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Introduction to Attic Greek
Second Edition

Answer Key

Donald J. Mastronarde

University of California Press

Berkeley Los Angeles
• • London
Introduction to Attic Greek

Answer Key
This page intentionally left blank
Introduction to Attic Greek
Second Edition

Answer Key

Donald J. Mastronarde

University of California Press

Berkeley Los Angeles
• • London
University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university presses
in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advancing scholarship in
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Preface

This booklet provides the answers to the exercises appearing in the second edition of
Introduction to Attic Greek by Donald J. Mastronarde (University of California Press,
2013). The Answer Key has been revised to match all the changes and additions made
in the second edition.
Please note that in many of the exercises the answers given are not exhaustive
of the possible correct answers. For instance, when an exercise asks the student to
give one definition of the word, any one of the definitions supplied in the book is
correct, but only one possible answer is indicated here. Similarly, sentences and pas-
sages to be translated from Greek to English may be correctly rendered with slightly
different phrasing from what is given here. For Greek sentences composed by the
student, there are of course many variations possible in word order and in treatment
of details such as choice of conjunction for and or but, choice of synonym, and choice
of equivalent constructions.
For most of the Greek-to-English sentences that were inspired by sentences in
actual texts or taken unchanged or almost unchanged from an ancient text, a citation
is provided.
When the first version of the Answer Key was prepared, Benjamin Acosta-Hughes
checked the answers with great care. This time I have been assisted by Jeremy Sim-
mons and copy editor Paul Psoinos. I alone am responsible for any errors or unclear
answers that remain.
This page intentionally left blank
unit two

I. [note: The references to §6 are optional parts of the answers.]

1. acute on P, U is long, §8 (short accented P has acute); §6 (acute may appear on
A, P, or U)
2. circumflex on P, U is short, §8 (long accented P before short U has circumflex);
§6 (circumflex may appear on P or U)
3. acute on P, U is long, §8 (long accented P before long U has acute); §6 (acute
may appear on A, P, or U)
4. circumflex on U, U is long, §7 (long U may have circumflex); §6 (circumflex
may appear on P or U)
5. circumflex on U, U is long, §7 (long U may have circumflex); §6 (circumflex
may appear on P or U)
6. acute on U, U is long, §7; §6 (acute may appear on A, P, or U)
7. circumflex on P, U is short, §8 (long accented P before short U has circumflex);
§6 (circumflex may appear on P or U); (second accent due to enclitic) addi-
tional acute on U, §12c
8. acute on A, U is short, §9 (accented A has acute, U must be short); §6 (acute
may appear on A, P, or U); (second accent due to enclitic) additional acute on
U, §12c
9. acute on A, U is short, §9 (accented A has acute, U must be short); §6 (acute
may appear on A, P, or U)
10. acute on U, U is short, §7 (short accented U has acute in isolation); §6 (acute
may appear on A, P, or U)
11. (first word) grave on U, U is short, §7 (short accented U has grave before
another word); §6 (grave may appear only on U); (second word) acute on U, U
is short, §7 (short accented U has acute in isolation); §6 (acute may appear on
A, P, or U)
12. acute on A, U is short, §9 (accented A has acute, U must be short); §6 (acute
may appear on A, P, or U)

1
2 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

13. (first word) grave on U, U is long, §7 (long accented U may have grave before
another word); §6 (grave may appear only on U); (second word) acute on A, U
is short, §9 (accented A has acute, U must be short); §6 (acute may appear on A,
P, or U)
14. acute on U, U is short, §7 (short accented U has acute in isolation); §6 (acute
may appear on A, P, or U)
15. circumflex on U, U is long, §7 (long U may have circumflex); §6 (circumflex
may appear on P or U)

II.
1. δῶρᾰ 5. γλῶττᾰν 9. παιδείᾳ
2. ἄνθρωπε 6. γλώττης 10. ἄνεμος
3. λαμβάνει 7. λόγον 11. ἀγαθόν
4. βούλεται 8. λόγους 12. καλὸν δῶρον

unit three

I.
1. acc. sing. of ἥλιος, ἡλίου, m., sun
2. nom. or voc. pl. of πόλεμος, πολέμου, m., war
3. dat. pl. of βιβλίον, βιβλίου, n., book
4. gen. sing. of παιδίον, παιδίου, n., child
5. dat. sing. of θεός, θεοῦ, m. (or f.), god (or goddess)
6. nom. or voc. pl. of νόσος, νόσου, f., sickness
7. dat. sing. of ψῆφος, ψήφου, f., pebble
8. acc. pl. of θάνατος, θανάτου, m., death
9. acc. sing. of νόμος, νόμου, m., law
10. dat. pl. of ἄγγελος, ἀγγέλου, m., messenger
11. nom. or acc. or voc. pl. of μέτρον, μέτρου, n., measure
12. nom. or acc. or voc. pl. of δῶρον, δώρου, n., gift
13. gen. pl. of βίος, βίου, m., life
14. gen. pl. of ὁδός, ὁδοῦ, f., road
15. gen. sing. of ἵππος, ἵππου, m. (or f.), horse (or mare)
16. dat. sing. of ἄνθρωπος, ἀνθρώπου, m. or f., human being
17. acc. pl. of νόσος, νόσου, f., sickness
18. voc. sing. of ἄνεμος, ἀνέμου, m., wind
19. acc. sing. of λόγος, λόγου, m., word
20. dat. pl. of ἔργον, ἔργου, n., work
 units 2–3 3

21. voc. sing. of ἀδελφός, ἀδελφοῦ, m., brother

22. gen. pl. of στρατηγός, στρατηγοῦ, m., general
23. dat. sing. of οἶκος, οἴκου, m., house
24. acc. sing. of στρατός, στρατοῦ, m., army

II.
1. ψῆφοι, f. 11. ἔργοις, n. 21. ἀδελφοῖς, m.
2. πολέμου, m. 12. ἀνθρώπων, m. or f. 22. στρατηγοί, m.
3. παιδία, n. 13. ἵπποις, m. or f. 23. ἄνεμοι, m.
4. νόσος, f. 14. ὁδῷ, f. 24. στρατοῦ, m.
5. μέτρον, n. 15. λόγων, m. 25. οἴκους, m.
6. παιδία, n. 16. ἀγγέλους, m. 26. ἀγγέλοις, m.
7. δῶρον, n. 17. βίε, m. 27. παιδίῳ, n.
8. ἥλιος, m. 18. νόμον, m. 28. διδάσκαλον, m.
9. θεοί, m. or f. 19. λόγος, m.
10. θανάτῳ, m. 20. ἔργου, n.

III.
1. even or also among men 8. out of war and death
2. to or into or with respect to sickness 9. in an army
3. in speech or word but not in deed 10. to or for laws and votes
4. to or for a god and a human 11. into a road but not into a house
5. from a horse 12. with a wind
6. a general and not a messenger 13. of life and death
(subject) 14. out of fear or as a result of fear
7. even or also with teachers 15. of children and teachers

IV.
1. οὐ στρατηγοῖς ἀλλὰ στρατοῖς 6. ἀπ’ ἀνθρώπων
2. εἰς φόβον καὶ θάνατον 7. ἐξ οἴκων
3. καὶ σὺν ἀγγέλῳ 8. διδάσκαλοι καὶ νόμοι
4. ἐν λόγοις καὶ (ἐν) νόμοις 9. καὶ ἐν ὁδῷ
5. οὐ δῶρον ἀλλὰ νόσον 10. εἰς ἀδελφούς

V.
1. πλοῦτον 5. στρατοπέδοις 9. λίθοι
2. χρόνοις 6. ἑταίρους 10. στάδια
3. στρατηγέ 7. ποταμῷ 11. υἱῶν
4. διδασκάλου 8. τρόπων 12. οὐρανοῦ
4 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

unit four

I.
1. τὴν φιλίαν 12. τῇ νόσῳ 23. ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς
2. αἱ ἡδοναί 13. ἄνθρωπε 24. τῆς στρατιᾶς or τοῦ
3. τῆς παιδείας 14. ταῖς ὁδοῖς στρατοῦ
4. τῶν φυγῶν 15. τῶν γνωμῶν 25. θεαί (or θεοί)
5. τῆς τιμῆς 16. τῇ φωνῇ 26. τὴν τιμήν
6. τὰς γνώμας 17. τὰς ἡμέρας 27. οἱ λόγοι
7. τῶν πολέμων 18. τὸ παιδίον 28. τῇ νίκῃ
8. ταῖς δίκαις 19. τὴν δίκην 29. τοὺς ἀνέμους
9. τὰς σκηνάς 20. αἱ ἡμέραι 30. τῶν θυρῶν
10. αἱ θύραι 21. τῆς ὁδοῦ
11. ἀδελφαί 22. ψυχή

II.
ἡ νόσος τὰ δῶρα ἡ νίκη αἱ νῖκαι
τῆς νόσου τῶν δώρων τῆς νίκης τῶν νικῶν
τῇ νόσῳ τοῖς δώροις τῇ νίκῃ ταῖς νίκαις
τὴν νόσον τὰ δῶρα τὴν νίκην τὰς νίκας
(νόσε) (δῶρα) (νίκη) (νῖκαι)

III.
1. dat. sing. of ψυχή, ψυχῆς, f., soul
2. acc. sing. of στρατιά, στρατιᾶς, f., army
3. nom. or voc. sing. of νίκη, νίκης, f., victory
4. dat. pl. of ἀγορά, ἀγορᾶς, f., marketplace
5. gen. pl. of τιμή, τιμῆς, f., honor
6. acc. pl. of ἀρετή, ἀρετῆς, f. virtue
7. nom. or voc. pl. of συμφορά, συμφορᾶς, f., event
8. gen. sing. or acc. pl. of θύρα, θύρας, f., door
9. acc. sing. of ἀρχή, ἀρχῆς, f., beginning
10. acc. pl. of θεά, θεᾶς, f., goddess
11. dat. pl. of δῶρον, δώρου, n., gift
12. dat. sing. of παιδεία, παιδείας, f., education
13. acc. pl. of λόγος, λόγου, m., word
14. nom. or acc. or voc. pl. of βιβλίον, βιβλίου, n., book
15. dat. sing. of τιμή, τιμῆς, f., honor
 unit 4 5

16. dat. pl. of συμφορά, συμφορᾶς, f., event

17. voc. sing. of ἄγγελος, ἀγγέλου, m., messenger
18. gen. pl. of ἀγορά, ἀγορᾶς, f., marketplace
19. acc. sing. of θεός, θεοῦ, m. (or f.), god (or goddess)
20. gen. sing. of σκηνή, σκηνῆς, f., tent
21. dat. sing. of φωνή, φωνῆς, f., voice
22. nom. or voc. pl. of δίκη, δίκης, f., justice
23. acc. pl. of φυγή, φυγῆς, f., flight
24. dat. pl. of νίκη, νίκης, f., victory
25. acc. sing. of ἀδελφή, ἀδελφῆς, f., sister
26. gen. sing. of ἀρετή, ἀρετῆς, f., virtue
27. nom. or voc. pl. of ἡδονή, ἡδονῆς, f., pleasure
28. gen. pl. of ἀρχή, ἀρχῆς, f., beginning
29. nom. or voc. pl. of τιμή, τιμῆς, f., honor
30. dat. pl. of ἡμέρα, ἡμέρας, f., day

IV.
1. The general brings the books too to Aspasia.
2. She or he takes the pebbles or votes.
3. The teacher leads the children out of the tent.
4. Children do not have judgment and virtue.
5. Xanthippe remains in the house with her sister or the sister, but her brother or
the brother drives the horses into the road.
6. The army flees from the country.
7. War brings death and disease to or for mankind.
8. She or he has honor as a result of the victory.
9. She or he dissolves the democracy.
10. The messenger entrusts the children to the teachers.

V.
1. σὺν (τῇ) ἡδονῇ
2. οὐ (τῆς) παιδείας ἀλλὰ (τῆς) φιλίας
3. νόμους γράφει καὶ τὴν δίκην εἰς τὴν χώραν φέρει.
4. καὶ εἰς τὴν ψυχήν
5. ὁ στρατηγὸς τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τὰς θεὰς πείθει.
6. ἡ Ἀσπασία τὰ δῶρα τῷ ἀγγέλῳ ἐπιτρέπει.
7. ὀ στρατὸς or ἡ στρατιὰ οὐκ ἔχει φόβον καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ μένει.
6 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

VI.
1. ἀνάγκην 5. εὐχῆς 9. ἡσυχίᾳ
2. μάχαις 6. σοφίαν 10. κεφαλῇ
3. ἐπιθυμίᾳ 7. πληγαί 11. δικαιοσύνην
4. εἰρηνῶν 8. ἐλευθερίας 12. σπουδῶν

unit five

I.
1. πείθουσι(ν) 11. ἐθέλω 21. ἄρχετε
2. πέμπει 12. ἐθέλουσι(ν) 22. ἐπιτρέπει
3. λέγετε 13. ἐλαύνομεν 23. ἔχει
4. ἄρχουσι(ν) 14. γράφει 24. οὐ λαμβάνω
5. ἐπιτρέπω 15. ἄγουσι(ν) 25. λείπουσι(ν)
6. ἔχεις 16. ἐπιτρέπετε 26. λείπει
7. μένομεν 17. ἀποθνῄσκεις 27. ἐλαύνετε
8. λύει 18. οὐ πείθει 28. φεύγεις
9. ἄγει or φέρει 19. πέμπω 29. οὐ φέρομεν
10. λείπεις 20. λέγομεν 30. λέγει

II.
1. you (s.) are driving or marching 17. they are leaving
2. we bear 18. I receive
3. I write 19. you (s.) rule
4. he or she or it receives 20. he or she or it says
5. they remain 21. we release
6. you (s.) have 22. I do not remain
7. I urge or persuade 23. you (pl.) are willing
8. we are fleeing 24. they have
9. he or she or it sends 25. you (pl.) are driving or marching
10. we lead 26. I abandon
11. I do not have 27. we begin
12. they are in exile or flee 28. they are willing
13. you (s.) release 29. you (pl.) hold office or begin
14. he or she or it bears 30. you (s.) say
15. we entrust 31. he or she or it is abandoning
16. you (pl.) do not send 32. you (pl.) entrust
 units 4–6 7

33. you (s.) remain 37. we have

34. he or she or it is driving or marching 38. he or she or it is not leading
35. they are dying 39. you (pl.) do not receive
36. I lead 40. you (s.) bear

III.
1. Peisistratus and Isaeus are persuading the generals but not the army.
2. We do not tell the story to the tyrant.
3. The goddess drives the sisters away from the house.
4. Are you dissolving or overthrowing the democracy?
5. From deeds and from speeches men have honor.
6. I am leading the horses out of the tent into the sun.
7. The general begins the war, and we have not victory but misfortunes.
8. Not justly or in justice do (the) tyrants write the laws.
9. The army leaves the marketplace and marches out of the country.

