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Steven X. Ding
Advanced
Methods for Fault
Diagnosis and
Fault-tolerant
Control
Advanced Methods for Fault
Diagnosis and Fault-tolerant Control
Steven X. Ding
13
Steven X. Ding
Universität Duisburg-Essen
Duisburg, Germany
This book is the third one in my book series plan. While the first two are
dedicated to model-based and data-driven fault diagnosis respectively, this one
addresses topics in both model-based and data-driven thematic fields, and increas-
ingly focuses on fault-tolerant control issues and application of machine learning
methods.
The enthusiasm for machine learning and big data technologies has consider-
able influences on the development of fault diagnosis techniques in recent years.
It seems that research efforts in the thematic domain of data-driven fault diagno-
sis gradually become a competition under the Olympic motto, faster transferring
machine learning methods to fault diagnosis applications, preferably adopting
higher actual (most popular) machine learning methods, and stronger publishing.
The main intention of this book is to study basic fault diagnosis and fault-tolerant
control problems, which build a framework for long-term research efforts in the
fault diagnosis and fault-tolerant control domain. In this framework, possibly uni-
fied solutions and methods can be developed for general classes of systems.
This book is composed of six parts. Besides Part I, which serves as a com-
mon basis for the subsequent studies, Parts II–VI are dedicated to five different
thematic areas. In Part II, optimal fault detection and estimation in time-varying
systems, detection and isolation of multiplicative faults in linear time-invariant
systems with uncertainties are addressed. Part III is dedicated to the investigation
on existence conditions of observer-based fault detection systems for a general
type of nonlinear systems, as well as on parameterisation and optimisation issues
of nonlinear observer-based fault detection systems. Part IV deals with statistical
and data-driven fault diagnosis, but is dedicated to different topics, including a
critical review of multivariate analysis based fault detection methods, optimal fault
detection and estimation in large-scale distributed and interconnected systems,
Kullback-Leibler divergence based fault detection schemes, and alternative fault
detection and clustering methods using symmetric positive definite data matrices
and based on Riemannian manifold theory. In Part V, the well-established ran-
domised algorithm theory is applied to the study on assessment and design of fault
diagnosis systems. Finally, fault-tolerant control schemes with a strong focus on
vii
viii Preface
performance degradation monitoring and recovering are studied in Part VI. These
parts are self-contained and so structured that they can also be used for self-study
on the concerned topics.
It should be mentioned that the final work on this book has been done during
the Corona crisis. I was so deeply sorry to hear of Dr. Jie Chen's death due to the
coronavirus. Jie was a good friend, a pioneer and a brilliant researcher of our com-
munity. He will be sadly missed.
This book would not be possible without valuable support from many peo-
ple. I would like to thank Prof. Dr.-Ing. L. Li from the University of Science and
Technology Beijing for the long-term collaboration and for the extensive editorial
corrections of the book. I am very grateful to my Ph.D. students and co-workers
for the valuable discussions and proofreading of the book chapters. They are Ms.
Caroline Charlotte Zhu, Ms. Ting Xue, Ms. Han Yu, Ms. Yuhong Na, Mr. Yannian
Liu and Mr. Jiarui Zhang.
Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to Mrs. Hestermann-Beyerle and
Mrs. Lisa Burato from Springer-Verlag. Mrs. Hestermann-Beyerle has initiated
this book project and Ms. Lisa Burato has perfectly managed the final submission
issues.
ix
x Contents
Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 655
Notation
∀ for all
∈ belong to
⊂ subset
∪ union
∩ intersection
≡ identically equal
≈ approximately equal
A := B, B =: A A is defined as B
⇒ implies
⇔ equivalent to
>> (<<) much greater (less) than
max (min) maximum (minimum)
sup (inf) supremum (infimum)
R and C field of real and complex numbers
Rn and Cn space of real and complex n-dimensional vectors
Rn × m and C n×m space of n by m real and complex matrices
H2 H2n signal space of all signals (n-dimensional vectors of signals)
For the definitions of H2, H∞, RH∞ and L∞, and the reader is referred to.
xxi
xxii Notation
XT transpose of matrix X
X* conjugate transpose of (complex) matrix X
X⊥ orthogonal complement of matrix X
X−1 inverse of matrix X
X+ pseudo-inverse of matrix X
X− left or right inverse of matrix X
diag(X1, ···, Xn) block diagonal matrix formed with X1, ···, Xn
X(i:j, p:q) submatrix consisting of the i-th to the j-th rows and the p-th to
the q-th columns of matrx X
col(X)
x1
..
vectorise X, col(X) = . ∈ Rnm , for
xm
X = [x1 · · · xm ] ∈ Rn×m , xi ∈ Rn , i = 1, · · · , m
rank(X) rank of matrix X
tr(X) trace of matrix X
det(X) determinant of matrix X
(X) eigenvalue of matrix X
σ (X) (σ max (X)) largest (maximum) singular value of matrix X
least (minimum) singular value of matrix X
σ (X) σmin (X)
σi (X) the i-th singular value of matrix X
�·� Euclidean norm of a vector
�·�F Frobenius norm of a matrix
l 2-bounded discrete-time signals with bounded energy
L2-bounded continuous-time signals with bounded energy
G(p) transfer matrix, p is either s for continuous-time systems or z
for discrete-time systems
G*(jω), G∗ ejθ conjugate of G(jω), G ejθ
For the definitions of G2 and �G�∞, the reader is referred to.
Notation xxiii
The past two decades have witnessed tremendous development in the field of fault
diagnosis and fault-tolerant control. This trend is the logic consequence of the ever
increasing demands for highly economic and ecological operations of technical sys-
tems, processes and assets in all industrial sectors. The speed, at which new concepts,
schemes and methods are developed, is rapid. In the course of this development, in-
numerable methods and successful applications have been reported.
