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TRUE/FALSE. Write 'T' if the statement is true and 'F' if the statement is false.

1) Every sensory modality (hearing, smelling, tasting, seeing, and touching) can produce corresponding
mental images.
Answer: True False

2) According to the text, there has yet to be an intelligence test developed that does not discriminate
against the members of any minority group.
Answer: True False

3) Herrnstein and Murray's (1994) book, The Bell Curve, included arguments that the influence of the
environment is more important than genetic differences when understanding why Blacks and Whites
have different levels of average intelligence.
Answer: True False

4) Research has shown that the correlation in intelligence test scores is greater between fraternal twins
than between identical twins.
Answer: True False

5) Each sensory modality is able to produce corresponding mental images.

Answer: True False

6) When people overestimate the probability of a terrorist attack in their own city after watching a
news report on terrorism, they are using a representativeness heuristic.
Answer: True False

7) Heuristics are very helpful when solving problems. They produce accurate results when applied.
Answer: True False

8) If a problem appears to be unique or unusual, most people will spend more time reading the
instructions and trying to understand the type of problem they are to solve than if the problem were
easily defined.
Answer: True False

9) Strong problem solvers understand that it is sometimes necessary to ignore pieces of information in
order to simplify the problem.
Answer: True False

10) Trial and error is always an efficient and rapid method of problem solving.
Answer: True False

11) Some problems are solved more easily by working through them backwards.
Answer: True False

12) "I like this idea. After all it was my idea." These statements reflect the truism that we often believe
our ideas are better than they really are.
Answer: True False

1
13) Leslie
has just bought a chair that requires assembly. She lays all the pieces of the chair on the floor
and begins to place them together until all the parts have been correctly assembled. Leslie has
performed an arrangement problem.
Answer: True False

14) A person who cannot visualize using a comb as a letter opener can be described as functionally
fixated.
Answer: True False

15) Therules that indicate how words and phrases can be combined to create sentences are referred to as
phonology.
Answer: True False

16) Mostrecent research has failed to support the linguistic-relativity hypothesis that language causes
thought.
Answer: True False

17) Despitehaving no exposure to language during her childhood and early adolescence, the girl known
as Genie was eventually able to speak and master the complexity of the English language after
intensive instruction.
Answer: True False

18) Outof the approximately 800 different phonemes available in the languages of the world, the
English language utilizes over 500.
Answer: True False

19) Children must be taught the rules of grammar before they can form acceptable sentences.
Answer: True False

20) Dr.Lewis is a surgeon, and she relies on nimble finger movements to repair the wounds she
encounters among her patients. Dr. Lewis likely has what Gardner refers to as bodily kinesthetic
intelligence.
Answer: True False

21) Entity theorists believe that intelligence is primarily fixed at birth.

Answer: True False

22) Familialintellectual disabilities is the term that describes a situation in which no apparent biological
defect exists, but there is a history of intellectual disabilities in the family.
Answer: True False

2
MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.

23) Milton is a convergent thinker. For example, if asked, "What do you with an apple?" How would he
respond?
A) "You can eat it in the kitchen, eat it in the car, or eat it at a picnic."
B) "You can cut it, chop it, or throw it."
C) "You can roll it, cook it, or bounce it."
D) "You can eat it, decorate with it, or give it to a friend."
Answer: A

24) Mark is a divergent thinker. For example, if asked, "What you do with an apple?" How would he
respond?
A) "You can eat it right side up, upside down, or sideways."
B) "You can eat it, roll it, float it, or use it for a decoration."
C) "You can eat it in bed, eat it watching television, or eat it outside."
D) "You can eat it in your car, eat it in a boat, or eat it in an airplane."
Answer: B

25) On average, whites tend to score ________ on traditional intelligence tests than blacks.
A) 20-25 points lower B) 25-35 points higher
C) 10-15 points higher D) 1-10 points lower
Answer: C

26) At what age does an average baby begin to babble?

A) 12 months of age. B) 18months of age.
C) 3 months of age. D) 6 months of age.
Answer: C

27) A
10-year-old boy takes an intelligence test and performs at the level of an average 15-year-old boy.
What is this child's approximate intelligence quotient?
A) 85 B) 120 C) 150 D) 67
Answer: C

28) Peoplewho are intellectually gifted (IQ scores greater than 130) make up about ________ of the
population.
A) 18-20% B) 10-12% C) 24-26% D) 2-4%
Answer: D

29) Changing "I would like to go" to "I would love to go" indicates to the listener a change in the degree
of intensity of wanting to do something. What has the communication been affected by?
A) A change in syntax. B) A change in semantics.
C) A change in phonology. D) A change in morphology.
Answer: B

3
30) "I knowwhat a profitable business looks like and this is not it. The store is a mess, the employees
show up an hour late for work, and the books are a disaster!" This potential buyer is making a
judgment of profitability on the basis of which of the following?
A) A business algorithm. B) A good business heuristic.
C) A good business prototype. D) A good business concept.
Answer: C

31) What is determining the best arrangement of canned goods on a shelf?

A) A heuristic. B) An algorithm.
C) A well-defined problem. D) An ill-defined problem.
Answer: C

32) You are cooking lasagna for friends and you must choose between two packages of ground beef at
the grocery store. One package states that the beef is 85% lean, and the other package states that the
beef is 15% fat. You choose the package that is 85% lean. How has your decision been influenced?
A) Availability heuristics. B) Framing.
C) A means-ends analysis. D) Algorithms.
Answer: B

33) A first-year student knows that she needs 140 credit hours to graduate, and she would like to major
in psychology. She must decide what courses she must take to help her reach her goals. What will
she most likely rely on?
A) Shallow processing. B) An availability heuristic.
C) Framing. D) A means-ends analysis.
Answer: D

34) During the winter months grandmother placed a large picture puzzle on the table for the children to
share. It had over a thousand pieces and everyone in the family stopped by the table from time to
time to add to the picture. What was the family enjoying?
A) An ill-defined problem. B) An arrangement problem.
C) An inducing structure problem. D) A transformational problem.
Answer: B

35) Think about your closest friend or loved one. What are you probably using?
A) A tactile image. B) An auditory image.
C) An olfactory image. D) A visual image.
Answer: D

36) A psychology student completes a test that measures all her knowledge of psychology. Her score
will be used to determine whether or not she is accepted into graduate school. What is she probably
taking?
A) Aptitude test. B) Crystallized intelligence test.
C) Achievement test. D) Practical intelligence test.
Answer: C

4
37) Stewart is Student Government President, and is working with various groups on campus to
understand why different racial groups on campus do not interact well with each other. So far,
Stewart has little specific information about racial conflict, and he is not quite sure how the problem
will be solved. How would psychologists classify Stewart's problem?
A) Algorithmic. B) Well-defined. C) Transformative. D) Ill-defined.
Answer: D

38) Ifthere are indirect steps that temporarily increase the difference between current states and desired
goals, then what will lead to ineffective problem solving?
A) Means-ends analysis. B) Algorithms.
C) Availability heuristics. D) Framing.
Answer: A

39) Which of the following statements concerning culture-fair tests is TRUE?

A) Psychologists have successfully developed a number of such tests that reliably compare people
from different cultures.
B) Although culture-fair tests exist, they are very expensive to administer and are therefore less
popular than culture-specific tests.
C) Psychologists have been unsuccessful in developing such tests to reliably compare people from
different cultures.
D) The use of culture-fair tests have revealed that the intelligence gap between majority and
minority groups is even larger than once believed.
Answer: C

40) What does research on creative thinking suggests?

