well received
by many friends, and especially by his old friend Abu Said Chalfon
Halevi, a man of great distinction. He dedicated some beautiful poems of
thanks to him and his other friends. These friends also attempted to
dissuade him from proceeding to Palestine; they pictured to him the
dangers which he would encounter, and reminded him that memories of
the Divine grace in the early days of the history of the Jews were
connected also with Egypt. He, however, replied, "In Egypt Providence
manifested itself as if in haste, but it took up a permanent residence for
the first time in the Holy Land." At length he parted from his friends and
admirers, determined to carry his project into effect. It is not known at
what place he next stopped.
In Palestine, at this time, Christian kings and princes, the kinsmen of
the hero Godfrey of Bouillon, were the rulers, and these permitted the
Jews again to dwell in the Holy Land, and in the capital, which had now
become Christian. The country, at the time of Jehuda's pilgrimage, was
undisturbed by war; for the Christians who had settled in Palestine a
generation ago, the effeminate Pullani, loved peace, and purchased it at
any price from their enemies, the Mahometan emirs. The Jews were also
in favor at the petty courts of the Christian princes of Palestine, and a
Christian bishop complained that owing to the influence of their wives,
the princes placed greater confidence in Jewish, Samaritan, and Saracen
physicians than in Latin (that is, Christian) ones. Probably the reason
was because the latter were quacks.
Jehuda Halevi appears to have reached the goal of his desire, and to
have visited Jerusalem, but only for a short time. The Christian
inhabitants of the Holy City seem to have been very hostile to him, and
to have inspired him with disgust for life in the capital. It is to this,
probably, that his earnest, religious poem refers, in the middle verses of
which he laments as follows:

"To see Thy glory long mine eye had yearned;

But when at last I sought Thy Holy Place,
As though I were a thing unclean and base,
Back from Thy threshold was I rudely spurned.

The burden of my folk I, too, must bear,

And meekly bow beneath oppression's rod,
Because I will not worship a false god,
Nor, save to Thee, stretch forth my hands in prayer."

The closing adventures of his life, beyond the fact that he was at
Tyre and at Damascus, are not known. The Jewish community at Tyre
rendered great honor to him, and the memory of this treatment was
impressed on his grateful heart. In a poem to his Tyrian friend he
grieves over his faded hopes, his misspent youth, and his present
wretchedness, in verses which cannot be read without stirring up
emotions at the despondency of this valorous soldier. In Damascus he
sang his swan-song, the glorious song of Zion, which, like the Psalms of
Asaph, awake a longing for Jerusalem. The year of his death and the
site of his grave are both unknown. A legend has it that a Mahometan
horseman rode over him as he was chanting his mournful Lay of Zion.
Thus reads a short epitaph which an unknown admirer wrote for him:
 "Honor, Faith, and Gentleness, whither have ye flown?
Vainly do I seek you; Learning, too, is gone!
'Hither are we gathered,' they reply as one,
'Here we rest with Judah.'"

This, however, does not convey the smallest portion of what this
ethereal and yet powerful character was. Jehuda Halevi was the
spiritualized image of the race of Israel, conscious of itself, seeking to
display itself, in its past and in its future, in an intellectual and artistic
form.
In Spain Jewish culture had arrived at its zenith, and had reached its
highest perfection in the greatest of the neo-Hebraic poets. In France
the beginnings of culture now became manifest. The reigns of the two
kings of the house of Capet, Louis VI and VII (1108–1180), were as
favorable to the Jews as that of Louis the Pious. The congregations in
the north of France lived in the comfort and prosperity that arouses
envy, their granaries were filled with corn, their cellars with wine, their
warehouses with merchandise, and their coffers with gold and silver.
They owned houses and fields and vineyards, cultivated either by
themselves or by Christian servants. It is said that half of Paris, which at
that time was not yet a city of very great importance, belonged to Jews.
The Jewish congregations were recognized as independent corporations,
and had their own mayor, with the title of Provost (præpositus), who
was invested with authority to guard the interests of his people, and to
arrest Christian debtors and compel them to pay their Jewish creditors.
The Jewish provost was chosen by the community, and his election was
ratified by the king or the baron to whom the town was tributary; Jews
frequented the court, and held office. Jacob Tam, the greatest rabbinical
authority of this time, was highly respected by the king. Jewish
theologians freely disputed with the clergy upon religious questions, and
openly expressed their honest opinions about the Trinity, the Virgin Mary,
the worship of saints, about auricular confession and the miracle-
working powers of relics.
Under these favorable circumstances of unrestricted tolerance, the
Jewish sages of the north of France were able to follow in the path
which Rashi had marked out for them. To understand and explain the
Talmud in its entirety became a passion with the French Jews. Death
had snatched away the commentator on the Talmud in the midst of his
labors at Troyes; his pupils exerted themselves to complete whatever
had been left unfinished by him. He had bequeathed to his school a
spirit of indefatigable research and close inquiry, of acute dialectics, and
the art of fine discrimination, and they richly increased their inheritance.
