Mizoram University Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences

(A Bi-Annual Refereed Journal) Vol IV Issue 2, December 2018 ISSN: 2395-7352

eISSN:2581-6780

Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction

Efforts in Mizoram

Rohmingmawii Pachuau*

Abstract
The Mizo insurgency movement called Rambuai reigned over with chaos and turbulence
from 1966-1986. The immediate reason for conflict in Mizoram was the dreadful
“Mautam Famine” of 1959 and the consequent lack of state action to address the
condition of the Mizoram district. The Mizoram insurgency broke out with the
declaration of Mizoram independence from the Indian Union by the Mizo National
Front. It spawned a full-fledged Uprising in 1966. The insurgency and counter
insurgency measures adopted by the Indian Government brought severe misery and
sufferings and left a deep psychological and emotional impact on the civilian population
of the Mizos. The use of air force, sexual violence and grouping of villages in particular
turned insurgency in the district to be the darkest period in the history of Mizoram.
However, the biggest challenges faced by post-conflict societies are how to deal with
and remember the crimes of the past. In many countries, clarification of historical
memory of the past has become a cause for political debates and provoked tensions
among social groups. Mizoram has not escaped the debate over historical memory of
Rambuai. Nevertheless, in recent years, generations of Mizo researchers and scholars
have addressed the ethnic movement from a myriad of theoretical and political
perspectives to reconstruct and re-visit the untold memories. In pursuance of the
growing effort, the paper will examine the post-conflict reconstruction efforts in
Mizoram and the impact of memory upon the rebuilding process.
Keywords: Memory, Reconstruction, Memorials, Commemorations, Mizo Insurgency.
Memory plays a crucial role in post- framework, the paper is a study of trauma
conflict reconstruction, as it aids the and collective memory; its impact and the
establishment of a collective memory, social process through which such
which in turn contributes to the creation memory is constructed and maintained.
of cultural identity, and the establishment Cultural trauma should be distinguished
of a narrative of truth, both of which are from the classical and popular notions of
necessary in the rebuilding process. Using trauma, which have in common the
the theory of cultural trauma as its naturalistic assumption that trauma results

* Assistant Professor, Department of English, Govt. Aizawl College 125

 Rohmingmawii Pachuau

from a wound inflicted on the body or the Social scientists and human rights
mind through an overwhelming event scholars have asserted the importance of
which imposes itself on a victim memory both in reconciliation and healing
(Alexander: 2004). By contrast, cultural after mass violence. However, it is
trauma is more contingent and involves difficult to determine the most appropriate
discursive practices, collectivities, way to facilitate reconciliation between
collective memory and collective identity groups who previously torture, rape, stole
in a struggle to define what is experienced from or killed one another, as there is no
as traumatic. (Eyerman,2011). There can ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach. While
be no doubt that Mizo insurgency policies cannot remedy the murder of
‘Rambuai’ was traumatic in the social and one’s family, scholars, activists and
scholarly meaning of the term. The practitioners argue that some action must
inhuman trauma caused to the Mizos by
be taken post- violence in order to address
the Indian army during the insurgency
the trauma of these human rights violation
period resulted in the death of 2116
(Caruth,1995). Nations, often in an effort
innocent people.(Lalhmanmawia,2011)
to overcome a contentious past, create
Due to the atrocities countless number of
collective memories for the country to
men were made handicapped or physically
disabled. Moreover, almost eighty two draw on for years to come.
percent of Mizoram’s total population was The phenomena of a group shared
evacuated and relocated in village memory has been studied under many
groupings. More than 300,000 houses different labels – public memory, collected
were burned to ashes and even the church memory, social memory, collective
buildings were not spared in many memory – all of which are not perfectly
villages. Various brutalities and inhuman synonymous (see Young, 1993, Osborne,
treatment given to the general population
1998) This article does not provide an
was to such a shameful degree that the
exhaustive review of these work, but
ideals of right to live, right to freedom of
rather defines collective memory and its
expression and question of justice never
attributes in a way that provides a
gained a ground. Arbitrary arrests,
detention without reasonable grounds, foundation for the present arguments.
molestation and rape of innocent women, Halbwachs (1992, p 38) emphasized the
inhuman treatment or torture of innocents social nature of all memory stating that
on ground of suspicion etc, were common individual thought is capable of the act of
incidents. The population also suffered a recollection only in so far as one places
great deal at the hands of the MNF army. oneself within the social frameworks of
The trauma came to an end with the memory. Along this line Hutton (1993)
signing of peace accord between the MNF defines collective memory as an ‘elaborate
and the government of India on the 30th network of social mores, values, and ideals
June, 1986. that marks out the dimension of our