A) Thinking in convergent ways can improve creativity.
B) Wild and bizarre ideas can help people think of the best solutions.
C) Heuristics are generally ineffective ways to solve problems.
D) Analogies are usually unhelpful in showing different approaches to problems.
Answer: B

41) Which of the following arguments has not been made in support of the view that animals cannot use
language in the same way as humans do?
A) Animals do not follow grammar, and their "language" is simple.
B) Only humans can use "body language" or nonverbal methods to communicate ideas.
C) Only humans have a language-acquisition device.
D) Animals do not recognize and respond to the mental state of other species members.
Answer: B

42) According to psychologist James Kaufman where is mental illness found more frequently among?
A) Nonfiction writers than poets. B) Professional athletes
C) Architects D) Poets than other writers.
Answer: D

5
43) Which of the following statements regarding intellectually gifted people has NOT been theoretically
supported?
A) Are able to do most things better than the average person can.
B) Are popular people.
C) Are most often outgoing.
D) Tend to be shy and withdrawn.
Answer: D

44) What does divergent thinking require a person to develop?

A) As many solutions as possible to a problem.
B) Solutions that are based on logic and knowledge.
C) Unusual but appropriate solutions to a problem.
D) Cognitively simple solutions to a problem.
Answer: C

45) "Student opinions are interesting, " Dr. Lane told his physics class. "Most students believe basic
physics is a difficult course, but most students have not taken the course." What is Dr. Lane
complaining about?
A) Representativeness heuristic which had been formed by students concerning physics.
B) Prototype which had been formed by students concerning physics.
C) Algorithm which had been formed by students concerning physics.
D) Availability heuristic which had been formed by students concerning physics.
Answer: D

46) Afriend offers to introduce you to a person who she describes as intelligent, studious, and good
with computers. You decline the offer, imagining this person to be a nerd or introverted bookworm.
Which of the following has influenced your decision?
A) Means-ends algorithm. B) Disease algorithm.
C) Availability heuristic. D) Representativeness heuristic.
Answer: D

47) Marla believes that her city should not raise taxes to support after-school programs for children. She
attends a debate between two mayoral candidates, one who favours raising taxes, and one who does
not. According to research, what will Marla likely do?
A) Be influenced by the candidate who gives the final presentation.
B) Be open-minded and give equal consideration to the arguments of both candidates.
C) Give more consideration to the candidate who does not favour raising taxes.
D) Give more consideration to the candidate who favours raising taxes because she will learn new
points of view.
Answer: C

6
48) According toneuroscientists how is a "Eureka!" moment characterized?
A) By a sudden increase in the activity of the memory areas of the brain.
B) By a sudden decrease in lower-frequency brain waves.
C) By a sudden increase in lower-frequency brain waves.
D) By a sudden decrease in the activity of the visual areas of the brain.
Answer: B

49) What does research on language development suggest?

A) Children who are not exposed to language by a certain age will have more problems acquiring
language later on.
B) When babbling, infants initially use only the phonemes of their caregivers' language.
C) Young infants can only differentiate between a small number of sounds (10-20).
D) Babies with hearing impairments do not babble.
Answer: A

50) Canadian Mike Lazaridis is noted for his creativity as the inventor of BlackBerry technology. Which
branch of psychology would describe how Lazaridis developed his ideas and how he used language
to talk about his invention?
A) Developmental psychology. B) Neuroscience.
C) Motivational psychology. D) Cognitive psychology.
Answer: D

51) Dr.Eller is studying reasoning and judgment among elderly patients in a nursing facility. Which
describes this area of study?
A) Cognitive psychology. B) Genetics.
C) Neuroscience. D) Developmental psychology.
Answer: A

52) What term refers to the degree to which a characteristic is related to genetic, inherited factors?
A) Concordance rate. B) Cohort effect.
C) Heritability. D) Specificity.
Answer: C

53) What is the hallmark of creativity?

A) Logical thinking. B) Divergent thinking.
C) Thinking with mental sets. D) Convergent thinking.
Answer: B

54) Including such characteristics as musical ability and interpersonal relationships in definitions of
intelligence is consistent with a theory of multiple intelligences formulated by which theorist?
A) Charles Murray. B) Howard Gardner.
C) David Wechsler. D) Alfred Binet.
Answer: B

7
55) Kyle
is interested in how people solve complex problems, such as how to repair a broken clock.
What type of psychologist is Kyle most likely to be?
A) Personality psychologist. B) Clinical psychologist.
C) Cognitive psychologist. D) Developmental psychologist.
Answer: C

56) What do creative people tend to exercise?

A) Convergent thinking. B) Divergentthinking.
C) De-frame a problem. D) Functional fixedness.
Answer: B

57) When a child is born with an extra chromosome, what will he or she develop?
A) Multiple sclerosis. B) Giftedness
C) Paraplegia. D) Down syndrome.
Answer: D

58) What is the most common cause of intellectual disabilities?

A) Exposure to air pollution and other toxic chemicals in the expectant mother's environment.
B) Poor social relationships between a mother and her infant during the first 6 months.
C) Familial-no obvious biological defect exists, but there is a family history of intellectual
disabilities.
D) Alcohol and drug use among expectant mothers.
Answer: C

59) What is the tendency to prefer initial hypotheses and to ignore information that disconfirms them
known as?
A) Representativeness heuristic. B) Framing bias.
C) Availability heuristic. D) Confirmation bias.
Answer: D

60) Mariah cuts her finger, but she does not have a bandage to stop the bleeding. Noticing a roll of tape
on her desk, she places a piece of tape over the wound until she can go to the pharmacy. What is
Mariah's solution not bound by?
A) Functional fixedness. B) Divergent thinking.
C) Framing. D) Transformation.
Answer: A

61) Toby was labeled learning disabled by the "experts" when he was in the first grade, third grade, and
seventh grade. His new teacher wondered why this tenth grade boy had to be looking at her face in
order to understand the simplest direction. Even loud noises did not seem to startle him. She asked
the school nurse to check Toby's hearing. When Toby's new teacher suspected an error in the
diagnosis, what was it based on?
A) Functional fixedness. B) Confirmation bias.
C) Mental set. D) Transformation thought.
Answer: B

8
62) Maritamoved to Canada 11 years ago. She still celebrates the day of independence for her native
country, and she also celebrates Canadian's independence day. Which model of biculturalism has
she adopted?
A) Generalizing model. B) Fusion model.
C) Assimilation model. D) Alternation model.
Answer: D

63) Who created the first intelligence test?

A) Alfred Binet. B) David Wechsler. C) Francis Galton. D) Gerald Stanford.
Answer: A

64) Nina has learned English as a second language. Her native tongue does not use the consonant "d." In
her head the English "d" seems very much like "v." What would her speech would probably sound
like?
A) I am vine. B) Goov, vay Vebbie!
C) Vhat time is vt? D) Vow are vou?
Answer: B

65) Suziewas insistent when she recognized her mother's preparations to leave the house. "Granny? Go
car Granny? Cookie?" she questioned. Her mother understood that she wanted to go to her
grandmother's house and have a cookie despite what?
A) Her poor use of phonemes. B) Her poor semantics.
C) Her overgeneralization. D) Her telegraphic speech.
Answer: D

66) What is the most common biological cause of an intellectual disability?