IV.
1. τὴν ἑταίραν εἰς τὴν οἶκον ἄγεις.
2. οἱ ἄνεμοι τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας φέρουσι(ν).
3. ἐκ τῆς νόσου οἱ ἵπποι ἀποθνῄσκουσι(ν).
4. (ἡ) Ἀσπασία φεύγει, ἀλλὰ δῶρα τοὶς παιδίοις πέμπει.
5. (ὁ) Ἰσαῖος καὶ (ἡ) Ξανθίππη πείθουσιν, ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἐθελομεν.
6. τὸν διδάσκαλον λαμβάνετε, ἀλλὰ τὰ βιβλία μένει.

unit six

I.
1. πολίταις, m. 11. δίκας, f. 21. γεφύρας, f.
2. τραπεζῶν, f. 12. ἑταίρων, m. 22. δεσπόται, m.
3. ἀλήθειαν, f. 13. γνώμαις, f. 23. τραπέζαις, f.
4. μοῖραι, f. 14. ὑγιείᾳ, f. 24. ὑγιείας, f.
5. δικαστοῦ, m. 15. ναύτου, m. 25. ἀλήθεια, f.
6. κριτάς, m. 16. τύραννον, m. 26. νεανίαν, m.
7. νεανίας, m. 17. χῶραι, f. 27. ἱέρειαι, f.
8. δόξῃ, f. 18. βιβλία, n. 28. πολίτῃ, m.
9. ποιητά, m. 19. ὁπλῖτα, m. 29. στρατιώτας, m.
10. ναύτην, m. 20. θεαί, f. 30. γλωττῶν, f.
8 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

II.
1. nom. sing. of ὁπλίτης, ὁπλίτου, m., hoplite
2. acc. sing of ὑγίεια, ὑγιείας, f., health
3. dat. sing. of θάλαττα, θαλάττης, f., sea
4. acc. pl. of στρατιώτης, στρατιώτου, m., soldier
5. dat. pl. of χώρα, χώρας, f., country
6. gen. pl. of γλῶττα, γλώττης, f., tongue
7. nom. or voc. pl. of πεῖρα, πείρας, f., attempt
8. gen. sing. of ἀρχή, ἀρχῆς, f., beginning
9. dat. sing. of φωνή, φωνῆς, f., voice
10. acc. pl. of δόξα, δόξης, f., reputation
11. dat. sing. of γέφυρα, γεφύρας, f., bridge
12. nom. or voc. pl. of πολίτης, πολίτου, m., citizen
13. gen. sing. of δεσπότης, δεσπότου, m., master
14. gen. pl. of ναύτης, ναύτου, m., sailor
15. nom. or voc. pl. of φυγή, φυγῆς, f., flight
16. nom. or voc. pl. of στρατιώτης, στρατιώτου, m., soldier
17. voc. sing. of πολίτης, πολίτου, m., citizen
18. dat. sing. of ὑγίεια, ὑγιείας, f., health
19. acc. sing. of ἱέρεια, ἱερείας, f., priestess
20. acc. pl. of δεσπότης, δεσπότου, m., master
21. gen. sing. of δόξα, δόξης, f., reputation
22. dat. pl. of γλῶττα, γλώττης, f., tongue
23. acc. sing of ὁπλίτης, ὁπλίτου, m., hoplite
24. acc. sing of πεῖρα, πείρας, f., attempt
25. nom. or voc. pl. of ναύτης, ναύτου, m., sailor
26. gen. pl. of ἡδονή, ἡδονῆς, f., pleasure
27. acc. pl. of θάλαττα, θαλάττης, f., sea
28. gen. sing. of νόσος, νόσου, f., sickness
29. dat. pl. of τράπεζα, τραπέζης, f., table
30. gen. sing. of κριτής, κριτοῦ, m., judge
31. dat. sing. of ἀλήθεια, ἀληθείας, f., truth
32. gen. pl. of ἑταίρα, ἑταίρας, f., courtesan

III.
1. on account of the misfortunes 4. (ranking) after the young man
2. with fear 5. instead of the sun
3. on behalf of the priestess or in front 6. in front of the tent or stage building
of the priestess 7. with (the) voice
 units 6–7 9

8. throughout the day 14. with the gifts

9. thanks to or because of the 15. among the jurymen
courtesans 16. with Callias
10. away from the sea 17. among the brothers
11. with the hoplites 18. because of the sickness
12. after the attempt 19. with Xanthippe
13. as a result of (the) friendship 20. into or in respect to the war

IV.
1. The gods do not persuade the Fates.
2. The comrades tell the truth to the umpire.
3. Because of the deeds we are releasing the messenger.
4. You (s.) are leading the sailors toward the sea.
5. The generals together with the or their soldiers are abandoning the tents and
the mares.
6. The jurymen do not take gifts or bribes.
7. The master is entrusting the tables to the priestesses.
8. In the marketplace Callias is telling the citizens the victories.

V.
1. οἱ πολῖται νόμους ἔχουσιν ἀλλ’ οὐ δίκην.
2. ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ ἡ νόσος ἄρχει, καὶ οἱ ὁπλῖται φεύγουσι(ν).
3. οἱ ποιηταὶ διὰ τῆς γλώττης τοὺς πολίτας πείθουσι(ν).
4. οἱ στρατιῶται τὴν γέφυραν λαμβάνουσιν, ἀλλ’ ὁ στρατηγὸς ἀποθνῄσκει ἐν
τῇ πείρᾳ.
5. δόξαν ἔχεις, ἀλλ’ οὐ λέγεις τὴν ἀλήθειαν.

unit seven

I.
1. (τοῖς) αἰσχροῖς ἔργοις 6. τοὺς πλουσίους κριτάς
2. τὴν χαλεπὴν συμφοράν 7. γεφύρας καλῆς
3. οἱ πονηροί 8. ἀγαθῇ μοίρᾳ
4. μέτρου δήλου 9. τῶν ἱερῶν ὁδῶν
5. τῷ φιλίῳ ἀγγέλῳ 10. τὸν δίκαιον νόμον
10 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

II.
1. (a) in respect to the just account; (b) δίκαιον is acc. sing. masc. of δίκαιος, -α,
-ον; (c) attributive modifying λόγον.
2. (a) through the large doors; (b) μακρῶν is gen. pl. fem. of μακρός, -ά, -όν; (c)
attributive modifying θυρῶν.
3. (a) with the noble (or handsome or beautiful) gods (or goddesses); (b) καλῶν is
gen. pl. masc. or fem. [depending on what the gender of θεῶν is taken to be] of
καλός, -ή, -όν; (c) attributive modifying θεῶν.
4. (a) into the tent of the general; (b, c) no adjective form to identify.
5. (a) away from the enemy army; (b) πολεμίας is gen. sing. fem. of πολέμιος, -α,
-ον; (c) attributive modifying στρατιᾶς.
6. (a) with the good (or well-born) men; (b) ἀγαθοῖς is dat. pl. masc. of ἀγαθός, -ή,
-όν; (c) attributive modifying ἀνθρώποις.
7. (a) on account of the shamefulness (or ugliness); (b) αἰσχρόν is acc. sing. neuter
of αἰσχρός, -ά, -όν; (c) used as a substantive.
8. (a) The children of Isaeus are small. (b) μικρὰ is nom. pl. neuter of μικρός, -ά,
-όν; (c) predicative modifying παιδία.
9. (a) The just man is worthy of the office. (b) δίκαιος is nom. sing. masc. of
δίκαιος, -α, -ον; (c) used as a substantive; (b) ἄξιος is nom. sing. masc. of ἄξιος,
-α, -ον; (c) predicative modifying ὁ δίκαιος.
10. (a) Wicked men are deserving of evils or sufferings. (b) ἄξιοι is nom. pl. masc.
of ἄξιος, -α, -ον; (c) predicative modifying οἱ πονηροί; (b) κακῶν is gen. pl.
neuter of κακός, -ή, -όν; (c) used as a substantive; (b) πονηροί is nom. pl. masc.
of πονηρός, -ά, -όν; (c) used as a substantive.
11. (a) Wise men speak the truth. (b) σοφοί is nom. pl. masc. of σοφός, -ή, -όν; (c)
used as a substantive.
12. (a) The fate from the gods (or goddesses) is clear. (b) δήλη is nom. sing. fem. of
δῆλος, -η, -ον; (c) predicative modifying μοῖρα.
13. (a) The books of the umpires are sacred. (b) ἱερὰ is nom. pl. neuter of ἱερός, -ά,
-όν; (c) predicative modifying βιβλία.
14. (a) Because of the good deed the juror releases the bad man. (b) ἀγαθόν is acc.
sing. neut. of ἀγαθός, -ή, -όν; (c) attributive modifying ἔργον; (b) κακόν is acc.
sing. masc. of κακός, -ή, -όν; (c) used as substantive.
15. (a) The citizens are writing the laws with wise judgment. (b) σοφῆς is gen. sing.
fem. of σοφός, -ή, -όν; (c) attributive with γνώμης.
16. (a) The sister is enduring the misfortunes of her brother with friendship (or
loyalty) and pleasure. (b, c) no adjective form to identify.
 units 7–8 11

III.
1. εἰς τὴν μικρὰν γέφυραν
2. διὰ τὴν τῶν πεζῶν ἀρετήν
3. ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς βιβλίοις
4. διὰ τοῦ μακροῦ βίου
5. σὺν τοῖς μικροῖς παιδίοις τοῖς τοῦ ἀγγέλου or μετὰ τῶν μικρῶν παιδίων τῶν
τοῦ ἀγγέλου
6. ἡ τοῦ ποιητοῦ φυγὴ αἰσχρά.
7. τιμῆς ἄξια τὰ τῶν σοφῶν ἔργα.
8. τὰ ἀγαθὰ βιβλία φίλοι ἄξιοι.
9. οἱ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ στρατιῶται καλοί.
10. οὐκ ἄγετε τὰ τοῦ ποιητοῦ παιδία ἐκ τῆς μακρᾶς σκηνῆς.
11. τοὺς πλουσίους λαμβάνομεν καὶ οὐ τοὺς δικαίους πολίτας.

unit Eight

I.
1. away from the sea (that lies) beside 10. in addition to the gifts
the country 11. toward the sun
2. in charge of the slave women 12. from the friends
3. against the soldiers in the house 13. in the river
4. after the slaves’ attempt 14. toward the road
5. because of the noble habits 15. upon the tables
6. from the jurymen 16. alongside the road to the shrine
7. in the time of Peisistratus 17. in addition to wealth
8. from (the presence or the side) of the 18. out of sleep
general of the enemies 19. at the side of (or in the house of) the
9. on account of the envy against the bad teacher
wise men

II.
1. διὰ τὸν πόνον 7. πρὸς (or ἐπὶ) τῇ τραπέζῃ
2. παρὰ τοῖς παιδίοις 8. ἐπὶ τῶν μικρῶν ἵππων
3. πρὸς (or ἐπὶ) ταῖς τῆς ἐταίρας θύραις 9. παρὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀγγέλου δόξαν
4. παρὰ (or πρὸς or ἀπὸ) τῶν πολιτῶν 10. ἐκ τοῦ καλοῦ ποταμοῦ
5. μετὰ τὴν νίκην 11. ἐπὶ Ἰσαίου
6. πρὸς τὰς Μοίρας 12. πρὸς (or ἐπὶ) τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς νεανίας
12 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

ΙΙΙ.
1. The god sends a panic and drives the soldiers out of the shrine.
2. Mankind has its sufferings from the gods. [In a particular context, θεῶν could
be “goddesses” from θεά; but in a generic statement without context the generic
masculine would be idiomatically assumed.]
3. Young men, carry the gifts to or for the worthy men.
4. Leave [sing. addressee] the enemies’ horses next to the bridge.
5. The messengers are telling the misfortunes of the army to the citizens (who
are) in the marketplace.
6. The brother, who is in exile from his land for a long time, receives his liveli-
hood (or sustenance) from his friends.
7. The slave woman to whom you (pl.) are entrusting the health of the children is
wise and friendly.
8. The hoplite, who endures difficult things and avoids shameful things, does not
abandon his comrades.
9. Citizens, do not begin a war, but in war do not have fear.