Fault diagnosis technique is an engineering thematic area and its applications can
be found across all technical fields. Consequently, in its history, the development
of fault diagnosis technique and methods was obviously formed by individual tech-
nical demands and characteristics of systems and assets under monitoring. There
was no uniform and standardised theory and framework. The situation has changed
dramatically since this decade. Like all technical and scientific disciplines, in the
era of information, digitalisation and big-data, the impact of artificial intelligence,
computer science, information theory and communication technology on the de-
velopment of fault diagnosis technique is enormous and everywhere. A uniform
technological framework towards intelligent and data-driven fault diagnosis is being
newly established.
Generally, fault-tolerant control (FTC) deals with feedback control systems. From
the methodological viewpoint, fault-tolerant control is a thematic field of control
theory and engineering. Logically, the development of FTC technique can be well
characterised by the application of advanced control theoretical methods and asso-
ciated mathematical tools. Robust control theory, adaptive control algorithms and
newly optimisation methods including model predictive control (MPC) are the ma-
jor methodological tools for the design and implementation of fault-tolerant control
systems. The impact of the main technologies in the era of information and big-data
on the FTC technique is reflected by the recent research efforts on FTC in networked
control systems (NCSs) and cyber-physical systems (CPSs).
In the current decade, the following new trends can be observed in comparison with
the research efforts in the past decades,
• data-driven, multivariate analysis (MVA) and machine learning based methods are
dominate in the field of process monitoring and fault diagnosis,
• research efforts on model-based fault diagnosis pounce on fault detection and
estimation methods for special classes of systems like networked and distributed
systems, event-triggered or switched systems,
• detection of two special types of faults, the so-called intermittent and incipient
faults, is receiving remarkable attention, and
• in the research area of fault-tolerant control, efforts are strongly focused on
The enthusiasm for machine learning (ML) and big data technologies significantly
influences the developments in all engineering and scientific areas. The key issues in
the diagnosis framework, like feature generation and analysis, (fault) classification
and decision making, are also basic tasks in machine learning. It is a logic conse-
quence that most of the existing ML methods and concepts have been introduced
into the fault diagnosis framework, often in combination with MVA methods. At the
very beginning of this development, the process of transferring an existing MVA-
ML method to the fault diagnosis application was built with sophisticated research
efforts, which resulted in certain time lag, but allowed sufficient time for necessary
validations. In the course of this development, the time lag of the transfer processes
has become shorter and shorter. Recently, it seems that it is becoming a competition
of publishing applications of newly developed ML methods and algorithms to fault
diagnosis. The most recent example is the application with deep learning technique.
The consequence of this copy-and-paste style of research is that it is hard to have a
solid overview of all published MVA-ML based fault diagnosis methods. Below, we
would like to shortly review and analyse the basic ideas and common working prin-
ciples of the existing MVA-ML based fault diagnosis methods without addressing
the methods in detail.
Which MVA-ML methods are really useful for a reliable and efficient fault di-
agnosis? To answer this question, let us recall the basic tasks of a fault detection
system as an example. Note that fault detection is the first and most importance task
of fault diagnosis, and most of the fault isolation and classification problems can be
1.1 Trends and Mainstream in Research 5
Most of the published MVA-ML based fault diagnosis methods and algorithms are
dedicated to the second and third steps on the assumption that the collected data
have been well pre-processed and satisfy the required conditions. The basic idea
behind the step with feature generation and extraction is to solve the core problem in
fault detection: faults vs. uncertainties. Without the existence of uncertainties, fault
detection is straightforward. Regrettably, in most of technical systems and assets,
uncertainties are inevitable and exist in different forms. Measurement and process
noises are the simplest form of uncertainties, which can be, for example, modelled as
random variables with certain distributions. Variations in system and asset parame-
ters caused by, for instance, varying system operation conditions, ageing in machine
and asset components or changing environmental conditions around the system and
asset, result in uncertainties which are hard to be described analytically. A feature is
a function of all reliable (possibly pre-processed) measurement variables. It should
be formed (generated) in such a way that it depends on the faults to be detected.
Unfortunately, it is unavoidable that a feature is, more or less, corrupted with uncer-
tainties. For the fault detection purpose, a good feature is a function that is sensitive
to the faults and less affected by the uncertainties. In the step of decision making, a
decision is made based on an analysis of the feature. The mostly adopted strategy is
to compare the feature values in the fault-free and faulty operations, and a decision
is made on account of the difference between these values. This requires that the
feature (as a function) should be a metric or a good measure or an indicator for the
influences of the faults and uncertainties. In an abstract form, we can summarise
the fault detection problem as finding a metric for assessing the measurement data.
Roughly speaking, a defined fault detection problem is optimally solved, when the
ratio,
the metric value corresponding to the faulty operation
,
the metric value corresponding to the fault-free operation
is at the largest.
It should be emphasised that both data-driven and model-based fault detection
schemes follow the above-described strategy. Their differences lie in the realisation
and implementation. In the data-driven fault diagnosis framework, there are two
types of strategies for the steps of features generation and decision making:
model mapping the process measurement variables to the feature is first established.
By means of collected operation data, the model parameters and even the model
structure are then identified. This process is called training or learning, and runs
typically offline. Based on such a model, an online detection of faults can be realised
by checking and analysing the feature value delivered by the model. Below are some
examples. For the technical details, the reader is referred to the study in the subsequent
chapters.
Example 1.1 PCA based fault detection (referred to Sub-Sec. 3.5.4). Principal com-
ponent analysis (PCA) is a simple fault detection method, in which two features, the
so-called T 2 and SPE (squared prediction error) test statistics, are defined. Re-
grettably, in the literature the PCA method is generally introduced as a projection
algorithm without describing (i) the assumptions for its use in fault detection and
(ii) its statistic interpretations. In order to apply T 2 and SPE test statistics success-
fully to fault detection, (i) the process measurement variables are assumed to be
normally distributed, (ii) a data pre-processing is needed, and (iii) the faults to be
detected can be modelled as the so-called additive faults which cause changes in the
mean (vector) of the process measurement variables. Moreover, T 2 test statistic is
the so-called Mahalanobis distance which is a dissimilarity measure between two
random vectors of the same distribution with the same covariance matrix. Finally,
the detection logic is established based on the statistic distributions of both features.