A) Paternal stress. B) Maternal alcohol use.
C) Heredity. D) Down syndrome.
Answer: B

67) Which of the following best describes a cognitive shortcut that may or may not lead to a correct
answer?
A) Syllogism. B) Algorithm.
C) Heuristic. D) Transformation rule.
Answer: C

68) Educating Canadian children without increasing the burden of taxes is a/an example of what?
A) Well-defined problem. B) Heuristic.
C) Algorithm. D) Ill-defined problem.
Answer: D

69) Tedmust solve a series of problems in his engineering class, and he wants to make a very good
grade on the assignment. Which of the following should Ted rely on?
A) Heuristics. B) Schema. C) Algorithms. D) Syllogisms.
Answer: C

9
70) Drake and his grandfather climbed to the meadow every evening during the summer and watched
the sun set over the mountain. They climbed the steep trail and descended along the trail with the
more gradual grade. When Drake asked if they might try going up to the meadow on the easier trail
and coming back on the steep trail, his grandfather laughed, "I guess I have never thought of doing it
that way." Why has Drake been climbing a steep trail?
A) His grandfather had not used trial and error.
B) His grandfather had a strong mental set concerning the plan of travel.
C) His grandfather was in better shape than he.
D) His grandfather had not understood how steep the trail was.
Answer: B

71) What describes an intelligence test that does not favour any particular ethnic group and that does not
require language usage?
A) Culture-fair. B) Relativistic. C) Unstandardized. D) Homogeneous.
Answer: A

72) What is one of the significant differences between humans and other species?
A) Humans often change their approach to a problem while other species do not do so.
B) Humans are able to contemplate, analyze, and plan differently than other species.
C) Humans exhibit superior sensory abilities.
D) Humans consider the rights of others.
Answer: B

73) Sam must bake a cake for his mother's birthday party. He has a recipe that shows him the
ingredients and also how the finished cake will look once the ingredients are combined and baked.
Baking a cake reflects which of the following problems?
A) Inducing structure problem. B) Arrangement problem.
C) Intellective problem. D) Transformation problem.
Answer: D

74) How would a person who has significant limitations in conceptual and practical adaptive skills be
classified?
A) Intellectual disabled. B) Physically handicapped.
C) Gifted. D) Intellectually marginalized.
Answer: A

75) In their book, The Bell Curve, what do Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray argue?
A) Racial differences in intelligence scores are due primarily to genetic factors.
B) Racial differences in intelligence scores disappear when socio-economic status factors are
controlled.
C) Environmental factors have the strongest effect on people's intelligence.
D) Intelligence is modifiable, and thus racial differences may eventually disappear.
Answer: A

10
76) When intelligence is stated in the form of a single number such as I.Q., what is the number called?
A) G-factor. B) Intelligence ratio.
C) Crystallized intelligence. D) Factor analysis.
Answer: A

77) Which statement describes intelligence test?

A) Intelligence tests are good predictors of career success.
B) Intelligence tests in magazines can never be valid.
C) Unreliable intelligence tests can never be valid tests.
D) Reliable intelligence tests are necessarily valid tests.
Answer: C

78) Which statement describes a standardized test?

A) Has norms that allow test-takers to be compared.
B) Is based on a theory that has been rigorously tested.
C) Is free of schema that participants may use during the test.
D) Measures intelligence in specific cultural groups.
Answer: A

79) How do entity theorists view intelligence?

A) It is primarily fixed at birth.
B) It is flexible, potentially changing over the course of life.
C) It is primarily based on fluid intelligence.
D) It is primarily based on crystallized intelligence.
Answer: A

80) What is one problem with Binet's conception of mental age?

A) It was especially difficult to measure scientifically.
B) It said little about the average age of people who achieve a particular level of performance.
C) It did not allow people of different chronological ages to be compared.
D) It was based on tests that could not distinguish between "bright" and "dull" students.
Answer: C

81) "Mama, the og took by oll!" Although we might understand the child's complaint, why is it
difficult?
A) The grammar is incorrect. B) A phoneme is missing.
C) It really does not make sense. D) It sounds strange.
Answer: B

82) Whichtheorist once considered the size and shape of a person's head could be used as an objective
measure of intelligence?
A) Steven Pinker. B) Benjamin Lee Whorf.
C) Jennifer Mangels. D) Sir Francis Galton.
Answer: D

11
83) Kerry isasked what animal makes a sound like "meow." She imagines an orange cat in her mind,
and she responds, "Cat!" What has Kerry engaged in?
A) Reasoning. B) Heuristic reasoning.
C) Thinking. D) Judgment.
Answer: C

84) Six-year-old Evan sat in the middle of the sand box with a worried look on his face. He wanted to
use all of his blocks to build a fort for his soldiers. He needed to think of a design which would
produce a fort without wasting any blocks. What type of problem is Evan working on?
A) Inducing structure. B) Judgment.
C) Transformation. D) Arrangement.
Answer: A

85) When the chimpanzees in Wolfgang Kohler's experiment suddenly realized the method by which
they could obtain the bananas, what did they gain?
A) Transformation. B) Judgment. C) Analysis. D) Insight.
Answer: D

86) Which of the following did Noam Chomsky believe?

A) Language shapes the way people think about the world.
B) All the world's languages shared a common grammar.
C) Language was learned through reinforcement and conditioning.
D) Children cannot be taught secondary languages after the age of 10 years.
Answer: B

87) Noam Chomsky believed that the human brain is equipped with a neural system that allows people
to develop and understand language. What was his system called?
A) Phonological driver. B) Language-acquisition device.
C) Language-reinforcement system. D) Semantic production system.
Answer: B

88) An eight-year-old boy is found running wild in the woods with wolves. He can only produce
growling noises and prefers to sniff his food and eat from the ground. According to critical period
theorists what will the child do?
A) Learn language slowly, but will eventually catch up with his peers.
B) Be unable to learn age appropriate language skills.
C) Be able to learn rapidly and fill in the gaps of the missing years.
D) Recall his human roots and return to his native tongue if supported and cared for by humans.
Answer: B

89) Which approach suggests that language development is produced through a combination of
genetically determined predispositions and environmental circumstances that help teach language?
A) Learning theory approaches. B) Interactionist approach.
C) Language-acquisition device theory. D) Nativist approach.
Answer: B

12
90) Proponents of which approach argue that students should only be taught in English, even if English
is not their primary language?
A) Linguistic-relativity approaches. B) Bicultural approaches.
C) Immersion approaches. D) Mainstreaming approaches.
Answer: C

91) In
which approach to education, do students learn some concepts in their native language while
simultaneously learning English.
A) Mainstreaming. B) Bilingual.
C) Immersion. D) Linguistic-relativity.
Answer: B

92) Amanda is driving an old car which is difficult to start and knows it will be a while before she can
buy a new one. Her starting procedure is as follows: insert the key quickly, but gently; hold your
tongue just right; turn the key quickly and forcefully; and then turn on the radio to drown the painful
noises coming from the car. Although she understands that her starting procedure may not be the
correct way to deal with the problem she believes it has gotten her to school each morning and may
last through the semester. Which of the following did Amanda develop?
A) Heuristic. B) Algorithm.
C) Means-ends analysis. D) Prototype.
Answer: A