126
 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

imaginations according to the attitudes of In this regard, one can distinguish official
the social group to which we relate’ (cited collective memory from cultural memory,
in Osborne, 1998). This network is where different interpretations of the past
populated by what Halbwachs (1992:222- confront one another (Mitztal, 2003).
3) refers to as ‘landmarks’, that is, Individual memory and the collective
‘particular figures, dates and periods of memory of various groups are important
time’ which localize a society’s mores, of course, as they contribute to collective
values and ideals. While Halbwachs states memory, in some cases offering a counter
that ‘landmarks’ are always carried ‘within to official versions. The Mizo public
ourselves’ (1992:175), he seeks to go experience of violence during Rambuai
beyond a psychological explanation of came to the fore almost a decade after the
memory (Olick and Robbins, 1998) outbreak of the movement, with the
Indeed, collective memory ‘exists in the formation of Human Rights Committee in
world’ and such ‘landmarks’ and 1974 by Brig. Thenphunga Sailo. Over the
collective memories are often ‘material’ past few years, there has been an increase
and are dependent on how groups interact in the prominence of memorials in post-
with them ( Osborne,2001).( Zerubavel, conflict Mizo society. The magnitude and
2003) argues that collective memory is a cruelty of armed conflicts continue to
process of groups gaining an ample come to light as testimonies of victims and
amount of social memories of their past publication of diaries, literature portraying
and is a way to practice recollection so Rambuai, (the trouble period) have
that the past becomes something that is increased studies and scholarly articles,
cognitively recognizable. Monuments and historical records are being examined and
memorials are common materializations memories are re-visited. There exists a
of collective memory and are dealt with growing attempt to unfold the truth, to
later. retell stories, do justice to those no more,
and to provide unbiased history for the
As with all memory, collective future generation. Rambuai Literature, a
memory is represented and reproduced in book offering interesting fare of MNF
narrative form through various means such narratives vaporizing the movement and
as oral telling, literature, film, monuments, also literature offering the flip side of
memorials and commemorative events many a story ‘ non MNF narratives’
such as anniversaries and holidays. emanating from pastors, church elders,
Through such media and related rituals, the pensioners, ex-servicemen, school
stories and myths that congeal as collective teachers and all those who have something
memory serve as a foundation upon which to tell, to narrate is being published. A
collective identity rests. In the case of central aspect of the cultural trauma
nations, there is no single collective process is this collective attempt to locate
memory; rather, there are many voices that the cause of suffering, to place blame and
overtime achieve some cohesive clarity. to point remedies.