IV.
1. αἰσχροὶ οἱ λόγοι δι’ ὧν τοὺς πολίτας πείθεις.
2. ὁ δεσπότης τοὺς δούλους εἰς τὴν ἱέρειαν πέμπει, καὶ τὰ παιδία τὰ ἱερὰ ἐκ τῆς
σκηνῆς φέρει.
3. ποιητά, μὴ φθόνον ἔχε.
4. Ἰσαῖε, γράφε δικαίους νόμους τοῖς τῆς χώρας πολίταις.
5. μὴ λέγε (τὰ) αἰσχρά, ἀλλ’ ἃ εἰς ἀρετὴν ἄγει τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.
6. ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ εἰς (or πρὸς) τὸν ποταμὸν μακρὰ καὶ χαλεπή.

unit nine

I.
1. ἄγειν 5. ἐκ τοῦ λέγειν 9. ἄρχει
2. κελεύετε 6. ἀκούουσι(ν) 10. ἐλαύνω
3. οὐ βλάπτομεν 7. λύειν 11. ἀκούετε
4. τάττειν 8. πείθειν 12. τάττε

II.
1. Urge the army to remain. or You (pl.) are urging the army to remain.
2. The sailor orders the soldiers to abandon their mares.
3. He or she is willing to entrust the difficult tasks to the handsome young men.
4. I do not wish to die in the sea.
 units 8–10 13

5. You (s.) are ordering the hoplites not to harm the rich citizens. [This could also
mean: “You are ordering the rich citizens not to harm the hoplites.” There is
no way to decide which meaning is preferable except by the context, and in the
absence of context, as here, by general likelihood.]
6. The god is unwilling to listen to the goddess who says bad things.
7. It seems best to the wise to speak the truth. [Not impossible: “It seems best to
speak the truth to the wise.”]
8. It is necessary (or one ought or we ought) to drive the impious ones away from
the tent of the children. [Not impossible: “It is necessary for the impious ones
to march or ride away from the children’s tent.”]
9. The allies are commanding the foreigners to take the marketplace.
10. The immortals urge human beings not so say impious things.
11. Because of the fact that the enemy are remaining in the country the citizens
are fleeing toward the sea.
12. It is easy for good men to write laws. [Not impossible: “It is easy to write laws
for good people.”]
13. It is necessary for the sailors to await a fair wind. or The sailors ought to await
a fair wind.
14. It is possible for or permitted to the generals to harm the enemy.

III.
1. μετὰ τῶν φίλων ῥᾴδιον κακὰ φέρειν.
2. ὁ τῆς πολεμίας στρατιᾶς στρατηγὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας τάττει.
3. τὰ παιδία τὸν τύραννον τὴν μοῖραν τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπιτρέπειν πείθει.
4. τοῖς ἀθανάτοις θεοῖς οὐκ ἔξεστι φθόνον ἔχειν.
5. ἔξεστι τῷ πονηρῷ (or κακῷ) μὴ κακὴν δόξαν ἔχειν (or κακὴν δόξαν μὴ ἔχειν).
6. οὐ σοφὸν τὴν ὑγίειαν βλάπτειν.
7. διὰ τὸν πλοῦτον ἔξεστι τοῖς πλουσίοις τὰ χαλεπὰ (ἔργα) φεύγειν.
8. τὸν ποιητὴν χρὴ μὴ ἐθέλειν κακὰ λέγειν.
9. πρὸς τῇ τιμῇ τὸ ἄρχειν (τὸν) φθόνον φέρει.
10. ὦ δικασταί, ἀκούετε τοῦ δικαίου καὶ μὴ τοῦ ἀδίκου.

unit ten

I.
1. They are immortal. 3. It is unjust.
2. You (pl. [masc. or generic]) are not 4. I am a friend.
brave or good. 5. It is clear.
14 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

6. You (s. [masc.]) are wicked. 10. Be pious (pl. fem. addressees).
7. We are not wise. 11. It is not a stone.
8. She is wise. 12. The beautiful exists.
9. It is difficult.

II.
1. ἄξιόν ἐστι(ν). 8. ἡ ἐπιορκία οὐ δικαία ἐστίν. or
2. αἴτιοί εἰσιν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. or οὐκ ἔστι δικαία ἡ ἐπιορκία. or
οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι αἴτιοί εἰσιν, or ἡ ἐπιορκία ἐστὶν οὐ δικαία. or
οἱ Ἀθηναῖοί εἰσιν αἴτιοι. or οὐ δικαία ἡ ἐπιορκία ἐστίν. or
αἴτιοι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοί εἰσιν. οὐ δικαία ἐστὶν ἡ ἐπιορκία. or
3. ἡ μάχη ἐστὶ μακρά. or ἡ ἐπιορκία οὐκ ἔστι δικαία.
ἡ μάχη μακρά ἐστι. or 9. αἰτία ἐστίν.
μακρά ἐστιν ἡ μάχη. or 10. μικρά ἐστιν ἡ ψῆφος. or
μακρὰ ἡ μάχη ἐστίν. ἡ ψῆφός ἐστι μικρά. or
4. ἀθάνατοί ἐσμεν. μικρά ἡ ψῆφός ἐστιν. or
5. ναύτης εἰμί. ἡ ψῆφος μικρά ἐστιν.
6. ὅσιος εἶ. or ὁσία εἶ. or εἶ ὅσιος. or εἶ 11. ὁ τύραννός ἐστιν ὀ στρατηγός. or
ὁσία. ὁ τύραννος ὁ στρατηγός ἐστιν.
7. δίκαιοί ἐστε. or δίκαιαί ἐστε.

III.
1. (a) The majority of the citizens are just. (b) genitive, partitive
2. (a) For (or in the eyes of) the wicked man the laws are not fine. (b) dative of
reference
3. (a) The desire for wealth persuades human beings to suffer evils. (b) genitive,
objective
4. (a) On the following day they write a peace treaty. (b) dative of time when
5. (a) The immortals are responsible for good things for mankind. (b) genitive,
objective with αἴτιος
6. (a) The victory belongs to the Athenians. (b) genitive of possession
7. (a) The impious men are taking small stones from the river with which they are
pelting the shrine. (b) dative of means or instrument
8. (a) There is no need to mention the enemy’s fear. (b) genitive, subjective
9. (a) Do fine things and avoid unjust deeds. (b) accusative, direct object
10. (a) In the previous battle most of the hoplites do not flee. (b) nominative,
subject
 units 10–11 15

IV.
1. χαλεποῖς πόνοις οἱ σύμμαχοι τὴν ἀγορὰν λαμβάνουσιν.
2. χρὴ (or δεῖ) τοὺς ἀνθρώπους (τὰ) δίκαια πράττειν.
3. μετὰ τὴν μάχην οἱ στρατιῶται εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων χώραν φεύγουσιν.
4. ἡ ἐπιθυμία τῆς εἰρήνης τοὺς πολίτας πείθει μὴ βλάπτειν τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων
ἀγγέλους.
5. οἱ δικασταὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἀδίκων ἔργων εὑρίσκουσιν, ἀνθ’ ὧν τοὺς αἰτίους
βλάπτουσιν.
6. τῶν σοφῶν ἐστι τὰς καλὰς ἡδονὰς εὑρίσκειν.
7. τοὺς πολίτας ἀνάγκη (or δεῖ or χρὴ) πάσχειν διὰ τὸν πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους
πόλεμον.
8. τῷ ἀγαθῷ οὐ πρέπει ἀδίκῳ εἶναι.
9. τοῖς πλείστοις ἡ ἡδονὴ οὐκ ἔστι τὸ μέτρον τῆς ἀρετῆς.

unit eleven

I.
1. 1 pl. pres. act. ind. of σπένδω, we are pouring libations
2. 2 s. pres. m./p. ind. of μάχομαι, you (s.) are fighting
3. 2 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of κόπτω, you (pl.) are beating your breast [i.e., in mourn-
ing] OR you are being beaten; OR 2 pl. pres. m./p. impt. of κόπτω, beat your
breast [i.e., in mourning] (pl.) OR be beaten (pl.)
4. 3 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of γράφω, they are indicting or they are being drawn or
written
5. 2 s. pres. act. ind. of λαμβάνω, you (s.) are taking
6. 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of γίγνομαι, she or he is being born or it is happening
7. pres. act. inf. of πράττω, to do
8. 1 s. pres. m./p. ind. of βουλεύω, I am deliberating
9. 3 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of ἔρχομαι, they are going
10. 2 s. pres. m./p. ind. of ἔχω, you (s.) cling to or you (s.) are being held
11. 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of λέγω, it is being said or it is said
12. 2 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of οἴομαι, you (pl.) believe OR 2 pl. pres. m./p. impt. of
οἴομαι, believe (pl.)
13. 2 pl. pres. act. ind. of πάσχω, you (pl.) suffer OR 2 pl. pres. act. impt. of πάσχω,
suffer (pl.)
14. 3 pl. pres. act. ind. of εἰμί, they are
15. pres. m./p. inf. of πολιτεύω, to participate in politics
16. 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of βούλομαι, she or he wants
16 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

17. 3 pl. pres. act. ind. of δικάζω, they serve as jurors

18. 1 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of σπένδω, we are making a truce
19. 2 s. pres. act. impt. of ἀποκτείνω, kill (s.)
20. 2 s. pres. m./p. ind. of αἰσθάνομαι, you (s.) perceive
21. 2 s. pres. m./p. impt. of ἔχω, cling to (s.)
22. 2 pl. pres. act. ind. of βλάπτω, you (pl.) are harming OR 2 pl. pres. act. impt. of
βλάπτω, harm (pl.)
23. 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of βάλλω, it is being thrown or she or he or it is being pelted
24. 2 s. pres. m./p. ind. of ἄγω, you (s.) are being led
25. 2 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of παρακελεύομαι, you (pl.) are exhorting OR 2 pl. pres.
m./p. impt. of παρακελεύομαι, exhort (pl.)
26. 3 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of πυνθάνομαι, they are inquiring
27. 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of δικάζω, she or he pleads a case
28. 1 pl. pres. act. ind. of ἀκούω, we hear
29. 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of λείπω, she or he or it is being left
30. 2 s. pres. m./p. impt. of γίγνομαι, become (s.)

II.
1. ἐρχόμεθα 12. πυνθάνονται or 22. πυνθάνεσθαι
2. δικάζει ἀκούουσι(ν) 23. οὐκ ἐθέλω
3. ἔχεσθε 13. τάττεσθε 24. παρασκευάζειν
4. βούλονται 14. γυμνάζεσθαι 25. οἴεται
5. παρασκευάζου 15. πολιτεύομαι 26. ἐσμέν
6. δικάζεται 16. μάχονται 27. εἶναι
7. σπένδουσι(ν) 17. οἴῃ 28. κόπτεται
8. βουλεύεσθε 18. ἄγεται 29. φέρεσθαι or ἄγεσθαι
9. παρακελεύῃ 19. γραφόμεθα 30. εὑρίσκεσθε
10. πυνθανόμεθα 20. γίγνονται
11. λύεται 21. ἀρχόμεθα

III.
1. In the war against the foreigners (or the Persians) the Athenians are fighting
against brave enemies.
2. Generals must deliberate.
3. They command the hoplites to position themselves (or be positioned) alongside
the river.
4. Do not make a truce, but desire to fight.
5. By means of difficult toils victory comes about for the Athenians. or By means
of difficult toils the Athenians get a victory.
 units 11–12 17

6. They make a truce on the following day.

7. One must cling to one’s honor.
8. You are being harmed not by the enemy but by the soldiers who exhort (you) to
flee.
9. It is not possible for (the) children to pour libations to the gods.
10. The sailors are being driven by the winds toward the land of the foreigners.
11. Hear the arguments or speeches, Athenians, and deliberate.
12. Fight, young man, beside your comrades, and win victory for yourself.
13. Most of the soldiers are unwilling to flee.
14. The children are being led into or toward the shrine by their teacher.
15. Be worthy of the office that the citizen entrust (to you).
16. It seems best to Isaeus to marry the sister of the poet.

unit twelve

I.
1. in front of the tents 8. throughout the previous day
2. under the power (or control) of the 9. in return for her toils
impious master 10. across (or over) the sea
3. in accordance with the judgment of 11. under (or into) the tent
the judge 12. around the marketplace
4. concerning the honor of the 13. against the umpires
Athenians 14. before the battle itself
5. on behalf of the same friends 15. toward or against the foreigners
6. under the power (or control) of the 16. about (or over) victory
enemy 17. in accordance with the just account
7. (up) along the road 18. by those in the shrine

II.
1. The wise fare well; the bad do not.
2. We want to have not war but peace.
3. The citizens pour libations to the gods who fight on behalf of the country. For
they are responsible for (its or their) faring well.
4. The land across the river into which his children are going is beautiful.
5. By both the Athenians themselves and their allies the foreigners are now justly
being harmed.
6. To do just things is difficult for most people but easy for the wise.
7. She or he exhorts the citizens to be pious both now and in the future.
18 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

8. Good men always want to have honor instead of wealth.

9. Peisistratus is now arranging the foot soldiers here beside the sea, while Isaeus
and the sailors are easily going up the river. For it seems best to them to leave
the army now or immediately.
10. The priestess is entrusting the majority of the slaves to her brother; but they
immediately want to flee, for they are in a bad way.
11. The teacher orders the young men to bear their toils well, but they are not will-
ing to obey him.

