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Understanding Syntax
This fifth edition has been revised and updated to include extended exercises in
all chapters, updated further readings, and more extensive checklists for students.
Accompanying e-resources have also been updated to include hints for instructors
and additional links to further reading.
Understanding Syntax is an essential textbook for students studying the description
of language, cross-linguistic syntax, language typology and linguistic fieldwork.
Syntax
Fifth edition
Maggie Tallerman
Fifth edition published 2020
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
The right of Maggie Tallerman to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form
or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publishers.
Typeset in Minion
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
TABLES
1.1 Present tense of French parler ‘to speak’ 16
1.2 Glosses for person and number 18
4.1 Syntactic relationships between a head and dependent 133
6.1 The core arguments 194
6.2 The major case systems 196
7.1 Accusative and ergative alignment systems 243
7.2 Primary grammatical relations 249
9.1 Inflectional paradigm for the Welsh preposition wrth ‘at’ 313
9.2 Inflectional paradigm for the past tense of the Welsh verb gweld ‘see’ 315
FIGURES
6.1 The nominative/accusative grouping 195
6.2 The ergative/absolutive grouping 195
6.3 The split intransitive alignment system 209
Note to the instructor
This book is an introduction to the major concepts and categories associated with
the branch of linguistics known as syntax. No prior knowledge is assumed, although
it is assumed that you will learn from each chapter, and assimilate much of the
information in a chapter, before reading further. However, I generally don’t expect
you to learn what something means from a single mention or from first discussion –
instead, you will meet the same terms and concepts on several different occasions
throughout the book. The first mention of some concept might be quite informal,
with examples just from English, and then later I will give the discussion a broader
perspective with illustrations from other languages. I use small capitals to intro-
duce technical terms and concepts: these can be found in the subject index at the
back. I also use small capitals to indicate any particularly important discussion or
illustration of a term or concept that you’ve already met earlier. It will probably help
to look up in the index all the previous mentions of this item, especially if you’re
finding it hard to grasp.
Many of the example sentences used in the text are given as a phonetic tran-
scription, for instance when the language under discussion does not have a writ-
ten form. Although you don’t need to know how to pronounce the examples in
order to understand the point being made, you may well be interested in their
pronunciation. If you’d like further information about the various symbols used,
I recommend that you consult the Phonetic symbol guide (Pullum and Ladu-
saw 1996), for comprehensive details of phonetic symbols and their pronuncia-
tion, or Davenport and Hannahs 2020 for general information on phonetics and
phonology.
You are invited to tackle exercises within the body of the text in each chapter;
these in-text exercises are in boxes, separated from the running text. The answers
to these problems are discussed in the text itself. If you attempt these exercises
as you go along, they will certainly help you to check that you’ve understood the
section you’ve just finished reading. If you don’t get the right answer, I recom-
mend re-reading that section before reading further. There are also checklists in
each chapter that remind you of the main material covered. If you don’t feel that
you’ve taken the topics on board, you are recommended to revise them before
moving on.
Additionally, there are exercises at the end of each chapter, for which I don’t provide
answers. If you are having real problems with the text, or want to discuss the exercises,
please email me and I will try to help by suggesting a strategy, but I won’t tell you the
Note to the student xiii
answers! For that reason, students should ask their instructors to email. My email
address is [email protected].
I will also be happy to receive corrections to data or to claims I make about any
language, or further illustrations, or suggestions for new exercises.
Maggie Tallerman
Durham,
June 2019
Acknowledgements
Over the two decades or so since the first edition of this book was published, I have
been overwhelmed by the interest shown in the material it presents, and by the kind-
ness of very many people from around the world. I have received dozens of emails,
often from complete strangers, volunteering corrections to data, offering new data,
suggesting ways in which the book could be improved, discussing fine linguistic
points at great length, offering to read drafts of new material, and generally provid-
ing constructive criticism. Doubtless, I have overlooked some of you in the list that
follows; for this, I heartily apologize, and I stress my genuine gratitude to all who
helped make this fifth edition a better text. Many thanks, then, to the following col-
leagues, friends and students whose real and virtual presence has helped so much
in the writing of all the editions of this textbook: Bashayer Alotaibi, Muteb Alqarni,
Abdelrahman Altakhaineh, Clayton Ashton, Seiki Ayano, Ute Bohnacker, Bob Bors-
ley, Siobhan Casson, Zedric Dimalanta, Joe Emonds, Tom Ernst, Abdelkader Fassi
Fehri, Stuart Forbes, Don Frantz, Samer Hanafiyeh, Mustafa Harb, Anders Holmberg,
David Iorio, Chris Johns, Andreas Kathol, Jagdish Kaur, Daniela Kolbe, Lan Yin Kong,
Nedzad Leko, Joan Maling, Anna Margetts, Jenny Marjoribanks, Roger Maylor, Jawzal
Nechirvan, Sadat Peyambar, Tenzin Rigzin, Caroline Gray Robinson, Stuart Payton
Robinson, Catherine Rudin, Elina Saieva, the late Anna Siewierska, the late Carlota S.
