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Beginning Partial Differential Equations
PURE AND APPLIED MATHEMATICS
A Wiley Series of Texts, Monographs, and Tracts
Founded by RICHARD COURANT
Editors Emeriti: MYRON B. ALLEN III, PETER HILTON, HARRY
HOCHSTADT, ERWIN KREYSZIG, PETER LAX, JOHN TOLAND
A complete list of the titles in this series appears at the end of this volume.
Beginning Partial Differential Equations
Third Edition

Peter V. O'Neil
The University of Alabama
at Birmingham

WILEY
Copyright© 2014 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. All rights reserved.

Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey. All rights reserved.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data:

O'Neil, Peter V.
Beginning partial differential equations I Peter V. O'Neil.- Third edition.
pages em
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-118-62994-9 (hardback)
I. Differential equations, Partial. I. Title.
QA377.054 2014
515'.353-dc23 2013034307

Printed in the United States of America.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 I
Contents

1 First Ideas 1
1.1 Two Partial Differential Equations 1
1.1.1 The Heat, or Diffusion, Equation 1
1.1.2 The Wave Equation 4
1.2 Fourier Series 10
1.2.1 The Fourier Series of a Function 10
1.2.2 Fourier Sine and Cosine Series 20
1.3 Two Eigenvalue Problems 28
1.4 A Proof of the Fourier Convergence Theorem 30
1.4.1 The Role of Periodicity 30
1.4.2 Dirichlet's Formula 33
1.4.3 The Riemann-Lebesgue Lemma 35 1.4.4 Proof of
37
2 Solutions of the Heat Equation 39
2.1 Solutions on an Interval [0, L] 39
2.1.1 Ends Kept at Temperature Zero 39
2.1.2 Insulated Ends 44
2.1.3 Ends at Different Temperatures 46
2.1.4 A Diffusion Equation with Additional Terms 50
2.1.5 One Radiating End 54
2.2 A Nonhomogeneous Problem 64
2.3 The Heat Equation in Two Space Variables 71
2.4 The Weak Maximum Principle 75
3 Solutions of the Wave Equation 81
3.1 Solutions on Bounded Intervals 81
3.1.1 Fixed Ends 81
3.1.2 Fixed Ends with a Forcing Term 89
3.1.3 Damped Wave Motion 100
3.2 The Cauchy Problem 109
3.2.1 d'Alembert's Solution 110
3.2.1.1 Forward and Backward Waves 113
3.2.2 The Cauchy Problem on a Half Line 120
3.2.3 Characteristic Triangles and Quadrilaterals 123
3.2.4 A Cauchy Problem with a Forcing Term 127
3.2.5 String with Moving Ends 131
3.3 The Wave Equation in Higher Dimensions 137
3.3.1 Vibrations in a Membrane with Fixed Frame 137
3.3.2 The Poisson Integral Solution 140
3.3.3 Hadamard's Method of Descent 144

v
vi CONTENTS

4 Dirichlet and Neumann Problems 147

4.1 Laplace's Equation and Harmonic Functions 147
4.1.1 Laplace's Equation in Polar Coordinates 148
4.1.2 Laplace's Equation in Three Dimensions 151
4.2 The Dirichlet Problem for a Rectangle 153
4.3 The Dirichlet Problem for a Disk 158
4.3.1 Poisson's Integral Solution 161
4.4 Properties of Harmonic Functions 165
4.4.1 Topology of Rn 165
4.4.2 Representation Theorems 172
4.4.2.1 A Representation Theorem in R 3 172
4.4.2.2 A Representation Theorem in the Plane 177
4.4.3 The Mean Value Property and the Maximum Principle 178
4.5 The Neumann Problem 187
4.5.1 Existence and Uniqueness 187
4.5.2 Neumann Problem for a Rectangle 190
4.5.3 Neumann Problem for a Disk 194
4.6 Poisson's Equation 197
4. 7 Existence Theorem for a Dirichlet Problem 200
5 Fourier Integral Methods of Solution 213
5.1 The Fourier Integral of a Function 213
5.1.1 Fourier Cosine and Sine Integrals 216
5.2 The Heat Equation on the Real Line 220
5.2.1 A Reformulation of the Integral Solution 222
5.2.2 The Heat Equation on a Half Line 224
5.3 The Debate over the Age of the Earth 230
5.4 Burger's Equation 233
5.4.1 Traveling Wave Solutions of Burger's Equation 235
5.5 The Cauchy Problem for the Wave Equation 239
5.6 Laplace's Equation on Unbounded Domains 244
5.6.1 Dirichlet Problem for the Upper Half Plane 244
5.6.2 Dirichlet Problem for the Right Quarter Plane 246
5.6.3 A Neumann Problem for the Upper Half Plane 249
6 Solutions Using Eigenfunction Expansions 253
6.1 A Theory of Eigenfunction Expansions 253
6.1.1 A Closer Look at Expansion Coefficients 260
6.2 Bessel Functions 266
6.2.1 Variations on Bessel's Equation 269
6.2.2 Recurrence Relations 272
6.2.3 Zeros of Bessel Functions 273
6.2.4 Fourier-Bessel Expansions 274
6.3 Applications of Bessel Functions 279
6.3.1 Temperature Distribution in a Solid Cylinder 279
6.3.2 Vibrations of a Circular Drum 282
6.3.3 Oscillations of a Hanging Chain 285
CONTENTS vii

6.3.4 Did Poe Get His Pendulum Right? 287

6.4 Legendre Polynomials and Applications 288
6.4.1 A Generating Function 291
6.4.2 A Recurrence Relation 292
6.4.3 Fourier-Legendre Expansions 294
6.4.4 Zeros of Legendre Polynomials 297
6.4.5 Steady-State Temperature in a Solid Sphere 298
6.4.6 Spherical Harmonics 301
7 Integral Transform Methods of Solution 307
7.1 The Fourier Transform 307
7.1.1 Convolution 311
7.1.2 Fourier Sine and Cosine Transforms 313
7.2 Heat and Wave Equations 318
7.2.1 The Heat Equation on the Real Line 318
7.2.2 Solution by Convolution 320
7.2.3 The Heat Equation on a Half Line 324
7.2.4 The Wave Equation by Fourier Transform 328
7.3 The Telegraph Equation 332
7.4 The Laplace Transform 334
7.4.1 Temperature Distribution in a Semi-Infinite Bar 334
7.4.2 A Diffusion Problem in a Semi-Infinite Medium 336
7.4.3 Vibrations in an Elastic Bar 337
8 First-Order Equations 341
8.1 Linear First-Order Equations 343
8.2 The Significance of Characteristics 349
8.3 The Quasi-Linear Equation 354
9 End Materials 361
9.1 Notation 361
9.2 Use of MAPLE 363
9.2.1 Numerical Computations and Graphing 363
9.2.2 Ordinary Differential Equations 367
9.2.3 Integral Transforms 368
9.2.4 Special Functions 369
9.3 Answers to Selected Problems 370
Index 434
Preface

This edition is based on four themes: methods of solution of initial-boundary

value problems, properties and existence of solutions, applications of partial dif-
ferential equations, and use of software to carry out computations and graphics.
The focus is on equations of diffusion processes and wave motion, and on
Dirichlet and Neumann problems. Following an introductory chapter, we look
at methods applied to these equations in bounded and unbounded media, and
in one and several space dimensions. The topics are organized to make it easy to
match problems in specific settings to methods for writing solutions. Methods
include Fourier series and integrals, the use of characteristics, integral solutions,
integral transforms, and special functions and eigenfunction expansions.
Properties of solutions that are considered include existence and unique-
ness issues, maximum and mean value principles, integral representations, and
sensitivity of solutions to initial and boundary conditions.
In addition to standard material for an introductory course, topics include
traveling-wave solutions of Burger's equation, damped wave motion, heat and
wave equations with forcing terms, a general treatment of eigenfunction expan-
sions, a complete solution of the telegraph equation using the Fourier trans-
form, the use of characteristics to solve Cauchy problems and vibrating string
problems with moving ends, double Fourier series solutions, and the Poisson-
Kirchhoff integral solution of the wave equation in two dimensions. There are
also proofs of important theorems, including an existence theorem for a Dirichlet
problem and a convergence theorem for Fourier series.
Finally, there is a section on the use of MAPLE™ to carry out computa-
tions and experiment with graphics. MATLAB @, MATHEMATICA ®, and
other packages may also be used for these numerical aspects of partial differen-
tial equations.

ix
Chapter 1

First Ideas

We will begin a study of partial differential equations by deriving equations

modeling diffusion processes and wave motion. These are widely applicable in
the physical and life sciences, engineering, economics, and other areas. Following
this, we will lay the foundations for the Fourier method, which is used to write
solutions for many kinds of problems, and then solve two eigenvalue/ eigenfunction
problems that occur frequently when this method is used.
The chapter concludes with a proof of a theorem on the convergence of
Fourier series.