III.
1. σοφῶς, αἰσχρῶς, κακῶς, χαλεπῶς, ἀδίκως
2. ὑπὲρ or πρὸ αὐτῶν τῶν τυράννων (or τῶν τυράννων αὐτῶν)
3. κατὰ τοὺς τῶν βαρβάρων νόμους
4. περὶ τῆς δημοκρατίας or περὶ τὴν δημοκρατίαν
5. οἱ ὁπλῖται οἷς τὰ παιδία ἐπιτρέπομεν καὶ δίκαιοί εἰσι καὶ ὅσιοι (or καὶ δίκαιοι
καὶ ὅσιοι).
6. ὁ μὲν τὴν ἀλήθειαν λέγει, ὁ δὲ οὔ.
7. ἀνὰ τὸν ποταμὸν χαλεπῶς ἔρχονται οἱ ναῦται· λίθοις γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων
βάλλονται.
8. αἱ ἵπποι περὶ ὧν λέγετε οὐκ αὐτῶν τῶν ἱερειῶν εἰσιν ἀλλὰ τῶν θεῶν.
9. ἀεὶ χρὴ μάλα σοφῶς βουλεύεσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν πολιτῶν.
10. οὐ ῥᾴδιον (or οὐ ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν) αὐτοῖς χαλεπῷ νόμῳ πείθεσθαι.
11. τοὺς περὶ τῶν συμμάχων λόγους αὖθις or αὖ ἀκούομεν. ἔπειτα or εἶτα τοῦ
πολέμου ἄρχομεν.

unit thirteen

I.
1. δοκοῦμεν 12. φοβοῦσι(ν) 22. ἄγονται
2. φοβοῦνται 13. ποιεῖται 23. ἀφικνοῦνται
3. ὠφελεῖς 14. δοκεῖν 24. δεῖσθαι
4. ἀφικνεῖται 15. ὠφελούμεθα 25. ποιοῦμεν
5. φιλεῖ 16. κελεύουσι(ν) 26. γράφῃ
6. φίλει 17. κρατῶ 27. αἱρῇ
7. οἰκεῖται 18. βλάπτεσθαι or 28. δοκεῖ
8. βουλόμεθα ἀδικεῖσθαι 29. ὠφελῶ
9. νοσοῦσι(ν) 19. γίγνῃ 30. φοβούμεθα
10. σπένδεσθε 20. αἱρεῖτε
11. φοβεῖσθαι 21. ἀδικεῖται
 units 12–13 19

II.
1. you (pl.) are ill or [unlikely] be ill (pl.) 2 pl. pres. act. ind. [or impt.] of νοσέω
2. they ask for 3 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of δέομαι
3. to seem pres. act. inf. of δοκέω
4. I am liked 1 s. pres. m./p. ind. of φιλέω
5. we seize 1 pl. pres. act. ind. of αἱρέω
6. she or he or it helps 3 s. pres. act. ind. of ὠφελέω
7. to arrive pres. m./p. inf. of ἀφικνέομαι
8. you (s.) are being conquered 2 s. pres. m./p. ind. of κρατέω
9. they seem 3 pl. pres. act. ind. of δοκέω
10. I dwell 1 s. pres. act. ind. of οἰκέω
11. you (pl.) are being wronged 2 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of ἀδικέω
or [unlikely] be wronged (pl.) 2 pl. pres. m./p. impt. of ἀδικέω
12. she or he arrives 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of ἀφικνέομαι
13. to terrify pres. act. inf. of φοβέω
14. you (s.) make 2 s. pres. act. ind. of ποιέω
15. we are afraid 1 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of φοβέω
16. she or he inquires 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of πυνθάνομαι
17. you (s.) hear 2 s. pres. act. ind. of ἀκούω
18. you (s.) find for yourself or you (s.) 2 s. pres. m./p. ind. of εὑρίσκω
are being discovered
19. to do wrong pres. act. inf. of ἀδικέω
20. it is necessary 3 s. pres. act. ind. of δέω or δεῖ
21. they conquer 3 pl. pres. act. ind. of κρατέω
22. they are being inhabited 3 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of οἰκέω
23. we choose or we are being seized 1 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of αἱρέω
24. you (pl.) love or love (pl.) 2 pl. pres. act. ind. or impt. of φιλέω
25. you (s.) engage in politics 2 s. pres. m./p. ind. of πολιτεύω
26. help (s.) 2 s. pres. act. impt. of ὠφελέω
27. it is being made or she or he makes 3 s. pres. m./p. ind. of ποιέω
for herself or himself
28. you (s.) seem 2 s. pres. act. ind. of δοκέω
29. I am being aided 1 s. pres. m./p. ind. of ὠφελέω
30. we are becoming 1 pl. pres. m./p. ind. of γίγνομαι
20 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

III.
1. τούσδε τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς Ἀθηναίους 7. τούτους (or τούσδε) τοὺς πλουσίους
2. ἐκείνῳ τῷ πονηρῷ συμμάχῳ 8. ταύτῃ (or τῇδε) τῇ πολεμίᾳ στρατιᾷ
3. ἥδε (or αὕτη) ἡ καλὴ νίκη or τούτῳ (or τῷδε) τῷ πολεμίῳ
4. τούτων (or τῶνδε) τῶν χαλεπῶν στρατῷ
πόνων 9. ἐκείνων τῶν κακῶν συμφορῶν
5. ἐκεῖνα τὰ φίλα παιδία 10. ἐκεῖνο τὸ σοφὸν ἔργον
6. ἐκείνη ἡ κακὴ δόξα

IV.
1. The foreigners whom those men are conquering dwell by the sea.
2. These women terrify the children; those are afraid of them.
3. On this day it seems best to the citizens to make peace with the enemy, for
most of the soldiers are sick.
4. Those people do wrong to the good but help the bad.
5. The wise general has need of the following, I suppose: deliberating well before
the battle and faring well in the battle.
6. This man easily wins honor for himself; so just and wise does he seem to the
citizens because of the fine laws that he writes.
7. The sailors who arrive here always seem to aid the foreigners or the Persians.
8. While these brothers dwell in the same house, their sisters dwell in the shrine
with the priestesses.
9. Do not choose in life the easy (things) but the noble. or Choose in life not the
easy but the noble.
10. We beseech also the Athenians not shamefully to desert the Greeks there.

V.
1. καὶ αὕτη ἡ χώρα ὑπό τε τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἰκεῖται.
2. διὰ τὴν προτέραν εἰρήνην οὐκ ἔξεστι τῷ στρατηγῷ τοὺς ἐν τῷ τῆς θεᾶς ἱερῷ
ὠφελεῖν.
3. οἱ κακοὶ τῶν πλείστων ἄρχουσιν· οἱ γὰρ ἀγαθοὶ νῦν ἄρχειν οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν.
4. ἐκ τοῦ ἀδικεῖν ἀλλὰ ἀγαθὸς δοκεῖν (εἶναι), ὁ ἄδικος τὸν πλοῦτον καὶ τὴν τιμὴν
φέρεται· οἱ γὰρ πολῖται αὐτὸν μάλα φιλοῦσιν.
5. τῶν νεανιῶν οἱ μὲν νῦν ἀφικνοῦνται, οἱ δὲ ἤδη γυμνάζονται.
6. μὴ οὕτω or ὧδε φοβοῦ or φοβεῖσθε τοὺς ἀνέμους καὶ τὴν θάλατταν.
 units 13–14 21

unit fourteen

I.
1. χάρι 11. γιγάντων 21. θώρακι
2. γέρουσι(ν) 12. κλῶπες 22. ὄρνιν
3. ὕδωρ 13. πρᾶγμα 23. γίγαν
4. ποιημάτων 14. Ἑλλάδι 24. γράμμασι(ν)
5. λέοντες 15. φύλαξι(ν) 25. φῶς
6. ὀδόντι 16. ἀσπίδος 26. ὑδάτων
7. ἐλπίδες 17. πατρίδας 27. ὄρνιθες
8. φάλαγγος 18. τέρατα 28. χάριτι
9. ὄρνιθι 19. γράμμα 29. φύλακες
10. ἔριδας 20. βουλευμάτων 30. φυγάδος

II.
1. gen. pl. of θώραξ, θώρακος, f. 13. nom. or voc. pl. of κλώψ, κλωπός,
2. dat. pl. of λέων, λέοντος, m. m.
3. dat. sing. of φῶς, φωτός, n. 14. dat. pl. of ποίημα, ποιήματος, n.
4. acc. pl. of ὀδούς, ὀδόντος, m. 15. nom. or acc. or voc. sing. of πρᾶγμα,
5. nom. or acc. or voc. pl. of βούλευμα, πράγματος, n.
βουλεύματος, n. 16. acc. sing. of χάρις, χάριτος, f.
6. gen. sing. of φάλαγξ, φάλαγγος, f. 17. acc. sing. of Ἑλλάς, Ἑλλάδος, f.
7. acc. sing. of ἐλπίς, ἐλπίδος, f. 18. dat. pl. of φυγάς, φυγάδος, m. or f.
8. nom. or voc. pl. of ὄρνις, ὄρνιθος, 19. gen. pl. of ὕδωρ, ὕδατος, n.
m. or f. 20. acc. pl. of γίγας, γίγαντος, m.
9. dat. sing. of φύλαξ, φύλακος, m. 21. gen. pl. of γέρων, γέροντος, m.
10. gen. sing. of ἔρις, ἔριδος, f. 22. dat. pl. of ὀδούς, ὀδόντος, m.
11. nom. sing. of πατρίς, πατρίδος, f. 23. gen. sing. of φῶς, φωτός, n.
12. dat. pl. of ἀσπίς, ἀσπίδος, f. 24. dat. sing. of ὕδωρ, ὕδατος, n.

III.
1. Because of the good omens we are not afraid of the war against those people.
2. It is bad to abandon one’s shield but good to save one’s life.
3. After this [literally, these things] the old men carry water to the young men
who are fighting on behalf of the fatherland.
4. The sentinels whom the enemy capture are put to death.
5. Heracles must defeat both the lion in Nemea and the giants and the monsters
throughout Greece.
22 Answer Key to Introduction to Attic Greek

6. Health is a good thing for human beings, but it is bad to feel ill or be in bad
shape.
7. Worthy poems are not written by bad or wretched poets.
8. In wartime we want to hear the portents that the gods seem to send, but in
peacetime we do not.
9. The sister of the exile does not remain in the house but is always beside the
doors. And then the tyrant seizes her but is afraid to put her to death.

IV.
1. τοῖς πολίταις δοκεῖ τοῦτον τὸν ποιητὴν αἱρεῖσθαι· οὐ γὰρ φιλοῦσι τοὺς
πλείστους αὐτῶν.
2. ἐκείνου δεῖται ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης λέγειν.
3. ταῦτα οὐχ οὕτως or ὧδε ἔχει, ἀλλ’ ἀεὶ εὖ or καλῶς πράττετε.
4. χάριν οὐκ ἔχουσι τῷ Πεισιστράτῳ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἃ ποιεῖ or πράττει;

unit Fifteen

I.
1. dat. sing. of ἔτος, ἔτους, n. 17. voc. sing. of Δημοσθένης,
2. gen. sing. of Σωκράτης, Δημοσθένους, m.
Σωκράτους, m. 18. nom. or acc. or voc. pl. of γέρας,
3. nom. or acc. or voc. pl. of τεῖχος, γέρως, n.
τείχους, n. 19. gen. sing. of πλῆθος, πλήθους, n.
4. gen. sing. of πατήρ, πατρός, m. 20. nom. or acc. or voc. sing. of τέλος,
5. dat. sing. of Ἕλλην, τέλους, n.
Ἕλληνος, m. 21. gen. pl. masc. or fem. or neuter of
6. gen. pl. of δαίμων, δαίμονος, τίς, τί
m. or f. 22. acc. pl. of ἀνήρ, ἀνδρός, m.
7. dat. pl. of ῥήτωρ, ῥήτορος, m. 23. voc. sing. of πατήρ, πατρός, m.
8. acc. pl. of μήτηρ, μητρός, f. 24. acc. sing. of τριήρης, τριήρους, f.
9. voc. sing. of θυγάτηρ, θυγατρός, f. 25. gen. sing. of γῆρας, γήρως, n.
10. nom. or acc. or voc. pl. of κράτος, 26. acc. sing. masc. or fem. or nom. or
κράτους, n. acc. pl. neuter of τίς, τί
11. gen. pl. of μέρος, μέρους, n. 27. dat. sing. of κράτος, κράτους, n.
12. dat. sing. of γῆρας, γήρως, n. 28. nom. or voc. pl. of δαίμων, δαίμονος,
13. dat. pl. of τριήρης, τριήρους, f. m. or f.
14. dat. sing. of ἀνήρ, ἀνδρός, m. 29. dat. pl. of ἀγών, ἀγῶνος, m.
15. acc. sing. of ἅλς, ἁλός, m. or f. 30. dat. pl. masc. or fem. or neuter of
16. acc. sing. of ἀγών, ἀγῶνος, m. τίς, τί
Other documents randomly have
different content
it cou'd be no longer companionable; if Greatness at the same time
was not the Delight he was so loth to part with, sure then these
chearful Amusements I am contending for must have no
inconsiderable share in our Happiness; he that does not chuse to live
his own way, suffers others to chuse for him. Give me the Joy I
always took in the End of an old Song,
My Mind, my Mind is a Kingdom to me![21]
If I can please myself with my own Follies, have not I a plentiful
Provision for Life? If the World thinks me a Trifler, I don't desire to
break in upon their Wisdom; let them call me any Fool but an
Unchearful one; I live as I write; while my Way amuses me, it's as
well as I wish it; when another writes better, I can like him too, tho'
he shou'd not like me. Not our great Imitator of Horace himself can
have more Pleasure in writing his Verses than I have in reading
them, tho' I sometimes find myself there (as Shakespear terms it)
dispraisingly[22] spoken of:[23] If he is a little free with me, I am
generally in good Company, he is as blunt with my Betters; so that
even here I might laugh in my turn. My Superiors, perhaps, may be
mended by him; but, for my part, I own myself incorrigible: I look
upon my Follies as the best part of my Fortune, and am more
concern'd to be a good Husband of Them, than of That; nor do I
believe I shall ever be rhim'd out of them. And, if I don't mistake, I
am supported in my way of thinking by Horace himself, who, in
excuse of a loose Writer, says,

Prætulerim scriptor delirus, inersque videri,

Dum mea delectent mala me, vel denique fallant,
Quam sapere, et ringi——[24]
which, to speak of myself as a loose Philosopher, I have thus
ventur'd to imitate:

Me, while my laughing Follies can deceive,

Blest in the dear Delirium let me live,
Rather than wisely know my Wants and grieve.
We had once a merry Monarch of our own, who thought
chearfulness so valuable a Blessing, that he would have quitted one
of his Kingdoms where he cou'd not enjoy it; where, among many
other Conditions they had ty'd him to, his sober Subjects wou'd not
suffer him to laugh on a Sunday; and tho' this might not be the
avow'd Cause of his Elopement,[25] I am not sure, had he had no
other, that this alone might not have serv'd his turn; at least, he has
my hearty Approbation either way; for had I been under the same
Restriction, tho' my staying were to have made me his Successor, I
shou'd rather have chosen to follow him.
How far his Subjects might be in the right is not my Affair to
determine; perhaps they were wiser than the Frogs in the Fable, and
rather chose to have a Log than a Stork for their King; yet I hope it
will be no Offence to say that King Log himself must have made but
a very simple Figure in History.
The Man who chuses never to laugh, or whose becalm'd Passions
know no Motion, seems to me only in the quiet State of a green
Tree; he vegetates, 'tis true, but shall we say he lives? Now, Sir, for
Amusement—Reader, take heed! for I find a strong impulse to talk
impertinently; if therefore you are not as fond of seeing, as I am of
shewing myself in all my Lights, you may turn over two Leaves
together, and leave what follows to those who have more Curiosity,
and less to do with their Time, than you have.—As I was saying
then, let us, for Amusement, advance this, or any other Prince, to
the most glorious Throne, mark out his Empire in what Clime you
please, fix him on the highest Pinnacle of unbounded Power; and in
that State let us enquire into his degree of Happiness; make him at
once the Terror and the Envy of his Neighbours, send his Ambition
out to War, and gratify it with extended Fame and Victories; bring
him in triumph home, with great unhappy Captives behind him,
through the Acclamations of his People, to repossess his Realms in
Peace. Well, when the Dust has been brusht from his Purple, what
will he do next? Why, this envy'd Monarch (who we will allow to
have a more exalted Mind than to be delighted with the trifling
Flatteries of a congratulating Circle) will chuse to retire, I presume,
to enjoy in private the Contemplation of his Glory; an Amusement,
you will say, that well becomes his Station! But there, in that
pleasing Rumination, when he has made up his new Account of
Happiness, how much, pray, will be added to the Balance more than
as it stood before his last Expedition? From what one Article will the
Improvement of it appear? Will it arise from the conscious Pride of
having done his weaker Enemy an Injury? Are his Eyes so dazzled
with false Glory that he thinks it a less Crime in him to break into the
Palace of his Princely Neighbour, because he gave him time to
defend it, than for a Subject feloniously to plunder the House of a
private Man? Or is the Outrage of Hunger and Necessity more
enormous than the Ravage of Ambition? Let us even suppose the
wicked Usage of the World as to that Point may keep his Conscience
quiet; still, what is he to do with the infinite Spoil that his imperial
Rapine has brought home? Is he to sit down and vainly deck himself
with the Jewels which he has plunder'd from the Crown of another,
whom Self-defence had compell'd to oppose him? No, let us not
debase his Glory into so low a Weakness. What Appetite, then, are
these shining Treasures food for? Is their vast Value in seeing his
vulgar Subjects stare at them, wise Men smile at them, or his
Children play with them? Or can the new Extent of his Dominions
add a Cubit to his Happiness? Was not his Empire wide enough
before to do good in? And can it add to his Delight that now no
Monarch has such room to do mischief in? But farther; if even the
great Augustus, to whose Reign such Praises are given, cou'd not
enjoy his Days of Peace free from the Terrors of repeated
Conspiracies, which lost him more Quiet to suppress than his
Ambition cost him to provoke them: What human Eminence is
secure? In what private Cabinet then must this wondrous Monarch
lock up his Happiness that common Eyes are never to behold it? Is
it, like his Person, a Prisoner to its own Superiority? Or does he at
last poorly place it in the Triumph of his injurious Devastations? One
Moment's Search into himself will plainly shew him that real and
reasonable Happiness can have no Existence without Innocence and
Liberty. What a Mockery is Greatness without them? How lonesome
must be the Life of that Monarch who, while he governs only by
being fear'd, is restrain'd from letting down his Grandeur sometimes
to forget himself and to humanize him into the Benevolence and Joy
of Society? To throw off his cumbersome Robe of Majesty, to be a
Man without disguise, to have a sensible Taste of Life in its
Simplicity, till he confess from the sweet Experience that dulce est
desipere in loco[26] was no Fool's Philosophy. Or if the gawdy
Charms of Pre-eminence are so strong that they leave him no Sense
of a less pompous, tho' a more rational Enjoyment, none sure can
envy him but those who are the Dupes of an equally fantastick
Ambition.
My Imagination is quite heated and fatigued in dressing up this
Phantome of Felicity; but I hope it has not made me so far
misunderstood, as not to have allow'd that in all the Dispensations of
Providence the Exercise of a great and virtuous Mind is the most
elevated State of Happiness: No, Sir, I am not for setting up Gaiety
against Wisdom; nor for preferring the Man of Pleasure to the
Philosopher; but for shewing that the Wisest or greatest Man is very
near an unhappy Man, if the unbending Amusements I am
contending for are not sometimes admitted to relieve him.
How far I may have over-rated these Amusements let graver
Casuists decide; whether they affirm or reject what I have asserted
hurts not my Purpose; which is not to give Laws to others; but to
shew by what Laws I govern myself: If I am mis-guided, 'tis Nature's
Fault, and I follow her from this Persuasion; That as Nature has
distinguish'd our Species from the mute Creation by our Risibility, her
Design must have been by that Faculty as evidently to raise our
Happiness, as by our Os Sublime[27] (our erected Faces) to lift the
Dignity of our Form above them.
Notwithstanding all I have said, I am afraid there is an absolute
Power in what is simply call'd our Constitution that will never admit
of other Rules for Happiness than her own; from which (be we never
so wise or weak) without Divine Assistance we only can receive it;
So that all this my Parade and Grimace of Philosophy has been only
making a mighty Merit of following my own Inclination. A very
natural Vanity! Though it is some sort of Satisfaction to know it does
not impose upon me. Vanity again! However, think It what you will
that has drawn me into this copious Digression, 'tis now high time to
drop it: I shall therefore in my next Chapter return to my School,
from whence I fear I have too long been Truant.
Ad Lalauze, sc
 CHAPTER II.
He that writes of himself not easily tir'd. Boys
may give Men Lessons. The Author's Preferment
at School attended with Misfortunes. The
Danger of Merit among Equals. Of Satyrists and
Backbiters. What effect they have had upon the
Author. Stanzas publish'd by himself against
himself.
It often makes me smile to think how contentedly I have set myself
down to write my own Life; nay, and with less Concern for what may
be said of it than I should feel were I to do the same for a deceased
Acquaintance. This you will easily account for when you consider
that nothing gives a Coxcomb more delight than when you suffer
him to talk of himself; which sweet Liberty I here enjoy for a whole
Volume together! A Privilege which neither cou'd be allow'd me, nor
wou'd become me to take, in the Company I am generally admitted
to;[28] but here, when I have all the Talk to myself, and have no
body to interrupt or contradict me, sure, to say whatever I have a
mind other People shou'd know of me is a Pleasure which none but
Authors as vain as myself can conceive.——But to my History.
However little worth notice the Life of a School-boy may be
supposed to contain, yet, as the Passions of Men and Children have
much the same Motives and differ very little in their Effects, unless
where the elder Experience may be able to conceal them: As
therefore what arises from the Boy may possibly be a Lesson to the
Man, I shall venture to relate a Fact or two that happen'd while I
was still at School.
In February, 1684-5, died King Charles II. who being the only King I
had ever seen, I remember (young as I was) his Death made a
strong Impression upon me, as it drew Tears from the Eyes of
Multitudes, who looked no further into him than I did: But it was,
then, a sort of School-Doctrine to regard our Monarch as a Deity; as
in the former Reign it was to insist he was accountable to this World
as well as to that above him. But what, perhaps, gave King Charles
II. this peculiar Possession of so many Hearts, was his affable and
easy manner in conversing; which is a Quality that goes farther with
the greater Part of Mankind than many higher Virtues, which, in a
Prince, might more immediately regard the publick Prosperity. Even
his indolent Amusement of playing with his Dogs and feeding his
Ducks in St. James's Park, (which I have seen him do) made the
common People adore him, and consequently overlook in him what,
in a Prince of a different Temper, they might have been out of
humour at.
I cannot help remembring one more Particular in those Times, tho' it
be quite foreign to what will follow. I was carry'd by my Father to
the Chapel in Whitehall; where I saw the King and his royal Brother
the then Duke of York, with him in the Closet, and present during
the whole Divine Service. Such Dispensation, it seems, for his
Interest, had that unhappy Prince from his real Religion, to assist at
another to which his Heart was so utterly averse.——I now proceed
to the Facts I promis'd to speak of.
King Charles his Death was judg'd by our School-master a proper
Subject to lead the Form I was in into a higher kind of Exercise; he
therefore enjoin'd us severally to make his Funeral Oration: This sort
of Task, so entirely new to us all, the Boys receiv'd with
Astonishment as a Work above their Capacity; and tho' the Master
persisted in his Command, they one and all, except myself, resolved
to decline it. But I, Sir, who was ever giddily forward and thoughtless
of Consequences, set myself roundly to work, and got through it as
well as I could. I remember to this Hour that single Topick of his
Affability (which made me mention it before) was the chief Motive
that warm'd me into the Undertaking; and to shew how very childish
a Notion I had of his Character at that time, I raised his Humanity,
and Love of those who serv'd him, to such Height, that I imputed his
Death to the Shock he receiv'd from the Lord Arlington's being at the
point of Death about a Week before him.[29] This Oration, such as it
was, I produc'd the next Morning: All the other Boys pleaded their
Inability, which the Master taking rather as a mark of their Modesty
than their Idleness, only seem'd to punish by setting me at the Head
of the Form: A Preferment dearly bought! Much happier had I been
to have sunk my Performance in the general Modesty of declining it.
A most uncomfortable Life I led among them for many a Day after! I
was so jeer'd, laugh'd at, and hated as a pragmatical Bastard
(School-boys Language) who had betray'd the whole Form, that
scarce any of 'em wou'd keep me company; and tho' it so far
advanc'd me into the Master's Favour that he wou'd often take me
from the School to give me an Airing with him on Horseback, while
they were left to their Lessons; you may be sure such envy'd
Happiness did not encrease their Good-will to me: Notwithstanding
which my Stupidity cou'd take no warning from their Treatment. An
Accident of the same nature happen'd soon after, that might have
frighten'd a Boy of a meek Spirit from attempting any thing above
the lowest Capacity. On the 23d of April following, being the
Coronation-Day of the new King, the School petition'd the Master for
leave to play; to which he agreed, provided any of the Boys would
produce an English Ode upon that Occasion.——The very Word, Ode,
I know makes you smile already; and so it does me; not only
because it still makes so many poor Devils turn Wits upon it, but
from a more agreeable Motive; from a Reflection of how little I then
thought that, half a Century afterwards, I shou'd be call'd upon twice
a year, by my Post,[30] to make the same kind of Oblations to an
unexceptionable Prince, the serene Happiness of whose Reign my
halting Rhimes are still so unequal to——This, I own, is Vanity
without Disguise; but Hæc olim meminisse juvat:[31] The
remembrance of the miserable prospect we had then before us, and
have since escaped by a Revolution, is now a Pleasure which,
without that Remembrance, I could not so heartily have enjoy'd.[32]
The Ode I was speaking of fell to my Lot, which in about half an
Hour I produc'd. I cannot say it was much above the merry Style of
Sing! Sing the Day, and sing the Song, in the Farce: Yet bad as it
was, it serv'd to get the School a Play-day, and to make me not a
little vain upon it; which last Effect so disgusted my Play-fellows that
they left me out of the Party I had most a mind to be of in that
Day's Recreation. But their Ingratitude serv'd only to increase my
Vanity; for I consider'd them as so many beaten Tits that had just
had the Mortification of seeing my Hack of a Pegasus come in before
them. This low Passion is so rooted in our Nature that sometimes
riper Heads cannot govern it. I have met with much the same silly
sort of Coldness, even from my Contemporaries of the Theatre, from
having the superfluous Capacity of writing myself the Characters I
have acted.
Here, perhaps, I may again seem to be vain; but if all these Facts
are true (as true they are) how can I help it? Why am I oblig'd to
conceal them? The Merit of the best of them is not so extraordinary
as to have warn'd me to be nice upon it; and the Praise due to them
is so small a Fish, it was scarce worth while to throw my Line into
the Water for it. If I confess my Vanity while a Boy, can it be Vanity,
when a Man, to remember it? And if I have a tolerable Feature, will
not that as much belong to my Picture as an Imperfection? In a
word, from what I have mentioned, I wou'd observe only this; That
when we are conscious of the least comparative Merit in ourselves,
we shou'd take as much care to conceal the Value we set upon it, as
if it were a real Defect: To be elated or vain upon it is shewing your
Money before People in want; ten to one but some who may think
you to have too much may borrow, or pick your Pocket before you
get home. He who assumes Praise to himself, the World will think
overpays himself. Even the Suspicion of being vain ought as much to
be dreaded as the Guilt itself. Cæsar was of the same Opinion in
regard to his Wife's Chastity. Praise, tho' it may be our due, is not
like a Bank-Bill, to be paid upon Demand; to be valuable it must be
voluntary. When we are dun'd for it, we have a Right and Privilege to
refuse it. If Compulsion insists upon it, it can only be paid as
Persecution in Points of Faith is, in a counterfeit Coin: And who ever
believ'd Occasional Conformity to be sincere? Nero, the most vain
Coxcomb of a Tyrant that ever breath'd, cou'd not raise an unfeigned
Applause of his Harp by military Execution; even where Praise is
deserv'd, Ill-nature and Self-conceit (Passions that poll a majority of
Mankind) will with less reluctance part with their Mony than their
Approbation. Men of the greatest Merit are forced to stay 'till they
die before the World will fairly make up their Account: Then indeed
you have a Chance for your full Due, because it is less grudg'd when
you are incapable of enjoying it: Then perhaps even Malice shall
heap Praises upon your Memory; tho' not for your sake, but that
your surviving Competitors may suffer by a Comparison.[33] 'Tis from
the same Principle that Satyr shall have a thousand Readers where
Panegyric has one. When I therefore find my Name at length in the
Satyrical Works of our most celebrated living Author, I never look
upon those Lines as Malice meant to me, (for he knows I never
provok'd it) but Profit to himself: One of his Points must be, to have
many Readers: He considers that my Face and Name are more
known than those of many thousands of more consequence in the
Kingdom: That therefore, right or wrong, a Lick at the Laureat[34]
will always be a sure Bait, ad captandum vulgus, to catch him little
Readers: And that to gratify the Unlearned, by now and then
interspersing those merry Sacrifices of an old Acquaintance to their
Taste, is a piece of quite right Poetical Craft.[35]
But as a little bad Poetry is the greatest Crime he lays to my charge,
I am willing to subscribe to his opinion of it.[36] That this sort of Wit
is one of the easiest ways too of pleasing the generality of Readers,
is evident from the comfortable subsistence which our weekly
Retailers of Politicks have been known to pick up, merely by making
bold with a Government that had unfortunately neglected to find
their Genius a better Employment.
Hence too arises all that flat Poverty of Censure and Invective that
so often has a Run in our publick Papers upon the Success of a new
Author; when, God knows, there is seldom above one Writer among
hundreds in Being at the same time whose Satyr a Man of common
Sense ought to be mov'd at. When a Master in the Art is angry, then
indeed we ought to be alarm'd! How terrible a Weapon is Satyr in
the Hand of a great Genius? Yet even there, how liable is Prejudice
to misuse it? How far, when general, it may reform our Morals, or
what Cruelties it may inflict by being angrily particular,[37] is perhaps
above my reach to determine. I shall therefore only beg leave to
interpose what I feel for others whom it may personally have fallen
upon. When I read those mortifying Lines of our most eminent
Author, in his Character of Atticus[38] (Atticus, whose Genius in Verse
and whose Morality in Prose has been so justly admir'd) though I am
charm'd with the Poetry, my Imagination is hurt at the Severity of it;
and tho' I allow the Satyrist to have had personal Provocation, yet,
methinks, for that very Reason he ought not to have troubled the
Publick with it: For, as it is observed in the 242d Tatler, "In all Terms
of Reproof, when the Sentence appears to arise from Personal
Hatred or Passion, it is not then made the Cause of Mankind, but a
Misunderstanding between two Persons." But if such kind of Satyr
has its incontestable Greatness; if its exemplary Brightness may not
mislead inferior Wits into a barbarous Imitation of its Severity, then I
have only admir'd the Verses, and expos'd myself by bringing them
under so scrupulous a Reflexion: But the Pain which the Acrimony of
those Verses gave me is, in some measure, allay'd in finding that this
inimitable Writer, as he advances in Years, has since had Candour
enough to celebrate the same Person for his visible Merit. Happy
Genius! whose Verse, like the Eye of Beauty, can heal the deepest
Wounds with the least Glance of Favour.
Since I am got so far into this Subject, you must give me leave to go
thro' all I have a mind to say upon it; because I am not sure that in
a more proper Place my Memory may be so full of it. I cannot find,
therefore, from what Reason Satyr is allow'd more Licence than
Comedy, or why either of them (to be admir'd) ought not to be
limited by Decency and Justice. Let Juvenal and Aristophanes have
taken what Liberties they please, if the Learned have nothing more
than their Antiquity to justify their laying about them at that
enormous rate, I shall wish they had a better excuse for them! The
Personal Ridicule and Scurrility thrown upon Socrates, which Plutarch
too condemns; and the Boldness of Juvenal, in writing real Names
over guilty Characters, I cannot think are to be pleaded in right of
our modern Liberties of the same kind. Facit indignatio versum[39]
may be a very spirited Expression, and seems to give a Reader
hopes of a lively Entertainment: But I am afraid Reproof is in
unequal Hands when Anger is its Executioner; and tho' an
outrageous Invective may carry some Truth in it, yet it will never
have that natural, easy Credit with us which we give to the laughing
Ironies of a cool Head. The Satyr that can smile circum præcordia
ludit, and seldom fails to bring the Reader quite over to his Side
whenever Ridicule and folly are at variance. But when a Person
satyriz'd is us'd with the extreamest Rigour, he may sometimes meet
with Compassion instead of Contempt, and throw back the Odium
that was designed for him, upon the Author. When I would therefore
disarm the Satyrist of this Indignation, I mean little more than that I
would take from him all private or personal Prejudice, and wou'd still
leave him as much general Vice to scourge as he pleases, and that
with as much Fire and Spirit as Art and Nature demand to enliven his
Work and keep his Reader awake.
Against all this it may be objected, That these are Laws which none
but phlegmatick Writers will observe, and only Men of Eminence
should give. I grant it, and therefore only submit them to Writers of
better Judgment. I pretend not to restrain others from chusing what
I don't like; they are welcome (if they please too) to think I offer
these Rules more from an Incapacity to break them than from a
moral Humanity. Let it be so! still, That will not weaken the strength
of what I have asserted, if my Assertion be true. And though I allow
that Provocation is not apt to weigh out its Resentments by Drachms
and Scruples, I shall still think that no publick Revenge can be
honourable where it is not limited by justice; and if Honour is
insatiable in its Revenge it loses what it contends for and sinks itself,
if not into Cruelty, at least into Vain-glory.
This so singular Concern which I have shewn for others may
naturally lead you to ask me what I feel for myself when I am
unfavourably treated by the elaborate Authors of our daily Papers.
[40] Shall I be sincere? and own my frailty? Its usual Effect is to
make me vain! For I consider if I were quite good for nothing these
Pidlers in Wit would not be concern'd to take me to pieces, or (not to
be quite so vain) when they moderately charge me with only
Ignorance or Dulness, I see nothing in That which an honest Man
need be asham'd of:[41] There is many a good Soul who from those
sweet Slumbers of the Brain are never awaken'd by the least harmful
Thought; and I am sometimes tempted to think those Retailers of
Wit may be of the same Class; that what they write proceeds not
from Malice, but Industry; and that I ought no more to reproach
them than I would a Lawyer that pleads against me for his Fee; that
their Detraction, like Dung thrown upon a Meadow, tho' it may seem
at first to deform the Prospect, in a little time it will disappear of
itself and leave an involuntary Crop of Praise behind it.
When they confine themselves to a sober Criticism upon what I
write; if their Censure is just, what answer can I make to it? If it is
unjust, why should I suppose that a sensible Reader will not see it,
as well as myself? Or, admit I were able to expose them by a
laughing Reply, will not that Reply beget a Rejoinder? And though
they might be Gainers by having the worst on't in a Paper War, that
is no Temptation for me to come into it. Or (to make both sides less
considerable) would not my bearing Ill-language from a Chimney-
sweeper do me less harm than it would be to box with him, tho' I
were sure to beat him? Nor indeed is the little Reputation I have as
an Author worth the trouble of a Defence. Then, as no Criticism can
possibly make me worse than I really am; so nothing I can say of
myself can possibly make me better: When therefore a determin'd
Critick comes arm'd with Wit and Outrage to take from me that small
Pittance I have, I wou'd no more dispute with him than I wou'd
resist a Gentleman of the Road to save a little Pocket-Money.[42]
Men that are in want themselves seldom make a Conscience of
taking it from others. Whoever thinks I have too much is welcome to
what share of it he pleases: Nay, to make him more merciful (as I
partly guess the worst he can say of what I now write) I will prevent
even the Imputation of his doing me Injustice, and honestly say it
myself, viz. That of all the Assurances I was ever guilty of, this of
writing my own Life is the most hardy. I beg his Pardon!—--
Impudent is what I should have said! That through every Page there
runs a Vein of Vanity and Impertinence which no French Ensigns
memoires ever came up to; but, as this is a common Error, I
presume the Terms of Doating Trifler, Old Fool, or Conceited
Coxcomb will carry Contempt enough for an impartial Censor to
bestow on me; that my style is unequal, pert, and frothy, patch'd
and party-colour'd like the Coat of an Harlequin; low and pompous,
cramm'd with Epithets, strew'd with Scraps of second-hand Latin
from common Quotations; frequently aiming at Wit, without ever
hitting the Mark; a mere Ragoust toss'd up from the offals of other
authors: My Subject below all Pens but my own, which, whenever I
keep to, is flatly daub'd by one eternal Egotism: That I want nothing
but Wit to be as accomplish'd a Coxcomb here as ever I attempted
to expose on the Theatre: Nay, that this very Confession is no more
a Sign of my Modesty than it is a Proof of my Judgment, that, in
short, you may roundly tell me, that——Cinna (or Cibber) vult videri
Pauper, et est Pauper.