Smith, Rex Sprouse, Siti Hamin Stapa, Maite Taboada, Rebwar Tahir, Höski Thráins-
son, Graham Thurgood, Antoine Trux, Ian Turner, Robert D. Van Valin, Nigel Vin-
cent, Emiel Visser, Stephen M. Wechsler, Ian Woo, Wim van der Wurff and Monaliza
Sarbini Zin. None of the above should be held responsible for any remaining errors.
I also owe a great debt of thanks to the series editors, Bernard Comrie and Grev
Corbett, who have improved this work in immeasurable ways. I hope that this new
edition will be of credit to both these linguists, because their own work has inspired
me throughout. Of course, full credit for any shortcomings remains with the author.
Finally, especial thanks to my amazing husband, S. J. Hannahs, for massive sup-
port, both practical and moral, for reading and commenting on drafts, and for gener-
ally putting up with me during the preparation of this edition.
Abbreviations used in examples
What is syntax?
other language. Such books are certainly available, but they usually aim to catalogue
the regularities and peculiarities of one language rather than looking at the organizing
principles of language in general. Second, I won’t be trying to improve your ‘grammar’
of English. A prescriptive grammar (one that prescribes how the author thinks
you should speak) might aim to teach you where to use who and whom; or when to
say me and Ash and when to say Ash and I; it might tell you not to say different than
or different to, or tell you to avoid split infinitives such as to boldly go. These things
aren’t on our agenda, because they’re essentially a matter of taste – they are social,
not linguistic matters.
In fact, as a linguist, my view is that if you’re a native speaker of English, no matter
what your dialect, then you already know English grammar perfectly. And if you’re a
native speaker of a different language, then you know the grammar of that language
perfectly. By this, I don’t mean that you know (consciously) a few prescriptive rules,
such as those mentioned in the last paragraph, but that you know (unconsciously) the
much more impressive mental grammar of your own language – as do all its native
speakers. Although we’ve all learnt this grammar, we can think of it as knowledge that
we’ve never been taught, and it’s also knowledge that we can’t take out and examine.
By the age of around 7, children have a fairly complete knowledge of the grammar
of their native languages, and much of what happens after that age is learning more
vocabulary. We can think of this as parallel to ‘learning’ how to walk. Children can’t
be taught to walk; we all do it naturally when we’re ready, and we can’t say how we
do it. Even if we come to understand exactly what muscle movements are required,
and what brain circuitry is involved, we still don’t ‘know’ how we walk. Learning our
native language is just the same: it happens without outside intervention and the
resulting knowledge is inaccessible to us.
Here, you may object that you were taught the grammar of your native language.
Perhaps you think that your parents set about teaching you it, or that you learnt it at
school. But this is a misconception. All normally developing children in every culture
learn their native language or languages to perfection without any formal teaching.
Nothing more is required than the simple exposure to ordinary, live, human language
within a society. To test whether this is true, we just need to ask if all cultures teach
their children ‘grammar’. Since the answer is a resounding ‘no’, we can be sure that all
children must be capable of constructing a mental grammar of their native languages
without any formal instruction. Most linguists now believe that, in order to do this,
human infants are born pre-programmed to learn language, in much the same way
as we are pre-programmed to walk upright. All that’s needed for language to emerge
is appropriate input data – hearing language (or seeing it; sign languages are full
languages too) and taking part in interactions within the home and the wider society.
So if you weren’t taught the grammar of your native language, what was it you were
being taught when your parents tried to get you not to say things like I ain’t done nowt
wrong, or He’s more happier than what I am, or when your school teachers tried to stop
you from using a preposition to end a sentence with? (Like the sentence I just wrote.)
Again, consider learning to walk. Although children learn to do this perfectly without
any parental instruction, their parents might not like the way the child slouches along,
What is syntax? 3
or scuffs the toes of their shoes on the ground. They may tell the child to stand up
straight, or to stop wearing out their shoes. It’s not that the child’s way doesn’t function
properly, it just doesn’t conform to someone’s idea of what is aesthetic, or classy. In
just the same way, some people have the idea that certain forms of language are more
beautiful, or classier, or are simply ‘correct’. But the belief that some forms of language
are better than others has no linguistic basis. Since we often make social judgements
about people based on their accent or dialect, we tend to transfer these judgements
to their form of language. We may then think that some forms are undesirable, that
some are ‘good’ and some ‘bad’. For a linguist, though, dialectal forms of a language
don’t equate to ‘bad grammar’.