127
 Rohmingmawii Pachuau

Since the 1990s “memory boom”1 of experience of human rights abuses has
scholarship engaging in memory politics often been neglected in transitional justice
and commemoration, social science approaches, with lack of regard for the
disciplines have emerged with a new complex injuries and violations that
found heuristic for understanding history, women suffer. However, the issue of how
identity, social movements and social to remember sexual and gender-based
relations. After the rediscovery of Maurice violence, including gendered torture,
Habwach’s book, On Collective Memory, mutilation and rape of women, posed an
social scientist began to re-examine the extremely difficult challenge. This is in
ways in which the past effect the present. part due to the fact that the topic of sexual
One central trend within memory studies violence and discussion of sexuality more
explores how communities, movements generally, is culturally taboo. The
and nations remember their pasts in ways complicated process of remembering
that create a sense of solidarity or gendered violence during National or state
exceptionality within the larger global commemoration or memorial projects
community. Much of these trends build within a context of silence, secrecy and
upon Benedict Anderson’s prominent shame among rape survivors, especially
analysis of how “imagined communities” those who have since remarried creates
are created and maintained to make challenges for public testimony. This is
individuals, who normally would feel little due to the fact that most survivors of
connection to one another, feel allied with sexual violence are uncomfortable sharing
one another in nationalist projects (1991). their experiences, which leads to very few
“Imagining a community” refers to the testimonies of gendered violence.
practice of sharing traditions, practicing Moreover, no consensus can be drawn as
communal rituals or encouraging ideas of to the best way to disseminate those
common descent. (Connerton 1989) narratives or facilitate discussion on such
horrific and shameful acts.
While these studies are particularly
helpful in framing the discussion of Collective memory is thus an active
memorializing efforts in post-conflict process of meaning-making in which
societies, the sociology of memory has various social forces competes. Collective
lacked rigorous scholarship on how can thus be distinguished from history –
gender shapes narratives of the past, the professionalized reconstruction of the
memorialization efforts or how gender past that aims at factual truth. Following
shapes who become experts of the past. Benedict Anderson (1983) and Paul
While few scholars have been in exception Connerton (1989), we conceive of nations
to this rule, the vast majority of collective as imagined communities, where the
memory scholarship has lacked attention construction and maintenances of
to gender on any analytical level. Women’s collective identity is both a necessary and

128
 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

ongoing process. The existence of core controlling public consciousness through

narratives that regulate and inform statues, museums, etc ( Billig 1995).
collective memory implies a nation of the These form a collective reminder of the
past that is non-objective and fluid. nation’s great past. It is through them that
Following in the traditions of Durkheim national past is converted into memory in
and Halbwachs, we understand collective the present..
memory as an integral part of a more
Days of commemorations and
general collective consciousness
ceremonies were shown to keep memory
(Durkheim, 1995; Halbwachs, 1992).
alive by helping to acknowledge and
Every society requires a sense of
identify specific numbers killed, by whom,
continuity in order to maintain social
and where in order to give a voice to their
cohesion overtime, and a narrated
stories and experiences, as well as public
collective memory that is reinforced
acknowledgement of their sufferings.
through everyday rituals and collective
Commemorative days or rituals can be
events is crucial to that (Mitztal, 2003)
especially important for survivors of
Hlabwachs proposed that social groups –
violence; this provides a time where their
families, religious cult, political
suffering is publicly recognized.
organizations and other communities –
Communities acknowledged what
develop strategies to hold fast to their
occurred in the past including the multiple
images of the past through places,
levels of wrongdoings. In Mizoram,
monuments and rituals of commemoration
memorials hold commemorative events
( Halbwach, 1992 )
on annual anniversary of the bombing of
Core national narratives and related Aizawl on 5th March, 1996 – the first air
ritual practices like holidays and raid by the Indian Air Force on civilian
commemorations are meant to cement territory within the country. Since 2008,
collective identification, as they Mizoram has observed March 5 as Zoram
distinguish “us” from “them”, those inside Ni or Zoram Day. The idea is to revive
and outside of the collective. The ultimate the idea of self-determination and instill
aim is to secure loyalty to the abstract the importance of sacrifice among the
collectivity we call a nation. For the nation younger generation. On the event of 50th
state, it is the past that unifies and ties anniversary of this day, Lalremruata, a
communities who inhabit the nation state. progressive member of the Zo-
This can be sacred and symbolic, but is Reunification organization expressed that
often imbued with myth. Apart from this, “the horror of that day still haunts every
national past commemorate important Mizo, but the positive aspect is that it
historical events making them a living inspires us to secure Zo nationalism,
memory. The banality of such nationalist which is already crossing the national
expression confirms the state agenda of boundaries”.