93) Which of the following is the preferred method for computing intelligence scores today?
A) Deviation IQ scores. B) Stanford-Binet averages.
C) Intelligence quotients. D) Mental age indices.
Answer: A

94) Your friend often decides whether or not to interact with you based on her "reading" of your moods.
That is, she is able to tell when you are in a good or bad mood, and whether you want company.
What type of intelligence would Gardner argue that your friend probably is high in?
A) Intrapersonal intelligence. B) Bodily intelligence.
C) Naturalist intelligence. D) Interpersonal intelligence.
Answer: D

95) According to Gardner, what would a person who is in touch with his or her own emotions and
internal be high in?
A) Interpersonal intelligence. B) Intrapersonal intelligence.
C) Bodily intelligence. D) Naturalist intelligence.
Answer: B

96) Wally is
an expert in identifying animals from the tracks they leave in the mud. What might Howard
Gardner predict Wally's strengths to be?
A) Kinesthetic intelligence. B) Naturalist intelligence.
C) Intrapersonal intelligence. D) Interpersonal intelligence.
Answer: B

13
 97) What is one of the difficulties in using race to compare intelligence test scores?
A) Race is an inexact concept.
B) Little data exists in this area.
C) Only large groups can be compared on intelligence tests.
D) Individual results are invalid.
Answer: A

98) What did the early intelligence theorist Sir Francis Galton believe?
A) Practical and emotional intelligence were positively correlated.
B) Intelligence was largely the product of environmental influences.
C) The size and shape of a person's head correlated with intelligence.
D) Paper-and-pencil intelligence tests were the best way to measure intelligence.
Answer: C

99) What does research suggest the insight learning must be preceded by?
A) A model who demonstrates a desired behaviour.
B) Sufficient threats of punishment.
C) Training in solving complex problems.
D) Practice in trial-and-error problem solving.
Answer: D

100) A student takes a computerized achievement test. The first question she answers is moderately
difficult, and she answers it correctly. The computer randomly selects a next question of slightly
greater difficulty, and she answers it incorrectly. The computer presents her with a slightly easier
question. What is the student participating in?
A) Predictive testing. B) Reliability testing.
C) Normative testing. D) Adaptive testing.
Answer: D

101) Charles was taking a psychology test. Question #19 was difficult. He knew that he knew the answer,
but was trying to recall the information he had studied. As he mentally reviewed each page of the
chapter he had carefully committed to memory he found the answer. What was Charles using?
A) Problem framing. B) Means-ends analysis.
C) A heuristic. D) Visual imagery.
Answer: D

102) All of the following are steps in the problem solving process EXCEPT which one?
A) Judgment. B) Research. C) Preparation. D) Production.
Answer: B

14
103) Howard had been caught in a long check-out line at the grocery store when the air conditioning went
out. Hot and frustrated he left the store stating he would never shop there again because it was
always hot and crowded. Which of the following did Howard develop?
A) Algorithm concerning the store.
B) Prototype concerning the store.
C) Representativeness heuristic concerning the store.
D) Availability heuristic concerning the store.
Answer: D

104) What are typical highly representative examples of a concept called?

A) Algorithms. B) Prototypes. C) Heuristics. D) Schema.
Answer: B

105) Island children had never seen a kite. Their father was attempting to describe the beautiful kites he
had seen and made as a child. Although materials were scarce he was able to build a simple paper
kite to demonstrate the principle. The children's father had built which of the following?
A) Concept in order to teach them about the prototype of kites.
B) Algorithm in order to give them an analogy of a kite.
C) Representation in order to teach them about the function of a kite.
D) Prototype in order to teach them about the concept of kites.
Answer: D

106) What do critics of the arguments presented in The Bell Curve suggest?
A) Differences in intelligence are larger between racial groups than among the members within
any given racial group.
B) Research points to hereditary factors that predict racial differences in intelligence.
C) The authors have no evidence to support the thesis that racial differences in intelligence are due
primarily to environmental factors.
D) Blacks who are raised in economically-enriched environments have similar intelligence scores
to whites in similar environments.
Answer: D

107) You read the sentence, "Defects may birth smoking cause, " and you know that it does not make
sense. It has violated what rules?
A) Syntax. B) Phonology. C) Diction. D) Semantics.
Answer: A

108) Mary passes by a bakery and smells a loaf of bread baking. She immediately develops a
representation of her father standing in the kitchen, baking breads and desserts for a dinner party.
What has Mary created?
A) Sensory thought. B) Heuristic.
C) Mental images. D) Episodic sensation.
Answer: C

15
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But the repeated air of that “cereal chorus,”[607] when a girl gets a
crooked ear at the husking, has the stricter note:—
Wagemin, wagemin,
Paimosaid:
Wagemin, wagemin,
Paimosaid.