Again, you may object here that examples of non-standard English, such as those
italicized in the last paragraph, or things like We done it well good, are sloppy speech,
or perhaps illogical. This appeal to logic and precision makes prescriptive grammar
seem to be on a higher plane than if it’s all down to social prejudice. So let’s examine
the logic argument more closely, and see if it bears scrutiny. Many speakers of English
are taught that ‘two negatives make a positive’, so that forms like (1) ‘really’ mean I
did something wrong:
Of course, this isn’t true. First, a speaker who uses a sentence like (1) doesn’t intend it
to mean I did something wrong. Neither would any of their addressees, however much
they despise the double negative, understand (1) to mean I did something wrong.
Second, there are languages such as French and Breton which use a double negative
as standard, not a dialectal form, as (2) illustrates:1
Here, the logic argument runs like this: you can’t say *I are not (the star or asterisk is
a convention used in linguistics to indicate an impossible sentence), so the contracted
form I aren’t must be wrong too. It’s true that speakers who accept (3) don’t ever say
4 What is syntax?
I are not. But the argument is flawed: standard English is just as illogical. Look how
the statement in (4a) is turned into a question in (4b):
Example (4) does not conform to the usual rules of English grammar, which form ques-
tions by inverting the word order in I can’t to give can’t I, and I should to give should I,
and so on. Given these rules, the ‘logically’ expected form in (4b) would be amn’t I (and
in fact this form is found in some dialects). If the standard English in (4) fails to follow
the usual rules, then we can hardly criticize (3) for lack of logic. And since aren’t I is
OK, there’s no logical reason for dismissing I aren’t. The dialects that allow either I aren’t
or amn’t I could actually be considered more logical than standard English, since they
follow the general rule, whilst the standard dialect, in (4), has an irregularity.
It’s clear, then, that socially stigmatized forms of language are potentially just as
‘logical’ as standard English. Speakers of non-standard dialects are, of course, follow-
ing a set of mental rules, in just the same way that speakers of the most prestigious
dialects are. The various dialects of a language in fact share the majority of their rules,
and diverge in very few areas, but the extent of the differences tends to be exaggerated
because they arouse such strong feelings. In sum, speakers of prestige dialects may
feel that only their variety of English is ‘grammatically correct’, but these views cannot
be defended on either logical or linguistic grounds.
If, on the other hand, some speaker of English produced examples like (5), then we
could justifiably claim that they were speaking ungrammatically:
Such examples completely contravene the mental rules of all dialects of English. We
all agree on this, yet speakers of English haven’t been taught that the sentences in
(5) are bad. Our judgements must therefore be part of the shared mental grammar
of English.
Most of the rules of this mental grammar are never dealt with by prescriptive or
teaching grammars. So no grammar of English would ever explain that although we
can say both (6a) and (6b), we can’t have questions like (7) (the gap____ indicates an
understood but ‘missing’ element, represented by the question word what):
The rules that make (7) impossible are so immutable and fundamental that they
hardly seem to count as a subject for discussion: native speakers never stop to wonder
What is syntax? 5
why (7) is not possible. Not only are examples like (7) ungrammatical in English (i.e.
they sound impossible to native speakers), they are ungrammatical in Welsh, as in (8):
In fact, the equivalents to (7) and (8) are generally ungrammatical in the world’s
languages. It seems likely, then, that many of the unconsciously ‘known’ rules of
individual languages like English or Welsh are actually universal – common to all
languages.
Before reading further, note that English does have a way of expressing what
(7) would mean if it were grammatical – in other words, a way of expressing
the question you would ask if you wanted to know what it was that they were
eating with their eggs. How is this question formed?
You could ask: They are eating eggs and what? (with heavy emphasis on the what).
This is termed an echo question.
The fact that certain organizing rules and principles in language are universal leads
many linguists to conclude that human beings have an innate language faculty –
that is, one we are born with. We can’t examine this directly, and we still know rela-
tively little about what brain circuitry is involved, but we do know that there must be
something unique to humans in this regard. All normal children learn at least one
language, but no other animals have anything like language as a natural communica-
tion system, nor are they able to learn a human language, even under intense instruc-
tion. To try and understand the language faculty, we examine its output – namely the
structures of natural languages. So by looking at syntax we hope to discover the com-
mon properties between languages, and maybe even ultimately to discover something
about the workings of the human brain.
As well as looking for absolutely universal principles, linguists are interested in
discovering what types of construction are possible (and impossible) in the world’s
languages. We look for recurring patterns, and often find that amazingly similar con-
structions appear in unrelated languages. In the next paragraph I give an example of
this type which compares Indonesian and English. You don’t have to know anything
about Indonesian to get the point being made, but if the idea of looking closely at
exotic languages seems too daunting at this stage, come back to the examples after
you’ve read Section 1.2. Boxed sections invite the reader to work something out, as
in the section earlier starting with “Before reading further . . .”; where necessary, the
exercise is followed by a suggested answer. Here, the task is simply to examine all the
sentences, and try to follow the argument.