The model parameters of the T 2 and SPE test statistics are the mean (vector) and the
covariance matrix of the process measurement variables, which should be estimated
(learned) using the collected process data.
Example 1.2 KL divergence based fault detection (referred to Sect. 15.2). Kullback-
Leibler (KL) divergence is a dissimilarity measure between distributions. When it
is assumed that the fault to be detected would cause changes in the distribution of
the measurement variables, KL divergence is a good feature for detecting such a
fault. Since for the computation of the KL divergence model the distribution of the
(random) measurement variables during the fault-free operation is needed, in the
data-driven framework an estimation of the distribution is to be performed during
the training phase using the collected process data. To this end, there exist numerous
algorithms, among them the so-called kernel density estimation (KDE) method is
very popular.
Example 1.3 SVM based fault detection (referred to Sub-section 18.3.2). Support
vector machine (SVM) is a popular ML method. One of its application fields is
classification, which can be directly adopted for the use of fault detection. In order
to solve the problem of measuring the distance between two data sets, the faulty
and fault-free data sets, a (threshold) hyperplane is introduced, which separates the
faulty data set from the fault-free one, and thus guarantees a defined (Euclidean)
distance between these two data sets. During the training, the hyperplane model is
to be determined.
Artificial neural networks (ANNs) are the most popular technique to realise feature
generation and decision making in a single step. For example, for the fault detection
1.1 Trends and Mainstream in Research 7
purpose, an ANN is trained using the collected operation data in such a way that the
ANN directly delivers the decision result for faulty (alarm) or fault-free. That is, an
ANN-based fault diagnosis system is a mathematical model that describes relations
between the measurement variables and the faults. During the training, this model
is identified using the measurement data. In other words, training an ANN is in fact
to perform a model identification. In application, the model is driven by the system
measurement variables (as the input) and delivers information about the possible
faults (as output).
The unbelievable media effects of recent remarkable successes of deep learning
technique in some technical fields have initiated the enthusiasm for applying different
forms of ANN schemes, in particular the deep learning technique, to fault diagnosis.
Thanks to their self-learning capacity, ANNs are able to extract features of the faults
to be detected from the training data automatically. And these features enable us to
distinguish the faults from the uncertainties in the measurement data efficiently. On
the other hand, its extreme dependence on the training data also limits the application
of the ANN technique in fault diagnosis. One obvious problem is the availability of
the so-called labelled data. Labelled data are data which have been recorded under
known operation conditions. In order to train an ANN, the expected output of the
model (to be identified) with respect to the given training data (as input) should
be known. In fault detection applications, this means, whether the data have been
recorded by faulty operation and thus labelled by faulty or by fault-free operations
and labelled by fault-free should be known. In a reliable technical system, faulty
operation is an event with (very) low probability, while most of the data are collected
during fault-free operations (and thus labelled as fault-free). As a result, the number
of the data samples for the faulty operation is in general much smaller than the
number of the data labelled by fault-free. A further concern is the transferability.
For instance, an ANN-based fault diagnosis system for an industrial asset has been
well trained and constructed using a huge number of data collected as the asset is
in operation. Even for all these efforts at great expense, it cannot be guaranteed that
this diagnosis system can be used for another asset of the same type but located in a
different operation environment.
A potential and promising solution to the above problems is the application of the
so-called transfer learning technique. Transfer learning is a research field in machine
learning and deals with, roughly speaking, development of methods which enable
to apply learned knowledge of the solution of a defined problem to solving different
but relevant problems. Recall that data-driven fault diagnosis can be schematically
defined as a model identification problem and solved using the system data (as
model inputs) and labels (knowledge) of the faults (as model outputs). To achieve
fault diagnosis of two different systems, two different models are to be identified
using two different system data sets and two labelled data sets. Assume that
In their recent survey report (see the reference given at the end of this chapter),
Lei et al. have pointed out that the transfer learning technique would be the major
technological tool for data-driven fault diagnosis of the next decade.
Model-based fault diagnosis techniques played once a very dominant role in the
research domain of fault diagnosis. Even today in the era of information and digital-
isation, model-based fault diagnosis methods are widely accepted as an efficient and
powerful technique in dealing with fault diagnosis issues for dynamic systems.
After a dynamic development in the 1980s and 1990s, in which the framework for
the model-based fault diagnosis techniques was established with three main research
areas,
control methods, have been laid for the research efforts in the recent decade. In a
certain sense, the most valuable contributions in this time period have been the “trans-
lation and standardisation works”, which have resulted in formalisation of common
fault diagnosis problems by means of problem formulations known in control theory
and engineering. A representative example is the so-called H− /H∞ design scheme
for observer-based fault detection systems with LMI (linear matrix inequality) algo-
rithms as the solution tool. It is noteworthy that the common basis of these techniques
is Lyapunov theory. Reviewing the research results published in the current decade,
it can be recognised that
• there are no significant contributions (i) to the model-based fault diagnosis frame-
work, and (ii) to the existing essential design schemes, as established and developed
in the past three decades,
• the main research efforts have been focused on addressing fault diagnosis issues,
on the basis of the well-established formalisation framework, for special kinds
of dynamic systems like systems with different types of time-delays, NCSs, dis-
tributed large-scale systems, switching systems, and newly multi-agent systems
and CPSs, and
• in this regard, a great number of publications have been dedicated to the design
algorithms with skilled application of existing mathematical and control theoretical
tools.
Recently, a further trend can be observed. More and more reported research efforts
have been devoted to the (robust) fault estimation issues with the argument that, once a
fault is estimated, fault detection and isolation problems are solved as well. The real
reason behind this handling is in fact a simplification of the problem formulation
and handling. As mentioned, a fault detection problem is, in its core, a trade-off
between the sensitivity to the fault and robustness against uncertainties or simply
fault detection rate vs. false alarm rate. From the mathematical point of view, this is
a multi-objective optimisation problem, and its solution is often a challenging task.