When humble Cinna cries, I'm poor and low,

You may believe him——he is really so.
Well, Sir Critick! and what of all this? Now I have laid myself at your
Feet, what will you do with me? Expose me? Why, dear Sir, does not
every Man that writes expose himself? Can you make me more
ridiculous than Nature has made me? You cou'd not sure suppose
that I would lose the Pleasure of Writing because you might possibly
judge me a Blockhead, or perhaps might pleasantly tell other People
they ought to think me so too. Will not they judge as well from what
I say as what You say? If then you attack me merely to divert
yourself, your Excuse for writing will be no better than mine. But
perhaps you may want Bread: If that be the Case, even go to
Dinner, i' God's name![43]
If our best Authors, when teiz'd by these Triflers, have not been
Masters of this Indifference, I should not wonder if it were
disbeliev'd in me; but when it is consider'd that I have allow'd my
never having been disturb'd into a Reply has proceeded as much
from Vanity as from Philosophy,[44] the Matter then may not seem so
incredible: And tho' I confess the complete Revenge of making them
Immortal Dunces in Immortal Verse might be glorious; yet, if you
will call it Insensibility in me never to have winc'd at them, even that
Insensibility has its happiness, and what could Glory give me more?
[45] For my part, I have always had the comfort to think, whenever
they design'd me a Disfavour, it generally flew back into their own
Faces, as it happens to Children when they squirt at their Play-
fellows against the Wind. If a Scribbler cannot be easy because he
fancies I have too good an Opinion of my own Productions, let him
write on and mortify; I owe him not the Charity to be out of temper
myself merely to keep him quiet or give him Joy: Nor, in reality, can I
see why any thing misrepresented, tho' believ'd of me by Persons to
whom I am unknown, ought to give me any more Concern than
what may be thought of me in Lapland: 'Tis with those with whom I
am to live only, where my Character can affect me; and I will
venture to say, he must find out a new way of Writing that will make
me pass my Time there less agreeably.
You see, Sir, how hard it is for a Man that is talking of himself to
know when to give over; but if you are tired, lay me aside till you
have a fresh Appetite; if not, I'll tell you a Story.
In the Year 1730 there were many Authors whose Merit wanted
nothing but Interest to recommend them to the vacant Laurel, and
who took it ill to see it at last conferred upon a Comedian;
insomuch, that they were resolved at least to shew specimens of
their superior Pretensions, and accordingly enliven'd the publick
Papers with ingenious Epigrams and satyrical Flirts at the unworthy
Successor;[46] These Papers my Friends with a wicked Smile would
often put into my Hands and desire me to read them fairly in
Company: This was a Challenge which I never declin'd, and, to do
my doughty Antagonists Justice, I always read them with as much
impartial Spirit as if I had writ them myself. While I was thus beset
on all sides, there happen'd to step forth a poetical Knight-Errant to
my Assistance, who was hardy enough to publish some
compassionate Stanzas in my Favour. These, you may be sure, the
Raillery of my Friends could do no less than say I had written to
myself. To deny it I knew would but have confirmed their pretended
Suspicion: I therefore told them, since it gave them such Joy to
believe them my own, I would do my best to make the whole Town
think so too. As the Oddness of this Reply was I knew what would
not be easily comprehended, I desired them to have a Days
patience, and I would print an Explanation to it: To conclude, in two
Days after I sent this Letter, with some doggerel Rhimes at the
Bottom,

To the Author of the Whitehall Evening-Post.

S I R,
The Verses to the Laureat in yours of Saturday last have
occasion'd the following Reply, which I hope you'll give a Place
in your next, to shew that we can be quick as well as smart
upon a proper Occasion: And, as I think it the lowest Mark of a
Scoundrel to make bold with any Man's Character in Print
without subscribing the true Name of the Author; I therefore
desire, if the Laureat is concern'd enough to ask the Question,
that you will tell him my Name and where I live; till then, I beg
leave to be known by no other than that of,
Your Servant,
Francis Fairplay.

Monday, Jan. 11, 1730.

These were the Verses.[47]

I.
Ah, hah! Sir Coll, is that thy Way,
 Thy own dull Praise to write?
And wou'd'st thou stand so sure a Lay?
No, that's too stale a Bite.

II.
Nature and Art in thee combine,
Thy Talents here excel:
All shining Brass thou dost outshine,
To play the Cheat so well.

III.
Who sees thee in Iago's Part,
But thinks thee such a Rogue?
And is not glad, with all his Heart,
To hang so sad a Dog?

IV.
When Bays thou play'st, Thyself thou art;
For that by Nature fit,
No Blockhead better suits the Part,
Than such a Coxcomb Wit.

V.
In Wronghead too, thy Brains we see,
Who might do well at Plough;
As fit for Parliament was he,
As for the Laurel, Thou.

VI.
Bring thy protected Verse from Court,
And try it on the Stage;
There it will make much better Sport,
And set the Town in Rage.

VII.
There Beaux and Wits and Cits and Smarts,
Where Hissing's not uncivil,
 Will shew their Parts to thy Deserts,
And send it to the Devil.