The correct and precise understanding of the Talmud was so sacred a
matter to the pupils of Rashi, that they did not hesitate to subject the
interpretations of their master to a severe critical revision. But, on the
other hand, their veneration for him was so great that they did not
venture to offer their opinions independently, but attached them to the
commentaries of Rashi as "Supplements" (Tossafoth). From this
circumstance they were called the Tossafists. They supplied the
omissions of Rashi, and also emended and expanded the explanations
given by him. The chief characteristic of the method of the Tossafists is
their independence of the authorities, they subjected all opinions to the
scrutiny of their own reason. Their profound scholarship and great
erudition comprehended the immense Talmudic literature and its maze
of learned discussions and arguments with clearness and precision. Their
penetrating intellect displayed remarkable ingenuity in resolving every
argument and every idea into its original elements, distinguishing
thoughts that appeared to be similar, and reconciling such as seemed to
conflict. It is almost impossible to convey to the mind of the uninitiated
any satisfactory notion of the critical acumen of the Tossafists. They
solved the most difficult logical problems with the greatest ease, as if
they were the simple examples set to children. The unyielding material
of the Talmud became quite malleable under their hands, and they
fashioned surprising Halachic (legal) shapes and substances. For the
circumstances of modern times they found numerous analogies on
record, which a superficial examination would never have discovered.
The circle of the earliest Tossafists was composed chiefly of the
relatives of Rashi, viz.: his two sons-in-law, Meïr ben Samuel of Rameru,
a small town near Troyes, and Jehuda ben Nathan (Riban); later, his
three grandsons, Isaac, Samuel and Jacob Tam, the sons of Meïr; and
finally a German, Isaac ben Asher Halevi (Riba) of Speyer, also
connected with the family of Rashi.
The school of the Tossafists divided the study of the Talmud into two
branches: theoretical discussion leading to a thorough comprehension of
the text of the Talmud (Chiddushim), and practical application of the
results of such study in the civil laws, in the laws of marriage, and in the
religious ritual (Pesakim, Responsa). This ingenious method revealed
new legal ordinances.
The study of the Talmud fully occupied the intellectual powers of the
Jews of the north of France and the Rhine, and prevented the cultivation
of other studies. Poetry did not thrive in a region where logic wielded
the scepter, and where the imagination was brought into play only in
order to invent new complications and hypothetical cases. The
interpretation of Scripture was also treated in a Talmudical manner. Most
of the Tossafists were Bible exegetes, but they did not pay much
attention to the exact meaning of the text, studying it by means of
Agadic interpretations. Tossafoth were written to elucidate the
Pentateuch as well as the Talmud. Only two men can be recorded as
famous exceptions, who returned from exegesis according to the Agadic
method (Derush) to the strict and rational elucidation of the text
(Peshat); these are Joseph Kara and Samuel ben Meïr (about 1100-
1160). Both of these have the greater importance, since they were in
opposition to their fathers, who adhered to the Midrashic system of
interpretation. Joseph Kara was the son of Simon Kara, a compiler of
Agadic pieces, the author of the Yalkut; and Samuel ben Meïr had been
taught by his grandfather Rashi to pay great respect to the Agada. Both
of them forsook the old way, and sought an explanation of the text in
strict accordance with rules of grammar. Samuel, who completed Rashi's
commentary to Job and to some of the treatises of the Talmud, had so
thoroughly convinced his grandfather of the correctness of rational
exegesis, that he had declared that if strength were granted him, he
would alter his commentary to the Pentateuch in accordance with other
exegetical principles. Samuel, called Rashbam, wrote, in this temperate
style, a commentary to the Pentateuch and the Five Megilloth; and
Joseph Kara wrote commentaries on the books of the Prophets and the
Hagiographa. Samuel ben Meïr, in his interpretation of Holy Writ, sought
for the sense and the connection of the text, and did not shrink from
explanations at variance with the Talmud, or in harmony with the views
of the Karaites.
 CHAPTER XII.
PERSECUTIONS DURING THE SECOND CRUSADE
AND UNDER THE ALMOHADES.

Condition of the Jews in France—The Second Crusade—Peter

the Venerable and the Monk Rudolph—Bernard of Clairvaux
and the Emperor Conrad—Protectors of the Jews—
Persecutions under the Almohades—Abdulmumen and his
Edict—The Prince Jehuda Ibn-Ezra—The Karaites in Spain—
Jehuda Hadassi—The historian Abraham Ibn-Daud and his
Philosophy—Abraham Ibn-Ezra—Rabbenu Tam.
1143–1170 C. E.

