Beine-Al Ej
Beine-Al Ej
Published by
Blackwell Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.
Using new data on emigration rates by education level, we examine the impact of brain drain
migration on human capital formation in developing countries. We find evidence of a positive effect
of skilled migration prospects on gross human capital formation in a cross-section of 127 countries.
For each country of the sample we then estimate the net effect of the brain drain using counter-
factual simulations. Countries combining relatively low levels of human capital and low emigration
rates are shown to experience a Ôbeneficial brain drainÕ, and conversely, there are more losers than
winners, and the former tend to lose relatively more than what the latter gain.
The term Ôbrain drainÕ designates the international transfer of resources in the form of
human capital and mainly applies to the migration of relatively highly educated indi-
viduals from developing to developed countries. Recent comparative data reveal that by
2000 there were 20 million highly skilled immigrants (i.e., foreign-born workers with
tertiary schooling) living in the OECD member countries, a 63.7% increase in ten years
against only a 14.4% increase for unskilled immigrants (Docquier and Marfouk, 2006).
The vast majority of these highly skilled immigrants come from developing countries
and now represent more than a third of total immigration to the OECD. The causes of
this growing brain drain are well known. On the supply-side, the globalisation of the
world economy has strengthened the tendency for human capital to agglomerate
where it is already abundant and contributed to increase positive self-selection among
international migrants. And on the demand side, starting with Australia and Canada in
the 1980s, host countries have gradually introduced quality-selective immigration
policies and are now engaged in what appears as an international competition to attract
global talent (ILO, 2006).
The consequences for source countries, on the other hand, are less obvious. Early
contributions (Grubel and Scott, 1966; Bhagwati and Hamada, 1974; McCulloch and
Yellen, 1977) identified a range of positive feedback effects (e.g., remittances, return
migration with additional skills acquired abroad, creation of scientific and business
networks) but concluded that the welfare of those left behind would still fall given that
the social return to education exceeds its private return.1
In contrast, a series of recent papers (Mountford, 1997; Vidal, 1998; Beine et al.,
2001) suggested instead that in a context of probabilistic migration, the brain drain
* A previous version of this article received the 2003 Milken Institute Award for Distinguished Economic
Research (Beine et al., 2003). Remarks and suggestions from two referees were very helpful. We thank for
comments Andrea Bassanini, John Baude, François Bourguignon, Serge Coulombe, José-Antonio Gonzales,
Hubert Jayet, David McKenzie, Abdul Noury, Sergio Perelman, Pierre Pestieau, Maurice Schiff and Thomas
Piketti. The second author is grateful for the financial support from the Belgian French-speaking Commu-
nity’s programme ÔAction de recherches concertéesÕ (ARC 03/08 -302) and from the Belgian Federal Gov-
ernment (PAI grant P6/07 Economic Policy and Finance in the Global Equilibrium Analysis and Social
Evaluation). The usual disclaimer applies.
1
The first papers investigating the effects of the brain drain in an endogenous growth framework also
emphasised its negative impact. See Miyagiwa (1991), Haque and Kim (1995) or Wong and Yip (1999).
[ 631 ]
632 THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL [APRIL
may ultimately contribute to human capital formation in the sending countries. The
essence of the argument is that since the return to education is higher abroad,
migration prospects can raise the expected return to human capital and induce more
people to invest in education at home.2 Under certain theoretical conditions explored
in these models, this incentive effect (or brain gain) can dominate that of actual
emigration, in which case there is a net gain for the source country (i.e., a beneficial
brain drain).3
In the absence of reliable comparative data on international migration by skill level,
the debate on the consequences of the brain drain for developing countries has long
remained purely theoretical.4 This article takes advantage of a recent data set on
emigration rates by education levels (Docquier and Marfouk, 2006) to investigate
empirically how the positive and negative effects of the brain drain just described
balance out. We first estimate the effect of skilled migration prospects on gross (or pre-
migration or ex ante) human capital levels. We find that doubling the emigration rate of
the highly skilled induces a 5% increase in human capital formation among the native
population (residents and emigrants together). The coefficient is very stable across
specifications and estimation methods. For each country of the sample we then use
counterfactual simulations to estimate the net effect of the brain drain (i.e., once
skilled emigration is netted out). We find that most countries combining low levels of
human capital and low migration rates of skilled workers end up with a positive net
effect. In contrast, the brain drain appears to have negative effects in countries where
the migration rate of the highly educated is above 20% and/or the proportion of
people with higher education is above 5%. There appears to be more losers than
winners and, in addition, the former incur relatively high losses. However, the gains of
the latter dominate in absolute terms, resulting in an overall gain for developing
countries.