6 What is syntax?
In English we can say either (9a) or (9b) – they alternate freely. In (9b) Hasan
appears before the letter, and the word to has disappeared; let’s say that in (9b)
Hasan has been promoted in the sentence:
In (10b) we find an ending -kan on the word for ‘send’: this ending indicates in
Indonesian that the word Hasan has been promoted. English has no equivalent
to -kan.
Now look again at the English in (9). When Hasan is in the promoted posi-
tion in (9b), we can promote it further in the sentence, giving (11). We indicate
the position that Hasan is understood to have moved from with the gap. In
(11) there is also a change from sent to was sent, which signals this further
promotion of Hasan. To understand why a language would need to indicate the
promotion of some part of the sentence, think about the difference in meaning
between Hasan sent the letter and Hasan was sent the letter.
So if the word Hasan is already promoted, as in (9b), then it can move again,
giving (11). Otherwise, promotion of Hasan is impossible, as (12) shows. In
What is syntax? 7
fact, it seems like the promotion has to occur in stages, rather than in one
single jump straight to the beginning of the sentence. Perhaps you’re thinking,
maybe it’s just a question of getting rid of the to in (12), then it’d be fine. But if
we look at (13) and (14), the Indonesian equivalents to (11) and (12), we get
some strong clues that this is not the case. Note that the change from meng-
kirim in (10) to di-kirim in (13) and (14) is equivalent to the change in English
from sent to was sent:
Just as in English, one construction is fine, the other impossible. What makes
the difference? In the Indonesian we can tell that it can’t be anything to do
with the word for ‘to’ (kepada), because (14) is impossible with or without
that word – the parentheses (. . .) mean that whether or not kepada is included
makes no difference to the acceptability of the sentence. The reason only (13)
is acceptable is that we have to start off with (10b) to get there – the version in
which Hasan has already been promoted once. And we know that (13) does
indeed come via (10b) because the word that means ‘was sent’, di-kirim-kan,
has that ending -kan which shows that Hasan has been promoted – whereas
di-kirim in (14) doesn’t. So we could hypothesize that English probably works
in the same way. Although there’s nothing in English to mark the first promo-
tion of Hasan in (9b), it’s likely that just as in Indonesian, it’s the promotion
that’s the distinguishing factor between the grammatical example in (11) and
the ungrammatical one in (12).
At this stage, I hope to have shown that two totally unrelated languages can
display some remarkably similar syntactic behaviour. Finally, please note that
although this section was rather technical, you should be able to understand it
if you read it through more than once, stopping to work out each stage carefully
as you go. This tip will also be helpful throughout the book.
recent changes. The examples of Middle English in (15) are from the prologue to
Chaucer’s Wife of Bath’s Tale, written in the fourteenth century:
(15) a. I sey nat this by wyves that been wyse (Middle English)
‘I do not say this for wives that are wise.’
b. But Crist . . . bat nat every wight he sholde go selle al that he hadde
‘But Christ did not bid every one to go (and) sell all that he had.’
The major change here is in the negation of verbs such as say and bid (Chaucer’s bat
is modern bade). In Chaucer’s English any verb can be negated by putting not directly
after it: I sey nat; Crist bat nat. In Modern English, we don’t negate verbs directly in
this way: *I say not this, *Christ bade not everyone aren’t possible. Instead, to give the
negative we use a form of do which doesn’t add any meaning of its own, but is there
purely to support not, as in: I do not/don’t say this. Chaucer’s English doesn’t have this
‘do-support’ rule, as it is sometimes known.
Before reading further, think of at least five words other than forms of do that
can be directly negated by a following not in Modern English: find words that
fit into the gap in a sentence such as: I____not/n’t leave.
This gap can be filled by may, might, must, can, could, will, would, shall, should as well
as dare and need. By changing leave to left or leaving we can also add have and be to
the list of words that can fit the gap, as in I have not left, I am not leaving. In Modern
English only words of a certain class, a verb-like word known as an auxiliary, can be
directly negated by not. Where there is no other auxiliary in the sentence, do is used
as a kind of ‘dummy’ auxiliary.
Apart from its role in negation, do-support has another major role in Modern
English. Try to think of some examples of this.
Do is also used to form ‘yes/no’ (or polar) questions, where there’s no other aux-
iliary. So although we can say Might/can/will you leave?, using one of the auxiliaries
listed in the previous paragraph, as well as Are you leaving? and Have you left?, an
ordinary verb can’t be used in question formation: *Left you yesterday?. Once again,
Middle English did allow this construction:
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