In the framework of (robust) fault estimation, the problem is generally formulated
as minimising the estimation error of the fault with respect to uncertainties. It is
well-known in control theory that such a problem can be efficiently addressed in the
framework of Lyapunov theory.
As a summary, it can be concluded that the research on the major model-based
fault diagnosis techniques has been strongly driven and formed by the development
of control theory. And, this trend will be reinforced rather than weakened.
Moshesh the
Meanwhile, however, two other communities had
Basuto developed in their neighbourhood. East of what afterwards
became the Orange Free State and in territory which the
emigrant farmers, or Boers as they were beginning to be called, claimed for
themselves, an exceedingly able native chief, in the person of Moshesh the
Basuto, had risen into power and had welded together the scattered
fragments of tribes which had been crushed by the raids of the Matabele and
Zulus. From the rugged heights of Thaba Bosigo he dominated a large extent
of country, an increasing native population and much spoil in cattle and
slaves. To the south and west of the Boers two half-breed leaders named
Adam Kok and Waterboer had established themselves respectively with
strong, armed bands of Griquas—the name given to the offspring of Dutch
farmers and Hottentot women—and had become a recognized force. With
Moshesh they constituted the elements of a new British policy which was
inaugurated in 1843. The Colonial Office did not want at this time to extend
its territories. South Africa, indeed, appeared during the first portion of this
century as the least promising, and the most turbulent and troublesome, of all
British possessions. The soil was supposed to be arid and without fertility or
minerals, the population seemed hostile and the net result of colonization
and administration had been a series of costly Kaffir wars. In dealing with
the Kaffirs, or Kosas, on the eastern frontier of the Colony the British
Government had shown this disinclination with quite sufficient clearness.
But to allow the emigrant Boers to repudiate their allegiance was another
matter, and even to the not very far-seeing statesmen of the Colonial Office
of that day it presented possibilities deserving of consideration. With Sir
Harry Smith's arrival and the termination of the Kaffir War of 1846-47 came
another development of the situation. The new Governor of Cape Colony,
who for the first time had also been appointed High Commissioner with
power of control over native matters outside of the bounds of the Colony,
visited the Orange River region, looked into the results of the Treaty State
policy, came to the conclusion that agreements with native chiefs were like
arrangements made with little children, and determined to suppress these
creations of missionary statecraft as soon as might be possible.
Orange River
Meanwhile the High Commissioner was well received at
Sovereignty Bloemfontein, and soon made arrangements with Adam
Kok and Moshesh which greatly curtailed their authority
and independence. On February 3, 1848, he announced the annexation to
British dominions of the whole territory between the Vaal and Orange Rivers
and the Drakensberg mountains under the name of the Orange River
Sovereignty. The colored population was left under the control of its chiefs,
and their land was carefully reserved for their own use. All relations between
tribes, however, or with Europeans, were to be guided by British authorities.
Major Warden was continued at Bloemfontein as the Governor, or Resident,
and Sir Harry Smith returned to Cape Town after having carried out a policy
which should have been effected long before. And it was now too late.
Although without any definite government amongst themselves, or any
allegiance to the little republics which had sprung up over the Vaal, a certain
number of Dutch farmers in the new Sovereignty would not accept British
rule, and they were speedily aided by the Transvaal Boers under Pretorius in
a direct attack upon Bloemfontein. Major Warden was compelled to
surrender, and the British officials were speedily driven out of the country.
Sir Harry Smith, however, was too vigorous and able a commander to stand
this sort of thing, and he hastily got some troops together, crossed the
Orange River, attacked Pretorius in a strong position at a place called
Boomplaatz, defeated him and re-established the Sovereignty Government.
Those of the Boers who were inveterately opposed to British rule at once
crossed the Vaal and were not interfered with by British officials. Their
places, to some extent, were taken by fresh emigrants from Cape Colony,
many of them English, and from this time forward the Orange River State
was populated by white settlers more or less passively friendly toward
England and composed of the least hostile amongst the emigrant farmers
with a certain proportion of Englishmen.
Early
Without roads and bridges, churches and schools, or the
Organization ordinary machinery of government, the Dutch of the Free
State commenced the work of organization in 1854, and the
ultimate result reflects considerable credit upon the ignorant burghers of
those scattered communities. As in the Cape Colony and the Transvaal the
fundamental law was the old Roman system as modified by the Legislature
of Holland prior to 1652. The official language was Dutch, and the Courts
were constituted after the Dutch fashion. For a short period Josias Hoffman
was President, and then Jacobus Nicolaus Boshof was elected to the
position. Relations with Moshesh and the Basuto tribe constituted the chief
trouble of this early period. The continuous object of this ambitious ruler
was to recover certain territory which had once belonged to tribes of which
the remnants now acknowledged his rule. The Boers wished to retain regions
which had in great part appeared as wild and empty wastes when they had
settled there. Apart from the general question, both sides were aggressive
and warlike. Each hated the other, and the intermittent struggles which
ensued were of the usually merciless character. But Moshesh was too much
for the Boers in skill and craft, and, in 1858, the Free State President, after
appealing in vain to his Transvaal brethren for aid, turned to Sir George
Grey, who was then Governor of the Cape. Sir George accepted the position
of mediator, studied the situation closely, and came to the apparent
conclusion that the claims of Moshesh were in a measure just. To him,
therefore, he gave a piece of territory which the Boers believed to be theirs,
and handed over to the latter an outlying mission station which had hitherto
acknowledged Basuto authority. Mr. Boshof promptly resigned the
Presidency, and was succeeded by Marthinus Wessel Pretorius, a son of the
famous general. He devoted himself to effecting a union with the Transvaal
republics of the time, but was unsuccessful, owing to conflicting interests
and jealousies and to the declaration from Cape Town that such action would
dissolve the Conventions with Great Britain.