129
 Rohmingmawii Pachuau

While Mizoram now has emerged as to instill a sense of patriotism among

one of the most peaceful states and younger generations. We must not forget
marching ahead as one of the most the saddest day in our history” (retrieved
developing states of India, memories of from Northeast Today, 28th August, 2015)
the inferno still remain with those who
survived the trial by fire. Till today there The horror that the air – strikes entail
has been no satisfactory answer as to why may have been forgotten by the rest of
India used such excessive force against its India but they remain etched indelibly in
own citizens in order to suppress an the mind of those who suffered The
insurgency. The event serves as good a embedded memory is signified by an
time to go beyond just questioning the instance when as late as 2010, there was
morality of the bombing, or the strong public outcry demanding apology
complexities that led to it. It serves as a from the Government of India for all the
platform to understand its legacy. The atrocities committed during the troubled
bombing of Aizawl to secure the Indian years and for the aerial attack on Aizawl
nation state further paralyzed the Mizos on the 4th and 5th March 1966. J.V.Hluna,
from sharing in the notion of Indian a prominent and renowned historian, in
nationalism. Memory of the excessive an interview stated that
action simply helped to cement the feeling “We never wanted anything big from the
of otherness within the Mizos vis-à-vis the centre. All we wanted is that the Prime
rest of India. The bombing helped Minister saying sorry in Parliament for
strengthen Zo nationalism said all that it did in 1966.” (Times of India,
Zarzosanga, a Mizo scholar. 5th March, 2011).
“The bombing of Aizawl did not deter or Such commemoration, through
detach the heart of Zo nationalism,” he annual observation not only animates
said. “Instead it makes Zo nationalism remembering the event, but also infuses
more evident and alive and outside the attachment and loyalty among citizens.
interest and understanding of Indian Public landscapes of commemoration
nationalism. The bomb actually othered evolve through a complex interplay of
the Mizos from India and Indians. The social and political forces. In democratic
blunder made by the Government of India societies, even though special interests
with its decision to bomb Aizawl was an may promote their own agendas, there is
affirmation and acknowledgement of Mizo measure of consensus involved in acts of
nationalism. (Northeast Today, 22 Sept. public commemoration The main events
2015) that is commemorated in Mizoram is
Mr. Lalhmachhuana, the president of ‘Remna ni’ or peace day, the anniversary
Mizo Zirlai Pawl, 2015 in his interview of the signing of the historic Mizo Peace
said that “we have been observing this day Accord on 30th June 1986. The MNF has

130
 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

observed ‘Remna ni’ since the time of churches and NGO’s under the aegis of
signing the accord; it was elevated to a the central committee of the YMA. The
state level in 2006, to commemorate 20 celebration of the 32nd Anniversary in 2018
years of successful peace settlement. was organized by the state apex student
Meeting of Mizoram’s major Non- body, Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP), at
Governmental Organizations and Political Pachhunga University College and the
Parties on 29th April, 2016 decided to event was graced by the Chief Minister
celebrate the ‘Remna Ni’ a state-wide and also addressed by different leaders of
event. The meeting resolved to set an different political parties of the state. On
organizing committee headed by the the event, MNF founder president and
central committee of the Young Mizo former Chief Minister late Laldenga,
Association (YMA), the meeting also Congress President and Chief Minister Lal
decided that the event be celebrated in all Thanhawla and a retired IAS officer
districts of Mizoram to be organized by Lalkhama were commemorated for their
all NGO’s and political parties and that “outstanding contributions” toward
all the church leaders across the state be establishment of peace in Mizoram.
asked to offer thanks giving prayers on the Meanwhile, Mizoram Governor,
Peace Day. Thus, the year 2016 saw the Kummanam Rajsekharan sent his
active involvement of organizations and greetings to the people saying that “
the church among others in Remna Ni is a watershed in the history of
commemorating the day. To mark the 30th Mizoram as it renews our hope for a
anniversary of the day people cutting peaceful, progressive and developed
across party lines took part in the Mizoram”. (Morungexpress.com, 2nd July
celebrations marking a historic day for the 2018). He then urged the people to
state. The main celebration in Aizawl was remember those who laid down their lives
held in the Assam Rifles ground, locally for the cause of Mizoram, the most
known as Lammual, the then Governor of peaceful state in the country, and their
the state Nirbhay Sharma hoisted a black dreams of a better tomorrow.
and white flag modified from the Mizo
traditional Puan, Ngotekherh which bears Memorialization is increasingly
the map of Mizoram and a sketch of two recognized as an integral part of
hands clasped in a handshake while the transitional justice processes. It is seen as
peace symbol dove hovered above the a component of reparation that can provide
flag. It was a poignant way to mark the recognition and acknowledgement to
spirit of peace and reconciliation, of which victims and serve to demonstrate a new
Mizoram has become a symbol and a regime’s commitment to tell the truth,
substance of. The celebration held in 40 about the past and to avoid repeating
places across the state was jointly human rights violations. Memorials are
organized by all the political parties, purported to promote healing and

