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Signal Processing and Linear Systems 2nd Edition B. P.
Lathi Digital Instant Download
Author(s): B. P. Lathi, Roger Green
ISBN(s): 9780190299040, 0190299045
Edition: 2nd
File Details: PDF, 157.05 MB
Year: 2021
Language: english
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SIGNAL PROCESSING AND
LINEAR SYSTEMS
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SIGNAL
PROCESSING AND
LINEAR SYSTEMS
SECOND EDITION

B. P. Lathi and R. A. Green

New York Oxford

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
2018
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trademark
of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries.

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© 2021 by Oxford University Press

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You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Lathi, B. P. (Bhagwandas Pannalal), author. I Green, R. A. (Roger
A.), author.
Title: Signal processing and linear systems / B.P. Lathi and R.A. Green.
Description: Second edition. I New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. I
Series: The Oxford series in electrical and computer engineering I
Includes index. I

)
Subjects: LCSH: Signal processing. I Linear systems. I System analysis.

Printed by LSC Communications, United States of America

CONTENTS

PREFACE x

B BACKGROUND
B.l Complex Numbers I
B.2 Sinusoids 16
B.3 Sketching Signals 20
B.4 Cramer's Rule 22
B.5 Partial Fraction Expansion 25
B.6 Vectors and Matrices 35
B.7 MATLAB: Elementary Operations 42
B.8 Appendix: Useful Mathematical Formulas 54
References 58
Problems 59

1 SIGNALS AND SYSTEMS

1.1 Size of a Signal 64
1.2 Some Useful Signal Operations 71
1.3 Classification of Signals 78
1.4 Some Useful Signal Models 82
1.5 Even and Odd Functions 92
1.6 Systems 95
1.7 Classification of Systems 97
1.8 System Model: Input-Output Description 111
1.9 Internal and External
Descriptions of a System 119
I .IO Internal Description : Tbe State-Space Description 121
1.11 MATLAB: Working with Functions 126
1.12 Summary 133
References 135
Problems 136

V
vi Contents

2 TIME-DOMAIN ANALYSIS OF CONTINUOUS-TIME SYSTEMS

2.1 Introduction 150
2.2 System Response to Internal Conditions: The Zero-Input Response 151
2.3 The Unit Impulse Response h(t) 163
2.4 System Response to External Input: The Zero-State Response I 68
2.5 System Stability 196
2.6 Intuitive Insights into System Behavior 203
2.7 MATLAB: M-Files 212
2.8 Appendix: Determining the Impulse Response 220
2.9 Summary 221
References 223
Problems 223

3 SIGNAL REPRESENTATION BY FOURIER SERIES

3. l Signals as Vectors 237
3.2 Signal Comparison: Correlation 243
3.3 Signal Representation by an Orthogonal Signal Set 250
3.4 Trigonometric Fourier Series 261
3.5 Existence and Convergence of the Fourier Series 277
3.6 Exponential Fourier Series 286
3.7 LTIC System Response to Periodic Inputs 303
3.8 Numerical Computation of Dn 307
3.9 MATLAB: Fourier Series Applications 309
3.10 Summary 316
References 317
Problems 3 I 8

4 CONTINUOUS-TIME SIGNAL ANALYSIS: THE FOURIER

TRANSFORM
4.1 Aperiodic Signal Representation by the Fourier Integral 330
4.2 Transforms of Some Useful Functions 340
4.3 Some Properties of the Fourier Transform 352
4.4 Signal Transmission Through LTIC Systems 372
4.5 Ideal and Practical Filters 381
4.6 Signal Energy 384
4.7 Application to Communications: Amplitude Modulation 388
4.8 Angle Modulation 401
4.9 Data Truncation: Window Functions 414
4.10 MATLAB: Fourier Transform Topics 420
4.11 Summary 425
 Contents vii

References 427
Problems 427

5 SAMPLING
5.1 The Sampling Theorem 440
5.2 Signal Reconstruction 449
5.3 Analog-to-Digital (AID) Conversion 463
5.4 Dual of Time Sampling: Spectral Sampling 466
5.5 Numerical Computation of the Fourier Transform: The Discrete Fourier Transform
469
5.6 The Fast Fourier Transform (FFT) 488
5.7 MATLAB: The Discrete Fourier Transform 491
5.8 Summary 498
References 499
Problems 499

6 CONTINUOUS-TIME SYSTEM ANALYSIS USING THE

LAPLACE TRANSFORM
6.1 The Laplace Transform 509
6.2 Some Properties of the Laplace Transform 532
6.3 Solution of Differential and Integro-Differential Equations 544
6.4 Analysis of Electrical Networks: The Transformed Network 557
6.5 Block Diagrams 570
6.6 System Realization 572
6.7 Application to Feedback and Controls 588
6.8 The Bilateral Laplace Transform 612
6.9 Summary 622
References 624
Problems 624

7 FREQUENCY RESPONSE AND ANALOG FILTERS

7.1 Frequency Response of an LTIC System 638
7.2 Bode Plots 646
7.3 Control System Design Using Frequency Response 662
7.4 Filter Design by Placement of Poles and Zeros of H(s) 667
7.5 Butterworth Filters 677
7.6 Chebyshev Filters 688
7.7 Frequency Transformations 700
7.8 Filters to Satisfy Distortionless Transmission Conditions 714
7.9 MATLAB: Continuous-Time Filters 716
·iii Contents

7.10 Summary 721

References 722
Problems 722

8 DISCRETE-TIME SIGNALS AND SYSTEMS

8.1 Introduction 730
8.2 Useful Signal Operations 733
8.3 Some Useful Discrete-Time Signal Models 738
8.4 Aliasing and Sampling Rate 753
8.5 Examples of Discrete-Time Systems 756
8.6 MATLAB: Representing, Manipulating, and Plotting Discrete-Time Signals 765
8.7 Summary 766
Problems 768

9 TIME-DOMAIN ANALYSIS OF DISCRETE-TIME SYSTEMS

9.1 Classification of Discrete-Time Systems 774
9.2 Discrete-Time System Equations 777
9.3 System Response to Internal Conditions: The Zero-Input Response 782
9.4 The Unit Impulse Response h[n] 789
9.5 System Response to External Input: The Zero-State Response 793
9.6 System Stability 811
9.7 Intuitive Insights into System Behavior 817
9.8 MATLAB: Discrete-Time Systems 819
9.9 Appendix: Impulse Response for a Special Case 823
9.10 Summary 824
Problems 825

10 FOURIER ANALYSIS OF DISCRETE-TIME SIGNAL S

10.1 Periodic Signal Representation by Discrete-Time Fourier Series 838
10.2 Aperiodic Signal Representation by Fourier Integral 847
10.3 Properties of the DTFT 859
10.4 DTFT Connection with the CTFT 869
10.5 LTI Discrete-Time System Analysis by DTFT 872
10.6 Signal Processing by the DFT and FFT 877
10.7 Generalization of the DTFT to the z-Transform 899
10.8 MATLAB: Working with the DTFS and the DTFT 902
10.9 Summary 905
Reference 906
Problems 906
 Contents ix

11 DISCRETE-TIME SYSTEM ANALYSIS USING THE z-TRANSFORM

11.l The z-Transform 918
11.2 Some Properties of the z-Transforrn 931
11.3 z-Transform Solution of Linear Difference Equations 939
11.4 System Realization 950
11.5 Connecting the Laplace and z-Transforms 956
11.6 Sampled-Data (Hybrid) Systems 959
11.7 The Bilateral z-Transform 966
11.8 Summary 975
Reference 975
Problems 976

12 FREQUENCY RESPONSE AND DIGITAL FILTERS

12.l Frequency Response of Discrete-Time Systems 986
12.2 Frequency Response from Pole-Zero Locations 993
12.3 Digital Filters 1001
12.4 Filter Design Criteria 1003
12.5 Recursive Filter Design by the Time-Domain Criterion: The Impulse Invariance
Method 1006
12.6 Recursive Filter Design by the Frequency-Domain Criterion: The Bilinear
Transformation Method 1012
12.7 Nonrecursive Filters 1027
12.8 Nonrecursive Filter Design 1031
12.9 MATLAB: Designing High-Order Filters 1047
12.10 Summary 1053
Reference 1054
Problems 1054