1.1 Two Partial Differential Equations

1.1.1 The Heat, or Diffusion, Equation

We will derive a partial differential equation modeling heat flow in a medium.

Although we will speak in terms of heat flow because it is familiar to us, the
heat equation applies to general diffusion processes, which might be a flow of
energy, a dispersion of insect or bacterial populations in controlled environments,
changes in the concentration of a chemical dissolving in a fluid, or many other
phenomena of interest. For this reason the heat equation is also called the
diffusion equation.
Consider a bar of material of constant density, p, having uniform cross sec-
tions with area A. The lateral surface of the bar is insulated, so there is no heat
loss across this surface.
Place an x-axis along the length, L, of the bar and assume that at a given
time, the temperature is the same along any cross section perpendicular to this
axis, although it may vary from one cross section to another. We will derive an
equation for u(x, t), the temperature in the cross section of the bar at x, at time
t. In the context of diffusion, u(x, t) is called a density distribution function.
Let c be the specific heat of the material of the bar. This is the amount
of heat energy that must be supplied to a unit mass of the material to raise

1
2 CHAPTER 1. FIRST IDEAS

F(x,t)
~

Figure 1.1: Flux in segment = rate in minus rate out.

its temperature one degree. The segment of bar between x and x + 6.x has
mass pA6.x, and it will take approximately pcAu(x, t)6.x units of heat energy
to change the temperature of this segment from zero to u(x, t), its temperature
at timet.
The total heat energy in this segment at any time t > 0 is
rx+b.x
E(x, 6.x, t) = lx pcAu(~, t) d~.

This amount of heat energy within the segment at time t can increase in
two ways: heat energy may flow into the segment across its ends (this change
is the flux of the energy), and/or there may be a source or loss of heat energy
within the segment. This can occur if there is, say, a chemical reaction or if the
material is radioactive.
The rate of change of the temperature within the segment, with respect to
time, is therefore
8E
flux plus source or sink
8t

Assume for now that there is no source or loss of energy within the bar. Then

r+b.x 8
flux = Jx peA 8~ (~, t) d~. (1.1)

Now let F(x, t) be the amount of heat energy per unit area flowing across
the cross section at x at time t, in the direction of increasing x. Then the flux
of the energy into the segment between x and x + 6.x at time t is the rate of
flow into the segment across the section at x, minus the rate of flow out of the
segment across the section at x + 6.x (Figure 1.1):

flux = AF(x, t)- AF(x + 6.x, t).

Write this as
flux = -A(F(x + 6.x, t)- F(x, t)). (1.2)
1.1. TWO PARTIAL DIFFERENTIAL EQUATIONS 3

Now recall Newton's law of cooling, which states that heat energy flows from
the warmer to the cooler region, and the amount of heat energy is proportional
to the temperature difference (gradient). This means that
au
F(x, t) = -K ax (x, t).

The positive constant of proportionality, K, is called the heat conductivity of

the bar. The negative sign in this equation is due to the fact that energy flows
from the warmer to the cooler segment. Substitute this expression for F(x, t)
into equation 1.2 to obtain

flux =-A ( -K~~ (x + ~x, t) + K~~ (x, t)) .

:x (KA~~(e,t)) ~·
Write this as
flux = 1x+~x (1.3)

From equations 1.1 and 1.3 for the flux, we have

Divide out the common factor A and write this equation as

This equation must be valid for any choices of x and x + ~x, as long as

0 < X < X + ~X < L.

If the integrand were nonzero at some x, then, assuming continuity of this inte-
grand (which is reasonable on physical grounds), it would be nonzero, therefore
strictly positive or strictly negative on some interval (x, x + ~x). This would
force this integral to be positive or negative, not zero, for this x and ~x, and
this is a contradiction. We conclude that the integrand must be identically zero,
hence
au a2 u
pc at = K ax2 .
It is convenient to denote partial derivatives using subscripts. In this nota-
tion,
Ut = kuxx, (1.4)
where k = K/cp is called the diffusivity of the material of the bar. Equation
1.4 is the one-dimensional heat, or diffusion, equation. This equation, with
appropriate boundary and initial conditions, models a wide range of diffusion
phenomena, providing a setting for a mathematical analysis to draw conclusions
about the behavior of the process under study.
4 CHAPTER 1. FIRST IDEAS

If we allow for a source term Q(x, t), then the heat equation is

Ut = kuxx + Q(x, t). (1.5)

We say that equation 1.4 is homogeneous. Because of the Q (x, t) term, equation
1.5 is nonhomogeneous. Both equations are second-order partial differential
equations because they contain at least one second derivative term, but no
higher derivative. Both equations are also linear, which means they are linear
in the unknown function and its derivatives. By contrast, the second-order
partial differential equation

Ut = kuxx + UUx
is nonlinear because of the uux term, which allows for an interaction between
the density function, u, and its rate of change with respect to x.
The linear, homogeneous heat equation Ut = kuxx has the important features
that a finite sum of solutions and a product of a solution by a constant are again
solutions. That is, if u 1 (x, y) and u 2 (x, y) are solutions, then au 1 (x, y)+bu 2 (x, y)
is also a solution for any numbers a and b. This can be verified by substituting
au 1 + bu 2 into equation 1.4. This is not the case with the nonhomogeneous
equation 1.5, as can also be seen by substitution.
Everyday experience suggests that to know the temperature in a bar of
material at any time we have to have some information, such as the temperature
throughout the bar at some particular time (this is an initial condition), together
with information about the temperatures at the ends of the bar (these are
boundary conditions). A typical initial condition has the form

u(x,O) = f(x) for 0 < x < L,

in which f(x) is a given function. Initial is taken as time zero as a convenience.
Boundary conditions specify conditions at end points of the space variable
(or perhaps on a surface in higher dimensional models). These can take different
forms. One commonly seen set of boundary conditions is

u(O, t) = a(t), u(L, t) = {3(t) for 0 < x < L,

where a(t) and {3(t) are given functions. These specify conditions at the left
and right ends of the material at all times.
Boundary conditions may also reflect other physical conditions at the bound-
ary. We will see some of these when we solve specific problems in different
settings.
A problem consisting of the heat equation, together with initial and bound-
ary conditions, is called a initial-boundary value problem for the heat equation.

1.1.2 The Wave Equation

Imagine a string (guitar string, wire, telephone line, power line, or the like)
suspended between two points. We want to describe the motion of the string
1.1. TWO PARTIAL DIFFERENTIAL EQUATIONS 5

X X+~

Figure 1.2: Segment of string between x and x + ~x.

if it is fixed at its ends, displaced in a specified way and released with a given
velocity.
Place an x-axis along the straightened string from 0 to L, and assume that
each particle of string moves only vertically in a plane. We seek a function
u(x, t) so that, at any timet;::: 0, the graph of the function u = u(x, t) gives the
position or shape of the string at that time. This enables us to view snapshots
of the string in motion.
Begin with a simple case by neglecting damping effects, such as air resistance
and the weight of the string. Let T(x, t) be the tension in the string at point x
and time t, and assume that this acts tangentially to the string. The magnitude
of this vector is T(x, t) =II T(x, t) II· Also assume that the mass, p, per unit
length is constant.
Apply Newton's second law of motion to the segment of string between x and
x+~x. This states that the net force on the segment due to the tension is equal
to the acceleration of the center of mass of the segment times the mass of the
segment. This is a vector equation, meaning that we can match the horizontal
components and the vertical components of both sides. Looking at the vertical
components in Figure 1.2 gives us approximately

T(x + ~x, t) sin(B +~B)- T(x, t) sin( B)= p(~x)utt("X, t),

in which x is the center of mass of this segment of string. Then

T(x + ~x, t) sin(B +~B) - T(x, t) sin( B) _ (- )

~x -putt x,t.

The vertical component, v(x, t), of the tension is

v(x, t) = T(x, t) sin( B).

6 CHAPTER 1. FIRST IDEAS

Then
v(x + ~x, t) - v(x, t) _ (- )
~X - PUtt x, t .
Let ~x--+ 0. Then x--+ x, and this equation yields

The horizontal component of the tension is

h(x, t) = T(x, t) cos( B).

But
v(x, t) = h(x, t) tan( B)= h(x, t)ux,
so
Vx = (hux)x =PUtt·
By assumption, the horizontal component of the tension on the entire segment
of string is zero:
h(x + ~x, t) - h(x, t) = 0.
Therefore, h(x, t) is independent of x, and

Then

Or, in its more traditional form,

(1.6)

where c2 = h/ p. Equation 1.6 is the one-dimensional wave equation (one space

dimension).
If a forcing term is included to allow other forces acting on the string, then
the wave equation may take the form

As with the heat equation, we attempt to solve the wave equation subject
to initial and boundary conditions specifying the position of the string at time
t = 0, and the forces that set the string in motion.
The boundary conditions if the ends of the string are fixed are

u(O, t) = u(L, t) = 0 for t > 0.