When the greatest neo-Hebraic poet complained, "Have we a home

in the West or in the East?" his sensitive heart was probably filled with
foreboding concerning the insecurity of his co-religionists. Only too soon
was the Jewish race to realize the awful truth that it possessed no home
on earth, and that it was only tolerated in the lands of its exile. As long
as the intolerant religious principles of the Church and of the Mosque
remained inoperative, either by reason of the indifference, or the inertia,
or the selfish pursuits of their adherents, the Jews lived in comparative
happiness; but when religious hatred was aroused, torture and
martyrdom fell upon Israel, and again he was compelled to grasp the
wanderer's staff, and with bleeding heart depart from his dearly beloved
home. Although the Jews in general, and especially their leaders, the
rabbis and sages, were, as a rule, superior to the Christian and
Mahometan peoples in devotion to God, in morality, in refinement and
knowledge, yet those to whom the earth belonged imagined themselves
on a higher level, and with lordly haughtiness looked down upon the
Jews as common slaves. In Christian countries they were declared
outlaws, because they would not believe in the Son of God and many
other things; and in a Mahometan realm they were persecuted because
they would not acknowledge Mahomet as the prophet. In one land they
were expected to do violence to their reason and to accept fables as
sober truths, and in another they were asked to renounce their faith and
take in its stead dry formulæ, tinged with philosophy. Both held out the
cheerless choice between death and the renunciation of their ancient
religion. The French and the Germans rivaled the savage Moors in the
energy with which they strove to enfeeble still more the weakest of the
peoples. On the banks of the Seine, the Rhine and the Danube, on the
shores of Africa and in the south of Spain, there arose simultaneously,
as though preconcerted, bloody persecutions against the Jews, in the
name of religion, despite the fact that all that was good and divine in
the oppressors' creeds owed its origin to this people. Hitherto
persecutions of the Jews had been few and far between; but from the
year 1146 they became more frequent, more severe, and more
persistent. It seemed as if the age in which the light of intelligence had
begun to dawn upon mankind desired to exceed in inhumanity the
epochs of darkest barbarism. This period of suffering imprinted on the
features of the Jewish race that air of suffering, that martyr's look,
which even the present age of freedom has not effaced. "The meaning
of the prophet," said Ibn-Ezra, "when he cries, 'He was oppressed, and
he was afflicted, yet he opened not his mouth,' requires no commentary,
for every Jew in exile illustrates it. When he is afflicted he does not open
his mouth to protest that he is more righteous than his tormentor. He
keeps his look directed only towards God, and neither prince nor noble
assists him in his distress."
The persecutions that spread simultaneously over Europe and Africa
had their sources in catastrophes that occurred in Asia and Africa. Whilst
the Christian knights in the new kingdom of Jerusalem and in the
neighboring princedoms were sinking into inactivity, the Turkish warrior,
Nureddin, who had determined to drive the Christians from Asia, began
his attacks upon them. The important city of Edessa fell into his hands,
and the crusaders, now at their wits' end, were compelled to implore
help from Europe. The second crusade was now preached in France and
Germany, and bloodthirsty fanaticism was again aroused against the
Jews.
King Louis VII of France, conscience-stricken, took the cross, and
with him went the young and frivolous Queen Eleanora, together with
the dames of the court, who transformed the camp of the warriors of
God into a court of gallantry. The Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux, a truly
pious man, of apostolic simplicity of heart, and renowned for his
powerful eloquence, energetically exhorted Christians to take part in this
crusade, and owing to his influence the troops of pilgrims marching
against the infidels increased day by day. This time it was Pope Eugenius
III who turned the attention of the crusaders towards the Jews. He
issued a bull announcing that all those who joined in the holy war were
absolved from the payment of interest on debts owing to Jews. This was
an inducement for the numerous debtors of the Jews to participate in
the crusade, and was in reality only a veiled permission to repudiate
their indebtedness to the Jews. The Abbot Bernard, who at other times
disdained to employ unholy means to compass a holy end, was obliged,
at the command of the Pope, to preach this repudiation of debts.
Another abbot, Peter the Venerable, of Clugny, desired to push the
matter still further. He roused King Louis and the army of the crusaders
directly against the Jews. He heaped charges upon them, exaggerating
their offenses so as to incite the prejudiced monarch to persecute or at
least plunder them. In a letter to Louis VII he repeated the sophistries
and falsehoods which the marauding mobs of the first crusade had
invented in order to palliate their plundering of the Jews in the name of
religion.
"Of what use is it," wrote Peter of Clugny, "to go forth to seek the
enemies of Christendom in distant lands, if the blasphemous Jews, who
are much worse than the Saracens, are permitted in our very midst to
scoff with impunity at Christ and the sacrament! The Saracen at least
believes as we do that Christ was born of a virgin, and yet he is
execrable, since he denies the incarnation. How much more these Jews
who disbelieve everything, and mock at everything! Yet I do not require
you to put to death these accursed beings, because it is written, 'Do not
slay them.' God does not wish to annihilate them, but like Cain, the
fratricide, they must be made to suffer fearful torments, and be
preserved for greater ignominy, for an existence more bitter than death.