13 STATE-SPACE ANALYSIS
13.l Mathematical Preliminaries I 065
13.2 Introduction to State Space 1069
13.3 A Systematic Procedure to Determine State Equations 1072
13.4 Solution of State Equations 1082
13.5 Linear Transformation of a State Vector 1095
13.6 Controllability and Observability 1103
13.7 State-Space Analysis of Discrete-Time Systems 1109
13.8 MATLAB: Toolboxes and State-Space Analysis 1117
13.9 Summary 1125
References 1125
Problems 1126

INDEX 1130
 PREFACE

This book, Signal Processing and Linear Systems, presents a comprehensive treatment of signals
and linear systems at an introductory level, most suitable for junior and senior college/university
students in electrical engineering. This second edition contains most of the material from the third
edition of our book Linear Systems and Signals (2018), with added chapters on analog and digital
filters and digital signal processing. Additional applications to communications and controls are
also included. The sequence of topics in this book are somewhat different from those in the Linear
Systems and Signals book. Here, the Laplace transform follows Fourier, whereas in the 2018 book,
the sequence is the exact opposite. This book, like its 2018 sibling, contains enough material on
discrete-time systems so that it can be used not only for a traditional course in Signals and Systems,
but also for an introductory course in Digital Signal Processing.
One perceptive author has said: "The function of a teacher is not so much to cover the topics
of study as to uncover them for students." The same can be said of a textbook. It is in this spirit that
our textbooks emphasize a physical appreciation of concepts through heuristic reasoningt and the
use of metaphors, analogies, and creative explanations. Such an approach is much different from
a purely deductive technique that uses mere mathematical manipulation of symbols. There is a
temptation to treat engineering subjects as a branch of applied mathematics. Such an approach is a
perfect match to the public image of engineering as a dry and dull discipline. It ignores the physical
meaning behind various derivations and deprives a student of not only an intuitive understanding
but also the enjoyable experience of logically uncovering the subject matter. In this book, we
use mathematics not so much to prove axiomatic theory as to support and enhance physical and
intuitive understanding. Wherever possible, theoretical results are interpreted heuristically and
enhanced by carefully chosen examples and analogies.
This second edition, which closely follows the organization of the first edition, has been
refined in many ways. Discussions are streamlined, with material added or trimmed as needed.
Equation, example, and section labeling is simplified and improved. Computer examples are fully
updated to reflect the most current version of MATLAB, and new sections are included throughout
the text that illustrate the use of MATLAB as a useful tool to investigate concepts and solve
problems. Hundreds of additional problems provide new opportunities to learn and understand
topics.

t Heuristic (from the Greek heuriskein, meaning "to invent, discover"): a method of education in which
students are trained to find out things for themselves. The word "eureka" (I have found it) is the first-person
singular perfect active indicative of heuriskein. We hope that this book provides every reader with many
opportunities for their own eureka moments.

X
 Preface xi

NO TABLE FEATURES
The notable features of this book include the following:
l . Intuitive and heuristic understanding of the concepts and physical meaning of
mathematical results are emphasized throughout. Such an approach not only leads to
deeper appreciation and easier comprehension of the concepts, but also makes learning
enjoyable for students.
2. Often, students lack an adequate background in basic material such as complex numbers,
sinusoids, quick sketching of functions, Cramer's rule, partial fraction expansion, and
matrix algebra. We include a background chapter that addresses these basic and
pervasive topics in electrical engineering. The response by students has been unanimously
enthusiastic.
3. There are hundreds of worked out examples in addition to exercises (usually with answers)
for students to test their understanding. Also, there are over 900 end-of-chapter problems
of varying difficulty.
4. Modern electrical engineering practice requires the use of computer calculation and
simulation, most often the software package MATLAB. Thus, we integrate MATLAB into
many of the worked examples throughout the book. Additionally, most chapters conclude
with a section devoted to learning and using MATLAB in the context and support of book
topics. Problem sets also contain numerous computer problems.
5. The discrete-time and continuous-time systems may be treated in sequence, or they may
be integrated by using a parallel approach.
6. The summary at the end of each chapter will prove helpful to students in summing up
essential developments in the chapter.
7. There are several historical notes to enhance students' interest in the subject. This
information introduces students to the historical background that influenced the
development of electrical engineering.
8. Unlike Linear Signals and Systems, this book provides extensive applications in the areas
of communication, controls, and filtering.

ORGANIZATION AND USE

The book opens with a chapter titled "Background," which deals with the mathematical
background material that the reader is expected to have already mastered. It includes topics such
as complex numbers, sinusoids, sketching signals, Cramer's rule, partial fraction expansion, and
matrix algebra. The next seven chapters address continuous-time signals and systems, followed
by five chapters treating discrete-time signals and systems. The last chapter introduces state-space
analysis. There are MATLAB examples dispersed throughout the book. The book can be readily
tailored for a variety of courses of 30 to 90 lecture hours. It can also be used as a text for a first
undergraduate course in Digital Signal Processing (DSP).
The organization of the book permits a great deal of flexibility in teaching continuous-time
and discrete-time concepts. The natural sequence of chapters is meant for a sequential approach
in which continuous-time analysis is covered first, followed by discrete-time analysis. It is
also possible to integrate (interweave) continuous-time and discrete-time analysis by using an
appropriate sequence of chapters.
 xii Preface
I
MATLAB
is a sophisticated language that serves as a powerful tool to b ett
MATLAB e I
engineering topics, including control theory, filter design, and, of course, linea r r UOderstand
. . .
signaJs. MATLAB's flexible programming structure promotes rap1'd deveJopment systerns and
and n
Outstanding visualization capabilities provide unique insight into system behavi or � �Y sis. I
an s
character. ignal I
As with a ny language, learning MATLAB is incremental and require s prac
r e I
book provides two levels of exposure to MATLAB. First, MATLAB is integrated i�� . This.
examples throughout the text to reinforce concepts and perform various compu tation ;any °
examples utilize standard MATLAB functions as well as functions from the co ntrol
s . e se
signal-processing, and symbolic math toolboxes. MATLAB has many more toolboxes av:t�ll ,
a lel
but these three are commonly available in most engineering departments. ,
A second and deeper level of exposure to MATLAB is achieved by conc luding
chapters with a separate MATLAB section. Taken together, these sections provide a self-conr:;:
introduction to the MATLAB environment that allows even novice users to quickly gain MATI.,AB
proficiency and competence. These sessions provide detailed instruction on how to use MATI.AB
to solve problems in linear systems and signals. Except for the very last chapter, care has been
taken to generally avoid the use of toolbox functions in the MATLAB sessions. Rather, readers are
shown the process of developing their own code. In this way, those readers without toolbox acce ss
are not at a disadvantage. All of this book's MATLAB code is available for download at the OUP
Companion Website.

CREDITS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Portrait of Gerolamo Cardano, courtesy of Wellcome Collection. Portrait of Karl Friedrich Gauss,
courtesy of GauB-Geselischaft Gottingen e. V (Foto: A. Wittmann). Photo of Albert Michelson,
courtesy of Smithsonian Institution Libraries. Portrait of Josiah Willard Gibbs, courtesy of F. B.
Carpenter. Portrait of Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Fourier, courtesy of Smithsonian Institution Librarie s.
Portrait of Napoleon, © iStock/GeorgiosArt. Portrait of Pierre-Simon de Laplace, cou rtes y of
Wellcome Collection. CC BY Photo of Oliver Heaviside, courtesy of Smithsonian Institution
Libraries. I
Many individuals have helped us in the preparation of this book, as well as its earlier ed ition� I
o
We are grateful to each and every one of them for their helpful suggestions and comm ents. B �
writing is an obsessively time-consuming activity, which causes much hardship for an aut
bor 5 I
family. We both are grateful to our families for their enormous but invisible sacrific es.
B. P. Lathi
R. A. Green
 BACKGROUND

The topics discussed in this chapter are not entirely new to students taking this course. You have
already studied many of these topics in earlier courses or are expected to know them from your
previous training. Even so, this background material deserves a review because it is so pervasive
in the area of signals and systems. Investing a little time in such a review will pay big dividends
later. Furthermore, this material is useful not only for this course but also for several courses that
follow. It will also be helpful later, as reference material in your professional career.