The remainder of this article is organised as follows. Section 1 presents the the-
oretical framework and derives the main testable implications of the analysis. Section
2 summarises the migration data. The empirical analysis is divided between Section
3, which discusses a number of econometric issues and then presents the cross-
sectional results, and Section 4, dedicated to country-specific calculations. Section 5
concludes.
2
For this incentive effect to operate, education must not only increase one’s chances of migration but
also allow for accessing to legal, high-skill jobs. In a context where immigration is illegal and migrants can
only access unskilled jobs, the prospect of migration can instead reduce education investment. See
McKenzie and Rapoport (2006) for Mexico and De Brauw and Giles (2006) for rural–urban migration in
China.
3
Using a slightly different perspective, Stark et al. (1997) also elaborated on the possibility of a brain
gain associated with a brain drain in a context of imperfect information with return migration. See also
Katz and Rapoport (2005) on migration imparting education with an option value, and McCormick and
Wahba (2000), who obtain the result that more highly skilled migration may benefit those left behind in a
model where migration, remittances and domestic labour-market outcomes are jointly determined and
multiple equilibria arise, with the high-migration equilibrium Pareto-dominating the low-migration equi-
librium. Commander et al. (2004) and Docquier and Rapoport (2008) survey the recent brain drain
literature.
4
An exception is Beine et al. (2001), who found a positive and significant effect of migration prospects
on human capital formation in a cross-section of 37 developing countries. However, their study suffers
from the fact that due to data constraints, they used gross migration rates as a proxy measure for the brain
drain.
Clearly, migration prospects raise the expected return to human capital in the
developing country, thus inducing more people to invest in education. The critical
threshold cp,t is increasing in the probability of migration and in the wage differential.
5
For example, Docquier and Marfouk (2006) find that emigration propensities are five to ten times higher
for workers with more than twelve years of education than for workers with less than twelve years of education.
6
Formally, p can be a decreasing function of cp(p) in (1), defining an implicit solution for p.
7
In the empirical analysis, however, it will be important to assess the exogeneity of the migration prob-
ability.
8
The hypothesis h < 2 is required to obtain internal solutions with non-binding constraints. Using a non-
linear utility function with risk aversion would enable us to consider higher values for h.
9
The data sources are given in the Appendix.
10
Indeed, preparing one’s return is known to be a central motivation for remitting and remittances tend
to decline over time as migrants become better integrated in the host country. See Rapoport and Docquier
(2006) for a comprehensive survey of migrants remittances.
11
In an earlier version of this article we used the Carrington and Detragiache (1998) data and found very
similar results. See Beine et al. (2003).
These steps require collecting data on the size and skill structure of the working-age
population in the origin countries. Population data by age are provided by the United
Nations.13 Data are missing for a small number of countries but can be estimated using
the CIA world factbook.14 Population data are split across educational groups using
international human capital indicators. The DM data set is based on the Barro and Lee
(2001) estimates for most countries. For countries where the Barro and Lee measures
are missing, DM transposed the skill structure of the neighbouring country with the
closest human development index regarding education.
The variables Hp,t and Ha,t are two outputs of the data set. Implicitly, these two
variables are connected in the following way:
ð1 pt ÞHa;t
Hp;t ð6Þ
1 pt Ha;t p ð1 Ha;t Þ
t
12
We define high-skill workers as those with tertiary (i.e., post-secondary) education, medium-skill workers as
those with upper-secondary education and low-skill workers as those with less than upper-secondary education.
13
See http://esa.un.org/unpp.
14
See http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook.
3. Results
3.1. Econometric Issues
Before we carry out the estimation, we first address some specification issues. A first
important question concerns the exogeneity of the migration rate. When trying to
determine the impact of migration on education, one has to control for the reverse
effect since, on average, the proportion of educated is likely to affect the rate of skilled
migration. This is due to a number of reasons.15 In an attempt to cope with this
endogeneity issue, recent empirical growth analyses (Barro and Sala-I-Martin, 1995;
Hall and Jones, 1999) have been concerned with the use of truly exogenous instru-
ments. In these studies, the following variables have been suggested as candidate
instruments for a first-stage migration equation:
Life expectancy at birth (LE90), as a proxy for general living conditions;
The country’s population size (POP90), as small countries tend to be more open
to migration (this is also very clear from the DM data);
Racial tensions (RAC), a key traditional ÔpushÕ factor;
The number of emigrants living in the OECD area at the beginning of the period
(MT), to capture the size of the migration network on which prospective emi-
grants can count on;16
The GDP per capita of the source country, as a proxy for wage differentials –
clearly a driving force of migration.