They are dependent, miserable and terror-stricken, and must remain in
that state until they are converted to the Saviour. You ought not to kill
them, but to afflict them in a manner befitting their baseness." The holy
man besought the king to deprive the Jews either altogether or in part
of their possessions, since the crusading army, which was marching
against the Saracens, did not spare its own property and lands, and
certainly should not spare the ill-gotten treasures of the Jews. Only their
bare life should be left to them, but their money forfeited, for the
audacity of the Saracens would be more easily subdued if the hands of
the Christians were strengthened by the wealth of the blasphemous
Jews. This method of reasoning is certainly consistent; it is the logic of
the Middle Ages. King Louis, though well-disposed towards the Jews,
could not do less in obedience to the papal bull than allow the crusaders
to absolve themselves from their Jewish debts. For the moment the
persecution limited itself to the plundering of the rich Jews, who were
reduced to the state of their poorer brethren. The friendly monarch and
his wise ministers, together with the Abbot Suger, and especially the
pious Bernard, who knew how to control men's minds, would not permit
a universal bloody persecution.
Affairs took a different course in Germany, and particularly in the
cities along the Rhine, whose congregations had scarcely recovered from
the wounds of the first crusade. Emperor Conrad III was powerless; the
citizens who had as a rule taken the part of the Jews during the first
crusade, and had afforded them protection, were now, at the beginning
of the second crusade, prejudiced against them. A French monk, named
Rudolph, left his monastery without the permission of his superior, and
his fiery eloquence kindled the fanaticism of the German people against
the Jews. He believed that he was accomplishing a holy work in securing
the conversion or annihilation of the infidels. From town to town, from
village to village, Rudolph traveled preaching the crusade, and he
inserted in his addresses an exhortation that the crusade should begin
with the Jews. Matters would have been much worse for the German
Jews on this occasion, had not Emperor Conrad, who at first felt an
antipathy to the extravagant feeling engendered by the crusade, looked
after their safety. In the lands which were his by inheritance, he set
aside the city of Nuremburg and certain other fortresses as cities of
refuge for them, where the hand of the infuriated crusaders could not
reach them. He had no jurisdiction over the territories of the princes and
prelates, but he appears to have urged them all to extend their powerful
protection to the Jews. But the word of the emperor had but little
weight. In August, 1146, were sacrificed the first victims of the
persecution stirred up by Rudolph. Simon the Pious, of Treves, whilst on
his way home from England, tarried in Cologne. He was seized by the
crusaders as he was about to go on board a ship, and refusing to be
baptized, he was murdered and his body mutilated. Also a woman
named Minna, of Speyer, who had suffered the terrible tortures of the
rack, remained steadfast to her faith. These occurrences prompted the
Jews dwelling by the Rhine to look round for protection. They paid
immense sums to the princes, to be permitted to live in the fortresses
and castles for safety. The Cardinal Bishop Arnold of Cologne gave them
the castle of Wolkenburg, near Königswinter, and allowed them to
defend themselves with arms. Wolkenburg became a refuge for many of
the congregations of the district. As long as the Jews remained in their
places of refuge they were safe; but as soon as they ventured forth, the
Christian pilgrims, who lay in ambush for them, dragged them away to
be baptized, killing those that resisted, after subjecting them to inhuman
treatment. The prelates of the Rhine were, however, disgusted with the
preaching of the crusade as carried on by the monk Rudolph, nor did
they approve of the massacres of the Jews, particularly as these gave
rise to dissensions and feuds, and Rudolph even emboldened the
populace to disobey the bishops. The Archbishop of Mayence, Henry I,
who was at the same time chancellor and prime minister to the emperor,
had admitted into his house some of the Jews who were pursued by the
mob. The riotous crowd forced its way in, and murdered them before his
very eyes. The archbishop then addressed himself to the most
distinguished representative of Christianity of that time, Bernard of
Clairvaux, who had more power than the Pope. He depicted to him the
outrages that Rudolph had fomented in the Rhine country, and prayed
him to exercise his authority. Bernard, who strongly disapproved of the
doings of Rudolph, willingly gave the archbishop his support. He
despatched a letter to the Archbishop of Mayence, intended to be read
in public. In this letter he energetically condemned the agitator; he
called Rudolph an outlawed son of the Church, who had fled from his
cloister, had been faithless to the rules of his order, maligned the
bishops, and who, in opposition to the principles of the Church,
preached to simple-minded Christians, murder and massacre of the
Jews. The Jews ought, on the contrary, to be carefully spared. The
Church hoped that at a certain time they would be converted en masse,
and a prayer for that especial purpose had been instituted for Good
Friday. Could the hope of the Church be fulfilled if the Jews were
altogether annihilated? Bernard sent another letter written in the same
spirit to the clergy and people of France and Bavaria, wherein he
expressly admonished them to spare the Jews.
But the letters of Bernard made no impression upon Rudolph and
the misguided mob; they were bent upon the complete destruction of
the Jews, and on all sides lay in wait for them. The Abbot of Clairvaux
accordingly found it necessary to protest in person against the slaughter
of the Jews. When at about this time he made a journey into Germany
in order to induce Emperor Conrad to take part in the crusade, he
tarried in the towns on the Rhine in order to counteract the fiendish
plans of Rudolph. He addressed him in very severe terms, and prevailed
on him to desist from preaching the massacre of the Jews, and to return
to his monastery. The deluded people murmured against the actions of
Bernard, and had he not been protected by his sacred calling, they
would have attacked him. Rudolph disappeared from the scene, but the
poisonous seeds scattered abroad by him worked the destruction of the
Jews. As the bulk of the people became inflamed by the sermons of
Bernard on behalf of the crusade, its fury against the Jews increased.