The work of developing poetry from a rhythmic chaos of wild and

repeated cries up to a chorus of this kind was a communal
achievement; art is responsible for increment and variation.
Communal consent in rhythm caused the repetition of more or less
articulate sounds, and so developed that most important element in
primitive speech now known as emphasis. Repetition, which is
modern emphasis in sections, marks the event or sensation which it
records as something out of the common, holds it in the ear and
before the mind as something to note and to keep noting, and so
makes for memory, not idly called the mother of the muses, while it
heightens the actual emotional state. Just as certain early efforts of
plastic art expressed great wisdom by several heads, great strength
by a number of hands, great fecundity by many breasts, so early
man by the iteration of a word gave it poetic force; a better art
seeks perfection of the single feature, and fitness of the single word.
It has been shown already how poetry made a gain when repetition
of a certain number of sounds gave ease to the instinct for harmony,
and a yet greater gain when the regular recurrence of a louder
sound or a longer sound satisfied the craving for finer distinctions;
[608]
it has been shown how the mere zeal of repetition was crossed
by increment and variation, until the oldest element of poetry was
made superfluous in the plainer form and was almost utterly driven
out of diction, with no refuge but rhythm and certain forms of lyric
sacred and profane. In this plain and outright form of repeated
words, however, it lingered long in ballads, in festal rites, and of
course among the savages; it is in the refrain, therefore, that one
can still find some hints of the actual beginnings of poetry. The
refrain has been touched incidentally in the treatment of repetition;
it is now to be considered for itself.[609] Important as it is in ballads,
the refrain has even weightier meanings when studied in what may
be called the occasional poetry of the people.
The refrain, which in its communal function survives as repetition
pure and simple practised by the throng, and in its artistic function
has come to be the means of marking off a strophe or stanza, is
really the discredited and impoverished heir of that choral song
which by general consent stands at the beginning of all poetry. This
choral song, under the influence of art and the reflecting,
remembering, individual mind, was developed into such forms of
epic, drama, lyric, as meet us, more or less divested of communal
traits and conditions, on the threshold of every national literature.
Greek tragedy is a well-known case in point. The refrain, however, is
not a development but a survival,[610] so far, at least, as communal
conditions are involved; and even in ballads what is called the refrain
or the burden is a slowly yielding communal element fighting
hopelessly against invading elements of art. In other words, as the
ballad recedes into primitive conditions, the refrain grows more and
more insistent, so that for the earliest form of the ballad, now
nowhere to be found, but easy to reconstruct by the help of an
evident evolutionary curve, one must assume not the refrain as
such, but rather choral song outright. Different altogether from this
communal survival is the artistic use of the refrain. The extreme of
art and often of artifice is reached in those forms of verse which
were developed out of the older minstrelsy of France, and are known
as ballade, rondel, triolet, chant royal, with a refrain as their
distinguishing feature; it is conceded, however, that in the first
instance this refrain was everywhere taken from popular song.[611]
Learned poetry of the Middle Ages,[612] to be sure, imitated not the
vernacular refrain, but the refrain of classical verse; this, however, in
its turn had been taken from the poetry of the people, and, whether
one considers the Hymen, O Hymenaee of Catullus,[613] or the later
Cras amet qui nunqnam amavit, which trips so featly through the
Pervigilium Veneris[614] and keeps such true step with the popular
rhythm of its stanzas, is at no great remove from communal song.
But refrains of artistic poetry are of subordinate interest for our
study of primitive verse; and it is clear that all investigations which
neglect the older and more popular phases, which neglect the
primitive choral song and the primitive communal conditions, can
lead to no valid conclusions about the refrain. It is something, of
course, when Bujeaud explains this or that refrain of a modern song
as imitated from sounds of some musical instrument, or taken from
the argot of the streets;[615] but when Rosières[616] undertakes to tell
the whole story of the refrain, and settle its origins beyond doubt,
saying now that it “springs from the periodic return of full sounds,”
now that it is a tra-la-la to take the place of musical instruments,
now that it is “a little poem stuck in all the fissures of a big poem,”
and now, with a passing recognition of communal conditions, but
with sufficient vagueness, that it voices popular song, then, indeed,
one feels the vanity of dogmatizing to the full.[617] The need of
comparative, historical, and genetic study is also evident in a similar
essay on the refrain in Middle High German. Freericks[618] regards the
original refrain not as repetition of the words of a singer but as an
expression of sentiment which they evoke, coming back in cries of
sorrow or of joy. “When utterances of this sort continually interrupt
the song, there is the refrain in its simplest form.” So too Minor,[619]
in his book on German metres, calls the refrain “the original cry of
the throng in answer to the song of the singer.” Against all this, Dr.
R. M. Meyer, in two essays,[620] makes emphatic and successful
protest. With an eye on conditions and not on theory, Meyer shows
the refrain to belong to the oldest poetry of man,—inarticulate cries
at first, in rhythmic sequence, to express fear, wonder, grief,
affection. The refrain, for example, is the original part of a threnody,
as we have seen very plainly in our study of the vocero; in short, so
far from being an aftergrowth of communal song, this refrain is
declared by Dr. Meyer to be the very root of the matter. With more
attention to choral song in the horde or clan, Posnett has come
closer to the facts than Meyer, who failed to appreciate all the
communal conditions of such early verse; for while Meyer referred to
inarticulate cries as a beginning of the refrain, it is evident that these
immediately formed the chorus, and that the refrain is rather survival
and deputy of this old chorus than the chorus outright. The refrain,
in other words, allows one to feel one’s way back to the choral song
of the horde,[621] but is not to be transferred to those primitive times
even in its unintelligible and inarticulate forms. To make this clear,
we must study the refrain in its various communal survivals.
Records of early literature and early religion show the refrain in its
original guise as a part of the choral song, and it echoes audibly the
steps of the dance. Nowhere is this echo more insistent than in that
hymn of the Arval brothers, sung, of course, with a dance that was
confined to the priests, and already come a long way from the
shouting and leaping throng of primitive time; nevertheless, as a
hymn used in processions about the fields, it is to be connected with
the survivals of similar rites and the songs still heard from European
peasants at the harvest-home. In the inscription which preserves it,
each verse, except the last, is given thrice.[622] A free translation[623]
follows:—
Help us, O Lares, help us, Lares, help us!
And thou, O Marmar, suffer not
Fell plague and ruin’s rot
Our folk to devastate.
Be satiate, O fierce Mars, be satiate!
Leap o’er the threshold! Halt! now beat the ground!
Be satiate, O fierce Mars, be satiate!
Leap o’er the threshold! Halt! now beat the ground!
Be satiate, O fierce Mars, be satiate!
Leap o’er the threshold! Halt! now beat the ground!
Call to your aid the heroes all, call in alternate strain;
Call, call the heroes all.
Call to your aid the heroes all, call in alternate strain.
Help us, O Marmar, help us, Marmar, help us!
Bound high in solemn measure, bound and bound again,
Bound high and bound again![624]

Refrain and iteration are here in thrall to religious ceremony, and the
priest has laid hands upon the rough material of the throng; but the
throng is present, takes part,—even if, in later time, by deputies,—
and invention is at a minimum, appearing only in its regulative, and
not in its originating force. It is easy to see how question and
answer, strophe and antistrophe, are simply a development and
division out of the crowd with one voice, as in the Greek chorus. So,
too, in an Assyrian hymn:[625]—
Who is sublime in the skies?
Thou alone, thou art sublime.
Who is sublime upon earth?
Thou alone, thou art sublime.

The Hebrew psalms[626] show very clearly a more or less artistic use
of the refrain sung under congregational and therefore to some
extent communal conditions.[627] These communal conditions can be
guessed in their older and simpler form from such an account as is
given of David and his dancing before the ark, when he “and all the
house of Israel brought up the ark of the Lord with shouting and
with the sound of the trumpet”;[628] the personal song detached itself
from the rhythmic shouts of the dancing or marching multitude
precisely as the song of the wife and sister over their dead came out
clearer and clearer from the wailings of the clan. So, if D. H. Müller
be right, following in the path marked by Lowth, the form of Hebrew
prophecy was at first choral, then was divided into strophe and
antistrophe, yielding in time to an impassioned solo of the prophet
himself. In any case, this single prophet, in historical perspective,
lapses into the throng, into those “prophetic hordes” which Budde
compares with modern Dervishes, “raving bands” now forgotten or
dimly seen in the background of a stage where noble individuals like
Amos, still in close touch with the people, play the chief part, and
hold the conspicuous place.[629] As Amos and his brother prophets
yield to the later guild whose prophecies were written, so one goes
behind Amos to the “bands,” to communal prophecy, to the repeated
shouts and choral exhortation, and so to the festal horde of all early
religious rites. The backward course would be from a prophecy
written to be read, to the chanted blessing or imprecation of the
seer; thence to a singing and shouting band under the leadership of
one man, with constant refrain; and at last to the shouting and
dancing of purely communal excitement, the real chorus. Moses and
the children of Israel “sang a song unto the Lord, saying, I[630] will
sing unto the Lord.... And Miriam the prophetess ... took a timbrel in
her hand, and all the women went out after her with timbrels and
with dances. And Miriam answered them, Sing ye to the Lord.” Here
is certainly no premeditated verse; and it must be borne in mind that
refrains, except where they have a sacred tradition behind them and
are kept up by the priests, as in the Arval “minutes,” easily drop from
the record. Oral tradition, on the other hand, is fain to hold fast to all
these vain repetitions; they are the salt of the thing. Now and then
an unmistakable refrain is preserved. “And it came to pass as they
came, when David returned from the slaughter of the Philistines,
that the women came out of all the cities of Israel, singing and
dancing, to meet King Saul, with timbrels, with joy, and with
instruments of music. And the women sang one to another in their
play, and said:—
“Saul hath slain his thousands,
And David his tens of thousands.”[631]