131
 Rohmingmawii Pachuau

reconciliation, but, however, such claims probes the role that monuments and
are crouched; empirical support for them memorials play in shaping consciousness
is scant. While Remna Ni does – and in being shaped by politics. Here he
commemorate or even celebrate the end comments about the social and political
of two decades of conflict, it actually influences that affect the concretization of
celebrates the idea of “peace”. It clearly “culture”. And he notes that monuments
outlines the state’s agenda of ignoring the and memorials serve many different
public experiences and memories of the purposes. “We arouse and arrange our
period. The narratives of peace, by and memories to suit our psychic needs.
large, overshadow the violence and trauma Historians on the left are surely correct in
suffered by the people in the troubled referring to the social production of
years. Also, though much of the Mizo- memory, and in positing the existence of
inhabited areas, even outside of Mizoram, dominant memories (or a mainstream
have been equally affected by the collective consciousness) along with
movement, celebration remains confined alternative (usually subordinate)
to present day Mizoram alone. Therefore, memories. Such historians are equally
the celebration of peace is concurrently sensible to differentiate between official
connected to the success of India’s and more spontaneous or populistic
counter-insurgency campaign in Mizoram. memories. (Kammen,9). Monuments are
(Roluahpuia, 2018) contested – they are sites of protests
(Sturken, 1997) and places where counter
Monuments and historical memories can be formed (Young, 1993) –
celebrations play a role in creating a sense largely because they are involved in
of public memory, a shared narrative of relations of power (Osborne, 2001).
our history, a framework of meaning that
becomes a source of public identity. And In Mizoram, the MNF, the armed
this in turn plays into a sense of collective rebellion turned political party has been
identity, a willingness to sacrifice for a observing Martyr’s Day every 20 th of
larger cause, and a sense of commonality September since 1980, when its cadres
with one’s fellow citizens. Monuments were still living in the jungles fighting for
express and advocate for public values. an independent homeland for the Mizos.
But this role is more complicated, because When the party was in power for a decade
memory, social values, and meaning are between 1998-2008, it built the Martyr’s
not neutral factors. These are contested Cemetery in Luangmual, located in the
issues. There are political consequences state capital, Aizawl. The cemetery is
of one way of telling the story against constructed in consultations with local
another. And so monuments are often churches and all NGO’s of the locality.
points of contention. American historian The foundation for the cemetery was laid
Michael Kammen explores this topics and in 2001 and it was formerly inaugurated