The people were more consistent than the saint of Clairvaux and the
bishops, and their logic could not be shaken. They said, "If it is a godly
deed to slay unbelieving Turks, it surely cannot be a sin to massacre
unbelieving Jews." At about this time the lacerated limbs of a Christian
were discovered at Würzburg, and the crusaders who were assembled
there believed, or pretended to believe that the Jews had butchered the
man. They took this pretext to attack the congregation at Würzburg.
The Jews of this city were under the protection of Bishop Embicho, and
dwelt in tranquillity in the city, not deeming it necessary to seek a place
of refuge. The terror which seized them was therefore the greater, when
they were suddenly attacked by a crowd of crusaders (22 Adar, 24 Feb.,
1147). More than twenty met martyrs' deaths, among them the
distinguished and gentle Rabbi Isaac ben Eliakim, who was slain whilst
reading a holy book. Some were cruelly maltreated, and left as dead,
but were afterwards restored to life, and carefully tended by
compassionate Christians. The humane Bishop of Würzburg assigned a
burial-place in his own garden for the bodies of the martyrs, and sent
the survivors into a castle near Würzburg. The lot of the German Jews
became still more lamentable when the emperor Conrad with his knights
and army joined the crusading expedition, and the mobs who were left
behind, unchecked by the presence of the emperor, were at liberty to
commit fearful outrages (May, 1147).
The savage spirit of murder in the name of piety was rapidly
communicated from Germany to France, on the assembling of the
crusaders in the spring. In Carenton (Department de la Manche) there
was a determined battle between the Christian pilgrims and the Jews.
The latter had gathered in a house, and defended themselves against
invasion. Two brothers, with the true courage of Frenchmen, fought like
heroes, dealing wounds right and left, and slew many crusaders, until
their foes, infuriated by the loss of so many men, found an entrance into
the court, attacked the Jews in the rear, and massacred them all. Among
the martyrs of this time in France was a young scholar named Peter, a
pupil of Samuel ben Meïr and Tam, who, in spite of his youth, had
already distinguished himself among the Tossafists. At no great distance
from the monastery of Clairvaux, under the eyes of the Abbot Bernard,
the savage bands of the crusaders continued undismayed to carry on
their bloody work. They fell upon the Jewish congregation at Rameru on
the second day of Pentecost, forced their way into the house of Jacob
Tam, who was the most distinguished man among the European Jews
on account of his virtues and his learning, robbed him of all his
possessions, tore to pieces a scroll of the Law, and dragged him into a
field, intending to put him to death by torture. As Tam was the most
famous man among the Jews, the crusaders desired to avenge on him
the wounds and death of Jesus. They had already inflicted five wounds
on his head, and he was about to succumb, when fortunately a knight
with whom he was acquainted happened to pass along the road. Tam
still retained sufficient consciousness to implore his help, which the
knight promised to afford, on condition that he receive a fine horse as a
reward. The knight then told the band of assassins to hand the victim
over to him, and he would either prevail on him to be baptized, or else
return him to their hands. Thus was saved the man who was the leader
and model of the German and French Jews (8 May, 1147). Through the
influence of Bernard no Jew hunts took place in France, except at
Carenton, Rameru and Sully. In England, where since the time of William
the Conqueror many Jews had settled, who were in communication with
the French congregations, there were no persecutions, as King Stephen
vigorously protected them. The Jews of Bohemia, however, again
suffered severely when the crusaders marched through their country,
150 of them meeting with martyrs' deaths. Directly the French army of
the crusaders had marched through Germany, and had advanced beyond
its borders, the Jews were able to leave their places of refuge in the
castles, and were not molested. Even those Jews who had weakly
submitted to forced baptism could now return to their ancient faith. A
certain priest who was as pious as he was humane, but whose name
unfortunately has been lost, gave them very great assistance. He led
those Jews who had been forcibly baptized into France and other
countries, where they remained till their former adhesion to the Church
was forgotten. They then returned to their homes and their religion.
On the whole, the fanaticism of the second crusade claimed fewer
Jewish victims than the first. This was partly owing to the protection
afforded to the Jews by the spiritual and temporal dignitaries, and also
because the participation of the German Emperor and the King of France
did not permit such crowds of crusading marauders as had accompanied
the expedition of William the Carpenter and Emicho of Leiningen. But
the Jews were compelled to pay a high price for the shelter which was
granted them, the price being their whole future. The German Emperor
from this time forward was regarded by the Jews as their protector, and
he considered himself as such, demanding in return the fulfilment of
certain duties. The German Jews, who had hitherto been as free as the
Germans or Romans, henceforth became the "servants of the chamber"
(servi cameræ) of the Holy Roman empire. This hateful name at first
only signified that the Jews enjoyed immunity from all attacks like the
imperial servants, and had to pay a certain tax to the emperor for the
protection thus granted to them, and that they had to perform
extraordinary services. But in later times the word was employed in its
original, odious sense, and the Jews were looked upon as bondmen and
dependent slaves. The German Jews who were on the point of raising
themselves from a state of barbarism, were thus hurled into the depths
of an abyss of degradation, from which they were enabled to raise
themselves only after a lapse of six hundred years. For this reason, their
intellectual efforts bore the stamp of degeneracy, their poems consisted
only of elegies and lamentations, which, like their speech, were tasteless
and barbaric, and even in the study of the Talmud very little work of
note was accomplished. The German Jews were pariahs in history till the
end of the eighteenth century. In France, on the other hand, where
other political and social conditions prevailed, Jewish culture was
vigorous enough to put forth blossoms.