We will also see variations on these boundary conditions. For example, if the
ends are in motion, with their positions at time t given as functions oft, then

u(O, t) = a(t), u(L, t) = {3(t) fort> 0,

1.1. TWO PARTIAL DIFFERENTIAL EQUATIONS 7

for some given functions a(t) and f3(t).

Initial conditions take the form

u(x, 0) = cp(x) and Ut(x, 0) = 'lj;(x) for 0 < x < L,

specifying the initial position and velocity of the string. Equation 1.6, together
with boundary and initial conditions, is called an initial-boundary value problem
for the wave equation.
As we develop methods of solving these and other partial differential equa-
tions, under a variety of initial and boundary conditions, we will also explore
properties of solutions and questions such as the sensitivity of solutions to small
perturbations of initial and boundary conditions.

Problems for Section 1.1

1. Show that
2 2
u(x,t) = cos(mrx)e-"' 11" t

is a solution of the heat equation with k = 1, on any interval [0, L].

2. Show that
u(x, t) = r3f2e-x 2 /4kt
is a solution of Ut = kuxx for x > 0, t > 0. Show also that this solution is
unbounded.

3. Show that
u(x,t) . (n1rx)
= asm L L
cos (n1rct)

satisfies wave equation 1.6, with a any constant, c and L positive constants,
and n any positive integer.

4. Let f be a differentiable function of a single variable, defined on the entire

real line. Show that
1
u(x, t) = "2(f(x- ct) + f(x + ct))
is a solution of the wave equation Utt = c2 uxx for all x and t, and that
u(x, 0) = f(x).
5. Let 'lj;(x) be continuous on the real line. Let

1 1x+ct
u(x, t) = - 'lj;(s) ds.
2c x-ct

Show that u(x, t) satisfies the wave equation and that

Ut(x, 0) = 'lj;(x) for 0 < x < L.

8 CHAPTER 1. FIRST IDEAS

6. Let r.p and'¢ be continuous on [0, L]. Let

1 1 1x+ct
u(x, t) = -(r.p(x- ct) + r.p(x + ct)) + -2 '1/J(s) ds.
2 C x-ct
Show that u(x, t) satisfies the wave equation and also the initial conditions
u(x,O) = r.p(x) and Ut(x,O) = 'lj;(x).

Problems 7-12 deal with a classification of second-order partial differential equa-

tions that are linear with constant coefficients in the second derivative terms.
Such an equation has the form

Auxx + BUxt + Cuu + H(x, t, u, Ux, Ut) = 0. (1.7)

A, B, and Care constants; A and Bare not both zero; and H(x, t, u, Ux, ut) is
any function of x, t, u, Ux, and Ut. Thus the equation may not be linear in the
first derivative terms or terms involving u. It is always possible to transform
equation 1. 7 to one of three standard, or canonical, forms. These problems
explore how to do this.

7. Start with a change of variables

~ = X + at, 'TJ = X + bt.

Show that this transformation from the x, t-plane to a(, ry-plane is invert-
ible if a -=1- b, and that
1 1
x= -(b~-ary),t= -(ry-~).
b-a b-a

8. Let u(x(~, ry), t(~, ry)) = V(~, ry), obtained by substituting for x and y in
terms of~ and 'TJ in equation 1. 7. Show that the resulting partial differential
equation for V is

(A+ aB + a 2 C)V~~ + (2A +(a+ b)B + 2abC)~'7

+(A+ bB + b2 C)V'7'7 + K(~, ry, V, V~, V1)) = 0. (1.8)

Hint: Use the chain rule to compute Uxx, Uxt, and Utt in terms of partial
derivatives of V(C ry).
9. Suppose B 2 - 4AC > 0. Try to choose a and b to make the coefficients of
V~~ and V'7'7 vanish. This requires that we solve for a and b so that

Ca 2 + Ba +A = 0 and Cb 2 + Bb +A = 0.
Notice that a and b both satisfy the same quadratic equation, having
coefficients A, B, and C. Show that, if C -=1- 0, then equation 1. 7 transforms
to
1.1. TWO PARTIAL DIFFERENTIAL EQUATIONS 9

by choosing

- B + JB 2 - 4AC - B - JB2 - 4AC

a = 20 and b = 20 .

In this case we say that equation 1. 7 is hyperbolic. The transformed equa-

tion is the canonical form of the hyperbolic equation.
If C = 0, show that we can choose

to obtain the hyperbolic canonical form.

10. Show that, if B 2 - 4AC = 0, then by choosing a= 0 and b = -B/2C,

equation 1. 7 transforms to

In this case equation 1. 7 is called parabolic and the transformed equation

is called the canonical form of the parabolic equation.

11. Finally, suppose B 2 - 4AC < 0. Now the roots of Ca 2 + Ba +A= 0 are
complex, say p ± iq. Define the transformation

~ = X + pt, T/ = qt.
and show that this transforms equation 1. 7 to

In this case, equation 1. 7 is said to be elliptic and the transformed equation

is the canonical form of the elliptic equation.

12. Classify the diffusion equation and the wave equation as being elliptic,
parabolic, or hyperbolic.

In each of problems 13-17, classify the partial differential equation and deter-
mine its canonical form.

13. 4uxx - 2Uxt + Utt + 2ux - XU = 0.

14. 2Uxx + Uxt- 4uu +X+ t = 0.

15. Uxx- 3Uxt- XU= 0.

16. Uxx + 9uu + x 2 - tu = 0.

17. Uxx- 2Uxt + 3Utt + 12u2 = 0.
10 CHAPTER 1. FIRST IDEAS

1.2 Fourier Series

In attempting to solve problems involving the heat equation, French mathe-
matician Joseph Fourier (1768-1830) announced that he could write solutions
by expanding the initial temperature function in an infinite series of sines and/ or
cosines of different frequencies. Because nearly any function (for example, a dif-
ferentiable function) could be an initial temperature function, this led to the
astounding assertion that almost any function one could think of had such a
trigonometric series representation. This was too much for the rest of the sci-
entific community to accept.
Nevertheless, Fourier's method did appear to solve significant problems. In-
tensive research, carried out in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, justified
Fourier's claims, and Fourier series now have many applications. In this section
we outline the fundamental idea of a Fourier series, enabling us to use these
series to solve initial-boundary value problems.

1.2.1 The Fourier Series of a Function

Given f(x) defined on [-L, L], we want to choose numbers a 0 , a 1 , · · · and

b1 , b2, · · · such that

f(x) 1
= 2ao+ L 00
[
ancos (n1rx)
L . (n1rx)]
+bnsm L (1.9)
n=l

on this interval. This is not always possible, but we will explore the idea to see
when it might work.
Fourier was not the first to imagine such a thing. The great Swiss mathe-
matician Leonhard Euler (1707-1783) devised a way of calculating the a~s and
b~s in the series 1.9. While lacking in rigor, Euler's approach is interesting
and actually leads to the correct choice of the coefficients. We follow Euler's
reasoning here, with a proof given in section 1.4.
Euler's approach was based on some easily derived trigonometric integrals.

I:
If n and k are positive integers, then

cos (n~x) sin ( k~x) dx = 0,

1L -L cos L cos (k7rX)

(n7rX) L dx = 0 if n# k,
and
I: sin (n~x) sin ( k~x) dx = 0 if n# k.
These are called orthogonality relations for reasons that will be clarified when
we treat eigenfunction expansions in Chapter 7.
1.2. FOURIER SERIES 11

In addition,

1L
-L
cos 2 (n'Lll"X) dx = 1L -L
sin 2 (n'Lll"X) dx = L for n = 1, 2, · · · .

Now assume equation 1.9, and suppose that we can interchange the summa-
tion and an integration. In this case,

/_: f(x)dx

= /_: ~a0 dx+ ~[an/_: cos(n~x) dx+bn j_: sin(n~x) dx]

=La0 ,

because the integrals of cos(n7rx/L) and sin(n7rx/L) over [-L,L] are all zero.
The integrated equation therefore reduces to

{L f(x) dx =Lao,
1-L
from which we conclude that

ao =L 11L -L
f(x) dx. (1.10)

This is a formula for ao. Next we want to obtain formulas for ak with k =
1,2,···. Let k be any positive integer. Multiply equation 1.9 by cos(k7rxjL)
and integrate to obtain

{L (k'll"X)
1_L f(x)cos L dx

Now,

/_:cos (n~x) dx = 0.

Further, by the orthogonality relations, all of the integrals in the summation

are zero except for the integral

{L (k'll"X) (k'll"X)
1_L cos L cos L dx,
12 CHAPTER 1. FIRST IDEAS

which occurs when n = k. This integral equals L. We therefore have

1 L
-L f(x) cos
(brx)
L dx = akL,

from which

ak = 11L
L -L f(x)cos (brx)
L fork= 1,2,3,···. (1.11)

Notice that this reproduces the formula for a 0 when k = 0.