8.1 COMPLEX NUMBERS

Complex numbers are an extension of ordinary numbers and are an integral part of the modem
number system. Complex numbers, particularly imaginary numbers, sometimes seem mysterious
and unreal. This feeling of unreality derives from their unfamiliarity and novelty rather than their
supposed nonexistence! Mathematicians blundered in calling these numbers "imaginary," for the
term immediately prejudices perception. Had these numbers been called by some other name, they
would have become demystified long ago, just as irrational numbers or negative numbers were.
Many futile attempts have been made to ascribe some physical meaning to imaginary numbers.
However, this effort is needless. In mathematics we assign symbols and operations any meaning
we wish as long as internal consistency is maintained. The history of mathematics is full of entities
that were unfamiliar and held in abhorrence until familiarity made them acceptable. This fact will
become clear from the following historical note.

B.1.1 A Historical Note

Among early people the number system consisted only of natural numbers (positive integers)
needed to express the number of children, cattle, and quivers of arrows. These people had no need
for fractions. Whoever heard of two and one-half children or three and one-fourth cows!
However, with the advent of agriculture, people needed to measure continuously varying
quantities, such as the length of a field and the weight of a quantity of butter. The number system,
therefore, was extended to include fractions. The ancient Egyptians and Babylonians knew how

1
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 Professor Walter Raleigh, in his essay on the English Voyages
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1903), recalls the belief of Shaksperian authorities, among whom he
is counted, that this is the map alluded to in Twelfth Night in the
passage (Act III, Scene II), “He does smile his face into more lines
than is in the new map with the augmentation of the Indies.”
The titles of the three-volumed second edition set forth the
contents of each book with the same minute detail as that of the
initial volume of 1589.
 IV
THE EARLY VOYAGES

T he English voyages begin with the adventures by the Britons

northward in the sixth century for conquest. So Hakluyt places in
the forefront of the Principal Navigations legendary accounts of the
travels of British and Saxon kings. First are reproduced from ancient
chronicles records of “the noble actes of Arthur and Malgo,” in the
years 517 and 580, respectively, Arthur, after having “subdued all
parts of Ireland,” sailing to “Island” (Iceland) and “the most
northeast parts of Europe”; and Malgo into the North seas,
recovering to his empire the “six islands of the Ocean sea, which
before had been made tributaries by King Arthur, namely, Ireland,
Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmark.”
Next follow fragmentary narratives of seventh-century voyages.
Two “testimonies” are given of the exploits of the Saxon king, Edwin,
with his conquest of the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other
northwestern islands of the Britons lying between Britain and
Ireland, in the year 624. The second of these “testimonies” related
how Edwin also subdued to the crown of England the Hebrides,
“commonly called the Western Islands.” Then is reproduced the story
of the voyage of Bertus, “general of an army sent into Ireland by
Ecfridus [Ecgfrith] king of Northumberland” in the year 684. This
warrior, the chronicler relates, “miserably wasted that innocent
nation being always most friendly unto the people of England,”
sparing neither churches nor monasteries, while the Islanders
“repelled arms with arms and craving God’s aid from heaven with
continual imprecations and curses they pleaded for revenge.”
 The first recorded English voyage having discovery with expansion
of trade for its object was that of one Octher to the northward, at
the close of the ninth century, about the year 890. Octher was a
prosperous whale-hunter, of Heligoland in the North Sea. The special
purpose of his venture was to “increase the knowledge” of the
northern coasts and countries “for the more commodity of fishing of
horse-whales which have in their teeth bones of great price and
excellence.” He found what he sought, and brought home some
specimens of big whalebones, which he presented to the English
king. The skins of the horse-whales he reported were “very good to
make cables for ships, and so used” by the hardy dwellers on these
coasts. A few years earlier Sighelmus, Bishop of Sheburne, as
messenger of King “Alphred” (Ælfrid), bearing alms and gifts to the
king of Rome, had penetrated into India, and returned to England
with costly spices and divers strange and precious stones, many of
which stones long after remained in the monuments of the church.
Following Octher one Wolstan made a navigation into the sound of
Denmark, of which brief account is given.
With these narrations of voyages for conquest and trade are
interwoven tales of pilgrimages to the Holy Land, “for devotion’s
sake,” and imagined relief from the penalties of sin, forerunners of
the Crusades of succeeding centuries. Earliest of all chronicled is the
legend of the “Travaile of Helena,” in the fourth century, before 337.
She was Helena Flavia Augusta, afterward the Empress Helena,
mother of Constantine “the Great,” emperor and king of Britain. She
became a Christian when Constantine was converted. By reason of
her “singular beauty, faith, religion, goodness, and godly majesty,”
she was “famous in all the world.” She was “skilful in divinity,” and
wrote and composed “divers books and certain Greek verses.” She
made the perilous journey to Jerusalem toward the close of a long
life, being “warned by some visions,” and piously visited “all the
places that Christ had frequented.” She is said to have discovered
“the holy sepulchre and the true cross.” Then follows a note on
Constantine’s travels to Greece, Egypt, and Persia, in about 339. He
“overthrew the false gods of the heathen, and by many laws, often
revived, he abrogated the worshipping of images in all the countries
of Greece, Egypt, Persia, Asia, and the whole Roman empire,
commanding Christ only to be worshipped.”
In the tenth century English ships began to be found in far distant
seas. Fragments are recorded concerning the beginnings and growth
of the “classical and warlike” shipping of England in that period. We
have the spectacle of the grand navy of the Saxon Eadgar, “the
Peaceful,” who succeeded to the whole realm in 959, comprising
“four thousand sail at the least.” With this fleet it was his annual
pastime to make “summer progresses” round almost the whole of
his then large monarchy, thus demonstrating “to the world” that “as
he wisely knew the ancient bounds and limits of the British empire”
so he “could and would royally, justly, and triumphantly enjoy the
same spite the devil and maugre the force of any foreign potentate.”
By the twelfth century London, as described in extracts from a
foreign writer, had become a “noble Citie,” frequented with the
“traffique of Marchants resorting thither out of all nations,” and
having “outlandish wares ... conveighed” into it from the “famous
river of the Thames.” At the same time, and by the same writer, the
“famous Towne of Bristow” (Bristol) is represented “with an Haven
belonging thereunto which is a commodious and safe receptacle for
all ships directing their course for the same from Ireland, Norway,
and other outlandish and foren [foreign] countreys.”
To this century, in 1170, is credited the “most ancient” discovery
of the West Indies by Madoc, the Welshman, and his subsequent
attempt at colonization on one of the islands. Hakluyt takes the tale
“out of the history of Wales lately published by M[aster] David
Powel, Doctor of Divinity.” Madoc was a son of Owen Guyneth,
prince of North Wales. Upon Guyneth’s death his sons “fell at debate
who should inherit after him.” The eldest, Edward, or Jorweth
Drwydion, was counted “unmeet to govern because of the maim on
his face,” and Howell took up the rule. But Howell was born out of
matrimony. So the second legitimate son, David, rose against him,
and “fighting with him slew him.” Thereafter David enjoyed quietly
the whole land of North Wales till Edward’s son came of age.
Meanwhile Madoc had left the land in contention betwixt his
brothers, and had sought adventures by sea. At this point the story
of discovery begins. Having prepared “certain ships with men and
munitions” he sailed westward; and leaving the coast of Ireland far
north he at length came “unto a land unknown, where he saw many
strange things.” This land, the Welsh historian declared, “must needs
be some part of that country of which the Spaniards affirm
themselves to be the first finders since Hanno’s time; whereupon it
is manifest that that country was by Britaines [Britons] discovered
long before Columbus led any Spaniards thither.” The historian
admitted that “there be many fables” regarding Madoc’s discovery,
but, notwithstanding, the fact remained; “sure it is there he was.”
Next follows the entertaining legend of Madoc’s attempted
settlement:
“And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant and
fruitfull countreys that he had seene without inhabitants, and, upon
the contrary part, for what barren & wild ground his brethren and
nephewes did murther one another, he prepared a number of ships,
and got him such men and women as were desirous to live in
quietnesse: and taking leave of his friends, tooke his journey
thitherward againe. Therefore it is to be supposed that he and his
people inhabited part of those countreys: for it appeareth by Francis
Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil and other places the people
honoured the crosse. Whereby it may be gathered that Christians
had bene there before the comming of the Spanyards. But because
this people were not many they followed the maners of the land
which they came unto, & used the language they found there. This
Madoc arriving in the Westerne country, unto the which he came in
the yere 1170, left most of his people there, and returning backe for
more of his owne nation, acquaintance & friends to inhabit that faire
& large countrey, went thither againe with ten saile, as I find noted
by Gutyn Owen.” Hakluyt rounds off this engaging chapter with this
swelling verse “of Meredith sonne of Rhesus,” singing Madoc’s
praises:
 “Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Guynedd
With stature large, and comely grace adorned:
No lands at home nor store of wealth me please,
My minde was whole to search the Ocean seas.”