Chronic
Meantime, and during the greater part of the years from
Condition of 1854 to 1868, the Boers of the Free State were in a chronic
War condition of war with the Basutos. There were few direct
conflicts, and the troubles consisted mainly in raids, the
burning of houses or kraals, the stealing of cattle, or the kidnapping of
children. The Basutos fought in much the same Fabian manner that the
Boers themselves practiced, and met invaders concealed behind rocks or
cairns or the ever-present kopje. The region ruled by Moshesh was a
compact and round-shaped territory lying between Natal, Cape Colony and
the Free State. Its surface was broken by steep hills or mountains with more
or less flat summits admirably fitted for villages or kraals, and with every
requisite for defence in the form of perpendicular wall-like sides. Between
The
these natural fortresses were the sweeping and fertile
Basutoland valleys where the Basutos grew their corn and raised their
cattle, and which for years it was the delight of the Boers to
raid; as it was the primal pleasure of the Basutos to pour down in sudden
forays from their rocky fastnesses upon Dutch territory. This constant
interchange of robbery and pillage embittered the character of both peoples,
but naturally had the most degrading effect upon that of the Boer. For a
presumably civilized and Christian race to be engaged year in and year out
in the seizure of cattle from a savage enemy and in the occasional
enslavement of children or the shooting down of stray individuals and small
parties of a mobile enemy could not but have an evil influence upon a
character so peculiar as was that of even the best and most enlightened of the
emigrant farmers.
"The
The Boers of the Free State bitterly resented this
Hollanders" annexation. Although now governed by the wisest
Dutchman who has come to the front in South Africa—Jan
Hendrik Brand—(afterwards better known as Sir John Brand) who had
succeeded Pretorius as President in 1865—they were also greatly influenced
by a small and compact body of men, known as Hollanders, who had
obtained possession of nearly all the offices of emolument in the State.
These Hollanders afterwards drifted largely into the Transvaal where they
had fuller and freer scope for anti-British sentiment and policy; and for
isolation from the British ideas and principles which gradually and, in the
end, powerfully, controlled the policy of President Brand. Meantime,
however, these adventurers from Holland had much influence in the Free
State. In 1858, when the Basutos had driven back the farmers and were
threatening their homes and cattle during one of the ups and downs of the
long struggle, a number of the Boers, and even some of the Hollanders, were
in favor of seeking annexation to Cape Colony, and actually a resolution to
that effect went through the Volksraad. But five years later, when fifteen
hundred and fifty signers of a memorial asked the Volksraad to press an
agitation to this end, the situation in regard to the Basutos had meanwhile
changed, and the Hollanders opposed the proposition strongly. The
movement was never seriously revived. Speaking in this connection at the
prorogation of the Cape Parliament in September, 1868, Sir Philip
Wodehouse declared that: "Entirely on my own responsibility, giving
expression only to my own opinions, I may say that I regard the measures
which severed from their allegiance the European communities in those
regions to have been founded in error."
The Boers
This Hollander party refused to enter into any
Protest negotiation with the High Commissioner concerning the
Basutoland annexation, indulged in much talk about French
and Russian intervention, and finally despatched two Commissioners to
London armed with a long and emphatic protest. Fortunately for all
concerned, the British Government approved of the policy pursued by Sir
Philip Wodehouse and authorized him to take such further action as, to his
knowledge of local conditions, might seem desirable. This wisdom of this
course was so unusual and striking in connection with South African affairs
that a tribute of respect seems due to the Colonial Secretary of that period—
the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. The annexation was, in fact, in the
immediate interest of the Free State as well as in the future interests of Great
Britain. It gave the exhausted republic a rest from protracted and injurious
conflict. It afforded an opportunity for the statesmanship of the new
President to assert and express itself. It facilitated the development of a
friendliness between Cape Colony and the Free State which, so long as
President Brand lived and ruled (1865-88), did much for the general good of
South Africa and something for the improvement of individual character
amongst the less implacable farmers of the little republic. There was indeed
much for a statesman to do. Ideals of Government amongst the best of the
Boers were still so crude as to be almost laughable. Masses of useless paper
money were in existence. Farms or ranches had been neglected, many cattle
destroyed and heavy debts incurred.
Ownership and
The lower Vaal then became the scene of a bustling,
Territorial Rulerestless and struggling population of miners and
speculators. Wealth and diamonds go together, and with
them naturally came questions of ownership and territorial rule. The latter
was and had been in dispute for many years. The southern bank of the river
was probably Free State territory, but the ownership of the northern bank
was in grave doubt. No actual government had been established there,
although the Transvaal, the Free State, the Batlapin tribe of natives, and the
Griqua captain—Waterboer—all claimed portions of the ground. There was
naturally much disorder at the mines, both north and south of the River,
under such conditions, and, finally, as the bulk of the miners were British
subjects, the High Commissioner at Cape Town decided to interfere, and
proposed a general arbitration. President Brand declined the suggestion, but
President Pretorius of the Transvaal acceded, and a Court was established at
Bloemhof, on the northern bank of the Vaal, with Mr. Keate, Governor of
Natal, as final Umpire. From the information then available there seems no
doubt that the Award issued by Mr. Keate in October, 1871, was just. He
acted, and could only act, upon the evidence presented to the Court, and, as
the Free State refused to work up or present its case, and as Waterboer was
enabled by the use of a clever advocate to prepare a fairly strong one, the
region in dispute was finally awarded to him. He had already offered his
claim to the territory to the British authorities, and, as soon as the legal
decision was announced, Sir Henry Barkly, as High Commissioner,
proclaimed the Diamond Mines and what had long been familiarly known as
Griqualand West, to be a British dependency. Afterwards, during the holding
of a special Court for the settlement of individual ground-claims, a minute
search into the history of the region south of the Vaal revealed an
unsuspected flimsiness in Waterboer's title, and the judgment of the Court
thereupon threw out all titles based upon Griqua grants. This very impartial
verdict—under all the circumstances of the case—at once gave President
Brand a position in the matter which he did not hesitate to use. He went to
London and laid his case before the British Government, which replied that
the possession of the country in question was a necessity to the paramount
Power in South Africa, but that he would be given $450,000 as a settlement
of the Free State claims. This he accepted.