Similarly, if we multiply equation 1.9 by sin(k7rx/L) and integrate term by

£:
term, all terms vanish except the n = k term in the integrals of the sine terms,
and we obtain

bk = ± f(x) sin ( k~x) dx. (1.12)

Equations 1.10-1.12 are the Fourier coefficients of f(x) on [-L, L]. When
these Fourier coefficients are used, the series on the right side of equation 1.9 is
called the Fourier series of f(x) on [-L, L].
Now we must be careful not to overreach. Although we have a plausible
rationale for the selection of the Fourier coefficients of a function, we have no
reason to believe that this Fourier series actually converges to the function at
all (or any!) points of the interval. The following two examples are revealing in
this regard.

Example 1.1 Let

f(x) = {0 for -3:::;; x < 0,

2+x for 0 :::;; x :::;; 3.

We will write the Fourier series of f(x) on [-3, 3]. Compute the coefficients:

ao =- 113
3 -3
f(x) dx

1 [3 7
= 3 Jo (2 + x) dx = 2'

an= 11
3 _3 f(x) cos (n1rx)
3
L dx

=
1 [3
3 Jo (2 + x) cos L (n1rx) dx
3((-l)n -1)
n27r2
1.2. FOURIER SERIES 13

-3 -2 -I 0 2
X

Figure 1.3: Graph of f(x) from example 1.1.

and

bn ! 3 . (n'll"x)
= 31 _3 f(x)sm L dx
3
. (n'll"x)
= 31 Jo[ (2 + x) sm L dx
2-5(-1)n
n'll"
The Fourier series of f(x) on [-3, 3] is

" [3(( -1)n- 1) cos (n'll"X)

-47 +L.J -3 . (n'll"X)]
+ 2- 5( -1)n sm -- .
2 2
n'll" ~ 3

Figure 1.3 is a graph of the function, and Figures 1.4 and 1.5 compare the
function with the lOth and 50th partial sums, respectively, of its Fourier series.
These graphs suggest that the series converges to f(x) for -3 < x < 0 and for
0 < x < 3. However, at x = 0, the series does not appear to converge to f(O),
which is 2. And at both 3 and -3, the Fourier series is the same:

This series cannot converge to both f( -3) = 0 and to /(3) = 5.

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whose frankness and courage had struck him, and in whom, besides,
he saw but a blind instrument of the passions incited by the
monarchy; but his orders arrived too late. The young German met
his death with the greatest coolness, exclaiming: "Hail, Liberty!
Germany forever! Death to the tyrant!"

The length to which the negotiations with Austria were

protracted excited much wonder, but Napoleon, who was occupied
incessantly with his ministers and generals, and seldom showed
himself in public, had other business on hand besides his treaty with
the Emperor Francis. His long-standing quarrel with the Pope now
reached its crisis, growing out of the Concordat, involving affairs in
Spain and Portugal, and finally by a refusal of the pontiff to
acquiesce in the Berlin and Milan decrees against England's
commerce. On the 17th of May Napoleon had issued from Vienna his
final decree declaring the temporal sovereignty of the Pope to be
wholly at an end, incorporating Rome with the French Empire, and
declaring it to be his second city, settling a handsome pension on the
holy father in his spiritual capacity, and appointing a committee of
administration for the civil government of Rome. The Pope replied
with a bull of excommunication against Napoleon which finally
resulted in the removal of His Holiness to Fontainebleau where he
continued a prisoner, though treated personally with respect and
magnificence, during more than three years.

The treaty with Austria was at last signed at Schoenbrunn on the

14th of October, Austria giving up territory to the amount of 45,000
square miles, with a population of four millions, and depriving her of
her last seaport. Yet, when compared with the signal triumphs of the
campaign at Wagram, the terms on which the conqueror signed the
peace were universally looked upon as remarkable for moderation.
Napoleon afterwards expressed himself as highly culpable in having
left Austria too powerful after the affair at Wagram, using the
following words on that occasion: "The day after the battle I ought
to have published in the order of the day that I would ratify no
treaty with Austria, until after a previous separation of the crown of
Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia; to be placed on three different
heads."

Napoleon quitted Vienna on the 16th of October, and was

congratulated by the public bodies of Paris at Fontainebleau on the
14th of November as "the greatest of heroes, who never achieved
victories but for the happiness of the world." When he reappeared at
the palace at Fontainebleau on Oct. 26th 1809, crowned with the
victory of Wagram, there was one to whom dark forebodings came—
Josephine felt that her fate was sealed. In fact, as a modern writer
has said, the immediate result of Wagram was the divorce from the
Empress.

The first public intimation of a measure which had for a

considerable period occupied Napoleon's thoughts came from the
Emperor himself when he said, in an imperial speech in which he
described the events of the past year, and the state of France: "I
and my house will ever be found ready to sacrifice everything, even
our own dearest ties and feelings, to the welfare of the French
people."
 XII
CAMPAIGN OF RUSSIA

Long before Napoleon assumed the imperial title his hopes of

offspring from the union with Josephine were at an end, but the
Empress lived for a time in hope that the Emperor would be content
to adopt her son Eugene. Louis Bonaparte married Hortense
Beauharnais, daughter of Josephine, and an infant son became so
much the favorite of Napoleon that the Empress, as well as others,
come to regard this boy as the heir of France. But the child died
early and the Emperor then began to direct his thoughts towards the
best means of dissolving his marriage with Josephine, in order that
he might form an alliance with some daughter of Russia, or other
imperial family. The Emperor Alexander was approached on this
subject, and informed that one of his sisters, the Grand Duchess
Anne, would be acceptable, but the Empress-mother hesitated, and
this being taken by Napoleon as a refusal, he sought the hand of the
Archduchess Marie Louise, daughter of the Emperor Francis of
Austria.

On the 15th of December, 1809, the Emperor summoned his

council and announced to them, that at the expense of all his
personal feelings, he, devoted wholly to the welfare of the State,
had resolved to separate himself from his most dear consort.
"Arrived at the age of forty years" he said, "I may conceive the hope
of living sufficiently long to elevate, in my mind and after my ideas,
the children with which it shall please Providence to bless me. God
knows how much this resolution has cost my heart; * * * I should
also add, that, far from ever having to complain, I have on the
contrary, only had cause to laud the attachment and tenderness of
my beloved wife. She has adorned fifteen years of my life. The
recollection thereof will always remain graven on my heart."

Josephine then appeared among them, and not without tears,

expressed her acquiescence in the decree. "I believe I acknowledge
all these sentiments," she said, "by consenting to the dissolution of a
marriage which, at present, is an obstacle to the welfare of France,
which deprives it of being one day governed by the descendants of a
great man, so evidently raised by Providence to efface the ills of a
terrible revolution, and re-establish the altar, the throne, and social
order."

The council, after addressing the Emperor and Empress on the

nobleness of their mutual sacrifice, accepted and ratified the
dissolution of marriage. The title of Empress was preserved to
Josephine for life and a pension of two million francs, to which
Napoleon afterwards added a third million from his privy purse. She
then retired from the Tuileries, residing thenceforth mostly at
Malmaison, and in the course of a few weeks Austria was called
upon for her daughter.

Having given her hand at Vienna on the 11th of March, 1810, to

Berthier, who had the honor to represent the person of the Emperor,
the young Archduchess set out for France on the 13th.

On the 28th, as her carriage was proceeding towards Soissons,

Napoleon rode up to it, in a plain dress, altogether unattended, and
introduced himself to his proxy bride. She had never seen his person
till then, and it is said her first exclamation was, "Your Majesty's
pictures have not done you justice."

They spent the evening at the chateau of Compiegne and a

religious marriage was celebrated on the 1st of April at St. Cloud
amidst every circumstance of splendor; the next day they made their
entry into the capital. Napoleon in his exile said that "the Spanish
ulcer" and the Austrian match were the two main causes of his ruin;
—and they both contributed to it largely, although by no means
equally. The Exile's own opinion was that the error lay, not in
seeking a bride of imperial birth, but in choosing her at Vienna. Had
he persisted in his demands, the Czar, he doubted not, would have
granted him his sister; the proud dreams of Tilsit would have been
realized, and Paris and St. Petersburg become the only two capitals
of Europe. Possibly, then, he would not have had occasion to say
that he "set his foot upon an abyss of roses" when he married Marie.

Had he married a daughter of France, or even an imperial

princess of Russia, he could have done so without the sacrifice of
the prestige of the nobility, and even the divinity of the people he
had so gloriously contended for; but when it was announced that he
had contracted an alliance with the House of Hapsburg,—that hated
race against whom and whose principles he had fought a hundred
battles, they were convinced that no good would come of it—and
they were right.