VIII.
But, ah! in vain 'gainst Thee we write,
In vain thy Verse we maul!
Our sharpest Satyr's thy Delight,
For——Blood! thou'lt stand it all.[48]

IX.
Thunder, 'tis said, the Laurel spares;
Nought but thy Brows could blast it:
And yet——O curst, provoking Stars!
Thy Comfort is, thou hast it.
This, Sir, I offer as a Proof that I was seven
Years ago[49] the same cold Candidate for Fame which I would still
be thought; you will not easily suppose I could have much Concern
about it, while, to gratify the merry Pique of my Friends, I was
capable of seeming to head the Poetical Cry then against me, and at
the same Time of never letting the Publick know 'till this Hour that
these Verses were written by myself: Nor do I give them you as an
Entertainment, but merely to shew you this particular Cast of my
Temper.
When I have said this, I would not have it thought Affectation in me
when I grant that no Man worthy the Name of an Author is a more
faulty Writer than myself; that I am not Master of my own
Language[50] I too often feel when I am at a loss for Expression: I
know too that I have too bold a Disregard for that Correctness which
others set so just a Value upon: This I ought to be ashamed of,
when I find that Persons, perhaps of colder Imaginations, are
allowed to write better than myself. Whenever I speak of any thing
that highly delights me, I find it very difficult to keep my Words
within the Bounds of Common Sense: Even when I write too, the
same Failing will sometimes get the better of me; of which I cannot
give you a stronger Instance than in that wild Expression I made use
of in the first Edition of my Preface to the Provok'd Husband; where,
speaking of Mrs. Oldfield's excellent Performance in the Part of Lady
Townly, my Words ran thus, viz. It is not enough to say, that here
she outdid her usual Outdoing.[51]—A most vile Jingle, I grant it! You
may well ask me, How could I possibly commit such a Wantonness
to Paper? And I owe myself the Shame of confessing I have no
Excuse for it but that, like a Lover in the Fulness of his Content, by
endeavouring to be floridly grateful I talk'd Nonsense. Not but it
makes me smile to remember how many flat Writers have made
themselves brisk upon this single Expression; wherever the Verb,
Outdo, could come in, the pleasant Accusative, Outdoing, was sure
to follow it. The provident Wags knew that Decies repetita placeret:
[52] so delicious a Morsel could not be serv'd up too often! After it
had held them nine times told for a Jest, the Publick has been
pester'd with a tenth Skull thick enough to repeat it. Nay, the very
learned in the Law have at last facetiously laid hold of it! Ten Years
after it first came from me it served to enliven the eloquence of an
eloquent Pleader before a House of Parliament! What Author would
not envy me so frolicksome a Fault that had such publick Honours
paid to it?
After this Consciousness of my real Defects, you will easily judge, Sir,
how little I presume that my Poetical Labours may outlive those of
my mortal Cotemporaries.[53]
At the same time that I am so humble in my Pretensions to Fame, I
would not be thought to undervalue it; Nature will not suffer us to
despise it, but she may sometimes make us too fond of it. I have
known more than one good Writer very near ridiculous from being in
too much Heat about it. Whoever intrinsically deserves it will always
have a proportionable Right to it. It can neither be resign'd nor
taken from you by Violence. Truth, which is unalterable, must
(however his Fame may be contested) give every Man his Due: What
a Poem weighs it will be worth; nor is it in the Power of Human
Eloquence, with Favour or Prejudice, to increase or diminish its
Value. Prejudice, 'tis true, may a while discolour it; but it will always
have its Appeal to the Equity of good Sense, which will never fail in
the End to reverse all false Judgment against it. Therefore when I
see an eminent Author hurt, and impatient at an impotent Attack
upon his Labours, he disturbs my Inclination to admire him; I grow
doubtful of the favourable Judgment I have made of him, and am
quite uneasy to see him so tender in a Point he cannot but know he
ought not himself to be judge of; his Concern indeed at another's
Prejudice or Disapprobation may be natural; but to own it seems to
me a natural Weakness. When a Work is apparently great it will go
without Crutches; all your Art and Anxiety to heighten the Fame of it
then becomes low and little.[54] He that will bear no Censure must
be often robb'd of his due Praise. Fools have as good a Right to be
Readers as Men of Sense have, and why not to give their Judgments
too? Methinks it would be a sort of Tyranny in Wit for an Author to
be publickly putting every Argument to death that appear'd against
him; so absolute a Demand for Approbation puts us upon our Right
to dispute it; Praise is as much the Reader's Property as Wit is the
Author's; Applause is not a Tax paid to him as a Prince, but rather a
Benevolence given to him as a Beggar; and we have naturally more
Charity for the dumb Beggar than the sturdy one. The Merit of a
Writer and a fine Woman's Face are never mended by their talking of
them: How amiable is she that seems not to know she is handsome!
To conclude; all I have said upon this Subject is much better
contained in six Lines of a Reverend Author, which will be an Answer
to all critical Censure for ever.

Time is the Judge; Time has nor Friend nor Foe;