Whilst the Jews of France and Germany still stood in dread of the
crusaders, a persecution broke out in the north of Africa, which was of
longer duration, and produced different results. It was stirred up by a
man who combined the characters of philosopher, reformer and
conqueror, and manifested a peculiar political and religious enthusiasm.
Abdallah Ibn-Tumart, who came from the northwest of Africa, while
living in Bagdad, was inspired by the moral enthusiasm of the mystic
philosopher Alghazali. On his return home to Africa, he preached to the
simple Moorish tribes simplicity of living and dress, hatred of poetry,
music and painting, and war against the Almoravide kings, who were
devoted to a life of refinement. On the other hand, Ibn-Tumart rejected
the Sunnite teachings of Mahometan orthodoxy, and the literal
interpretation of the verses of the Koran, which affirmed that God had
the feelings of man, and was affected by the same emotions as man. He
obtained a large following among the Moors, and founded a sect, whose
members, from the fact that they maintained the true unity of God
without any corporeal representations (Tauchid), were termed
Almovachides or Almohades (Unitarians). This sect acknowledged Ibn-
Tumart as the Mahdi, the heaven-sent Imam of Islam. With the tocsin of
rebellion and the sword of war against the reigning Almoravides, Ibn-
Tumart spread his religious and moral reformation in the northwest of
Africa. After his death, his disciple Abdulmumen succeeded to the
leadership of the Almohades, and was recognized as the Prince of the
Faithful (Emir al-Mumenin). He achieved victory after victory, and in his
onward progress he destroyed the dynasty of the Almoravides, and
became monarch of the whole of northern Africa. Abdulmumen,
however, was a fanatic, and as he had extirpated the Almoravides with
fire and sword, not only for political reasons, but also because they
professed another belief, he would not suffer any other religion in his
kingdom.
When the capital, Morocco, after a long and obstinate siege, fell into
the hands of Abdulmumen, the new ruler summoned the numerous Jews
of the town, and addressed them in the following terms: "You do not
believe in the mission of the prophet Mahomet, and you think that the
Messiah, who has been announced to you, will confirm your law, and
strengthen your religion. Your forefathers, however, asserted that the
Messiah would appear at the latest about half a century after the coming
of Mahomet. Behold! that half a century has long passed, and no
prophet has arisen in your midst. The patience with which you have
been treated has come to an end. We can no longer permit you to
continue in your state of unbelief. We no longer desire any tribute from
you. You have only the choice between Islam and death." The despair of
the Jews at this stern proclamation was very great. It was the second
time, since they had come under Mahometan rule, that the mournful
alternative was offered to them, either to surrender their life or their
faith. Moved by the representations that were made to him,
Abdulmumen modified the edict by allowing the Jews to emigrate. He
also allowed them a certain time to dispose of such property as they
could not take with them. Those who preferred to remain in the African
kingdom were obliged to accept Islam under penalty of death. Those,
however, to whom Judaism was precious left Africa, and emigrated to
Spain, Italy and other places. The majority of them, however, ostensibly
yielded, and took the disguise of Islam whilst hoping for more favorable
times (1146).
The persecution was directed not only against the Jews of Morocco,
but against all who lived in northern Africa, and as often as the
Almohades captured a city, the same edict was promulgated. The
Christians also suffered through this persecution, but as Christian Spain
stood open to receive them, and they might expect to be received with
open arms by their co-religionists, they were more steadfast, and
departed from the country in large bodies. Synagogues and churches
alike were destroyed throughout the land of the Almohades, which
extended by degrees from the Atlas mountains to the boundary of
Egypt, and no traces remained of the former Jewish and Christian
residents.
Although many north-African Jews had accepted Islam, there were
but few who became real converts. Nothing was demanded of them
except to profess belief in the prophetic mission of Mahomet, and
occasionally to attend the mosque. In private, however, they
scrupulously practised the Jewish rites, for the Almohades employed no
police spies to observe the actions of the converts. Not only the common
people, but also pious rabbis maintained this outward semblance of
belief, soothing their conscience with the reflection that idolatry and
denial of Judaism were not demanded of them, as they were simply
required to utter the formula that Mahomet was a prophet, which in no
way suggested idolatry. Some consoled themselves with the hope that
this state would not long continue, and that the Messiah would soon
appear, and deliver them from their misery.