The war, meanwhile, continued without interruption in the

Peninsula; whither, but for his marriage Napoleon would certainly
have repaired in person, after the peace of Schoenbrunn left him at
ease. So illy was that Spanish campaign conducted during
Napoleon's absence that not an inch of soil could be counted by the
French beyond their outposts. Their troops were continually
harassed and thinned by the indomitable guerrillas who acted singly
or in bands as occasion offered.

The Emperor's marriage was speedily followed on the 20th of

April, 1811, by the birth of a son and heir whom Napoleon
announced to the waiting courtiers in these words: "It is a King of
Rome!" The happy event, announced to the populace by the firing of
one hundred and one guns, was received with many demonstrations
of loyal enthusiasm. Even Josephine joined in expressing her
satisfaction at the event which seemed to portend so much for the
founding of a Napoleonic dynasty which the Emperor now saw
possible by direct lineage.

When the Emperor of Russia was informed of Napoleon's

approaching nuptials with the Austrian princess his first exclamation
was, "Then the next thing will be to drive us back into our forests."
In truth the conferences at Erfurt had but skinned over a wound
which nothing could have cured but a total alteration of Napoleon's
policy. The Russian nation suffered so much from the continental
system that the Czar soon found himself compelled to relax the
decrees drawn up at Tilsit in the spirit of those previously declared at
Berlin and Milan. Certain harbors were opened partially for the
admission of colonial produce and the export of native productions;
and there ensued a series of indignant reclamations on the part of
Napoleon, and haughty evasions on that of the Czar, which, ere long,
satisfied all near observers that Russia would not be slow to avail
herself of any favorable opportunity of once more appealing to arms.

During the summer of 1811 the relations of Russia and France

were becoming every day more dubious and when towards the close
of it the Emperor of Austria published a rescript granting a free
passage through his territories to the troops of his son-in-law,
England, ever watchful of her great enemy, perceived clearly that
France was about to have an ally. Alexander had long since ceased
to regard the friendship of the great man as a blessing of heaven. Of
the solemn cordiality of Tilsit, and the more recent meeting at Erfurt,
there remained in the soul of the Czar naught but the displeasure
and resentment arising from extinct affection and deceived hopes.

From the moment in which the Russian government began to

reclaim seriously against certain parts of his conduct, Napoleon
increased by degrees his military force in the north of Germany, and
the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and advanced considerable bodies of
troops nearer and nearer to the Czar's Polish frontier. These
preparations were met by similar movements on the other side; yet,
during many months, the hope of terminating the differences by
negotiations was not abandoned. The regulations of the Continental
System were especially objected to by Russia, and the Czar having
lent his ear to the representations of the English cabinet, asked that
they be dispensed with as he declared he could no longer submit to
see the commerce of an independent Empire trammeled for the
purpose of serving the policy of a foreign power.

Napoleon admitted that it might be necessary to modify the

system complained of, and expressed his belief that it would be
found possible to devise some middle course by which the
commercial interests of France and Russia might be reconciled. A
very considerable relaxation in the enforcement of the Berlin code
was at last effected, and a license system arranged which admitted
Alexander to a share in the pecuniary advantages. Had there been
no cause of quarrel between these powers except what appeared on
the face of their negotiations, it is hardly to be doubted but a new
treaty might have been effected. The Czar, however, from the hour
of Marie Louise's marriage, felt a conviction that the diminution of
the Russian power in the north of Europe would form the next great
object of Napoleon's ambition. The Czar therefore assured himself
that if war must come, there could be no question as to the policy of
bringing it on before Austria had entirely recovered from the effects
of the campaign of Wagram, and, above all, while the Peninsula
continued to occupy 200,000 of Napoleon's troops.

As concerned the Spanish armies, it might still be said that King

Joseph was in military possession of all but some fragments of his
kingdom. The English had been victorious in Portugal and the French
troops in Spain lost more lives in this incessant struggle, wherein no
glory could be achieved, than in any similar period spent in any
regular campaign; and Joseph, while the question of peace or war
with Russia was yet undecided, became so weary of his situation,
that he earnestly entreated Napoleon to place the crown of Spain on
some other head. Such were the circumstances under which the
eventful year of 1812 began.
 Most persuasive appeals were made to Napoleon by his
ministers to refrain from entering into a campaign of aggression
against Russia. To Fouché, minister of police, Napoleon is reported
to have said, in reply, "Is it my fault that the height of power which I
have attained compels me to ascend to the dictatorship of the
world? My destiny is not yet accomplished,—the picture exists as yet
only in outline. There must be one code, one court of appeal, and
one coinage for all Europe. The states of Europe must be melted
into one nation, and Paris be its capital."

In the arguments used by Napoleon's advisers at this time they

attempted to show him, among other things, the great extent of
Alexander's resources,—his 400,000 regulars, and 50,000 Cossacks,
already known to be in arms—and the enormous population on
which he had the means of drawing for recruits; the enthusiastic
national feeling of the Muscovites; the distance of their country; the
severity of their climate; the opportunity which a war would afford to
England of urging her successes in Spain; and the chance of
Germany rising in insurrection in case of any reverses.

With the greater part of the population of France, and especially

with the army, the threatened war was exceedingly popular. Russia,
the most extensive Empire in Europe, it was fondly imagined, was on
the point of falling before the power of the Great Nation; and
England would then be left to struggle, unaided, for mastery with
France. It was deemed a certain pledge of victory, since the Emperor
himself was to lead his veteran legions to the new scene of triumph.

Cardinal Fesch, uncle of the Emperor, appealed to him on other

grounds. The Cardinal had been greatly affected by the treatment of
the Pope, and he contemplated this new war with dread,—as likely
to bring down the vengeance of heaven upon the head of one who
had dared to trample on its vice-regent. Napoleon led the Cardinal to
the window, opened it, and pointing upwards, said, "Do you see
yonder star?"
 "No Sire," replied the Cardinal. "But I see it," answered
Napoleon; and the churchman was dismissed.

Trusting to this star,—his "Star of Destiny" in which he yet firmly

believed,—he was far from being awed when in April, 1812, Russia
declared war against France. It was an indefensible violation of the
treaty of Tilsit, but it showed Napoleon that Europe was determined
to crush him, and he rallied the forces of his Empire for a more
terrible conflict than he had yet been summoned to.

Not satisfied with disposing everything for war in the bosom of

the Empire, Napoleon, who wished to march into Russia at the head
of his vast army of Europe, busied himself in forming and cementing,
externally, powerful allies. Two treaties were concluded to this effect;
the one with Prussia and the other with Austria on the 24th of
February and 14th of March, 1812.

Alexander's minister was ordered in the beginning of April to

demand the withdrawal of the northern troops, together with the
evacuation of the fortress in Pomerania, in case the French
government still entertained a wish to negotiate. Napoleon replied
that he was not accustomed to regulate the distribution of his forces
by the suggestions of a foreign power. The ambassador then
demanded his passports and quitted Paris.

The Emperor of France was confident, and seems to have

entertained no doubt of his success in the coming campaign. "The
war" he said, "is a wise measure, called for by the true interests of
France and the general welfare. The great power I have already
attained compels me to assume an universal dictatorship. My views
are not ambitions. I desire to obtain no further acquisition; and
reserve to myself only the glory of doing good, and the blessings of
posterity."

Leaving Paris with the Empress on the 9th of May, 1812, on his
way to join the Grand Army then forming on the Polish frontier, the
imperial pair were accompanied by a continual triumph. Not merely
in France but throughout Germany the ringing of bells, music and
the most enthusiastic greetings awaited them wherever they
appeared. On May 16th, the Emperor arrived at Dresden where the
Emperor of Austria, the Kings of Prussia, Naples, Wirtemberg, and
Westphalia and almost every German sovereign of inferior rank had
been invited to meet him. He had sent to request the Czar also to
appear in this brilliant assemblage, as a last chance of an amicable
arrangement, but the messenger could not obtain admission to
Alexander's presence.

Marie Louise was now sent back to France and the Russian
campaign began. Marshal Ney, with one great division of the army,
had already passed the Vistula; Junot, with another, occupied both
sides of the Oder. The Czar was known to be at Wilna, collecting the
forces of his immense Empire and entrusting the general
arrangements of the approaching campaign to Marshal Barclay de
Tolly, an officer who had been born and educated in Germany. The
season was advancing and it was time that the question of peace or
war should be forced to a decision.

Napoleon, before leaving the gay court of Dresden, where he

was hailed as "the king of kings," dispatched Count de Narbonne to
the Emperor Alexander to make a fresh attempt at negotiation in
order to spare the shedding of more blood. On his return Narbonne
stated that "he had found the Russians neither depressed nor
boasting; that the result of all the replies of the Czar was, that they
preferred war to a disgraceful peace; that they would take special
care not to risk a battle with an adversary so formidable; and, finally,
that they were determined to make every sacrifice to protract the
war, and drive back the invader."