That women in all nations and at certain stages of culture make

songs of triumph like this, as they dance and sing, is known to the
most careless reader; one or two chorals, strangely similar to these
songs of the Hebrew women, may be noted from mediæval Europe.
Now it is the singing of Gothic songs of welcome by those maidens
who come from their village, as the women of Israel from their
cities, to meet and greet Attila,[632] dancing as they sing. So the
daughter of Jephtha greeted her sire with the singing and dancing
maidens; and so in Cashmere a stranger is still met by the women
and girls of a village, who form a half circle at the first house where
he comes, join their arms, and sing eulogies of him, dancing to the
tune of the verse. Malays and even Africans do the same.[633] Again,
it is in the seventh century, and an obscure saint, Faro by name, has
won the gratitude of a community; straightway a song is made and
sung “by the women as they dance and clap their hands.”[634] It was
not often that a saint’s name lent grace to these songs of the
women and saved them from clerical wrath; the decrees of councils,
the letters of bishops, refer perpetually to the wicked verses and
diabolical dances in which maids and even matrons indulged at the
very doors of the church. Sometimes, however, national glory
covered the shame. In the chronicle of Fabyan,[635] who is here
telling no lies, it is said that after Bannockburn songs were made
and sung with a refrain “in daunces, in the carols of the maidens and
minstrels of Scotland, to the reproofe and disdaine of Englishmen”;
and Barbour,[636] mentioning a fight in Eskdale where fifty Scots
defeated three hundred English under Sir Andrew Harcla, says he
will not go into details, seeing that any one who likes may hear—
Young wemen, quhen thai will play,
Syng it emang thame ilke day.

One is even fain to believe that Layamon[637] was thinking of the

women when he said that after a treaty of peace,
Tha weoren in thissen lande blisfulle songes.

That the record of these refrains is so meagre and baffling need

cause no surprise. The histories of national literature are
disappointing to the student of beginnings, for the reason that they
almost invariably[638] study these beginnings as conditioned by the
habits of authorship in modern times; they are always looking for
original composition, for expression of individual feeling, for a story,
and therefore turn aside from these stretched metres of an antique
song. But the story, and the expression of personal emotion, are
precisely what one seldom if ever finds at the beginning of a
literature; one finds there, when one finds anything, the chorus or
its deputy the refrain. The refrain was a constant element in early
Greek song, “an essential mint-mark”;[639] not only the early melic
verse, but a study of the chorus[640] in dramatic survival, proves this
beyond doubt, and one is amazed to find Rosières, in the essay
quoted above, saying that the ancients, particularly the Greeks, had
no need of the refrain, and hardly used it at all. How important, on
the contrary, this refrain must have been, how it works back through
the alternate strains of chorus and solo to the throng of communal
singers and dancers, could be shown for classical poetry, and can be
proved by mediæval and modern refrains, some already noted under
the vocero, and others presently to be considered in songs of labour
and of the harvest. True, the records are scanty; and the unwary
historian of English poetry in the early stage, reviewing his material,
announces that, with the exception of some insignificant charms,
there is just one poem with a refrain, the “Consolation” of Deor, the
king’s minstrel out of place,—taking, that is, a lyric of individual and
artistic reflection as the only example of that part of poetry which
above all belongs to the communal and spontaneous expression of
the throng. Recorded poetry has here a poor tale to tell, and even
that is usually marred in the telling. Where, then, is the old refrain of
the English folk, and where was the chorus? Had they no dances, no
ballads, no communal singing? If the evidence of ethnology from
tribes and communities of men in every degree of culture is to be
accepted, it is certain that Englishmen of that early day had dance,
ballad, chorus, and refrain. We know that their old heathen hymns
went with the dance; and the dance means a strophic arrangement.
What, then, has become of this refrain? So far as the old English
poetry has found record at the hands of the monk, it is in a fixed
alliterative metre, without strophes,[641] suited to epic and narrative
purposes, suited to recitation and a sort of chant, but not, in its
literary shape, suited to refrain and chorus.[642] One does not dance
an epic, or sing it; it is chanted or recited; and even Anglo-Saxon
lyric, barring that little song of Déor, is elegiac and highly reflective.
The refrain, says Dr. R. M. Meyer,[643] is to be assumed for oldest
Germanic poetry, although it was thrown out by the recited
alliterative verse, only to come again into recorded literature with
the introduction of rime; but no one supposes that Englishmen
ceased in that interval to dance and sing. It is a defect of the record.
The chorals and refrains, even the ballads of which William of
Malmesbury speaks as crumbling to pieces with the lapse of time,
were simply deemed useless if not harmful, and had no claim
whatever to the life beyond life. Nor is this chorus, this refrain,
simply assumed for oldest Germanic poetry; it is proved, and
nowhere proved so well as in Müllenhoff’s essay.[644] Many
conclusions of this sturdy and often too intolerant scholar have been
rejected by later investigation; but his assertion in regard to choral
poetry as the foundation of every literature remains an article of
faith among those who deal at first hand with the material involved,
and writers since his day who have undertaken to describe the
different kinds of Germanic choral song have done little more than
follow in his steps.[645] There is no need, then, to rehearse this proof
of the existence of refrain and chorus as main form[646] of poetry
among the ancient Germans; it is in order simply to trace these and
other choral songs in the later fragments and the surviving refrains,
whether sung at the solemn procession round the fields, or sung to
the festal dance at harvest-home, or in whatever survivals they may
be found, and to compare them with kindred refrains and kindred
customs elsewhere. From this point of view, even the blackness of
thick darkness which broods over Anglo-Saxon communal song, that
darkness of superstitious fear felt by monks who knew these
customs and these songs to be of the devil himself, and would not
write them down, is lifted a little. We look, then, at refrains of labour,
refrains of actual work, too trivial usually for record, and at those
refrains and chorals of the harvest feasts, of plantings, sowings,
reapings, which had the taint of heathendom upon them, and so
were either left in silence or coaxed into a harmless formula; we
look, too, at refrains and chorus of the dance, the sunnier side of
life, and still more provocative than labour as an occasion of
communal song. For the refrains of war, and even for the choral
raised by a whole army as it marched to battle, an occasion which
Müllenhoff calls the supreme moment of all Germanic life, the fierce
and clamorous words needing no leader,[647] and the wild rhythm
asking no aid from trumpet or drum, there is ample evidence; and
indeed these war chorals might be connected by easy stages with
the ridiculous marching songs already noted above. From the
barditus to “ma poule a fait un poulet” were a pretty journey; but we
will keep to the ways of peace, and the saure wochen, frohe feste of
everyday life will yield material enough in regard to this communal
refrain.
Songs of labour are found everywhere; but there is a great chasm
between the actual refrains, the survivals of communal or even
solitary song which come from the real scene of labour and from the
real labourers, and those songs which are made for the labourer.
Nowhere is the difference between volkspoesie and volksthümliche
poesie so evident; and we have here no concern with poetry,
however successful, which has been written for the edification of
“honest toil.”[648] It is the song of actual labour to which we now
turn, as it has abounded in all the activities of life, and which, like
the ballad, is fast vanishing from the scene. Sometimes the labour
was solitary, and the song was a plaintive little lyric when it was
made by the lonely maiden grinding at her hand-mill:
Alone I ground, alone I sang,
Alone I turned the mill....[649]