We retain only two out of these five candidate instruments in our first-stage migration
equation as we have to eliminate the variables for which there is a strong presumption
of a correlation with human capital. This is the case for wage differentials, for obvious
reasons,17 and for life expectancy, the exogeneity of which is questionable given the
fact that longer-lived individuals can enjoy the benefits of education over a longer
period of time. We also exclude racial tensions, for both technical and substantive
reasons. Technically, their introduction would result in a significant drop in the size of
the sample and would therefore lower the comparability with the OLS results.18 More
15
Standard neoclassical models would suggest that a larger stock of human capital may reduce the skill
premium and thus increase skilled migration incentives through higher international wage differentials. On
the other hand, a larger stock of human capital may also generate positive externalities on wages through a
variety of channels emphasised in new growth and new economic geography models (Klenow and Rodriguez-
Clare, 2005).
16
As is well known, larger networks are associated with lower migration costs (especially information-
related ones) and higher expected wages; all else equal, they should act to increase the number of future
migrants. See for example Carrington et al. (1996), Munshi (2003) and Kanbur and Rapoport (2005).
17
As a crude test, the correlation between wage differentials and human capital levels is indeed higher
than 0.5.
18
More precisely, the sample size falls to 59 countries when racial tensions are added to the set of
instruments. We still obtain a positive incentive effect (of a higher magnitude) and conclude in favour of the
exogeneity of the three instruments. The first-stage estimation also supports racial tensions as a strong
instrument at the 10% significance level. The results with this specification are available from the authors
upon request.
The two instruments are significant at the 1% significance level and are therefore
kept throughout the analysis. As expected, population size enters with a negative sign.
The sign of ln(MT) is also in line with intuition: a higher initial stock of migrants
stimulates future emigration. Together, the variables ln(MT) and ln(POP) account for
more than 50% of the migration variability, which is quite satisfactory for a cross-section
analysis. A more formal test relies on the value of the F statistics testing the null
hypothesis that all coefficients in (7) jointly equal zero. The test reveals that this null
hypothesis is clearly rejected, suggesting that the two instruments are strong. Finally,
given that we have more instruments than endogenous variables, a J-test of overiden-
tification was also run to assess the exogeneity property of the retained instruments, the
p-values of which are reported in the result tables below. For the parsimonious speci-
fication, the test supports the exogeneity assumption of the two instruments, thus
providing additional confidence that our instruments are indeed uncorrelated with the
human capital variable.
Variables: p90 ¼ skilled emigration rate in 1990. H90 ¼ lagged dependent variable (ex ante proportion of
educated). SSAD ¼ sub-Saharan African dummy.
LATD ¼ dummy for Latin American countries. DENS90 ¼ population density in 1990. REM90 ¼ workersÕ
remittances as % of GDP.
Notes. t-statistics in brackets. White corrections for heteroscedasticity.
Columns 1, 2 and 3: OLS regressions. Columns 4 and 5 : variable instrumental regressions; instruments:
populatition size and stock of migrants in OECD countries.
Hausman and J test report the p-values for respectively the null of no endogeneity of migration rates and the
null of valid instruments (no correlation with error term).
*, ** and *** denote significance at 10, 5 and 1% levels respectively.
significantly. The value of the migration coefficient lies between 0.042 and 0.050 for the
OLS estimate (depending on whether the constant and the insignificant explanatory
variables are included) and is slightly higher (0.050) after instrumenting.20 Taken
literally, this means that doubling the migration propensity of the highly skilled
increases gross human capital formation by 5%. This is not negligible in countries
where the proportion of highly educated typically lies in the 2–8% range and higher
education significantly increases the chance of emigration (by a factor of 5 to 10).
Regarding the other control variables, we find evidence of convergence in human
capital levels among the developing countries sampled. Indeed, the coefficient on the
lagged human capital stock is negative and significant at the 1% threshold in all
specifications. Moreover, in line with the findings of Easterly and Levine (1997), we
find that Sub-Saharan countries display poor performances in terms of human capital
formation. In contrast, population density and the dummy variable for Latin-America
do not seem to exert any significant impact and are therefore omitted in the parsi-
monious specifications. Finally, workersÕ remittances are also insignificant in all
20
The IV results obtained without a constant are not reported here to save space. In this regression, the
estimated incentive effect amounts to 0.057. We obtain similar results with respect to the Hausman test and
the over-identification test.
Variables: p90 ¼ skilled emigration rate in 1990. H90 ¼ lagged dependent variable
(ex ante proportion of educated).
SSAD ¼ sub-Saharan African dummy. GNID ¼ low-income dummy.
Notes. t-statistics in brackets. White Corrections for heteroscedasticity.