132
 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

in 2008 by the then Chief Minister national consensus, the Martyr Cemetery
Zoramthanga. The cemetery is built on showed Mizoram as still hopelessly
entirely white marble of 2,660 square divided, traumatized society, where each
meters complex, large enough to host attempt to relegate the trouble times to the
2,400 granite plaques designating the past was met with strong opposition.
names, addresses and date of deaths of Clearly, the personal wounds were still too
those martyrs in the insurgency .Martyrs fresh and the society too traumatized that
cemetery is the most visible monument opponents could only regard the
constructed in relation to remembrance of monument as another political move by
Mizo insurgency. It forms an important the ruling party of the state.
site of memory. However, despite its
LaCapra (1998, 184-97) has pointed
significance, this memorial is not without
out the importance of commemorations,
contestation, particularly in the local. This
testimonies, historical studies, and even
is because memories of the MNF
bodily practices for national remembrance
movement are “multi-sited” in the
and reconciliation. Memorial days are sup-
narratives and as well as in construction
posed to create a shared history, allow
of memorials. Besides the 1,563 dead
people to exchange narratives about past
commemorated at the Martyr’s Cemetery,
sorrows, and thus enhance feelings of na-
an organization of Mizoram Martyr
tional identity. Yet, such ritualization of
Families lists out 2,186 victims. There
the past, and the mourning that ensues, are
exists a sense of exclusiveness, tied with
condemned by different sectors of Mizos
the understanding of Mizo nationalism by
society, notably the anti-MNF political
the MNF. In fact, although the cemetery
parties. Riding on the presumed neutrali-
was intended to include all those who lost
ty of material representation, the monu-
their lives during the period of the
ments, memorials, and commemorations
movement, it, however, is exclusively for
are the expressions of political memory
the MNF and ex-MNA members.
agendas and become, therefore, exten-
(Roluahpuia, 2018). It is worth noting that
sions, repetitions, and manifestations of
a separate martyr monument was
social traumas rather than their substitutes.
constructed under the initiative of the state
Congress party in Mizoram. The intention Mizoram’s social memories are
was to construct an inclusive memorial conflicting re-memberances, conflicting
which would include all those who lost re-constructions of narrative wholes out
their lives in the movement (Vanglaini of fragmentary traumatic memories
2016). Besides the doubts over the list, the because of forgetting, insufficient
issue of remembering the MNF movement encoding, incomprehensibility, awareness
is creating a tussle between the two main of the sentiments of the victims and their
political parties, the MNF and the relatives and politically divided context.
Congress party. Rather than expressing a The recurrent recollection of partial

133
 Rohmingmawii Pachuau

traumatic experiences will therefore not pursuit of memory is evident in the way
unify discourse, but enhance the real and mythic pasts are re-presented,
antagonism within Mizo society. As remembered, or forgotten, marking
Lambek and Antze (1996, xx) explain, contemporary politics and global culture.
“where conflict prevails, the reception of Perhaps, as the literary critic Andreas
narrative…..may be fraught with tension. Huyssen has suggested, “the obsessive
Memory becomes a locus of struggle over pursuit of memory may be an indication
the boundary between the individual and that our thinking and living temporality
the collective or between distinct interest are undergoing a significant shift, as
groups in which power becomes the modernity has brought about a real
operative factor.” Just as psychologists, compression of time and space yet also
such as Daniel Schacter (1996,5), have expanded horizons of time and space
argued that personal memory is not one beyond the local.” (Andreas Huyssen,
single faculty of the human mind, but a 2003 (1). 14). Today we think of the past
dynamic constellation of different neural as memory without borders, memory is
structures with distinct memory processes, understood as a mode of re-presentation
so the collective memory of a society and as belonging to the present. An
consists of different social memories important aspect of this culture of memory
reproduced in different tempos, times, and is the way the struggle for justice and
ways in interaction with their context. human rights and the remembrance of
Different groups contribute different traumatic events have been coupled, as
memories to society whose confrontation nations seek to create democratic societies
continuously produces new memory in the wake of mass atrocities. Though the
configurations. culture of memory has spread around the
globe and the political uses of memory are
Is it possible to conceive of memorials varied, at its core the use and abuse of
that focus on that warning as the key memory remain tied to official histories
element of concern connecting the past of specific communities, nations and
and the future?. Can we build memorials states. Yet, while residues of mythical
that, while addressing events and honoring meta-narratives, histories of victors, and
victims and survivors, contribute to acts self-aggrandizing monuments, which
of remembrance, demand proactive served to legitimized nation-states, may
engagement, and envision a better world?. still be present, the cultures to which they
In its many forms, memory has become a speak have become infiltrated by
marker of global culture: in repressed local or group memories; they
historiography, psychoanalysis, visual and have been subverted by forgotten micro-
performing arts, and media- and histories, by the appearance of vanquished
particularly in urban studies, public art, others, by those who bear witness to
landscape design, and architecture. The personal and historic traumas, and by the