Condition of
Meanwhile, the Transvaal State, or South African
the Transvaal Republic as it called itself, was passing through an infinite
variety of more or less painful experiences. The region
possessed by the Boers north of the Vaal is a great tract of fairly fertile and
level land broken here and there by rugged hills. The climate is varied, but
upon the whole pleasant and healthful. Its wheat-producing capabilities are
famed throughout South Africa. Coffee and tobacco also thrive. But cattle-
raising was and is the primary pursuit of almost the entire white or Dutch
population. The Boers of this region did not arrive there all at once, or found
their State upon conditions of mutual interest and a basis of common
principles. Their one tie of union, their single basis of co-operation, was
hatred of the English. Whether trekking north from Cape Colony under
Potgieter and fighting the Matabele for a country to live in; or leaving Natal
in utter disgust at the proposed free institutions of the new British
administration; or crossing the Vaal from the Orange River Sovereignty to
escape from even friendly relations with British communities; they were,
and remained, the most implacable, the most ignorant, the most isolated and
unmanageable of the emigrant farmers. At first the Boer population
numbered only some sixteen thousand, and in 1837, after the destruction of
Moselkatze and the Matabele power on the south side of the Limpopo, an
unsuccessful attempt was made to form a common government. A little later
four republics—Pochefstroom, Zoutpansberg, Lydenburg and Utrecht—were
established, but without much effect so far as practical government was
concerned. A period of wild license followed, and was marked by much
cruelty towards the natives as well as anarchy and strife amongst the farmers
themselves.
Transvaal
In all the great region between the Orange River and the
Under Limpopo these conditions, however, prevailed between
Pretorius 1836 and 1850 to a greater or lesser degree. South of the
Vaal a check came through the vicinity of British power
and population; but north of that historic river there was little ameliorative
influence until about 1864. Marthinus Wessel Pretorius became President of
one of the Transvaal sections, or republics, in 1857, and by 1860 had united
the entire region under his control. Even then, however, there was a further
period of civil war until, in 1864, Pretorius succeeded in obtaining general
acceptance by the people and a legal election, with S. J. P. Kruger as Vice-
President. He at once resigned the Presidency of the Orange Free State,
which he had also held since 1858—but without success to his efforts at
uniting the northern and southern republics—and devoted himself to
breaking the power of the Baramapulana tribe which had established itself,
in great and growing strength, upon the southern banks of the Limpopo and
in territory which the Boers thought they should control. During more than
three succeeding years the Transvaal tried in vain to subjugate this tribe. The
State, however, had no money, and could not even pay for the transport of
ammunition from Durban, on one occasion, while its people were not united
in the prosecution of the war. The result was a practical withdrawal from the
Zoutpansberg region; a recognition of the independence of the
Baramapulana under the nominal form of a small annual tribute; and the
creation of difficulties amongst other tribes which realized the check thus
given to a people who had often oppressed them and frequently attacked
their kraals. Wars followed with the Baralong and other clans, and the
Republic presently found itself unable to assert its authority over the natives
within its claimed sphere of supremacy, or to even hold its own territory
intact. By 1870, when the Transvaal became mixed up in the Diamond Fields
controversy and entered into the arbitration resulting in the Keate Award, the
condition of the people was deplorable. The generation
Ignorance and
Isolation which was now grown up had absolutely no knowledge of
anything beyond their own family circle, and had no
acquaintance whatever with books, or history, or external affairs. The rivers
were unbridged, the Treasury was empty, the salaries of the officials were
only occasionally paid and trade was carried on by barter in the absence of
gold or silver. The natives around them could not be more densely ignorant,
or more completely isolated, than were these farmers on the veldt with all
their thriving flocks and herds and stores of grain and vegetables and fruit.
Whatever the poverty of intellect, or knowledge, or the primitive nature of
their government, there was never any lack of food and wealth of cattle
amongst the Dutch of the Transvaal. Like the Matabele and Zulu in their
days of power, the Boers always possessed these requisites of life. Yet they
would not pay taxes, or support their government, or educate their children.
Discontent and
President Pretorius was compelled to resign as a result
Disintegration of his participation in the Diamond Fields' arbitration, and
the Reverend Thomas Francois Burgers, a clergyman of
unorthodox views, who had distinguished himself as a lawyer, was elected,
in 1872, to the position. He was an able man, but somewhat visionary for the
strained situation which required his attention. He had to deal with a few
thousand ignorant men of seventeenth century views who were unable to
govern themselves, or to control the surrounding natives, and be expected
within a few years to mould out of this unpromising material a prosperous
Republic with colleges, railways, telegraphs and a great name amongst the
nations of the world. That his dreams were afterwards in a measure realized
reflects credit upon his patriotism and perspicacity; but his policy broke
down before the obstacles of the immediate present. Money to the extent of
$450,000 was obtained from Holland, which the President visited in 1874,
under authority from the Volkraad. With this sum railway material was
purchased for a proposed line from Lorenzo Marques to Pretoria, and a
Superintendent of Education was brought back to manage a system which
was not yet in existence and for the creation of which there was neither
money nor popular desire. When Mr. Burgers arrived home again he found
discontent and disintegration everywhere visible, and his educational scheme
was put aside; while his railway material was sent to rot at the Portuguese
port for want of more money to carry on the enterprise. Then the strong
Bapedi tribe under Sekukuni rose in rebellion; many of the Boers refused to
fight under an agnostic President; and a large commando which he
succeeded in getting together failed to accomplish anything and in the end
stampeded homeward. The first result of this failure was anarchy, and the
secondary consequence was the development of a situation, through the
menacing attitude of the Zulu forces upon the frontier, which brought about
annexation to the British Crown and the creation of the strictly modern phase
of the South African question.