Under the disguise of Moslems, the Maghreb Jewish scholars even
pursued the study of the Talmud with their usual zeal, and assembled at
their colleges the studious youth, who at the same time were compelled
to engage in the study of the Koran. But truly conscientious and pious
men were unable to play this double part for any length of time. They
threw off the hateful mask, and openly professing Judaism, suffered
martyrdom, as happened in Fez, Segelmessa, Draï and other towns.
The victorious Abdulmumen was not content with the possession of
all Barbary; he cast longing eyes upon the fair land of Andalusia,
thinking it an easy task to wrest it from the power of the Almoravide and
Christian rulers, and annex it to his realm. The conquest of the
Mahometan territory in southern Spain proved easy on account of
internal dissensions. Cordova, the capital of Andalusia, fell into the
power of the fanatical Almohades in June, 1148, and before the end of a
year the greater part of Andalusia was in their hands. The beautiful
synagogues which the piety, the love of splendor, and the refined taste
of the Andalusian Jews had built, fell a prey to the destructive frenzy of
fanaticism. The aged rabbi of Cordova, the philosopher Joseph Ibn-
Zadik, witnessed this sad downfall of the oldest and most distinguished
congregation, but died soon after (at the end of 1148 or the
commencement of 1149). The renowned Jewish academies at Seville
and Lucena were closed. Meïr, the son and successor of Joseph Ibn-
Migash, went from Lucena to Toledo, and with him all those able to
escape. The remainder followed the example of the African Jews,
yielding for the moment to coercion and pretending to acknowledge
Islam, though in private they observed their ancient faith, till they found
an opportunity of openly professing Judaism. Women and children,
together with the property of the exiles, fell into the hands of the
conquerors, who treated feeble captives as slaves.
In this dark epoch, when the center of Judaism was destroyed, a
favorable change of fortune created a new center. Christian Spain, which
had developed great power under the emperor Alfonso Raimundez
(1126–1157), became a refuge for the persecuted Andalusian Jews, and
Toledo, which had been made the capital of the realm, became a new
focus, whence the rays of Jewish science emanated. This favorable
change was due to the work of a man who deserves to be ranked with
Ibn-Shaprut and Ibn-Nagrela. The wise and philanthropic Emperor
Alfonso Raimundez had a Jewish favorite in the person of the still
youthful Jehuda Ibn-Ezra, the son of that Joseph Ibn-Ezra, who,
together with his three brothers, is celebrated in Judæo-Spanish
literature. On taking possession of the border fortress of Calatrava,
between Toledo and Cordova (1146), the emperor, probably as a reward
for his bravery, appointed Ibn-Ezra commander of the place, and
invested him with the dignity of a prince (Nasi).
Jehuda Ibn-Ezra was the guardian-angel of his unfortunate co-
religionists, who were fleeing before the fury of the victorious
Almohades. He assisted them to find homes and employment in
Christian Spain, and used his riches in ransoming captives, in clothing
the naked and feeding the hungry. The congregation of Toledo was very
much increased by the immigrant Jews. Meïr Ibn-Migash opened an
academy for the study of the Talmud, and numerous pupils attended it.
Jewish learning under the protection of the Christian king, now
flourished in Toledo after its expulsion from the Mahometan kingdom.
Jehuda Ibn-Ezra rose still higher in the favor of the Spanish emperor,
and was appointed steward of the imperial palace (about 1149). This
Jewish prince, in his zeal for Rabbanism, hurried into a persecution
which forms a blot on his fair fame. The Karaites who had settled in
Christian Spain, and who towards the end of the eleventh century had
suffered persecution at the hands of a Rabbanite, Joseph Al-Kabri, had
since that time again become a numerous body, and strove to regain
their ancient splendor. They brought the large literature of their Eastern
and Egyptian leaders into Castile, and were thereby strengthened in
their deep antipathy to Rabbinical Judaism. At this time a Karaite of
Constantinople, Jehuda ben Elia Hadassi, who styled himself "a mourner
for Zion" (ha-Abel), renewed the battle against the Rabbanites, and
wrote a comprehensive book under the name of "Eshkol ha-Kofer," in
which he discussed with great warmth the oft-disputed differences
between the two Jewish schools (1149), and rekindled the flame of
hostility. Jehuda Hadassi wrote with intense passion, but employed
harsh language, alphabetical acrostics, and a wretched, monotonous
rhyme. This hostile work was probably introduced into Castile, and re-
opened the conflict. Instead of having this polemical book confuted by
some able Rabbanite, Jehuda Ibn-Ezra called in the aid of the secular
arm, and besought the permission of the emperor Alfonso to persecute
the Karaites. He did not consider that the dormant fire of persecution, if
once rekindled, would sooner or later blaze around the head of the
persecutors. With the emperor's permission, Jehuda Ibn-Ezra humbled
the Karaites so sorely that they were never again able to raise their
heads. Their fate is not known, but they were probably banished from
the towns wherein Rabbanites dwelt (1150–1157). The favorable
condition of the Jews in Castile did not last long. After the death of the
emperor and of his eldest son, the King of Castile (1158), Jehuda Ibn-
Ezra lived to see troublous times. During the minority of the Infante
Alfonso a bitter civil war broke out between the noble houses of De
Castro and De Lara, in which the other Christian kings took part; the fair
land was devastated, and the capital, Toledo, became the scene of
bloody fights. The Christian monarchs were not powerful enough to
defend their borders against the continual irruptions of the Almohades,
and were obliged to leave this task to the fanatical orders of knights,
which were now again called into active service. The Spanish Jews,
unlike their German and French brethren, did not remain mere
indifferent spectators during these political struggles and wars, but took
the liveliest interest in all that was going on, joining one or the other of
the opposing sides.