134
 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

transformation of official monuments into specific sites maintain their significance

monuments other. to legitimating a collective memory over
time.
The concept of collective memory
may be extended to include the complex Nations and memory are indivisible.
inter-relationship between collective Misztal refers to ‘communities of
memory and memory sites. Monuments memory’ (2003:155), in that memories
or symbolically significant sites may help to mark social boundaries and define
deeply be embedded within the structure collective identity. Nation requires a sense
of political myths; however, the of their past for reasons of social cohesion,
importance memory sites play in memories of which are embodied in acts
authenticating and giving political myth of public commemoration and in public
a commemorative focus, cannot be memorials and rituals that socialize us in
overestimated. Zerubavel (2003, 13) what to remember. Nationhood also
argued that memory sites represent the requires us to forget. Deliberate collective
conscious will of a community to give amnesia or denial helps in nation building
these sites symbolic significance; to since it excludes from the national
transform them from ‘places of history’ narrative items that in the here-and-now
into a ‘places of memory.’ What is are problematic. Memory can be
important for any analysis of a memory implicated to hamper peace process. There
site are the memorializing intentions of a are two sociological issues around public
community. Memory sites represent memory in peace process: what it is that
images of stability by visually bringing is publicly remembered and forgotten; and
representations of the past into the present. what social practices need to be adopted
Moreover, the original meaning invested to culturally reproduce these selective
in a memory site is not fixed but evolves public memories, there is no easy policy
in step with the changing patterns of solution to these issues. However, social
dominant and subordinate memories memory is implicated in peace, despite the
within a community. Even though a close connection between memory and
memory site could be ‘read’ as part of the nationalism, social memory can be used
political landscape, it was the symbolic as a peace strategy. Indeed, it is precisely
meaning associated with a memory site because social memory is socially
that was of most importance. The constructed, subject to manipulation and
symbolic meaning of a memory site change- albeit slow- and affected by social
changes as the collective memories context and social change, that various
associated with that site are adjusted to social practices that occasion and shape
meet the changing needs of a community. memory and remembrance can be devised
It is therefore the interrelationship to garner peace, if not also reconciliation.
between a community and its memory Social memory can be re-constructed to
sites that determines the degree to which become a peace strategy and to help the

135
 Rohmingmawii Pachuau

maintenance of peace process by re- simple, black and white structure.

visiting, and where appropriate re- Strategies that succeeded in one society
constituting, the past for the purpose of may fail in another. The Mizoram state
peace. embraces a selective vision representing
the Mizo insurgency as the most
Reconciliation is crucial in a post-
conflict society in order for nation to re- successful case of counter-insurgency in
establish its stability ( Hamber and Wilson India. However, the collective memory of
2002: 38) . The achievement of collective Mizoram Buai is not a static reproduction
memory, reconciliation, healing, and or repetitive replay of same memories, but
forgiveness are, in a sense, a progression, a contested, contradictory and
though perhaps not linear. No form of heterogeneous process of selective
reconciliation is achievable without first memories among different groups. Thus,
using memory to process the atrocities that it is in the highly conflicting re-visiting,
have occurred. Nor can they be achieved re-reading and reconstruction that the
through force. The healing process for study of trauma and collective memory of
post-conflict societies does not have a the Mizo society should be sought.

Notes:
The “memory boom” refers to a development in which, over the last few decades, the
prominence and significance of memory has risen within both the academy and society.
The ‘memory boom’ has been tied to the idea of a crisis in which the abundance of
memory can be attributed to a very real fear of social amnesia or forgetfulness.