With the opening of the twelfth century the fiery Crusades from
the Christian nations for the rescue of Jerusalem from the infidel
were well under way. Preliminary to the pitiful and bloody record,
this account of a peaceful voyage, in the year 1064, in which
Englishmen had part, with an artless touch of autobiography by the
narrator, Ingulphus, afterward abbot of Croiland, is reproduced:
"I, Ingulphus, an humble servant of reverend Guthlac and of his
monastery of Croiland, borne in England, and of English parents, at
the beautifull citie of London, was in my youth, for the attaining of
good letters, placed first at Westminster, and afterward sent to the
Universitie of Oxford. And having excelled divers of mine equals in
learning of Aristotle, I inured my selfe somewhat unto the first &
second Rhethorique of Tullie. And as I grew in age, disdayning my
parents meane estate, and forsaking mine owne native soyle, I
affected the Courts of kings and princes, and was desirous to be clad
in silke, and to weare brave and costly attire. And loe, at the same
time William our sovereigne king now, but then Erle of Normandie,
with a great troup of followers and attendants, came unto London,
to conferre with king Edward, the Confessour, his kinsman. Into
whose company intruding my selfe, and proffering my service for the
performance of any speedy or weightie affayres, in short time, after
I had done many things with good successe, I was knowen and
most entirely beloved by the victorious Erie himselfe, and with him I
sayled into Normandie. And there being made his secretarie, I
governed the Erles Court (albeit with the envie of some) as my selfe
pleased, yea, whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought
good.
"When as therefor, being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie
humour, I began to be wearie even of this place, wherein I was
advanced so high above my parentage, and with an inconstant
minde, and an affection too too ambitious, most vehemently aspired
at all occasions to climbe higher: there went a report throughout all
Normandie, that divers Archbishops of the Empire, and secular
princes were desirous for their soules health, and for devotion sake,
to goe on pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Wherefore out of the family of
our lorde the Earle, sundry of us, both gentlemen and clerkes
(principall of whom was my selfe) with the licence and good will of
our sayd lord the earle, sped us on that voiage, and travailing thirtie
horses of us into high Germanie, we joyned our selves unto the
Archbishop of Mentz. And being with the companies of the Bishops
seven thousand persons sufficiently provided for such an expedition,
we passed prosperously through many provinces, and at length
attained unto Constantinople. Where doing reverence unto the
Emperour Alexius, we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia, and kissed
divers sacred reliques.
"Departing thence through Lycia, we fell into the hands of the
Arabian theeves: and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes
of money, and had lost many of our people, hardly escaping with
extreame danger of our lives, at length wee joyfully entered into the
most wished citie of Jerusalem. Where we were received by the
most reverend, aged, and holy patriarke Sophronius, with great
melodie of cymbals and with torch-light, and were accompanied
unto the most divine Church of our Saviour his sepulchre with a
solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines. Here, how many
prayers we uttered, what abundance of teares we shed, what deepe
sighs we breathed foorth, our Lord Jesus Christ onely knoweth.
Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of
Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie, we saw with
weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories, which
Achim the Souldan [sultan] of Egypt had lately destroyed. And so
having bewailed with sadde teares, and most sorowful and bleeding
affections, all the mines of that most holy city both within and
without, and having bestowed money for the reedifying of some, we
desired with most ardent devotion to go forth into the countrey, to
wash our selves in the most sacred river of Jordan, and to kisse all
the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theevish Arabians lurking upon
every way, would not suffer us to travell farre from the city by
reason of their huge and furious multitudes.
“Wherefor about the spring there arrived at the port of Joppa a
fleet of ships from Genoa. In which fleet (when the Christian
merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes, and
had likewise visited the holy places) wee all of us embarked,
committing our selfes to the seas: and being tossed with many
stormes and tempests, at length wee arrived at Brundusium: and so
with a prosperous journey travelling thorow Apulia towards Rome,
we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul,
and did reverence unto divers monuments of holy martyrs in all
places thorowout the citie. From thence the archbishops and other
princes of the empire travelling towards the right hand for Alemain,
and we declining towards the left hand for France, departed asunder,
taking our leaves with unspeakable thankes and courtesies. And so
at length, of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie, fat,
lustie, and frolique, we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims
of us, being all footmen, and consumed with leannesse to the bare
bones.”
The story of the voyages of Englishmen in the twelfth-century
Crusades, recorded in chronological order, opens with the chivalrous
adventure of Edgar, grandson of Edmund, surnamed “Ironsides,”
accompanied by “valiant Robert the son of Godwin,” in the year
1102, when, immediately upon their arrival out, signal aid was
rendered by them to Baldwin, the second Latin king of Jerusalem,
whom they found hard pressed by the Turks at Rama. The “valiant
Robert” sprang to the forefront, and going before the king with his
drawn sword, he cut a lane through the enemy’s camp, “slaying the
Turks on his right hand and his left.” So Baldwin escaped. But the
knight fared ill. “Upon this happy success, being more eager and
fierce, as he went forward too hastily, his sword fell out of his hand.
Which as he stooped to take up, being oppressed by the whole
multitude, he was there taken and bound.” His fate was tragic.
“From thence (as some say) being carried into Babylon, or Alcair, in
Egypt, when he would not renounce Christ, he was tied unto a stake
in the midst of the market-place, and being shot through with
arrows, died a martyr.” Edgar having lost his beloved knight, retired
from crusading, and returned to England honoured with “many
rewards both by the Greekish and the German Emperor.”
Five years later, in 1107, a “very great warlike fleet of the Catholic
nation of England to the number of about seven thousand,” together
with “more men of war of the kingdom of Denmark, of Flanders, and
of Antwerp,” set sail in ships then called “busses”—small vessels
carrying two masts, and with two cabins, one at each end—for the
Holy Land. This body of warring zealots reached Joppa after a
prosperous voyage, and thence, under a strong guard provided them
by King Baldwin, passed to Jerusalem safely from all assaults and
ambushes of the Gentiles. When they had solemnly offered up their
vows in the Temple of the Holy Sepulchre, they returned with great
joy to Joppa, and were ready to fight for Baldwin in any venture he
might propose against the enemy. Plans were formed to besiege a
stronghold. But the move ended with an effective demonstration of
the fleet in brave array, displaying “pendants and streams of purple
and diverse other glorious colours, and flags of scarlet colour and
silk.”
Near the end of this century, in 1190, came the “worthy voyage of
Richard the first, king of England, into Asia for the recovery of
Jerusalem out of the hands of the Saracens,” with which began the
Third Crusade of the nine of history. This was that Richard, of
restless zeal, surnamed “Ceur de Lion,” Henry the second’s son. After
Henry’s death Richard, “remembering the rebellions that he had
undutifully raised” against his father, “sought for absolution of his
trespass.” And “in part of satisfaction for the same,” he agreed to
make this crusade with Philip, the French king. Accordingly so soon
as he was crowned he began his preparations. The first business
was to raise a comfortable sum of money for the expedition. It was
promptly accomplished by exacting “a tenth of the whole Realm, the
Christians to make threescore and ten thousand pounds, and the
Jews which then dwelt in the Realm threescore thousand.” At length
his fleet was afloat, and he was off to join Philip of France. This
Crusade occupied the first four years of Richard’s reign, and during it
he made the conquest of Cyprus, won a great victory at Jaffa,
marched on Jerusalem, concluded a truce with the sultan, Saladin,
and slaughtered three thousand hostages when Saladin failed to
come to time with an agreed-upon payment of two hundred
thousand pieces of gold. The butchery of the hostages was
performed on the summit of a hill that the tragedy might be in full
view of Saladin’s camp. On his homeward journey he was
shipwrecked, and he was long imprisoned in Germany. Hakluyt’s
version of this Crusade is a detailed account “drawn out of the Book
of Actes and Monuments of the Church of England written by M.
John Foxe,” more popularly known as Foxe’s Book of Martyrs.
Richard’s code of laws and ordinances for the government of his
crusading fleet, well illustrates at once the rigour of the discipline
and the character of the British sailor of that day. It also discloses
the antiquity of the method of punishment by tar-and-feathering:
"1. That who so killed any person on shipboord should be tied
with him that was slaine and throwen into the sea.
"2. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like maner be
tied with the partie slaine, and be buried with him in the earth.
"3. He that shalbe convicted by lawfull witnes to draw out his knife
or weapon to the intent to strike any man, or that hath striken any
to the drawing of blood shall loose his hand.
"4. Also he that striketh any person with his hand without effusion
of blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea.
"5. Item, who so speaketh any opprobrious or contumelious
wordes in reviling or cursing one another, for so oftentimes as he
hath reviled shall pay so many ounces of silver.
“6. Item, a thiefe or felon that hath stollen being lawfully
convicted, shal have his head shorne and boyling pitch powred upon
his head, and feathers or downe strawed upon the same, whereby
he may be knowen, and so at the first landing place they shall come
to, there to be cast up.”
In the Crusades of the thirteenth century we have notes on the
expeditions of the “Knights of Jerusalem” against the Saracens: in
brief recitals of the voyages of Ranulph, earl of Chester, sent out by
Henry the third in 1218, with “Saer de Quincy, earl of Winchester,
William de Albanie, earl of Arundel, besides divers barons,” and “a
goodly company of soldiers and men at arms”; and of Richard, earl
of Cornwall, Henry the third’s brother (and afterward king of the
Romans), accompanied by William Longespee, earl of “Sarisburie”
(Salisbury) and other nobles “for their valiancy greatly renowned,”
and “a great number of Christian soldiers,” in 1240, beginning the
Seventh Crusade. In 1248 Longespee—or Longsword, as his fellow-
knights called him for his prowess—made a second voyage and lost
his life in a battle with the Saracens. Finally, in 1270, Henry the
third’s son, Prince Edward, and other young nobles, having “taken
upon them the cross,” at the hand of the Pope’s legate then in
England, “to the relief of the Holy Land and the subversion of the
enemies of Christ,” sailed out with a gallant war fleet. They landed at
Acre, and thence the prince, with an army of six or seven thousand
soldiers, marched upon Nazareth. This he took, and “those that he
found there he slew.” Other victories followed with much slaughter
of Saracens. At length the triumphant prince fell ill at Acre, and
during his sickness a plot was concocted by the emir of Joppa to
remove him by assassination. This failed, the prince thwarting the
scheme by himself killing the emir’s messenger just as the
treacherous dagger was to be thrust into his bosom. Shortly after he
concluded a peace for ten years and returned to England, to be
crowned king upon his father’s death.
Edward’s was the last exploit of Englishmen in the Crusades, and
it closed the last one. Attempts were made at subsequent periods to
revive the flame, but these resulted only in flares of short duration.
A shining one for a moment was kindled by King Henry the fourth in
1413. It flashed out with his sudden death at Westminster while the
ships and galleys for the proposed voyage were building.
 “THE GREAT HARRY,” AN ENGLISH SHIP OF THE
FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