CHAPTER VI.
The Climate
The climate was found to be reasonably healthful. To
newcomers the sudden change from heat to cold, owing to
the south-east winds, was found unpleasant, and in cases of
weak constitutions somewhat dangerous. But with proper care in clothing
and gradual acclimatization this difficulty soon moderated, and the peculiar
dryness of the climate was found to make strongly for health. Sunstrokes
were rare, and the only serious evil arising from the heat was the drying up
of the rivers in the interior of the country. In most parts of the continent
malarial fever was then an admitted and serious danger, as it is to-day in the
great lake region of Central Africa and in the valley of the Nile. In German
East-Africa, in parts of the Transvaal and in the Delagoa Bay region there is
still a similar state of affairs. But Cape Colony, the Orange Free State and
Natal were then, and are at the present time, almost entirely free of this
dreaded disease. For weak lungs it was discovered that no finer country
exists in the world than the Cape, and for the development of general
healthfulness and vigour the settlers of the Colony soon found themselves in
an ideal region.
Natural
Natural resources were not quite so apparent. A wealth
Resources, etc. of brilliant flowers and tropical plants existed, but forests
were few, timber was scarce and costly, and it was years
before the introduction of the Australian Eucalyptus embowered many a
village from the Cape to Kimberley and from Buluwayo to Pretoria in groves
of that useful tree. The land in some cases was fertile, but, on the whole, was
perhaps more suited to the raising of sheep and cattle than to agriculture in
the American or Canadian sense. Farming of the latter kind involves severe
labour, and neither the original slaves, the coloured labourers of an after-
time, nor the Dutch farmers, were fitted by disposition or nature for the
work. But, as the population increased from 26,000 Europeans in 1805 to
182,000 in 1865, and to 237,000 ten years later, the country assumed a more
civilized and prosperous appearance. Sheep and cattle were literally
scattered over a thousand hills, while various collateral industries were
developed by English settlers which the slow-moving Dutch would never
have dreamed of. Between 1812 and 1820 the Merino sheep was introduced,
and its wool soon became a source of profit and wealth. In 1865 ostrich
farming was commenced, and speedily developed great importance through
the process of artificial incubation. Roads were made, churches and schools
were built, municipal government in the towns and villages was introduced,
and the Colonial finances were put into shape despite the expenses of Kaffir
wars and native troubles—which were mainly charged to the Imperial
exchequer. The first railway was constructed in 1859, and wagon roads were
carried over various mountain passes and through much of the settled part of
the country.
An Executive
In 1834 an Executive Council had been created
Council composed of members nominated by the Governor, and
therefore more or less dependent upon his good-will.
Created Perhaps at that time, and in view of the limited population,
the racial rivalry and religious and educational
complications, it was just as well that such a body should not be elective, as
some desired. Twenty years later, however, when conditions had somewhat
changed, a representative Legislature was established composed of a Council
and a House of Assembly. Members were to be elected upon a wide
franchise, with no distinction of race or color, excepting that a Kaffir had to
hold some small amount of property and to have given up the tribal system.
There were very few natives in this condition. Meanwhile the dissensions
between the Dutch part of the population and the missionaries continued,
and they extended at times to the English settlers also. There can be no doubt
of the intense irritation aroused by this controversy. The Dutchman looked
upon the native as created and existing for his special benefit, and through
the effect of contiguity and similarity of conditions often induced the
English farmer to agree with him. The missionary, on the other hand,
believed himself appointed to guard the interests of the weaker race, and was
too apt to forget the suffering caused by Kaffir raids from the outside, in his
general sympathy for the downtrodden representatives of the race in the
Colony itself.
An
For two years a large force of soldiers, farmers and
Extraordinary auxiliaries of various kinds were employed in trying to end
Incident a war with enemies who had the fleetness of the antelope
and powers of disappearance equal to that of a bird. When
their food was exhausted, and not before, the Kosas gave in and asked for
peace. As usual in such cases, the Governor was recalled, and Sir George
Cathcart appointed his successor. The government of British Kaffraria was
reorganized and the region subdivided amongst the Tembus, a section of the
Kosa tribe under a chief named Kreli, the western clans of the Kosa and the
loyal Fingos. Several regiments of regular troops were maintained in the
Province and a body of local police formed from amongst the younger white
colonists. In 1857 there took place one of those extraordinary incidents
which can only occur in a region such as South Africa. The Kosas, prompted
by some wizard who professed to wield unknown and vast powers and to
hold communication with the unseen world, destroyed all their cattle and
stores of grain in the belief that their ancestors would, as a reward for their
faith, join them in driving the white man out of the country and in creating
for them a boundless stock of new cattle and a limitless supply of fresh
crops. Famine naturally followed, and some 30,000 natives perished of
hunger or disease despite all that Sir George Grey, who, in 1854, had
become Governor at Cape Town, could do for them in a hurried supply of
provisions and work. Some good came out of the evil. Large tracts of
depopulated land were taken possession of by European settlers, peace came
to the exhausted region, and in 1865 it was annexed to Cape Colony. It may
be added here that some small risings occurred in 1877, termed the ninth
Kaffir war, and that in 1880 the region held by the Pondos was formally
annexed to the Colony, and its borders thus became coterminous with those
of Natal.
A GENERAL VIEW OF ESTCOURT, TWENTY-FIVE MILES SOUTH
OF LADYSMITH.
GENERAL VIEW OF CITY OF LADYSMITH, NATAL (From Photo
by Henry Kisch).