References:
Alexander, Jeffrey. 2004. Toward a theory of Cultural Trauma, in: Alexander J. et al.
(eds): Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity. Berkeley: University of California
Press 1-30
Anderson, B. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of
Nationalism. New York, NY. Verso Publishing
Anderson, B.1983. Imagined Communities. London: Verso
Billig, Michael. 1995. Banal Nationalism. London: Thousand Oaks.
Caruth, C. (ed). 1995. Trauma: Explorations in Memory. Baltimore: The John Hopkins
University Press.
Connerton, P. 1989. How Societies Remember. New York: Cambridge University Press.
136
 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

Durkheim, Emile. 1995/1912. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. New York:
Palgrave Macmillan
Eyerman, Ron. 2001. Cultural Trauma Slavery and the Formation of African American
Identity, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Halbwachs, M. 1992. On Collective Memory, trans L.A. Coser. Chicago, IL: University
of Chicago Press. p 175, 222-3.
Hamber, Brandon and Richard A.Wilson.2002. Symbolic Closure through Memory,
Reparation and Revenge in Post-conflict Societies. Journal of Human Rights.
1(1): 35-53.
Huyssen, Andreas. 2003. “Introduction”, in Present Past: Urban Palimpsests and the
Politics of Memory. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
LaCapra, Dominick.1998. History and Memory after Auschwitz. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press.
Lalhmanmawia C. “Mizo Insurgency vis-as-vis Human Rights”. Preserve
Articles,retrieved from www.preservearticles.com/201106218318, June 21,2011
Lambek, Michael, and Paul Antze. 1996. “Introduction: Forecasting Memory.” In Tense
Past: Cultural Essay in Trauma and Memory, ed. Paul Antze and Michael Lambek,
xi-xxxviii. New York: Routledge.
Lulam, Renee. 2017. “Fractured Inheritance: Negotiating Memories of the Mizo
Insurgency in India’s North Eastern Borderlands” Retrieved from
www.oralhistoryforum.ca>ohf>viewfile/631
“Memories of the Inferno”. Retrieved from http://indian –defense forces.blogspot.in/
2010/04/1966-iaf-bombing-of-aiz
Misztal, Barbara. 2003. Theories of Social Remembering. Maidenhead: Open
University Press.
Mizo Insurgency: Martyr’s Day Observed in Mizoram >> Northeast Today Retrieved
from https://www.northeasttoday.in>mizo insurgency, Sept,22. 2015
Mizoram: “Coping with Peace” – Special Report News. Retrieved from
www.indiatoday.in
Ollick, J.K. and J. Robbins 1998 “Social Memory Studies: From Collective Memory
to the Historical Sociology of Mnemonic Practices”, Annual Review of Sociology.
24: 105-40

137
 Rohmingmawii Pachuau

Osborne, B.S. 1998. ‘Constructing Landscape of Power: The George Etienne Cartier
Monument, Montreal’. Journal of Historical geography. 24(4), 431-58
Osborne, B.S. 2001 “ Landscape, Memory, Monuments and Commemmoration: Putting
Identity in its Place”, Canadian Ethnic Studies, 33(3): 36-77
Roluahpuia, 2018. “ Memories and Memorials of the Mizo National Front Movement”-
ResearchGate . Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net> publication. June
2018
Schacter, Daniel L, 1996. Searching for Memory: The Brain, the Mind, and the Past.
New York: Basic Books.
Sturken, M. 1997. Tangled Memories: The Vietnam War, the AIDS Epidemic, and the
Politics of Remembering. Bekerley: University of California Press.
Vanglaini, 2016. June 28, viewed on August 20 2018, hppt://www.vanglaini.org/
tualchhung/56677.
Young, J.E. 1993 ‘Germany’s Memorial Question: Memory, Counter-Memory, and
the end of the Monument’, The South Atlantic Quarterly 94(4): 853-80
Young, J.E. 1993. The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press
Zama, Margaret Ch and Lalawmpuia Vanchiau, “After Decades of Silence: Voices
from Mizoram”- a brief review of Mizo literature, New Delhi, 2016
Zerubavel, E. 1996. “Social Memories: Steps to sociology of the Past”. Qualitative
Sociology 19: 283-299
Zerubavel, E. 2003. Time Maps: Collective Memory and The Social Shape of the
Past. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

138