Napoleon arrived at Dantzic on the 7th of June, and during the

fortnight which ensued, it was known that the final communications
between him and Alexander were taking place. On the 22nd the
French Emperor broke silence in a bulletin in which he said:
"Soldiers, Russia is dragged on by her fate; her destiny must be
accomplished. Let us march; let us cross the Niemen, let us carry
war into her territories. Our second campaign of Poland will be as
glorious as the first; but our second peace shall carry with it its own
guarantee. It shall put an end forever to that haughty influence
which Russia has exercised for fifty years over the affairs of Europe."

The Czar announced the termination of the negotiations by

stating the innumerable efforts to obtain peace and concluded in
these words: "Soldiers, you fight for your religion, your liberty and
your native land. Your Emperor is amongst you; and God is the
enemy of the aggressor."

Napoleon reviewed the greater part of his troops on the

battlefield of Friedland, and having assured them of still more
splendid victories over the same enemy, issued his final orders to the
chief officers of his army. The disposition of his forces when the
campaign commenced was as follows:—The left wing, commanded
by Macdonald, and amounting to 30,000 men, had orders to march
through Courland, with the view, if possible, of outflanking the
Russian right, and gaining the possession of sea coast in the
direction of Riga. The right wing, composed almost wholly of
Austrians, 30,000 in number, and commanded by Schwartzenberg,
was stationed on the Volhynian frontier. Between these moved the
various corps forming the grand central army under the general
superintendence of Napoleon himself, viz., those of Davoust, Ney,
Jerome Bonaparte, Eugene Beauharnais, Prince Poniatowski, Junot
and Victor; and in numbers amounting to 250,000 men. The
communication of the centre and the left was maintained by the
corps of Oudinot, and those of the centre and the extreme right by
the corps of Regnier, who had with him the Saxon auxiliaries and the
Polish legion of Dombrowski. The chief command of the whole
cavalry of the host was assigned to Murat who was in person at the
headquarters of the Emperor, having immediately under his order
three divisions of horse—those of Grouchy, Montbrun and Nantousy.
Augereau, with his division was to remain in the north of Germany to
watch over Berlin and protect the communications with France.
Napoleon's base of operations, as will be seen by the map, extended
over full one hundred leagues, and the heads of his various columns
were so distributed that the Russians could not guess whether St.
Petersburg or Moscow formed the main object of his march.
 From a Painting by Lionel Royer
The 14th Line at Eylau
The Russian army, under de Tolly, had its headquarters at Wilna,
and consisted, at the opening of the campaign, of 120,000 men.
Considerably to the left lay "the second army," as it was called, of
80,000 men under Bagration with whom were Platoff and 12,000 of
his Cossacks; while at the extreme of that wing, "the army of
Volhynia," 20,000 strong, commanded by Tormazoff, watched
Schwartzenberg. On the right of de Tolly was Witgenstein with
30,000 men and between these again and the sea, the corps of
Essen 10,000 strong. Behind the whole line two armies of reserve
were rapidly forming at Novogorod and Smolensk, each, probably, of
about 20,000 men. The Russians actually in the field at the opening
of the campaign were, then, as nearly as can be computed,
260,000; while Napoleon was prepared to cross the Niemen at the
head of 470,000 men.

The Czar was resolved from the beginning to act entirely on the
defensive and to draw Napoleon, if possible, into the heart of his
own country ere he gave him battle. The various divisions of the
Russian force had orders to fall back leisurely as the enemy
advanced, destroying whatever they could not take with them, and
halting only at certain points where intrenched camps had already
been formed for their reception.
 The difficulty of feeding half a million men in a country
deliberately wasted beforehand, and separated by so great a space
from Germany, to say nothing of France, was sure to increase at
every hour and every step. Alexander's great object was, therefore,
to husband his own strength until the Polar winter should set in
around the strangers, and bring the miseries which he thus foresaw
to a crisis.

Napoleon, on the other hand, had calculated on being met by

the Russians at, or even in advance of their own frontier, (as he had
been by the Austrians in the campaign of Austerlitz and by the
Prussians in that of Jena); of gaining a great battle, marching
immediately either to St. Petersburg or Moscow, and dictating a
peace within the walls of one of the Czar's own palaces.

On June 24th the Grand Imperial Army, consolidated into three

masses, began their passage of the Niemen,—Jerome Bonaparte at
Grodno, Eugene at Pilony, and Napoleon himself near Kowno. The
Emperor rode on in front of his army at two o'clock in the morning
to reconnoitre the banks, escaping observation by wearing a Polish
cloak and hat; his horse stumbled and he fell to the ground. "A bad
omen—a Roman would return," some one remarked. After a minute
investigation he discovered a spot near the village of Poinemen,
above Kowno, suitable for the passage of his troops, and gave
orders for three bridges to be thrown across at nightfall. The first
who crossed the river were a few sappers in a boat. All was deserted
and silent on the foreign soil, and no one appeared to oppose their
proceedings with the exception of a single armed Cossack, who
asked, with an appearance of surprise, who they were and what
they wanted. "Frenchmen," was the reply; "we come to make war
upon your Emperor; to take Wilna, and deliver Poland."

The Cossack struck spurs into his horse and three French
soldiers discharged their pieces into the gloomy depths of the
woods, where they had lost sight of him, in token of hostility. There
came on at the same moment a tremendous thunder storm. Thus
began the fatal invasion.

The passage of the troops was impeded for a time; as the bridge
over the Vilia, a stream running into the Niemen, had been broken
by the Russians. The Emperor, however, despising this obstacle,
ordered a Polish squadron of horse to swim the river. They instantly
obeyed; but on reaching the middle the current proved too strong
for them, broke their ranks, and swept away and engulfed many of
them. Even during their last struggles the brave fellows turned their
faces towards the shore, where Napoleon was watching their
unavailing efforts with the deepest emotion, and shouted with their
dying breath, "Vive l'Empereur!"

Three of these noble-spirited patriots uttered this cry when only

a part of their faces was above the waters. The army was struck
with a mixture of horror and admiration. Napoleon watched the
scene apparently unmoved, but gave every order he could devise for
the purpose of saving as many of them as possible, though with little
effect. It is probable that his strongest feeling, even at the time, was
a presentiment that this disastrous event was but the beginning of
others, at once tremendous and extensive.

As these enormous hosts advanced into the Russian territory

Alexander withdrew his armies as deliberately as the invader pushed
on. Wilna, the capital itself, was evacuated two days before the
French came in sight of it, and Napoleon took up his quarters there
on the 28th of June. Here it was found that all the magazines, which
he counted on seizing, had been burnt before the Russians
withdrew. Already the imperial bulletins began to denounce the
"barbarous method" in which the enemy resolved to conduct his
defense.

Napoleon remained twenty days at Wilna during which time he

redoubled his efforts to secure quantities of provisions which were to
be conveyed along with his army; these were to render him
independent of the countries through which he might pass. The
destruction of the magazines at Wilna reassured him that he had
judged well in departing from the old system of marauding, which
had been adopted in previous campaigns with success. At the end of
this period Napoleon became aware that while the contracts entered
into by his war minister were adequate for the army's needs, the
handling of such enormous quantities of provisions, under the most
favorable circumstances, must be slow and in some degree
uncertain. Thus the Emperor found himself under the necessity,
either of laying aside his invasion for another year, or of urging it in
the face of every difficulty, all of which he had forseen except the
slowness of a commissariat department.

When Napoleon arrived at Wilna, he was regarded by the people

as their liberator. A deputation was sent to him by the Diet of
Warsaw entreating his assistance towards the restoration of their
ancient kingdom, the re-establishment of Poland having been
proclaimed. They came, they said, to solicit Napoleon the Great to
pronounce these few words: "Let the kingdom of Poland exist!" and
then it would exist; that all the Poles would devote themselves to
the orders of the fourth French dynasty, to whom ages were but a
moment, and space no more than a point.

Napoleon's reply was not satisfactory, "In my position, I have

many interests to reconcile," he said "and many duties to fulfill." His
answer was so extremely guarded, that the Poles became
dissatisfied and offered little or no support to the French. "Had
Poland been regenerated" says Bourrienne, "Napoleon would have
found the means of succeeding in his expedition. In his march upon
Moscow, his rear and supplies would have been protected, and he
would have secured that retreat which subsequent reverses
rendered but too needful."

During this delay Alexander was enabled to withdraw the troops

which he had been maintaining on the flanks of his European
domains and bring them all to the assistance of his main army. The
enthusiasm of the Russian nation appeared in the extraordinary
rapidity with which supplies of every kind were poured at the feet of
the Czar. From every quarter he received voluntary offers of men,
money, and whatever might assist in the prosecution of the war. The
Grand Duchess Anne, whose hand Napoleon had solicited, set the
example by raising a regiment on her estate. Platoff, the veteran
hetman of the Cossacks, promised his only daughter and 200,000
rubles to the man by whose hand Napoleon should fall. Noblemen
everywhere raised troops, and displayed their patriotism by serving
in the ranks themselves and entrusting the command to experienced
officers chosen by the government.