At this time the competition for trade advantages in the east and
northeast were becoming of larger import to England. A half-century
earlier, in 1360, in Edward the third’s reign, a Franciscan friar,
mathematician, and astronomer, Nicholas de Linna, of Oxford, had
made a voyage into the north parts, “all the regions situated under
the North-pole,” had taken valuable observations, and had reported
his discoveries to Edward with a description of the northern islands.
In 1390 Henry, earl of Derby, afterward King Henry the fourth, made
a voyage into Prussia; and the next year the duke of Gloucester,
Edward the third’s youngest son, also penetrated Prussia. As early as
1344 the island of Madeira had been discovered by an Englishman,
and sometime occupied. The latter, however, was not a commercial
discovery, but a romantic one, and England at the time, and for long
after, was not aware of it. Hakluyt takes the story from a Portuguese
history. It was regarded by most later historians as apocryphal, but
its genuineness has been finally demonstrated through the historical
researches of the English geographer, R. H. Major. It runs in this
wise. The discoverer was one Robert Macham, when fleeing from
England to France with his stolen bride, Anna d’Arfet. His ship was
tempest-tossed out of its course and cast toward this island. He
anchored in a haven (which years afterward was named Macham in
memory of him) and landed on the island with his lady and the
ship’s company. Soon with a fair wind the ship and part of the
company “made sail away.” After a while the young woman died
“from thought,” perhaps homesickness; and Macham built a tomb for
her upon which he inscribed their names, and “the occasion of their
arrival there.” Then he ordered a boat made of a single great tree,
and when it was done, he put to sea with his few companions that
were left. At length they came upon the coast of Afrike (Africa)
without sail or oar. “And the Moors which saw it took it to be a
marvellous thing and presented him unto the king of that country for
a wonder, and that king also sent him and his companions for a
miracle unto the king of Spain.”
With the opening of the fifteenth century, Portugal was pressing
forward for a share with the maritime states of Italy, Genoa, and
Venice in the rich eastern traffic. In 1410 Prince Henry, “the
Navigator,” had begun his systematic explorations. A younger son of
the Portuguese king John the first, and a grandson of Edward the
third of England, born at the close of the fourteenth century (in
1394), after gaining renown as a soldier, he turned to loftier aims
and became one of the first astronomers, mathematicians,
cartographers, and directors of maritime discoveries in his time. He
was the first to conceive the idea of cutting a way out through the
unexplored ocean. His superb genius gave the inspiration to
marvellous results in the discovery of more than half the globe
within the cycle of a century. At the age of twenty-four the hope was
born in him of reaching India by the south point of Africa, and
thereafter to this end his speculations and studies were ardently
directed. The earliest expeditions sent out by him failed of results,
and his theories were ridiculed by his fellow-nobles. At length,
however, in 1419 and 1420, the Madeira Islands, Porto Santo and
Madeira, were rediscovered by his navigators. A little more than a
decade later, in 1433, they had rounded Cape Bojador. In 1435 the
prince’s cup-bearer had passed beyond that cape. In 1443 another
of his navigators had sailed beyond Cape Blanco. The next year Pope
Martin the fifth, by a Papal Bull, declared Portugal in possession of
all the lands her mariners had visited as far as the Indies. In 1445
the mouth of the Senegal and afterward Cape Verde were reached.
Prince Henry died in 1460, but the work he had begun continued,
after a temporary check, to be carried forward. In 1469 Portuguese
trade was opened with the Gold Coast. In 1484 the mouth of the
Congo was discovered. In 1486 Bartholomew Dias doubled the Cape
of Good Hope.
Meanwhile these wondrous advances of Portugal were stimulating
other maritime nations to the quest for new passages to India.
 V
QUEST FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE

P ortugal now had practically a monopoly of the traffic with the

Orient, and the finding of new paths to India by her maritime
rivals was essential in the struggle for commercial supremacy. A
passage by way of “Cathay” had the most powerful attractions.
“Great Cathay,” the marvellous empire of the remote East, whence
travellers had brought wonderful tales in the latter Middle Ages, had
become the ultimate goal of adventurous voyages. The hazy region
was the “extremity of the habitable world” of the ancients. Early
Christian fancy had identified within it the Earthly Paradise, the seat
of the old “Garden of Eden,” beyond the Ocean stream, “raised so
high on a triple terrace of mountain that the deluge did not touch it.”
Under the name of Cathay the strange empire had been opened to
the speculation of mediæval Europe in the thirteenth century, with
the vast conquest of the Mongol Genghis Khan, reckoned in history
one of the greatest conquerors the world has ever seen.
Two Franciscan friars—John de Plano Carpini and William of
Rubruk (Rubruquis) in French Flanders, who reached the court in
Mongolia, the former in 1245 or 1246, the latter in 1247 or 1253—
appear to have been the first Europeans to approach its borders.
They saw the Cathayans in the bazaars of their Great Khan’s camps,
and brought back to Europe the first accounts of the people and of
the wonderful things seen, presented in their journals of their
adventures. Both of these “rare jewels,” as he appreciatively terms
them, Hakluyt found at London in manuscripts while delving in Lord
Lumley’s library, and he printed them in full in the second edition of
the Principal Navigations. After the friars two Venetians penetrated
the empire, the first European travellers to visit Cathay itself. These
were the brothers Nicolo and Maffei Polo, members of a noble
trading family of Venice. They were there for a short time in or about
the year 1269. Soon afterward they made a second visit, when
Marco, the son of Nicolo, then a youth of seventeen, quick-witted,
open-eyed, and observant, accompanied them. This visit extended
through more than twenty years, the three Venetians basking in the
sunshine of the Great Khan’s favour. The elders helped the Khan
with suggestions for the profitable application of the knowledge of
the West which they opened to him, while Marco’s cleverness was
variously employed in his service; sometimes as a commissioner
attached to the Imperial council, at others on distant missions, and
at one period a governor of a great city. Marco’s recollections, given
to the world long after the final return of the Polos to Venice, first
made the name of Cathay familiar to Europe. These recollections
were taken down from his lips by one Rusticiano of Pisa, a clever
literary hack, who was shut up in prison with him for a year (the two
having been among the captives taken by the Genoese in a sea-fight
with the Venetians in 1298), and formed the basis of the book of
marvellous adventures, subsequently published in various languages
and varying texts, which came to be famous as the Voyages and
Travels of Marco Polo. From this Hakluyt also gives copious extracts.
Commercial intercourse of adventuresome European traders
began with the region in the early fourteenth century, and continued
fairly to flourish for about fifty years. Then, with changes in
dynasties and tribal wars, the ways of approach were closed and it
fell again into darkness. It was long supposed to be a separate
country, distinct from the Indies, lying to the north of what we now
know as China, and stretching to the Arctic sea. It was not until
1603 (after the publication of the final volume of the Principal
Navigations) that it was found to be identical with the then vaguely
known empire of China, of which similar marvels had for some time
been recited. Its identity was the discovery by a lay Jesuit, Benedict
Goës, sent out through Central Asia by his superiors in India for the
specific object of determining whether Cathay and China were or
were not separate empires. Goës died upon the completion of his
mission, at Suhchow, the frontier city of China.
Cathay was the aim of Columbus. He was possessed by the
conviction that the fabled riches of this wondrous region lay directly
across the trackless Atlantic “over against” the coast of Spain.
Believing the world to be a sphere, he conceived his design of
reaching Asia by sailing west. This was the project that he carried
for weary years from court to court, seeking the patronage of a
favouring prince.
But for a mischance England, instead of Spain, would have had
the glory and the advantage of his first discovery of 1492. Hakluyt
recalls the circumstances in these two “testimonies”:
(1)

"The offer of the discovery of the West Indies by

Christopher Columbus to king Henry the seventh in the
yeere 1488 the 13 of February: with the kings acceptation
of the offer, & the cause whereupon he was deprived of the
same: recorded in the thirteenth chapter of the history of
Don Fernand Columbus of the life and deeds of his father
Christopher Columbus.

"Christopher Columbus fearing least if the king of Castile in like

maner (as the king of Portugall had done) should not condescend
unto his enterprise, he should be enforced to offer the same againe
to some other prince, & so much time should be spent therein, sent
into England a certaine brother of his which he had with him, whose
name was Bartholomew Columbus, who albeit he had not the Latine
tongue, yet neverthelesse was a man of experience and skilfull in
Sea causes, and could very wel make sea cards & globes and other
instruments belonging to that profession, as he was instructed by his
brother. Wherefore after that Bartholomew Columbus was departed
for England his lucke was to fall into the hands of pirats, which
spoiled him with the rest of them which were in the ship which he
went in. Upon which occasion, and by reason of his poverty and
sicknesse which cruelly assaulted him in a countrey so farre distant
from his friends, he deferred his ambassage for a long while, untill
such time as he had gotten somewhat handsome about him with
making of Sea cards. At length he began to deale with king Henry
the seventh the father of Henry the eight which reigneth at this
present: unto whom he presented a mappe of the world, wherein
these verses were written, which I found among his papers: and I
will here set them downe rather for their antiquity than for their
goodnesse:

"‘Thou which desirest easily the coasts of lands to know,

This comely mappe right learnedly the same to thee will shew:
Which Strabo, Plinie, Ptolomew and Isodore maintaine:
Yet for all that they do not all in one accord remaine.
Here also to set downe the late discovered burning Zone
By Portingals unto the world which whilon was unknowen,
Whereof the knowledge now at length thorow all the world is
blowen.’

"And a little under he added:

"‘For the Authour or the Drawer.

"‘He, whose deare native soile bright stately Genua,
Even he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra
The year of Grace a thousand and four hundred and four-score
And eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more,
In London published this worke. To Christ all laud therefore.’

“And because some peradventure may observe that he calleth

himselfe Columbus de Terra Rubra, I say, that in like maner I have
seene some subscriptions of my father Christopher Columbus, before
he had the degree of Admirall, wherein he signed his name thus,
Columbus de Terra Rubra. But to returne to the king of England, I
say, that after he had seen the map, and that which my father
Christopher Columbus offered unto him, he accepted the offer with
joyfull countenance, and sent to call him into England. But because
God had reserved the sayd offer for Castile, Columbus was gone in
the meane space, and also returned with the performance of his
enterprise, as hereafter in order shall be rehearsed. Now will I leave
off from making any farther mention of that which Bartholomew
Colon had negotiated in England, and I will return unto the Admirall,
&c.”
(2)

"Another testimony taken out of the 60 chapter of the

aforesayd history of Ferdinando Columbus, concerning the
offer that Bartholemew Columbus made to King Henry the
seventh on the behalfe of his brother Christopher.

“Christopher Columbus the Admirall being returned from the

discovery of Cuba and Jamayca, found in Hispaniola his brother
Bartholomew Columbus, who before had beene sent to intreat of an
agreement with the king of England for the discovery of the Indies,
as we have sayd before. This Bartholomew therefore returning unto
Castile, with the capitulations granted by the king of England to his
brother, understood at Paris by Charles the king of France, that the
Admirall his brother had already performed that discovery:
whereupon the French king gave unto the sayd Bartholemew an
hundred French crownes to beare his charges into Spaine. And albeit
he made great haste upon this good newes to meet with the
Admirall in Spaine, yet at his comming to Sevil his brother was
already returned to the Indies with seventeene saile of shipps.
Wherefore to fulfill that which he had left him in charge in the
beginning of the yeere 1494 he repaired to the Catholike princes,
taking with him Diego Colon my brother, and me also, which were to
be preferred as Pages to the most excellent Prince Don John, who
now is with God, according to the commandment of the Catholike
Queene Lady Isabell, which was then in Validolid. As soone therefore
as we came to the Court, the princes called for Don Bartholomew,
and sent him to Hispaniola with three ships, &c.”
 The news of Columbus’ achievement filled all Europe with wonder
and admiration. To “sail by the West into the East where spices grow
by a way that was never known before” was affirmed “a thing more
divine than human.” Offering the promise of a direct route to Cathay,
the feat was of tremendous import. There was especially “great-talk
of it” in the English court with keen regret that England, through
untoward happenings, had failed of the honour and profit of the
momentous discovery, and Henry and his counsellors were eager to
emulate Spain. Although the full significance of the discovery was
not then realized—that the new-found islands were the barriers of a
new continent—no underestimate of the value of the region was
made by either nation. Ferdinand and Isabella gave it the name of
the Indies, considering it, with the discoverer, to be a part of India,
and no time was lost in clinching their rights. Nor were “their
Catholic highnesses” idle. In May, 1493, Pope Alexander the sixth
granted his bull fixing a “line of demarcation” between the Spanish
and Portuguese possessions, which was nothing less than a division
of the world between Spain and Portugal. This line was run from
pole to pole and one hundred degrees west of the Azores, and all
newly discovered and to be discovered lands on the east of the line
were assigned to the absolute possession of the crown of Portugal,
those on the west to the crown of Castile. In 1494 Columbus made
his second voyage and discovered, among other islands, Porto Rico
and Jamaica.
Meanwhile in the English maritime city of Bristol the Venetian
merchant, John Cabot (or Zuan Caboto in the Venetian dialect), then
resident there, had perfected his scheme of shortening the way to
India by the Northwest Passage, and in 1496, before Columbus’s
return from his second voyage, it had been proposed to King Henry,
had met his hearty approbation, had been endorsed by his letters
patent issued to Cabot and Cabot’s three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and
Santius, and preparations for the venture had begun.
 VI
THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS

H enry’s patent, bearing date March 5, 1495/6, and distinguished

as “the most ancient American state paper of England,” gave to
the grantees sweeping powers and a pretty complete commercial
monopoly. They were authorized to sail in all seas to the East, the
West, and the North; to seek out in any part of the undiscovered
world islands, countries, and provinces of the heathen hitherto
unknown to Christians; affix the ensigns of England to all places
newly found and take possession of them for the English crown.
They were to have the exclusive right of frequenting the places of
their discovery, and enjoy all the fruits and gains of their navigations
except a fifth part, which was to go to the king. The sole restriction
imposed was that on their return voyages they should always land at
the port of Bristol. With these generous concessions, however, the
canny king stipulated that the enterprise should be wholly at the
Cabots’ “own proper costs and charges.”
Hakluyt reproduces the text of this precious document in the first
volume of the Principal Navigations. It runs as follows:
"Henry by the grace of God, King of England and France, and lord
of Ireland, to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting.
"Be it knowen that we have given and granted, and by these
presents do give and grant for us and our heires, to our welbeloved
John Cabot citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius,
sonnes of the sayd John, and to the heires of them, and every of
them, and their deputies, full and free authority, leave and power to
saile to all parts, countreys, and seas of the East, of the West, and
of the North, under our banners and ensignes, with five ships of
what burthen or quantity soever they be, and as many mariners or
men as they will have with them in the sayd ships, upon their owne
proper costs and charges, to seeke out, discover, and finde
whatsoever isles, countreys, regions or provinces of the heathen and
infidels whatsoever they be, and in what part of the world soever
they be, which before this time have bene unknowen to all
Christians: we have granted to them, and also to every of them, the
heires of them, and every of them, and their deputies, and have
given this license to set up our banners and ensignes in every
village, towne, castle, isle, or mainland of them newly found. And
that the aforesayd John and his sonnes, or their heires and assignes
may subdue, occupy, and possesse all such townes, cities, castles
and isles of them found, which they can subdue, occupy, and
possesse, as our vassals, and lieutenants, getting unto us the rule,
title, and jurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, & firme
land so found.
"Yet so that the aforesayd John, and his sonnes and heires, and
their deputies, be holden and bounden of all the fruits, profits,
gaines, and commodities growing of such navigation, for every their
voyages as often as they shall arrive at our port of Bristoll (at the
which port they shall be bound and holden onely to arrive) all maner
of necessary costs and charges by them made, being deducted, to
pay unto us in wares or money the fift part of the capitall gaine so
gotten. We giving and granting unto them and to their heires and
deputies, that they shall be free from all paying of customes of all
and singular such merchandize as they shall bring with them from
those places so newly found. And moreover, we have given and
granted to them, their heires and deputies, that all the firme lands,
isles, villages, townes, castles and places whatsoever they be that
they shall chance to finde, may not of any other of our subjects be
frequented or visited without the license of the foresayd John and
his sonnes, and their deputies, under paine of forfeiture aswell of
their shippes as of all and singuler goods of all them that shall
presume to saile to those places so found. Willing, and most
straightly commanding all and singuler our subjects aswell on land
as on sea, to give good assistance to the aforesayd John and his
sonnes and deputies, and that as well in arming and furnishing their
ships or vessels, as in provision of food, and in buying of victuals for
their money, and all other things by them to be provided necessary
for the sayd navigation, they do give them all their helpe and favour.
“In witnesse whereof we have caused to be made these our
Letters patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of
March, in the eleventh yeare of our reigne.”
Under this patent, the following year—1497—John Cabot sailed
out of Bristol with one small vessel, and supplemented the discovery
of Columbus in finding the mainland of America.
John Cabot, like Columbus, was a Genoese, but neither the exact
place nor the date of his birth is known. He was in Venice as early as
1461, as appears from a record in the Venetian archives of his
naturalization as a citizen of Venice under date of March 28, 1476,
after the prescribed residence of fifteen years. There he was
apparently a merchant. It is said that he also made voyages at times
as a shipmaster. He became proficient in the study of cosmography
and in the science of navigation. With Columbus he accepted the
theory of the rotundity of the earth, and is said to have been early
desirous of himself putting it to a practical test. At one time he
visited Arabia, where at Mecca he saw the caravans coming in laden
with spices from distant countries. Asking where the spices grew, he
was told by the carriers that they did not know; that other caravans
came to their homes with this rich merchandise from more distant
parts, and that these others told them that it was brought from still
more remote regions. So he came to reason in this wise: that “if the
Orientals affirmed to the Southerners that those things come from a
distance from them, and so from hand to hand, presupposing the
rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last ones get them at the
North toward the West.” On this argument he later based his
Northwest Passage scheme. He moved to England probably not long
before the development of this scheme (some early writers,
however, place the date about the year 1477), and took up his
residence in Bristol, to “follow the trade of merchandise.” His wife, a
Venetian, and his three sons, all supposed to have been born in
Venice, accompanied him. Sebastian, the second son, who became
the most illustrious of the family, was then a youth, but sufficiently
old to have already some “knowledge of the humanities and the
sphere,” as he long afterward stated. The brothers, it is supposed,
were all of age when the king’s patent was issued, and Sebastian
about twenty-three.
John Cabot’s expedition sailed early in May and was absent three
months. It was essentially a voyage of discovery. His vessel was a
Bristol ship, and called the “Matthew.” The ship’s company comprised
eighteen persons, “almost all Englishmen and from Bristol.” The
foreigners were a Burgundian and a Genoese. Sebastian, it is
believed, accompanied his father, but neither of the other sons. The
chief men of the enterprise were “great sailors.”
The brave little ship plowed the mysterious sea for seven hundred
leagues, as estimated, when on the twenty-fourth of June, in the
morning, land was sighted. This was supposed by the early
historians, and so set down in their histories, to have been the island
of Newfoundland. But through nineteenth century findings of data it
has been made clear that it was the north part, or the eastern point
of the present island of Cape Breton, off the coast of Nova Scotia.
This is demonstrated by the inscription “prima tierra vista” at the
head of the delineation of that island, on a map attributed to
Sebastian Cabot composed in 1544, nearly half a century after the
voyage, and subsequently missing till the discovery of a copy three
centuries later, in 1843, in Germany, at the house of a Bavarian
curate, whence it passed to the National Library at Paris. On this
map Cape Breton island forms a part of the mainland of Nova Scotia,
the Gut of Canso not then having been discovered. On the same day
that the landfall was made a “large island adjacent” to it was
discovered, and named St. John because of its finding on the day of
the festival of St. John the Baptist. It is marked the “I del Juan” on
this map, and is the present Prince Edward Island.
A landing was made at the landfall and Cabot planted a large
cross with “one flag of England, and one of St. Mark by reason of his
being a Venetian,” and took possession for the English king. No
human beings were seen, but “certain snares set to catch game, and
a needle for making nets,” showing that the place was inhabited,
were found and taken to be displayed to the king upon the return
home. In one contemporary account, a letter of another Venetian
merchant in England, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, written from London to his
brothers in Venice, Cabot is said to have coasted, after striking land,
for three hundred leagues, and to have seen “two islands at
starboard.” Accepting this statement as authentic, with other data
subsequently found, his course from his “Prima Vista” has been
traced by later historical authorities in this wise: northwesterly, to
obtain a good view of his Isle of St. John; northerly, through the
present Northumberland Strait, sighting the coast of New Brunswick
near Miramichi Bay; along the Gulf of St. Lawrence; northeasterly,
passing to the north of Newfoundland through the Strait of Belle
Isle, between Newfoundland and Labrador; and thence homeward.
It is well indicated on the accompanying sketch-map originally
published in connection with a paper contributed to the Maine
Historical Society by Frederick Kidder, a competent authority, in
1874.
Cabot believed that the lands he had discovered lay in “the
territory of the Grand Cham,” as Columbus thought his were of
eastern Asia.
The expedition arrived back at Bristol early in August and the story
it brought created a sensation. With his report to the king Cabot
exhibited a map of the region visited and a solid globe, and
presented the game-snares and net-needle which he had found. He
told the king that he believed it practicable by starting from the parts
which he had discovered, and constantly hugging the shore toward
the equinoctial, to reach an island called by him Cipango, where he
thought all the spices of the world and also the precious stones
originated; and this region found and colonized, there might be
established in London a greater storehouse of spices than the chief
one then existing, in Alexandria. All this much moved the king, and
he promised to promote a second expedition for this purpose in the
following spring.
 Kidder’s sketch-map of John Cabot’s voyage in 1497.