but often even this grinding of the mill was social, as in Poland,
where it was the manner of the women to repeat a word in chorus.
[650]
Plutarch has preserved an old Greek “song of the millstone,”[651]
which he heard a woman sing; from the older Scandinavian
literature[652] comes a lay, sung by two maidens, Menja and Fenja, as
they grind out King Frodi’s fortune, which may hold bits of the actual
refrain of labour, and has, too, its touch of folklore, explaining “how
the sea became salt”; but the real and primitive choral of such
labour is sufficiently attested by those women in Poland, and by a
similar case among the Basuto tribe,[653] where, as Cassilis says, to
relieve the fatigue of solitary grinding, “the women come together
and grind in unison, by singing an air which blends perfectly with the
cadenced clinking of the rings upon their arms.” There is plenty of
evidence for this choral of the grinding women in places and times
so widely sundered as to forbid all idea of borrowing, and to leave
the conditions of communal labour and communal consent as the
only explanation. Originally there was a spontaneous chorus or
refrain[654]—in the strictly choral sense, that is, and not in the
technical meaning presently to be considered—suggested by the
movements, cadence, and sounds of the work itself; improvisation
added words at will, until at last art seized upon the material and
gave now a song like that of Fenja and Menja, now even a jolly
refrain such as one finds in an audacious song of Beaumont and
Fletcher’s Maid of the Mill.[655] Everywhere labour had its refrain and
song, and even the scanty remains of Hellenic communal poetry tell
of songs for reaper, thresher, miller, for the vintage, spinning,
weaving, for the drawers of water, oarsmen, rope-makers,
watchmen, shepherds, and for the common labourers marching out
to their work. Rome itself, in the old silent period, has something of
this song for the attentive ear;[656] and allusions scattered
throughout the Bible show that the Hebrews sang at their work in
house and in field. A few echoes of such singing come from Egypt;
while darker and darkest Africa, along with savage tribes over the
world, shows yet more elementary, and hence more insistent and
necessary[657] connection between work and song. With the breaking
up of communal conditions, with the advance of individual and
initiative art, these songs of labour, like the ballad, like all communal
poetry, tend to disappear or yield to alien verse. Often the individual
works in silence, when his labour demands intelligent thought, but
where labour is automatic or monotonous, wherever it is collective,
the labourer sings, and always will do so; the important fact is that
he now ceases to sing the old refrain or song of the labour itself,
born, as Bücher[658] shows so plainly, of the very movements and
sounds which it called forth. For good reason, andere zeiten, andere
lieder. Neus[659] noted that the Esthonians, a century ago, sang their
own songs, and sang always as they worked in the fields or came
together for festal occasions; now,—and “now” is fifty years ago—he
says that either the song is silent, or else it is changed for an
imported German ditty. All the more need, then, to collect and study
such survivals of the refrains of labour as can be found. Speaking of
the decline of folksong in Germany, not only of the making but even
of the singing, Professor E. H. Meyer[660] remarks that collective
labour still has some power here and there to stir the old instinct
into a fitful activity. Now it is in the spinning-room,—where
Böckel[661] a few years ago could hear Hessian folksongs in the
making—now at the berry-picking in Nassau, at the flax-breaking,
and elsewhere in cases where companies of peasants still ply the
monotonous tasks of their forefathers. And in all these cases, as in
the beginning, so in the end, women are the mainstay of communal
song.[662]
Of particular trades and callings, perhaps sailors, oarsmen, and
watermen generally, would furnish more refrains than could be
found in any one industry of the land. Sailors’ chanteys are still
heard in every ship;[663] but they are now apt to echo those songs of
the street and the dance-hall which have been picked up at port,
and they have seldom a traditional interest. Here and there,
however, the genuine refrain is clear enough, and attests itself by its
power to withstand the discrimina rerum and the changes of time; it
is said that modern Greek sailors, when reefing sails, have nearly the
same melodious calls as those preserved in a play of Aristophanes.
[664]
Negro roustabouts on the Mississippi sing interminable refrains,
while a capable leader improvises stanzas on the work in hand or on
current events; a process which is matched by refrains and songs of
manual labour in every part of the world. A well-known passage in
the Complaynt of Scotland[665] gives the cries and songs both of
weighing anchor,—where a leader sings and the rest answer “as it
had bene ecco in an hou heuch,” like the echo in a hollow ravine,
mainly in repetitions,—and of hoisting sail, with iteration of short
running phrases such as:—
Grit and smal, grit and smal,
Ane and al, ane and al,—

and not stopping here, undertakes to set down the “chorus” of guns
heavy and light as a spirited sea-fight begins. In the old play
Common Conditions occurs a pirates’ song, the stanzas in quatrains,
with a jolly refrain or chorus:—
Lustely, lustely, lustely let us saile forthe,
The wind trim doth serve us, it blows from the north.

Hoisting, pulling, however, and work of the sort on shipboard, yield

in importance, so far as refrains are concerned, to the regular
cadence of the oar, where voices have kept tune and oars have kept
time from earliest days. Not only in the classical period, where actual
song and music came to take the place of the refrain,[666] but with
Egyptians, Africans, Tonga Islanders, wherever rowing is practised,
these refrains are known; the Maoris, for example, “row in time with
a melody which is sung by a chorus sitting in canoes.” The same
thing is told of the Indians of Alaska.[667] A refrain already noted
seems to have served in England both for hoisting and for rowing;
Skelton mentions it:—
Holde up the helme, loke up, and lete god stere,
I wolde be mery, what wynde that ever blowe,
Heve and how, rombelow, row the bote, Norman, rowe!

and D’Israeli says that sailors at Newcastle in heaving anchor still

have their Heave and ho, rumbelow; while it is recorded that in
1453, Norman, Lord Mayor of London, chose to row rather than ride
to Westminster, and the watermen made this roundel or song:—
Rowe the bote, Norman,
Rowe to thy Lemman,—[668]

so that two refrains are confused in the laureate’s account, and the
exquisite reason, with a Lord Mayor in the case, is no more probable
than such stories of origins are wont to be. For example, Cnut is
credited[669] with a little song, which he is said to have composed as
he rowed by Ely and heard the chanting of the monks; “ordering the
rowers to pull gently, and calling his retinue about him, he asked
them to join him ... in singing a ballad which he composed in English
and which begins in this way:—
“Merie sungen the muneches binnen Ely,
Tha Cnut ching rew ther by.

“Roweth, cnihtës, noer the land,

And herë we thes muneches sang.”

Several things here are noteworthy; both Grundtvig and Rosenberg

have pointed out[670] that this song is composed in a two-line ballad
strophe of four accents to the verse, the kind afterward so common
in Scandinavia and in England; and whatever Cnut’s share in the
making of it, it is at least of the eleventh century, and is the first
recorded piece of verse to break away from the regular stichic metre
of our oldest poetry. Moreover, it is said that Cnut improvised the
song, and that he called on the others to join him; the lines quoted
then, so Grundtvig infers, are the burden or chorus of the song
itself; and it is interesting to know that in the days of the chronicler,
say about the middle of the twelfth century, this refrain as well as
the song was sung in the choral dances of the English folk.
Doubtless it was sung to the oar itself; and that may have been the
first of it, with royalty as an afterthought.[671]
Coming to land, one would think that the blacksmith, rhythmic as his
work may be, must have little breath to spare for song; and, indeed,
Bücher could find but one specimen which seemed to hold the
genuine rhythm of the anvil. Had he looked to the English, however,
he would have met more; an old “Satire on the Blacksmiths”[672]
preserves a refrain probably sung to the work itself, or, at worst,
imitated from its cadence:—
Thei gnaven and gnacchen, thei gronys togydere....
Stark strokes thei stryken on a stelyd stokke,
Lus! bus! Las! das! rowten be rowe,
Swych dolful a dreme the devyl it todryve!
The mayster longith a lityll, and lascheth a lesse,
Twineth him tweyn and towcheth a treble,
Tik! tab! hic! hac! tiket! taket! tyk! tak!
Lus! bus! Las! das! swych lyf thei ledyn.