Napoleon at length re-entered the field without having done

much to remedy the disorders of his commissariat. He at first
determined to make St. Petersburg his mark, counting much on the
effects which a triumphal entry into the capital would produce
throughout the country, but his troops meeting with some reverses
at Riga and Dunaburg, he changed his plans and resolved to march
on Moscow instead.

The centre of the army was now thrown forward under Davoust
with the view of turning Barclay's position and cutting off his
communication with Bagration. This brought about an engagement
with the latter on the 23rd of July near Mohilow, the French
remaining in possession of the town. The Russian commander in
retreating informed Barclay that he was now marching, not on
Vitepsk, but on Smolensk.

During the three days of the 25th, 26th and 27th of July the
French were again victorious. Napoleon halted at Vitepsk for several
days in order to allow his troops to recuperate. On the 8th of August
the Emperor quitted Vitepsk and after a partial engagement at
Krasnoi on the 14th, came in sight of Smolensk on the 16th. On the
10th of August Napoleon was observed to write eight letters to
Davoust, and nearly as many to each of his commanders. "If the
enemy defends Smolensk" he said in one of his letters to Davoust,
"as I am tempted to believe he will, we shall have a decisive
engagement there, and we cannot have too large a force. Orcha will
become the central point of the army. Everything induces me to
believe that there will be a great battle at Smolensk."

The day on which the combat at Krasnoi was fought happened

to be the Emperor's birthday. There was no intention of keeping it in
these immense solitudes, and under the present circumstances of
peril and anxiety. There could be no heartfelt festival without a
complete victory. Murat and Ney, however, on giving in the report of
their recent success, could not refrain from complimenting the
Emperor on the anniversary of his nativity. A salute from a hundred
pieces of artillery was now heard,—fired according to their orders.

Napoleon, with a look of displeasure, observed, that in Russia it

was important to be economical of French powder; but he was
informed in reply, that it was Russian powder, and had been taken
the night before. The idea of having his birthday celebrated at the
expense of the Russians made Napoleon smile.

Prince Eugene also paid his compliments to the Emperor on this

occasion, but was cut short by Napoleon saying, "Everything is
preparing for a battle. I will gain that, and then we will see Moscow."
Ségur says that Eugene was heard to observe, on leaving the
imperial tent, "Moscow will destroy us!"

The first and second armies of the Czar, under Bagration and
Barclay, having at length effected a junction, retired with 120,000
men behind the river which flows at the back of this town.

As soon as Napoleon saw these masses of men approaching

from the distance he clapped his hands with joy, exclaiming, "At last
I have them!" The moment that was to decide the fate of Russia or
the French army, had apparently arrived.

Napoleon passed along the line, and assigned to each

commander his station, leaving an extensive plain unoccupied in
front between himself and the Dneiper. This he offered to the enemy
as a field of battle, but instead of accepting the challenge Barclay
and Bagration were seen next morning in full retreat.

During the night the Russian garrison had withdrawn and joined
the army across the river. Before they departed they committed the
city to flames, and, the buildings being chiefly of wood, the
conflagration, according to the French bulletin, "resembling in its
fury an eruption of Vesuvius." "Never," said Napoleon, "was war
conducted with such inhumanity; the Russians treat their own
country as if it were that of an enemy." It now, however, began to
be difficult in the extreme to extinguish the flames created by the
retreating Russians. The Emperor in person used every effort to stop
the progress of the devouring element and render succor to the
wounded. "Napoleon," says Gourgaud, "is of all generals, whether
ancient or modern, the one who has paid the greatest attention to
the wounded. The intoxication of victory never could make him
forget them, and his first thought, after every battle, was always of
them."

It was very evident that the Russian commander had no desire

that Napoleon should establish himself in winter quarters at this
point. From Smolensk the Russians retreated to Dorogoburg, and
thence to Viasma; halting at each of these towns and deliberately
burning them in face of the enemy. Having returned to Smolensk,
Napoleon became a prey to the most harassing reflections on the
opportunity which had so lately escaped him of destroying the whole
of the Russian army, and attaining a speedy conclusion of peace.
Uncertainty began to gain ground with him; vague presentiments
made him desire to terminate as soon as possible this distant
campaign. "We are too far engaged to fall back," said the Emperor
on arriving at Ougea; "and if I only proposed to myself the glory of
warlike exploits, I should have but to return to Smolensk, there plant
my eagles, and content myself with extending my right and left arms
which would crush Witgenstein and Tormasoff. These operations
would be brilliant; they would finish the campaign very satisfactorily,
but they would not terminate the war. Our troops may advance, but
are incapable of remaining stationary, motion may keep them
together: a halt or retreat would at once dissolve them. Ours is an
army of attack, not of defense; of operation, not of position. We
must advance upon Moscow, gain possession of that capital, and
there dictate terms of peace to the Czar! Peace is before us; we are
but eight days march from it; when the object is so nearly attained,
it would be unwise to deliberate. Let us, therefore, march upon
Moscow!"

At this period Barclay was appointed to the war ministry at St.

Petersburg, and Kutusoff, who assumed the command in his stead,
was beginning to doubt whether the system of retreat had not been
far enough persisted in. Napoleon ordered a vigorous pursuit of the
enemy, hoping to come up with and crush him, before he could
reach his ancient capital. The honor of marching with the advance
guard devolved upon Marshal Ney, who gloriously justified the
confidence of Napoleon by the intelligence and bravery which he
displayed at the battle of Valoutina. This was a most sanguinary
fight. Four times were the Russians driven from their positions, and
on each occasion, brought up reinforcements, and retook them; at
length they were finally overthrown by the valorous Gudin who
charged at the head of his division, the vigor and impetuosity of
which led the enemy to believe that they were exposed to the shock
of the Imperial Guard. Thirty thousand men were brought into action
on either side, and the slaughter was terrible. Much individual
bravery was also displayed on this occasion. But for the failure of
Junot,—who had begun to show signs of approaching insanity,—to
faithfully execute his orders, the victory might have been decisive.
The Emperor was much gratified, however, at the conduct of his
troops at Valoutina. He repaired in person to the field of battle and
passed in review the divers regiments which had distinguished
themselves there. "Arrived at the 7th light infantry" says Gourgaud,
"he ordered the captains to advance, and said to them, 'Show me
the best officer of the regiment.' 'Sire, they are all good—' 'that is no
answer; come at least to the conclusion of Themistocles; 'I am the
first; the second is my neighbor.'"

At length Captain Moncey, who was absent on account of his

wounds, was named. "What," said the Emperor, "Moncey who was
my page! the son of the marshal! Seek another!" "Sire, he is the
best." "Ah, well!" said Napoleon, "I shall give him the decoration."

Up till this time the 127th regiment had marched without an

eagle, having had no opportunity of distinguishing itself. The
Imperial ensign was now delivered to it by Napoleon's own hands.

The new Russian general at length resolved to comply with the

clamorous entreaties of his troops and fixed on a strong position
between Borodino and Moskowa on the highroad to Moscow, where
he determined to await the attack of Napoleon who was pushing the
war vigorously, sword in hand, in the hopes of closing hostilities by
one pitched battle.

On the 5th of September Napoleon came in sight of the position

of Kutusoff and succeeded in carrying a redoubt which had been
erected to guard the high-road to Moscow. This was effected at the
bayonet point, though not without great slaughter on either side.

The next day the two armies lay in presence of each other
preparing for a great contest. On the eve of, and before daybreak on
the 6th, the Emperor was on horseback, wrapped in his gray coat,
and exhibited all the alacrity of his younger days. On his return to
headquarters he found a courier had arrived with dispatches
announcing Marmont's defeat and the deliverance of Salamanca into
the hands of Wellington. M. de Beausset also arrived bringing from
Paris a portrait of Napoleon's son which deeply moved the Emperor.
He caused the picture to be placed outside his tent where it was
viewed by his officers. He then said to his secretary, "Take it away,
and guard it carefully; he sees a field of battle too early."
 The Russians were posted on an elevated plain; having a wood
on their right flank, their left on one of the villages, and a deep
ravine, the bed of a small stream, in front. Extensive field-works
covered every prominent point of this naturally very strong ground;
and in the centre of the whole line, a gentle eminence was crowned
by an enormous battery, serving as a species of citadel. The Russian
army numbered about 120,000 men against which were opposed
almost an equal number of French troops. In artillery, also, the
armies were equal. The Emperor fixed his headquarters in the
redoubt whence he had issued the order for battle in the morning;
the elevation of the ground permitted him to observe the greatest
part of the Russian line, and the various movements of the enemy.
The young guard and the cavalry were before him, and the old
guard in his rear.