False Fame must wither, and the True will grow.
Arm'd with this Truth all Criticks I defy;
For, if I fall, by my own Pen I die;
While Snarlers strive with proud but fruitless Pain,
To wound Immortals, or to slay the Slain.[55]
Ad Lalauze, sc
 CHAPTER III.
The Author's several Chances for the Church,
the Court, and the Army. Going to the
University. Met the Revolution at Nottingham.
Took Arms on that Side. What he saw of it. A
few Political Thoughts. Fortune willing to do for
him. His Neglect of her. The Stage preferr'd to
all her Favours. The Profession of an Actor
consider'd. The Misfortunes and Advantages of
it.
I am now come to that Crisis of my Life when Fortune seem'd to be
at a Loss what she should do with me. Had she favour'd my Father's
first Designation of me, he might then, perhaps, have had as
sanguine Hopes of my being a Bishop as I afterwards conceived of
my being a General when I first took Arms at the Revolution. Nay,
after that I had a third Chance too, equally as good, of becoming an
Under-propper of the State. How at last I came to be none of all
these the Sequel will inform you.
About the Year 1687 I was taken from School to stand at the
Election of Children into Winchester College; my being by my
Mother's Side a Descendant[56] of William of Wickam, the Founder,
my Father (who knew little how the World was to be dealt with)
imagined my having that Advantage would be Security enough for
my Success, and so sent me simply down thither, without the least
favourable Recommendation or Interest, but that of my naked Merit
and a pompous Pedigree in my Pocket. Had he tack'd a Direction to
my Back, and sent me by the Carrier to the Mayor of the Town, to be
chosen Member of Parliament there, I might have had just as much
Chance to have succeeded in the one as the other. But I must not
omit in this Place to let you know that the Experience which my
Father then bought, at my Cost, taught him some Years after to take
a more judicious Care of my younger Brother, Lewis Cibber, whom,
with the Present of a Statue of the Founder, of his own making, he
recommended to the same College. This Statue now stands (I think)
over the School Door there,[57] and was so well executed that it
seem'd to speak——for its Kinsman. It was no sooner set up than
the Door of Preferment was open to him.
Here one would think my Brother had the Advantage of me in the
Favour of Fortune, by this his first laudable Step into the World. I
own I was so proud of his Success that I even valued myself upon it;
and yet it is but a melancholy Reflection to observe how unequally
his Profession and mine were provided for; when I, who had been
the Outcast of Fortune, could find means, from my Income of the
Theatre, before I was my own Master there, to supply in his highest
Preferment his common Necessities. I cannot part with his Memory
without telling you I had as sincere a Concern for this Brother's Well-
being as my own. He had lively Parts and more than ordinary
Learning, with a good deal of natural Wit and Humour; but from too
great a disregard to his Health he died a Fellow of New College in
Oxford soon after he had been ordained by Dr. Compton, then
Bishop of London. I now return to the State of my own Affair at
Winchester.
After the Election, the Moment I was inform'd that I was one of the
unsuccessful Candidates, I blest myself to think what a happy
Reprieve I had got from the confin'd Life of a School-boy! and the
same Day took Post back to London, that I might arrive time enough
to see a Play (then my darling Delight) before my Mother might
demand an Account of my travelling Charges. When I look back to
that Time, it almost makes me tremble to think what Miseries, in
fifty Years farther in Life, such an unthinking Head was liable to! To
ask why Providence afterwards took more Care of me than I did of
myself, might be making too bold an Enquiry into its secret Will and
Pleasure: All I can say to that Point is, that I am thankful and
amazed at it![58]
'Twas about this time I first imbib'd an Inclination, which I durst not
reveal, for the Stage; for besides that I knew it would disoblige my
Father, I had no Conception of any means practicable to make my
way to it. I therefore suppress'd the bewitching Ideas of so sublime
a Station, and compounded with my Ambition by laying a lower
Scheme, of only getting the nearest way into the immediate Life of a
Gentleman-Collegiate. My Father being at this time employ'd at
Chattsworth in Derbyshire by the (then) Earl of Devonshire, who was
raising that Seat from a Gothick to a Grecian Magnificence, I made
use of the Leisure I then had in London to open to him by Letter my
Disinclination to wait another Year for an uncertain Preferment at
Winchester, and to entreat him that he would send me, per saltum,
by a shorter Cut, to the University. My Father, who was naturally
indulgent to me, seem'd to comply with my Request, and wrote
word that as soon as his Affairs would permit, he would carry me
with him and settle me in some College, but rather at Cambridge,
where (during his late Residence at that Place, in making some
Statues that now stand upon Trinity College New Library) he had
contracted some Acquaintance with the Heads of Houses, who might
assist his Intentions for me.[59] This I lik'd better than to go
discountenanc'd to Oxford, to which it would have been a sort of
Reproach to me not to have come elected. After some Months were
elaps'd, my Father, not being willing to let me lie too long idling in
London, sent for me down to Chattsworth, to be under his Eye, till
he cou'd be at leisure to carry me to Cambridge. Before I could set
out on my Journey thither, the Nation fell in labour of the Revolution,
the News being then just brought to London That the Prince of
Orange at the Head of an Army was landed in the West.[60] When I
came to Nottingham, I found my Father in Arms there, among those
Forces which the Earl of Devonshire had rais'd for the Redress of our
violated Laws and Liberties. My Father judg'd this a proper Season
for a young Strippling to turn himself loose into the Bustle of the
World; and being himself too advanc'd in Years to endure the Winter
Fatigue which might possibly follow, entreated that noble Lord that
he would be pleas'd to accept of his Son in his room, and that he
would give him (my Father) leave to return and finish his Works at
Chattsworth. This was so well receiv'd by his Lordship that he not
only admitted of my Service, but promis'd my Father in return that
when Affairs were settled he would provide for me. Upon this my
Father return'd to Derbyshire, while I, not a little transported, jump'd
into his Saddle. Thus in one Day all my Thoughts of the University
were smother'd in Ambition! A slight Commission for a Horse-Officer
was the least View I had before me. At this Crisis you cannot but
observe that the Fate of King James and of the Prince of Orange,
and that of so minute a Being as my self, were all at once upon the
Anvil: In what shape they wou'd severally come out, tho' a good
Guess might be made, was not then demonstrable to the deepest
Foresight; but as my Fortune seem'd to be of small Importance to
the Publick, Providence thought fit to postpone it 'till that of those
great Rulers of Nations was justly perfected. Yet, had my Father's
Business permitted him to have carried me one Month sooner (as he
intended) to the University, who knows but by this time that purer
Fountain might have wash'd my Imperfections into a Capacity of
writing (instead of Plays and Annual Odes) Sermons and Pastoral
Letters. But whatever Care of the Church might so have fallen to my
share, as I dare say it may be now in better Hands, I ought not to
repine at my being otherwise disposed of.[61]
You must now consider me as one among those desperate
Thousands, who, after a Patience sorely try'd, took Arms under the
Banner of Necessity, the natural Parent of all Human Laws and
Government. I question if in all the Histories of Empire there is one
Instance of so bloodless a Revolution as that in England in 1688,
wherein Whigs, Tories, Princes, Prelates, Nobles, Clergy, common
People, and a Standing Army, were unanimous. To have seen all
England of one Mind is to have liv'd at a very particular Juncture.
Happy Nation! who are never divided among themselves but when
they have least to complain of! Our greatest Grievance since that
Time seems to have been that we cannot all govern; and 'till the
Number of good Places are equal to those who think themselves
qualified for them there must ever be a Cause of Contention among
us. While Great Men want great Posts, the Nation will never want
real or seeming Patriots; and while great Posts are fill'd with Persons
whose Capacities are but Human, such Persons will never be allow'd
to be without Errors; not even the Revolution, with all its
Advantages, it seems, has been able to furnish us with
unexceptionable Statesmen! for from that time I don't remember
any one Set of Ministers that have not been heartily rail'd at; a
Period long enough one would think (if all of them have been as bad
as they have been call'd) to make a People despair of ever seeing a
good one: But as it is possible that Envy, Prejudice, or Party may
sometimes have a share in what is generally thrown upon 'em, it is
not easy for a private Man to know who is absolutely in the right
from what is said against them, or from what their Friends or
Dependants may say in their Favour: Tho' I can hardly forbear
thinking that they who have been longest rail'd at, must from that
Circumstance shew in some sort a Proof of Capacity.——But to my
History.
It were almost incredible to tell you, at the latter end of King
James's Time (though the Rod of Arbitrary Power was always
shaking over us) with what Freedom and Contempt the common
People in the open Streets talk'd of his wild Measures to make a
whole Protestant Nation Papists; and yet, in the height of our secure
and wanton Defiance of him, we of the Vulgar had no farther Notion
of any Remedy for this Evil than a satisfy'd Presumption that our
Numbers were too great to be master'd by his mere Will and
Pleasure; that though he might be too hard for our Laws, he would
never be able to get the better of our Nature; and that to drive all
England into Popery and Slavery he would find would be teaching an
old Lion to dance.[62]
But happy was it for the Nation that it had then wiser Heads in it,
who knew how to lead a People so dispos'd into Measures for the
Publick Preservation.
Here I cannot help reflecting on the very different Deliverances
England met with at this Time and in the very same Year of the
Century before: Then (in 1588) under a glorious Princess, who had
at heart the Good and Happiness of her People, we scatter'd and
destroy'd the most formidable Navy of Invaders that ever cover'd the
Seas: And now (in 1688) under a Prince who had alienated the
Hearts of his People by his absolute Measures to oppress them, a
foreign Power is receiv'd with open Arms in defence of our Laws,
Liberties, and Religion, which our native Prince had invaded! How
widely different were these two Monarchs in their Sentiments of
Glory! But, Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum.[63]
When we consider in what height of the Nation's Prosperity the
Successor of Queen Elizabeth came to this Throne, it seems amazing
that such a Pile of English Fame and Glory, which her skilful
Administration had erected, should in every following Reign down to
the Revolution so unhappily moulder away in one continual
Gradation of Political Errors: All which must have been avoided, if
the plain Rule which that wise Princess left behind her had been
observed, viz. That the Love of her People was the surest Support of
her Throne. This was the Principle by which she so happily govern'd
herself and those she had the Care of. In this she found Strength to
combat and struggle thro' more Difficulties and dangerous
Conspiracies than ever English Monarch had to cope with. At the
same time that she profess'd to desire the People's Love, she took
care that her Actions shou'd deserve it, without the least Abatement
of her Prerogative; the Terror of which she so artfully covered that
she sometimes seem'd to flatter those she was determin'd should
obey. If the four following Princes had exercis'd their Regal Authority
with so visible a Regard to the Publick Welfare, it were hard to know
whether the People of England might have ever complain'd of them,
or even felt the want of that Liberty they now so happily enjoy. 'Tis
true that before her Time our Ancestors had many successful
Contests with their Sovereigns for their ancient Right and Claim to it;
yet what did those Successes amount to? little more than a
Declaration that there was such a Right in being; but who ever saw
it enjoy'd? Did not the Actions of almost every succeeding Reign
shew there were still so many Doors of Oppression left open to the
Prerogative that (whatever Value our most eloquent Legislators may
have set upon those ancient Liberties) I doubt it will be difficult to fix
the Period of their having a real Being before the Revolution: Or if
there ever was an elder Period of our unmolested enjoying them, I
own my poor Judgment is at a loss where to place it. I will boldly
say then, it is to the Revolution only we owe the full Possession of
what, 'till then, we never had more than a perpetually contested
Right to: And, from thence, from the Revolution it is that the
Protestant Successors of King William have found their Paternal Care
and Maintenance of that Right has been the surest Basis of their
Glory.[64]
These, Sir, are a few of my Political Notions, which I have ventur'd to
expose that you may see what sort of an English Subject I am; how
wise or weak they may have shewn me is not my Concern; let the
weight of these Matters have drawn me never so far out of my
Depth, I still flatter myself that I have kept a simple, honest Head
above Water. And it is a solid Comfort to me to consider that how
insignificant soever my Life was at the Revolution, it had still the
good Fortune to make one among the many who brought it about;
and that I now, with my Coævals, as well as with the Millions since
born, enjoy the happy Effects of it.
But I must now let you see how my particular Fortune went forward
with this Change in the Government; of which I shall not pretend to
give you any farther Account than what my simple Eyes saw of it.
We had not been many Days at Nottingham before we heard that
the Prince of Denmark, with some other great Persons, were gone
off from the King to the Prince of Orange, and that the Princess
Anne, fearing the King her Father's Resentment might fall upon her
for her Consort's Revolt, had withdrawn her self in the Night from
London, and was then within half a Days Journey of Nottingham; on
which very Morning we were suddenly alarm'd with the News that
two thousand of the King's Dragoons were in close pursuit to bring
her back Prisoner to London: But this Alarm it seems was all
Stratagem, and was but a part of that general Terror which was
thrown into many other Places about the Kingdom at the same time,
with design to animate and unite the People in their common
defence; it being then given out that the Irish were every where at
our Heels to cut off all the Protestants within the Reach of their Fury.
In this Alarm our Troops scrambled to Arms in as much Order as
their Consternation would admit of, when, having advanc'd some few
Miles on the London Road, they met the Princess in a Coach,
attended only by the Lady Churchill (now Dutchess Dowager of
Marlborough) and the Lady Fitzharding, whom they conducted into
Nottingham through the Acclamations of the People: The same Night
all the Noblemen and the other Persons of Distinction then in Arms
had the Honour to sup at her Royal Highness's Table; which was
then furnish'd (as all her necessary Accommodations were) by the
Care and at the Charge of the Lord Devonshire. At this
Entertainment, of which I was a Spectator, something very particular
surpriz'd me: The noble Guests at the Table happening to be more in
number than Attendants out of Liveries could be found for, I being
well known in the Lord Devonshire's Family, was desired by his
Lordship's Maitre d'Hotel to assist at it: The Post assign'd me was to
observe what the Lady Churchill might call for. Being so near the
Table, you may naturally ask me what I might have heard to have
pass'd in Conversation at it? which I should certainly tell you had I
attended to above two Words that were utter'd there, and those
were, Some Wine and Water. These I remember came distinguish'd
and observ'd to my Ear, because they came from the fair Guest
whom I took such Pleasure to wait on: Except at that single Sound,
all my Senses were collected into my Eyes, which during the whole
Entertainment wanted no better Amusement, than of stealing now
and then the Delight of gazing on the fair Object so near me: If so
clear an Emanation of Beauty, such a commanding Grace of Aspect
struck me into a Regard that had something softer than the most
profound Respect in it, I cannot see why I may not without Offence
remember it; since Beauty, like the Sun, must sometimes lose its
Power to chuse, and shine into equal Warmth the Peasant and the
Courtier.[65] Now to give you, Sir, a farther Proof of how good a
Taste my first hopeful Entrance into Manhood set out with, I
remember above twenty Years after, when the same Lady had given
the World four of the loveliest Daughters that ever were gaz'd on,
even after they were all nobly married, and were become the
reigning Toasts of every Party of Pleasure, their still lovely Mother
had at the same time her Votaries, and her Health very often took
the Lead in those involuntary Triumphs of Beauty. However
presumptuous or impertinent these Thoughts might have appear'd at
my first entertaining them, why may I not hope that my having kept
them decently secret for full fifty Years may be now a good round
Plea for their Pardon? Were I now qualify'd to say more of this
celebrated Lady, I should conclude it thus: That she has liv'd (to all
Appearance) a peculiar Favourite of Providence; that few Examples
can parallel the Profusion of Blessings which have attended so long a
Life of Felicity. A Person so attractive! a Husband so memorably
great! an Offspring so beautiful! a Fortune so immense! and a Title
which (when Royal Favour had no higher to bestow) she only could
receive from the Author of Nature; a great Grandmother without
grey Hairs! These are such consummate Indulgencies that we might
think Heaven has center'd them all in one Person, to let us see how
far, with a lively Understanding, the full Possession of them could
contribute to human Happiness.—I now return to our Military Affairs.
From Nottingham our Troops march'd to Oxford; through every Town
we pass'd the People came out, in some sort of Order, with such
rural and rusty Weapons as they had, to meet us, in Acclamations of
Welcome and good Wishes. This I thought promis'd a favourable End
of our Civil War, when the Nation seem'd so willing to be all of a
Side! At Oxford the Prince and Princess of Denmark met for the first
time after their late Separation, and had all possible Honours paid
them by the University. Here we rested in quiet Quarters for several
Weeks, till the Flight of King James into France; when the Nation
being left to take care of it self, the only Security that could be found
for it was to advance the Prince and Princess of Orange to the
vacant Throne. The publick Tranquillity being now settled, our Forces
were remanded back to Nottingham. Here all our Officers who had
commanded them from their first Rising receiv'd Commissions to
confirm them in their several Posts; and at the same time such
private Men as chose to return to their proper Business or
Habitations were offer'd their Discharges. Among the small number
of those who receiv'd them, I was one; for not hearing that my
Name was in any of these new Commissions, I thought it time for
me to take my leave of Ambition, as Ambition had before seduc'd me
from the imaginary Honours of the Gown, and therefore resolv'd to
hunt my Fortune in some other Field.[66]
From Nottingham I again return'd to my Father at Chattsworth,
where I staid till my Lord came down, with the new Honours[67] of
Lord Steward of his Majesty's Houshold and Knight of the Garter! a
noble turn of Fortune! and a deep Stake he had play'd for! which
calls to my Memory a Story we had then in the Family, which though
too light for our graver Historians notice, may be of weight enough
for my humble Memoirs. This noble Lord being in the Presence-
Chamber in King James's time, and known to be no Friend to the
Measures of his Administration, a certain Person in favour there, and
desirous to be more so, took occasion to tread rudely upon his
Lordship's Foot, which was return'd with a sudden Blow upon the
Spot: For this Misdemeanour his Lordship was fin'd thirty thousand
Pounds; but I think had some time allow'd him for the Payment.[68]
In the Summer preceding the Revolution, when his Lordship was
retir'd to Chattsworth, and had been there deeply engag'd with other
Noblemen in the Measures which soon after brought it to bear, King
James sent a Person down to him with Offers to mitigate his Fine
upon Conditions of ready Payment, to which his Lordship reply'd,
That if his Majesty pleas'd to allow him a little longer time, he would
rather chuse to play double or quit with him: The time of the
intended Rising being then so near at hand, the Demand, it seems,
came too late for a more serious Answer.
However low my Pretensions to Preferment were at this time, my
Father thought that a little Court-Favour added to them might give
him a Chance for saving the Expence of maintaining me, as he had
intended, at the University: He therefore order'd me to draw up a
Petition to the Duke, and, to give it some Air of Merit, to put it into
Latin, the Prayer of which was, That his Grace would be pleas'd to
do something (I really forget what) for me.——However the Duke,
upon receiving it, was so good as to desire my Father would send
me to London in the Winter, where he would consider of some
Provision for me. It might, indeed, well require time to consider it;
for I believe it was then harder to know what I was really fit for, than
to have got me any thing I was not fit for: However, to London I
came, where I enter'd into my first State of Attendance and
Dependance for about five Months, till the February following. But
alas! in my Intervals of Leisure, by frequently seeing Plays, my wise
Head was turn'd to higher Views, I saw no Joy in any other Life than
that of an Actor, so that (as before, when a Candidate at
Winchester) I was even afraid of succeeding to the Preferment I
sought for: 'Twas on the Stage alone I had form'd a Happiness
preferable to all that Camps or Courts could offer me! and there was
I determin'd, let Father and Mother take it as they pleas'd, to fix my
non ultra.[69] Here I think my self oblig'd, in respect to the Honour
of that noble Lord, to acknowledge that I believe his real Intentions
to do well for me were prevented by my own inconsiderate Folly; so
that if my Life did not then take a more laudable Turn, I have no one
but my self to reproach for it; for I was credibly inform'd by the
Gentlemen of his Houshold, that his Grace had, in their hearing,
talk'd of recommending me to the Lord Shrewsbury, then Secretary
of State, for the first proper Vacancy in that Office. But the distant
Hope of a Reversion was too cold a Temptation for a Spirit impatient
as mine, that wanted immediate Possession of what my Heart was
so differently set upon. The Allurements of a Theatre are still so
strong in my Memory, that perhaps few, except those who have felt
them, can conceive: And I am yet so far willing to excuse my Folly,
that I am convinc'd, were it possible to take off that Disgrace and
Prejudice which Custom has thrown upon the Profession of an Actor,
many a well-born younger Brother and Beauty of low Fortune would
gladly have adorn'd the Theatre, who by their not being able to
brook such Dishonour to their Birth, have pass'd away their Lives
decently unheeded and forgotten.
Many Years ago, when I was first in the Menagement of the Theatre,
I remember a strong Instance, which will shew you what degree of
Ignominy the Profession of an Actor was then held at.—A Lady, with
a real Title, whose female Indiscretions had occasion'd her Family to
abandon her, being willing, in her Distress, to make an honest Penny
of what Beauty she had left, desired to be admitted as an Actress;
when before she could receive our Answer, a Gentleman (probably
by her Relation's Permission) advis'd us not to entertain her, for
Reasons easy to be guess'd. You may imagine we cou'd not be so
blind to our Interest as to make an honourable Family our
unnecessary Enemies by not taking his Advice; which the Lady, too,
being sensible of, saw the Affair had its Difficulties, and therefore
pursu'd it no farther. Now, is it not hard that it should be a doubt
whether this Lady's Condition or ours were the more melancholy?
For here you find her honest Endeavour to get Bread from the Stage
was look'd upon as an Addition of new Scandal to her former
Dishonour! so that I am afraid, according to this way of thinking,
had the same Lady stoop'd to have sold Patches and Pomatum in a
Band-box from Door to Door, she might in that Occupation have
starv'd with less Infamy than had she reliev'd her Necessities by
being famous on the Theatre. Whether this Prejudice may have
arisen from the Abuses that so often have crept in upon the Stage, I
am not clear in; tho' when that is grossly the Case, I will allow there
ought to be no Limits set to the Contempt of it; yet in its lowest
Condition in my time, methinks there could have been no Pretence
of preferring the Band-box to the Buskin. But this severe Opinion,
whether merited or not, is not the greatest Distress that this
Profession is liable to.
I shall now give you another Anecdote, quite the reverse of what I
have instanc'd, wherein you will see an Actress as hardly us'd for an
Act of Modesty (which without being a Prude, a Woman, even upon
the Stage, may sometimes think it necessary not to throw off.) This
too I am forc'd to premise, that the Truth of what I am going to tell
you may not be sneer'd at before it be known. About the Year 1717,
a young Actress of a desirable Person, sitting in an upper Box at the
Opera, a military Gentleman thought this a proper Opportunity to
secure a little Conversation with her, the Particulars of which were
probably no more worth repeating than it seems the Damoiselle then
thought them worth listening to; for, notwithstanding the fine Things
he said to her, she rather chose to give the Musick the Preference of
her Attention: This Indifference was so offensive to his high Heart,
that he began to change the Tender into the Terrible, and, in short,
proceeded at last to treat her in a Style too grosly insulting for the
meanest Female Ear to endure unresented: Upon which, being
beaten too far out of her Discretion, she turn'd hastily upon him with
an angry Look, and a Reply which seem'd to set his Merit in so low a
Regard, that he thought himself oblig'd in Honour to take his time to
resent it: This was the full Extent of her Crime, which his Glory
delay'd no longer to punish than 'till the next time she was to appear
upon the Stage: There, in one of her best Parts, wherein she drew a
favourable Regard and Approbation from the Audience, he,
dispensing with the Respect which some People think due to a polite
Assembly, began to interrupt her Performance with such loud and
various Notes of Mockery, as other young Men of Honour in the
same Place have sometimes made themselves undauntedly merry
with: Thus, deaf to all Murmurs or Entreaties of those about him, he
pursued his Point, even to throwing near her such Trash as no
Person can be suppos'd to carry about him unless to use on so
particular an Occasion.
A Gentleman then behind the Scenes, being shock'd at his unmanly
Behaviour, was warm enough to say, That no Man but a Fool or a
Bully cou'd be capable of insulting an Audience or a Woman in so
monstrous a manner. The former valiant Gentleman, to whose Ear
the Words were soon brought by his Spies, whom he had plac'd
behind the Scenes to observe how the Action was taken there, came
immediately from the Pit in a Heat, and demanded to know of the
Author of those Words if he was the Person that spoke them? to
which he calmly reply'd, That though he had never seen him before,
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