Meanwhile John Cabot became the hero of the hour, and great
honours were paid him. The king gave him money and granted him
an annual pension of twenty pounds (equal to two hundred modern
pounds in purchasing value), which was to be charged upon the
revenues of the port of Bristol; he dressed in silk; and he was styled
the “Great Admiral.” He also appears to have been knighted. He
distributed largess with a free hand, if the tales of the letter-writers
of the day are to be accepted. One wrote that he gave an island to
the Burgundian of his crew and another to the Genoese, “a barber of
his from Castiglione, of Genoa.” And this writer adds, “both of them
regard themselves counts.” Reports of his exploits and of the king’s
further intentions were duly made known to rival courts by their
envoys in England, and excited their jealousy.
 The second expedition was provided for by the king’s license
dated the third of February, 1497/8. This was a patent granted to
John Cabot alone, the sons not being named. Hakluyt gives only the
following record from the rolls:
“The king upon the third day of February, in the 13 yeere of his
reigne, gave license to John Cabot to take sixe English ships in any
haven or havens of the realme of England, being of the burden of
200 tunnes, or under, with all necessary furniture, and to take also
into the said ships all such masters, mariners, and subjects of the
king as willingly will go with him, &c.”
The patent itself did not find print till the nineteenth century. It
was published for the first time in 1831, in the Memoirs of Sebastian
Cabot, by Richard Biddle, an American lawyer of Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania, sometime resident in London, by whom, after
painstaking search, it was found in the rolls. Quaint of style as well
as of spelling, it runs as below:
“To all men to whom theis Presenteis shall come send Gretyng:
know ye, that We of our Grace especiall, and for divers causes us
movying We have geven and graunten, and by theis Presentis geve
and graunte to our welbeloved John Kabotto, Venecian, sufficiente
auctorite and power, that he, by him his Deputie or Deputies
sufficient, may take at his pleasure VI Englisshe Shippes in any Porte
or Portes or other place within this our Realme of England or
obeisance, so that and if said Shippes be of the bourdeyn of C C
tonnes or under with their apparail requisite and necessarie for the
safe conduct of the said Shippes, and them convey and lede to the
Londe [land] Isles of late founde by the seid John in oure name and
by our commaundemente. Paying for theym and every of theym as if
we should in or for our owen cause paye and noon [none]
otherwise. An that the said John by him his Deputie or Deputies
sufficiente, maye take and receyve into the said Shippes, and every
of theym all such maisters, maryners, Pages, and other subjects of
their owen free wille woll goo [would go] and passe with him in the
same Shippes to the said Lande or Iles, without anye impedymente,
lett or perturbance of any of our officers or ministres or subjects
whatsoever they be by theym to the sayd John, his Deputie, or
Deputies, and all other our seid subjects, or any of theym passinge
with the sayd John in the said Shippes to the said Londe or Iles to
be doon, or suffer to be doon or attempted. Geving in
commaundemente to all and every our officers, ministres and
subjects seying or herying theis our Lettres Patents, without any
ferther commaudement by Us to theym or any of theym to be geven
to perfourme and secour the said John, his Deputie and all our said
Subjects so passyng with hym according to the tenor of theis our
Lettres Patentis. Any Statute, Acte, or Ordennance to the contrarye
made or to be made in any wise notwithstanding.”
Five ships were got together for this expedition. Three of them are
supposed to have been furnished by Bristol merchants and two by
the king; one chronicler, however, says that the Cabots contributed
two. London merchants joined with Bristol men in the adventure. It
was understood to be an enterprise for colonization combined with
further discovery. The number of men enlisted for the voyage was
placed at three hundred. Among them, as on the first voyage, were
mariners experienced in venturesome undertakings. The fleet sailed
off at the beginning of May, 1498. One of the ships, aboard of which
was the priest, “Friar Buel,” put back to Ireland in distress. The other
four continued the voyage.
With the departure from Bristol nothing more is heard of John
Cabot. He drops out of sight instantly and mysteriously. Various
conjectures as to his fate are entertained by the historians. Some
contend that he died when about to set sail. But confronting this
theory is a letter of the prothonotary, Don Pedro de Ayala, residing in
London, to Ferdinand and Isabella, under date of July 25, 1498,
reporting the sailing of the expedition. “His [the king’s] fleet
consisted of five vessels which carried provisions for one year. It is
said that one of them ... has returned to Ireland in great distress,
the ship being much damaged. The Genoese [John Cabot, as
appears in the text elsewhere] has continued the voyage.” If so
important a man as John Cabot had now become had died before
May and the departure of the expedition of which he was the
acknowledged head, it is fairly reasoned that Ayala would have been
aware of it. No shred of satisfactory information has rewarded the
searcher for a solution of the problem. Nobody knows what became
of him.
At this point Sebastian Cabot enters upon the scene in the leading
part. That he started with the expedition there is no doubt.
Doubtless he succeeded to its leadership as the “Deputie” of his
father in accordance with the terms of the patent. The conduct of it
and the discoveries that followed, big in import, were his from the
outset.
Sebastian Cabot, though not over twenty-four, was an experienced
mariner, and accomplished, like his father, in the science of
navigation. He was full of ardour to achieve distinction as a
discoverer. The news of Columbus’s exploits had kindled in his heart
“a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing.” As the
master spirit of this second Cabot expedition and with its results his
heart’s desire was splendidly attained; although the expedition was
counted a failure by its backers, and the value of its discoveries to
England was lost to the now indifferent king.
No contemporary account of this remarkable voyage was
published, and historians have founded their descriptions of it mainly
on reports of a much later period, derived from conversations with
Sebastian Cabot at first, second, or third hand. These reports are
contradictory in essential parts, and their authors confuse this
second with the first expedition or treat the two as one voyage. Its
story, as most satisfactorily picked out, runs practically in this wise:
Sebastian steered first northwest and directed his course by Iceland.
At length he came upon a formidable headland running to the north.
This coast he followed for a great distance, expecting to find the
passage to Cathay around it. In the month of July his ships were
encountering “monstrous heaps” of ice floating in the water, and
daylight was almost continual. At length failing to find any passage
the ships’ prows were turned about and in course of time
Newfoundland was reached, where the expedition sought
refreshment. How far north Sebastian had penetrated it is impossible
to determine from the conflicting statements. He himself is quoted
as saying, twenty years and more afterward, that he was at fifty-six
degrees when compelled to turn back. But modern authorities find
presumptive evidence that he discovered Hudson’s Strait and gained
the sixty-seventh degree through Fox’s Channel before he turned.
From Newfoundland he sailed south, and coasted down along the
North American coast, still hopeful of finding the much-sought-for
passage, till, the company’s provisions falling short, he was obliged
to take the homeward course. The southernmost point reached is as
indefinite as the northern, but authorities generally agree that it was
near thirty-six degrees, off North Carolina, or about the latitude of
Gibraltar.
Cabot is declared by early writers to have named the “great land”
along which he first coasted, assumed to be Newfoundland,
“Baccaloas,” a German term then in use in the south of Europe for
codfish, because of the multitudes of “big fish” found in the region.
Later authorities, however, say that this name was applied by
Portuguese navigators who came after Cabot. The name
subsequently settled down upon a small island on the east coast of
Newfoundland. It seems to be agreed that landings were made by
Cabot’s company at several points. The natives, probably of
Newfoundland, were seen dressed in beasts’ skins, and they were
found making use of copper. Great sailors’ yarns were spun about
the abundance of the fish of the region, so great that “the progress
of the ships were sometimes impeded by them.” Bears, of which
there were a plenty, were accustomed to feed on the fish, plunging
into the sea and catching them with their claws.
Just when the expedition reached the home port of Bristol is not
known. It was expected back in September; it had not arrived in
October. There is no printed record of its arrival. Not having been
successful in finding the passage and reaching Cathay, it was
regarded as a failure by its princely and mercantile backers. The
king, too, was found to have lost his interest in western discovery or
colonization. He was most deeply engrossed in domestic affairs.
“Great tumults” were happening, “occasioned by the rising of the
common people and the war in Scotland.” Moreover, this Henry was
now concerned in the pending Spanish alliance and he was loath to
run counter to the Pope’s Bull of 1493. The geographical value of the
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