Before the engagement Napoleon addressed his troops: "Here is

the battle you have looked for,"—he said, "for it brings us plenty;
good winter-quarters, and a safe retreat to France. Behave
yourselves so that posterity may say of each of you,—'He was in that
great battle beneath the walls of Moscow.'"

At 4 o'clock on the morning of the 7th the French advanced

under cover of a thick fog, and assaulted at once the centre, the
right, and the left of Kutusoff's position. Such was the impetuosity of
the charge that they drove the Russians from their redoubts but this
was for a short time only as they rallied under every line of the fire
from the French, and instantly advanced. Russian peasants who, till
that hour, had never seen war, and who still wore their usual rustic
dress, distinguished only by a cross sewed on it in front, threw
themselves into the thickest of the combat. As they fell, others
rushed on and filled their places. Some idea may be formed of the
obstinacy of the contest from the fact that one division of the
Russians which mustered 30,000 in the morning only 8,000 survived.
These men had fought in close order, and unshaken, under the fire
of eighty pieces of artillery. The Russians had the advantage of
ground, of speaking but one language, of one uniform, of being a
single nation, and fighting for the same cause. By 2 o'clock,
however, according to the imperial bulletin, all hope had abandoned
the enemy; the battle was at an end, although the cannonade was
not yet discontinued. The Russians fought for their retreat and
safety, but no longer for the victory.

The result of this terrible day, in which the French fired sixty-six
thousand cannon balls, was that while the Russians were defeated
they were far from routed. "However great may have been the
success of this day," says Ségur, "it might have been still more so if
Napoleon, instead of finishing the battle at 4 o'clock in the afternoon
had profited by the remainder of the day to bring his Guard into the
field, and thus changed the defeat of the enemy into a complete
rout."

That the Emperor suffered intensely during the day is well-

known. He had passed a restless night and a violent and incessant
cough cut short his breathing.

As to his desire of preserving a reserve uninjured, and forming it

from a chosen and devoted body, such as his Guard, Napoleon
explained it to his marshals by saying: "And if there should be a
second battle tomorrow, what could I oppose to it?"

General Gourgaud has added: "If the Guard had been destroyed
at the battle of Moskowa, the French army, of which their guard
constantly formed the core, and whose courage it supported during
the retreat, could scarcely have ever repassed the Niemen."

This refusal of Napoleon to engage his Guard is generally held to

have been one of his greatest military lapses. At the time they were
demanded by Ney and others the enemy was all but beaten and the
appearance of the Emperor at their head would in all probability
have closed the day with a great victory to his credit, and, according
to the opinions of many military men of this day, have ended the
Russian campaign by this one battle.
 Night found either army on the ground they had occupied at
daybreak. The number of guns and prisoners taken by the French
and the Russians was about equal; and of either host there had
fallen not less than 40,000 men. Some accounts give the total
number of the slain as 100,000.

The Russian commander fought desperately but was at last

compelled to retire. His army was the mainstay of the country and
had it been destroyed, the Czar would have found it difficult to form
another. Having ascertained then the extent of his loss and buried
his dead, among whom was the gallant Bagration, the Russian
withdrew from his intrenchment and marched on Mojaisk. Marshal
Ney was rewarded for the noble share he had in the success of this
battle, by the title of Prince of the Moskowa.

The small number of prisoners taken at Moskowa,—or Borodino

as the battle is frequently called,—the circumstance of the Russians
being able to carry away their wounded, and many other
considerations amply prove that such another contest would have
ruined Napoleon. The Russians ordered Te Deums to be chanted at
Moscow in honor of what they termed a victory for themselves and
Napoleon sent similar instructions to his bishops in France.

Napoleon was so fortunate as to be joined exactly at this time by

two fresh divisions from Smolensk which nearly restored his muster
to what it had been when the battle began, and thus reinforced
commanded that the pursuit be pushed. On the 9th the French
vanguard came in sight of the Russian rear again and Napoleon
prepared for battle but once more Kutusoff fled precipitately in the
direction of the capital.

The Emperor reached the "Hill of Salvation,"—so called because

from that eminence the Russian traveler obtains his first view of the
ancient metropolis affectionately called "Mother Moscow," and hardly
less sacred in his eyes than Jerusalem. The soldiery beheld with joy
and exultation the magnificent extent of the place; its mixture of
Gothic steeples and oriental domes; and high over all the rest the
huge towers of the Kremlin, at once the palace and citadel of the old
Czars. The cry of "Moscow! Moscow!" ran through the lines.
Napoleon himself reined in his horse, and exclaimed, "Behold, at
last, that celebrated city!"

It was soon observed that no smoke came from the chimneys,

and again, that no military appeared on the battlements of the old
walls and towers. Murat, who commanded the van, now came riding
up and informed the Emperor that he had held a parley with
Milarodowitch, general of the Russian rear-guard, and that he had
declared that unless two hours were granted for the safe
withdrawing of his troops, he would at once set fire to Moscow.
Napoleon immediately granted the armistice. When the Emperor
halted at the barrier he had the exterior of the city reconnoitred;
Eugene was ordered to surround it on the north, and Poniatowski to
embrace the south, whilst Davoust remained near the centre; the
Guard was then ordered to march, and, under the command of
Lefebvre, Napoleon entered Moscow, and prepared to establish
himself in the city. He found the capital deserted by all but the very
lowest and most wretched of its vast population. The French soldiers
soon spread themselves over its innumerable streets filling the
magnificent palaces, the bazaars of the merchants, the churches,
convents and public buildings of every description. The meanest
soldier clothed himself in silk and furs and drank at his pleasure the
costliest wines. Napoleon, perplexed at the abandonment of so great
a city, had great difficulty in keeping together 30,000 men under
Murat, who followed Milarodowitch, and watched the walls on that
side.

At midnight the Emperor, who had retired to rest in a suburban

palace, was awakened by the cry of "Fire!" The chief market-place
was in flames and it was some hours before it could be extinguished.
While the fire still burned Napoleon established his quarters in the
Kremlin, and wrote by that fatal light, a letter to the Czar, containing
proposals for peace. In his letter he assured the Czar, "that whatever
might be the vicissitudes of war, nothing could diminish the esteem
entertained for him by his friend of Tilsit and Erfurt."

From a Painting by Horace Vernet

Napoleon at the Battle of
Freidland
The letter was committed to a prisoner of rank but no answer
was ever received to it. On the next day the flames broke out again
and in a short time various detached parts of the city were in flames,
combustibles and matches were found in many places, and the
water-pipes cut so that attempts to control the spreading flames
were almost useless. The wind changed three times in the course of
the night and the flames always broke out again with new vigor in
the quarter from which the prevailing breeze blew right on the
Kremlin. It was now found that the governor, in abandoning the city,
had set all the malefactors in the numerous jails at liberty.

For four days the fire continued with more or less fury and four-
fifths of the city was wholly consumed. "Palaces and temples," says
Karamsin the Russian author, "monuments of arts and miracles of
luxury, the remains of ages long since past, and the creation of
yesterday, the tombs of ancestors, and the cradles of children were
indiscriminately destroyed. Nothing was left of Moscow save the
memory of her people, and their deep resolution to avenge her fall."
 On the third night the equinoctial gale arose, the Kremlin itself,
from which point Napoleon had witnessed the spread of this fearful
devastation, took fire and it became doubtful whether it would be
possible for the Emperor to withdraw in safety.

About 4 o'clock in the morning, one of Napoleon's officers awoke

him, to inform him of the conflagration. He had thrown himself on
the bed only a few minutes before, after having dictated orders to
the various corps of his army, and labored with his secretaries. He
watched from the windows the course of the fire which devoured his
fair conquest, and the exclamation burst from him: "This is then how
they make war! The civilization of St. Petersburg has deceived us;
they are indeed Scythians!"

During several hours he remained immovable at the Kremlin.

The palace was now surrounded by the flames and he consented to
be conducted out of the city. He rode out through streets in many
parts arched over with flames, and buried, where this was not the
case, in one dense mantle of smoke. "It was then" says Ségur, "that
we met the Prince of Eckmuhl (Davoust). This marshal, who had
been wounded at the Moskowa, had desired to be carried back
among the flames to rescue Napoleon, or to perish with him. He
threw himself into his arms with transport; the Emperor received him
kindly, but with that composure which in danger he never lost for a
moment."

"Not even the fictions of the burning of Troy" said the Emperor,
"though heightened by all the powers of poetry, could have equalled
the destruction of Moscow."

It was in the afternoon of the 16th that Napoleon left Moscow

and before nightfall had reached Petrowsky, a country palace of the
Czar, about a league distant, and where he fixed his headquarters.

On the 20th, the flames being at length subdued, or exhausted,

Napoleon returned to the Kremlin still hoping that the Czar would
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