MAP SHOWING COUNTRY FROM DURBAN TO LADYSMITH
Penal
When it was understood at the Cape that the Imperial
Settlement in Government proposed to establish a penal settlement in the
the Colony Colony, similar to the one which had been formed at
Botany Bay, the indignation aroused was immediate and
intense, petitions and protests were sent in great number to London,
meetings were held throughout the Colony, and when the Neptune arrived in
Simon's Bay, Cape Town, with convicts on board, nearly all the people of the
Peninsula bound themselves together in a pledge to supply nothing to the
ship or to have any dealings with persons connected with it. Sir Harry Smith,
who was then Governor, had expressed his own strong opposition to the
plan; but he was compelled to obey his orders from home and could not
therefore send the vessel back. For five months it lay in the Harbor, supplied
from passing men-of-war and treated by the Colonists as though the plague
were within its wooden walls. And then, at last, came the order—in frank
and acknowledged response to the petitions of the Colonists—transferring its
convict cargo to Tasmania.
A New
Four years after the satisfactory settlement of this vexed
Constitution question came the grant of Parliamentary institutions to the
Colony. This action was part of a general Colonial plan by
which full responsible or ministerial government was established in Canada,
under Lord Elgin—there had long been elective legislatures in the British-
American Provinces—and a system formulated in the Australias similar to
that of the Cape. The details of the proposed changes were left by the
Colonial Office largely in the hands of the Governor and the appointive
Legislative Council, which had been created in 1834, and it was therefore
not expected that the result would be extreme in a democratic sense. The
new constitution was promulgated on March 11, 1853, and by its terms an
elective House of Assembly numbering forty-six members was created—
afterwards increased to seventy-six, and with a five years' limit in time as
against the earlier seven years period. The Upper Chamber or Legislative
Council was, to the surprise of many, also made elective. It consisted of
fifteen members, who were afterwards increased to twenty-two, with the
Chief Justice of the Colony as an additional member and ex-officio
President. The right to vote for both Houses was given to every male British
subject over twenty-one years of age who occupied a house or land worth
$125, or was in receipt of a salary or mixed remuneration valued at $250.
There was no distinction as to race, color, religion or mode of life, and this
pronounced measure of electoral liberty was a matter of constant friction in
the minds of the Dutch settlers—so far as they cared in these years to think
or trouble themselves about the affairs of an alien rule. The legislation,
however, was more important as the enunciation of a principle than because
of its working out in practice at this particular period. There were few
natives for many years in a position to take advantage of even this low
franchise, and, of course, all who continued to share in the tribal system
Right to Vote
were absolutely debarred. In 1892 the right to vote was
Limited limited by fresh legislation—resulting from the rising
political power of the Afrikander Bund and the Dutch
dislike to the natives—to such adult males as were able to sign their names
and write down their addresses and employment. The franchise qualification
was raised to a property one of $375, while the wage qualification was
allowed to remain as it had been.
The First
The first Parliament of the Colony met in June, 1854,
Parliament of and from that time onward all laws had to be sanctioned by
the Colony both Houses and approved by the Governor. As elsewhere
in the Empire the right of disallowance was reserved to the
Queen for a given period after such laws reached London, but in practice the
power was, and is, seldom used. Like so many of the apparently dormant
prerogatives of the Crown it is, however, available for an emergency.
Following this creation of Parliamentary institutions came the usual struggle
for Parliamentary control over the appointments to office, over the
expenditure of money, and over the personnel of the Governor's Council. As
in other Colonies, it was found impossible to construct in a day, or a year, an
exact imitation of Great Britain's Cabinet and governmental system, with all
its complex Parliamentary code, its elaborate constitutional checks and
counter-checks, its numerous traditions and precedents. And there was, of
course, the same difficulty as Canada had already faced and overcome—the
presence of a large electoral population with no hereditary or natural
adaptability to the British constitutional system, and without, in some cases,
the basis of cordial loyalty which is so essential to its successful operation.
At first, therefore, the officials of the Executive Council (or what afterwards
became the Ministry) were appointed by the Colonial Secretary. They
framed the financial legislation of the Government and introduced it to the
House of Assembly, and they held the right of discussion, though not of
voting, in both Houses. This system was maintained for eighteen years, and,
in view of England's heavy financial responsibilities in South Africa, the
racial condition of Cape Colony itself and the continuous troubles
everywhere with natives and Boers, it was, perhaps, as well that the threads
of government should be largely held in London. And this may be said
despite all the vacillations of the Colonial Office. Had there been firmness
and continuity in the general Home policy concerning South Africa, there
could be no question at all upon this point.
Sir George
The Derby Administration, however, met with defeat
Grey while Sir George Grey was on the sea, and when he
Reappointed reached London it was to find that he had been reappointed
to his position. It long afterwards became known that this
was done by the personal command of the Queen, who had appreciated the
policy he pursued and had sympathized with his proposed federal scheme.[1]
But despite this fact the new Government, as a whole, was so strongly
opposed to the much-feared increase of responsibilities, under a federation in
South Africa, that Sir George Grey was obliged to forego the hope of even
attempting to carry his schema further. During his second administration,
which only lasted until 1861, he entertained Prince Alfred (the Duke of
Edinburgh), and traversed with him a great part of Cape Colony, Kaffraria
and Natal; improved to an immense extent the splendid natural Harbor at
Cape Town; visited the Orange Free State and established at Bloemfontein,
as a token of friendship, the Grey Institute, in which so much has since been
done for the higher education of the youth of that State. In
Annexation of
Basutoland 1861 he accepted the Governorship of New Zealand, and
was succeeded by Sir P. E. Wodehouse, whose
administration was chiefly distinguished for the annexation of Basutoland. In
1870 Sir Henry Barkly took charge of affairs and assumed possession for
Great Britain of the Diamond Fields. With the coming of Sir Bartle Frere, in
1877, arose new developments along the lines of Sir George Grey's
disappointed hopes and hampered policy. This time, however, a check was to
be given from within the Colony instead of by the Colonial Office. The
wheel of fate refused to reverse itself.
[1] Life and Times of Sir George Grey. By W. L. Rees. London, 1892.
Vol. XI., p. 298.
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