In columns (1) (2) and (3), the low income dummies are defined using thresholds
of income per head in 1990 equal respectively to 500, 750 and 900 US$.
*, ** and *** denote significance at respectively 10, 5 and 1% levels.
regressions and are therefore left aside throughout the rest of the empirical analysis.
While the overidenfication test supports the exogeneity of the two instruments in the
parsimonious specification, the Hausman test does not support the need for
accounting for reverse causality. The p-values associated with this test for the two
specifications considered are indeed above the usual significance levels.
Regardless of the retained specification and the estimation method, we always find a
positive incentive effect in the sense that the coefficient of the rate of skilled migration
is significantly positive at a 5% level (10% in column (1)). The benchmark elasticity of
human capital formation to skilled migration is obtained in column (3) of Table 2. In
this best parsimonious specification, we have a2 ¼ 4.81%. Using the standard error of
the coefficient, we can also provide an interval of confidence at 90% for the elasticity.
The lower bound for a2 is equal to 1.37% and the upper bound to 8.25%. Hence, the
incentive effect is definitely positive.
4. Country-specific Results
The cross-sectional results just derived show that migration prospects have a signifi-
cant positive impact on gross human capital formation. From the perspective of
source countries however, what matters is not the number of people who acquire
education but the number of educated who remain in the country after education is
acquired. To evaluate whether the country has experienced a beneficial or a detri-
mental brain drain, one must compare its observed human capital level to some
relevant counterfactual. Since the incentive effect emphasised above relies on skill-
biased migration prospects, a natural counterfactual experiment to make is to com-
pare current human capital levels to their erstwhile value had skilled workers been
allowed to emigrate at the same rate as unskilled workers in 1990 and 2000, i.e.
p90 ¼ p and p00 ¼ p .22 We consider the initial stock of human capital, Ha,1990, as
90 00
given. In other words, people who were educated prior to 1990 are considered as
having done so independently of their chances of migration. It is important to
emphasise that this assumption increases the likelihood of our counterfactual
experiment yielding a negative (detrimental) outcome.
Our simulations are based on the coefficient obtained in the best parsimonious
specification presented in column 3 of Table 1 (i.e., a2 ¼ 0.0481). Since p < p90 , the
cf 90
counterfactual proportion of tertiary educated natives, Ha;2000 , is always lower than the
actual proportion, Ha,2000. Assuming p00 ¼ p , (8) is directly derived from (6). Using
00
(6), it clearly appears that the ex post and ex ante human capital stocks are equal when
skilled workers are allowed to emigrate at the same rate as unskilled workers: this gives
(9). The simulation system is given by the following equations:
cf
Ha;2000 ¼ Ha;2000 a2 lnðp90 =p Þ ð8Þ
90
21
Using the values of p90 predicted by the first stage migration regression leads to similar estimates. These
results are available upon request.
22
For a small number of countries where the unskilled emigration rate is close to zero and, given that we
use a log specification, we impose a lower bound equal to 10% of the skilled emigration rate.
Consequently, for each country in the sample, we measure the human capital gain/
loss associated to the brain drain as the difference between the current and counter-
cf
factual proportions of skilled, that is, by Hp;2000 Hp;2000 . The results of this counter-
factual experiment are apparent from Table 3 which gives the net effect of the brain
drain on the labour force, on the number of skilled workers and on the proportion of
high skill workers residing in their home country. As the latter variable is the
cornerstone of our analysis, we provide a confidence interval evaluated at the 90% rate
(i.e., using the lower and upper bounds of the coefficient a2 from the previous
Section).
The countries are ranked in Table 3 by decreasing gain. As may be seen from the
Table, there are slightly more losers than winners. More importantly, the gains of the
winners are relatively small and exceed 1% of the country’s skilled labour force only in
a handful of cases. In contrast, the losses of the losers can be substantial and exceed
10% in many small Caribbean and Pacific countries.
A more general pattern emerges when the gains and losses in terms of human capital
formation are plotted against two key characteristics: the skilled emigration rate in 1990
and the observed proportion of educated natives in 1990. It appears that the countries
experiencing a beneficial brain drain (the ÔwinnersÕ) generally combine low levels of
human capital and low skilled migration rates, whereas the ÔlosersÕ are typically char-
acterised by high skilled migration rates (above 20%) and/or high proportions of
highly educated in the adult population (above 5%). Figures 1 and 2 give the reduced-
form relationship between the human capital impact of the brain drain and these two
variables. For each relationship, we estimate a quadratric reduced-form adjustment.
The relationships are very significant and exhibit high R2 (respectively 61% and 37%).