 Meanwhile Jewish learning was in nowise impaired by the
unfavorable conditions which existed in almost every land of the exile,
but still took its place in the vanguard of culture. Two men, both from
Toledo, added to its luster; these were Abraham Ibn-Daud and Abraham
Ibn-Ezra, who, dissimilar in character, aims, and in their life's history,
were yet alike in their love for Judaism and for learning. Abraham Ibn-
Daud Halevi (born about 1110, died a martyr 1180), who was a
descendant on the maternal side of Prince Isaac Ibn-Albalia, was not
only well versed in the Talmud, but was also conversant with all the
branches of learning then cultivated. He also engaged in the study of
history, both Jewish and general, as far as in its neglected state during
the Middle Ages it was accessible to him. This branch of learning was
but lightly esteemed by the Spanish Jews. He was a physician, and was
a diligent explorer of the realm of science. Ibn-Daud possessed an
intelligent, clear mind, which enabled him to penetrate with precision
into the knowable, and to illumine the obscure. With brilliant perspicuity
he gave expression to the most difficult ideas, and made them
comprehensible. He centered all his attention upon the highest problems
of the human intellect, and was at a loss to conceive how any one could
spend his life in trifling pursuits or in the study of philology,
mathematics, theoretical medicine, or law, instead of directing his mind
to the holiest task of life. This task, according to the view of Ibn-Daud,
consists in philosophical study, because its object is the knowledge of
God, and herein lies man's superiority over the world of created things.
He emphasized this point strongly in opposition to a certain class of his
co-religionists in Spain who had a positive dislike for philosophy. Ibn-
Daud was well acquainted with the reason for their mistrust of
independent research. "There are many in our time," he remarked, "who
have dabbled a little in science, and who are not able to hold both lights,
the light of belief in their right hand and the light of knowledge in their
left. Since in such men the light of investigation has extinguished the
light of belief, the multitude think it dangerous, and shrink from it. In
Judaism, however, knowledge is a duty, and it is wrong to reject it."
The aim of all philosophical theory is the practical realization of
moral ideals. Such ideals Judaism presents. None of his predecessors
had so definitely and clearly expressed this important thought. Morality
produces positive virtues, a healthy family life, and based upon this, a
sound constitution of the state. According to this view, all the religious
duties of Judaism may be divided into five classes. The first class
inculcates the true knowledge and the love of the One God and a
purified belief in Him. The second class treats especially of justice and
conscientiousness, the chief of all virtues, of forgiveness, kindness, and
the love of enemies, all of which have their origin in humility. The third
class of precepts treats of the relation of the head of the family to his
wife, children, and servants, according to the principles of right and
affection. The fourth division, which comprises a large group, prescribes
the relation of the citizen to the state and to his fellow-citizens; it
inculcates the necessity of loving one's neighbor, of honesty in
commerce, and care for the weak and suffering. There is, finally, a fifth
class of laws, such as the sacrificial and dietary laws (laws of the ritual),
whose purpose is not easily comprehended. These five groups of duties
are not equal in importance, faith taking the highest position and the
ceremonial laws the lowest, and therefore the prophets also often gave
greater prominence to the former. Starting from different premises, Ibn-
Daud arrived at a conclusion differing from that of Jehuda Halevi.
According to the latter, the pure ritual ordinances constitute the essence
of Judaism, whereby the prophetic nature of man is to be kept alive, but
for Ibn-Daud they are only of second-rate importance.
Abraham Ibn-Daud was, however, not only a religious philosopher,
but also a conscientious historian, and his historical labors have proved
of greater service to Jewish literature than his philosophical studies. The
newly-aroused conflict with the Karaites of Spain led him to inquire into
their history. After the death of the emperor Alfonso, and the
subsequent downfall of his favorite, Jehuda Ibn-Ezra, these people again
raised their heads, and re-commenced issuing their polemical writings.
Thereupon Ibn-Daud undertook to prove historically that rabbinical
Judaism was based on an unbroken chain of traditions which began with
Moses, and extended to Joseph Ibn-Migash. To this end he compiled the
history of Biblical, post-exilic, Talmudical, Saburaic, Gaonic, and
rabbinical times in a chronological order (1161). He entitled this work,
which was written in Hebrew, "The Order of Tradition" (Seder ha-
Kabbalah). The information which he imparts concerning the Spanish
congregations is of the greatest value; he obtained his knowledge from
the original labors of Samuel Ibn-Nagrela, and from independent
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