Finally, it is striking from Table 3 that the most populated countries (China, India,
Indonesia, Brazil, Egypt, Bangladesh) are all among the winners. Once translated into
absolute numbers, their relatively modest gains more than offset the losses of the many
small countries hard hit by the brain drain. This is more apparent from Table 4, which
gives the results for country groups defined according to demographic size, income
level, and region. In aggregate, there were 116.5 million skilled workers living in the
127 developing countries of our sample in 2000 (representing about 5% of the sam-
ple’s labour force). This number would fall to 113.2 million under the counterfactual
scenario, meaning that according to our computations the brain drain generates a 3%
increase in the total number of skilled workers living in the developing world.
Desegregating by demographic size, income level and region, it is noteworthy that
large countries (with population higher than 25 million) form the only group to
experience a net gain while losses are concentrated on the relatively small countries
(with a population lower than 10 million). For the smallest countries (with a popula-
tion lower than 1 million), the losses are substantial once expressed in relative terms as
they represent a 33% net loss. In contrast, there is no clear pattern for the decom-
position by income levels (2000 classification). Finally, at a regional level, the brain
drain appears to be extremely detrimental in Central America (especially in the
Caribbean), the Pacific region, and to a lower extent in Sub-Saharan Africa, while Asia
and South America experience significant gains.
Ó The Author(s). Journal compilation Ó Royal Economic Society 2008
2008 ] BRAIN DRAIN AND HUMAN CAPITAL FORMATION 645
Table 3
Country-specific Impact of Skilled Migration on Human Capital Counterfactual experiment:
skilled emigration rate ¼ unskilled emigration rate
Effect on the labour force (population aged 25 and more): observed labour force minus counterfactual
labour force
Effect on the skilled labour force (with post-secondary education): observed skilled labour force minus
counterfactual skilled labour force
Effect on the proportion of skilled (BG): observed proportion minus counterfactual proportion (brain gain)
Source: Own calculations
2.00
1.50
1.00
0.50
0.00
%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 %
–0.50
–1.00
–1.50 R2 = 0.6142
–2.00
–2.50
–3.00
–8.00 R2 = 0.3657
–10.00
–12.00
–14.00
–16.00
5. Conclusion
The brain drain has long been viewed as a serious constraint on poor countriesÕ
development. However, recent theoretical literature suggests that migration prospects
can raise the expected return to human capital and foster investment in education at
home. This article investigates how these positive and negative effects balance out.
Using recent data on emigration rates by education levels (Docquier and Marfouk,
2006), we find evidence of a positive effect of skilled migration prospects on gross
(pre-migration) human capital levels in a cross-section of 127 developing countries.
More precisely we find that the elasticity of human capital formation to skilled
migration is equal to about 5% and is very stable across specifications and estimation
methods. For each country we then estimate the net effect of the brain drain using
counterfactual simulations. We find that countries combining relatively low levels of
human capital and low skilled emigration rates are more likely to experience a bene-
ficial brain drain (net positive effect) and conversely. There appear to be slightly more
losers than winners and, more importantly the former tend to lose relatively more than
what the latter gain. The situation of many small countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and
Central America, in particular, is extremely worrisome. In contrast, the main globalisers
(China, India, Brazil) all seem to experience non-negligible gains. Once translated into
numbers, these gains outweigh the losersÕ losses, resulting in an overall gain for
developing countries as a whole.
Two central conclusions emerge from the above analysis. First, brain drain migration
contributes to an increase in the number of skilled workers living in the developing
countries. This suggests that the traditionally pessimistic view of the brain drain has no
empirical justification at an aggregate level. Second, the brain drain has important dis-
tributional effects among developing countries, a dimension that has so far been absent
from policy debates.
This article offers initial insights on the general circumstances under which a
beneficial or a detrimental brain drain is obtained. However, further empirical
Ó The Author(s). Journal compilation Ó Royal Economic Society 2008
Table 4
Results by Country Group
2008 ]
Sub-Saharan Africa 234,266 6,480 2.8 235,123 6,630 2.8 150 2.3 0.1
Africa 296,842 11,870 4.0 297,995 11,876 4.0 5 0.0 0.0
Pacific Islands 849 60 7.1 903 103 11.4 43 41.4 4.3
Mexico 45,226 5,111 11.3 45,528 5,290 11.6 180 3.4 0.3
Carribbean 16,577 1,545 9.3 17,520 2,304 13.1 759 32.9 3.8
Other Central America 14,499 1,498 10.3 14,833 1,665 11.2 167 10.0 0.9
Central America 76,302 8,154 10.7 77,882 9,259 11.9 1105 11.9 1.2
649
650
Table 4
(Continued)
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