St. Clement is the patron of blacksmiths, and while Brand’s account

of the festivities gives no refrain, but only poor doggerel and
mimicry, it is clear that processions, songs, and dances were a
feature of the saint’s day,[673] once regarded as the beginning of
winter; so that communal origins may even lurk in the traditional
anvil song, quoted by Dickens,[674] “that imitated the measure of
beating upon iron, and was a mere lyrical excuse for the introduction
of Old Clem’s respected name”:—
 Hammer, boys, round—Old Clem,
With a thump and a sound—Old Clem.

Again, there is the tinker with his catches, which moved

Overbury[675] to a theory of origins; “from his art was music first
invented, and therefore is he alwaies furnished with a song,” to
which his hammer keeps time. Of course, the only point of interest
in these songs of the trades is the survival of a refrain which carries
the sound and cadence of the work itself. Thus in the old play of
Tom Tiler and his Wife, it is probable that an actual refrain has crept
into the lively song of which Dame Strife sings the first staff, with its
Tom Tiler, Tom Tiler,
More morter for Tom Tiler, ...

clearly an echo from the roof. But there is more of the communal
strain in spinning-songs;[676] for here is the home of balladry, a city
of refuge even to this day,[677] and here the women make as well as
sing the song. Echoes of the wheel itself[678] are not infrequent;
perhaps they are too close to art in that pretty song of sewing,
knitting, and spinning, sung by three women in the first act of
Roister Doister:—
Pipe mery Annot, etc.
Trilla, trilla, trillarie,
Worke Tibet, knitte Annot, spinne Margerie:[679]
Let us see who shall winne the victorie....

although, what with incremental repetition in other stanzas, and the

audible whir of the wheel, this is like the songs which still move
women to emulation under like circumstances in the spinning-rooms
of Europe. “In Northamptonshire, when girls are knitting in company,
they say”—surely sing?—
“Needle to needle, and stitch to stitch,
Pull the old woman out of the ditch;
If you ain’t out by the time I’m in,
I’ll rap your knuckles with my knitting-pin.
The ‘old woman,’ ‘out,’ and ‘in’ are the arrangements of the wool
over and under the knitting-pins.”[680] The same authority gives other
rimes of this sort, more or less suggested by the movements of the
work; for instance, a song of Cumberland wool-carders:—
Tāary woo’, tāary woo’, tāary woo’ is ill to spin,
Card it well, card it well, card it well ere you begin.

Slightly different is the song of Peterborough workhouse girls in

procession, where the refrain is quite primitive in form:[681]—
And a-spinning we will go, will go, will go,
And a-spinning we will go.

Bell[682] records what seems to be a real refrain of the spinning-

wheel in the Greenside Wakes Song:—
Tread the wheel, tread the wheel, dan, don, dell O.

The flyting that goes with this refrain is negligible,—a man and a
woman on horseback with spinning-wheels before them, singing
alternate stanzas in the midst of the fair, with its dancing and
merriment, a sort of side-show; but the refrain may well be old.
Songs of the crafts, however, are less likely to hold the festal,
gregarious, communal note than those old refrains which took their
cadence from the movements of workers in the field. An agricultural
community, whether in its rudest stages, a horde that lives in fertile
river bottoms as distinguished from the nomadic, predatory bands of
the plain, or in the civilization of feudal Europe, always tends to
homogeneous conditions and always fosters communal song. Where
these conditions survive, this song in some degree survives with
them. Corsican labourers in the field, says Ortoli,[683] still sing so at
their work; the Styrian threshers, eight together, make their flails
chorus thus:—
Hiwer, hawer, hawerhaggl,
Hiwer, hawer, hawerhaggl,
while Silesians, with two, three, four, five, six, hear as many different
refrains made by the strokes of the flail;[684] and Bladé[685] prints a
song of Gascon peasants which seems to give again all the stages in
the culture of the vine,—a stanza or two may follow for example of
the repetition and the refrain:—
Plante qui plante,
Voici la belle plante;
Plante qui plante,
Voici la belle plante
Plantons, plantin,
Plantons le bon vin.
Voici la belle plante en vin,
Voici la belle plante en vin.

De plante en taille,
Voici la belle taille;
De plante en taille,
Voici la belle taille.
Taillons, taillin,
Taillons le bon vin.
Taillons la belle taille en vin.
Taillons la belle taille en vin.[686]

Early English drama was evidently fond of songs not unlike this, and
in Summer’s Last Will and Testament Nash brings harvesters on the
scene singing what appears to be a song of harvest-home, if one
may judge by the refrain of Hooky, Hooky, said by a Dodsley
editor[687] to be heard still in some parts of the kingdom. “Enter
Harvest,” run the directions, “with a scythe on his neck, and all his
reapers with sickles, and a great black bowl with a posset in it, come
before him; they come in singing:—
 Merry, merry, merry, cheary, cheary, cheary,
Trowl the black bowl to me;
Hey, derry, derry, with a poup and a lerry,
I’ll trowl it again to thee.
Hooky, hooky,[688] we have shorn,
And we have bound,
And we have brought Harvest
Home to town.”

The tendency to put popular and traditional songs into a play was
common everywhere. Hans Sachs[689] used a May-song for the ring-
dance which is clearly made in its turn out of a lusty old refrain:—
Der Mei, der Mei,
Der bringt uns blümlein vil.

Best of all, however, George Peele, who in his Old Wives’ Tale gives
tryst to countless waifs of folklore and popular stories, makes room
there for a pretty song of harvesters. “Ten to one,” cries Madge,
when they first enter upon the stage, “they sing a song of mowing,”
but they are sowing, it seems; and once again they come in, this
time with a song of harvest. The present writer has ventured[690] to
change the first song so as to make it agree with the second, not an
audacious feat when one considers the case. The songs, with an
interval between, would then run as follows:—
Lo, here we come a-sowing, a-sowing,
And sow sweet fruits of love.
All that lovers be, pray you for me,—
In your sweethearts well may it prove.

Lo, here[691] we come a-reaping, a-reaping,

To reap our harvest fruit;
And thus we pass the year so long,
And never be we mute.

The refrain is easy to detach from the rest; and it is clear, too, that
actual imitation of sowing, reaping, binding, often went with the
song, probably in this case a combination of gesture and word
known still in games of modern children.
These songs, particularly the Gascon vintage chorus, are simply a
festal recapitulation of the rustic year, with more or less echo of
actual refrain sung to the labour in its various stages. From the
moment when communal labour began to sow the seed—in
Japan[692] the peasants still plant their rice in cadence with a chorus,
and in Cashmere[693] the onions are sown with accompaniment of “a
long-drawn, melancholy song,”—through process after process,
down to the picking,[694] reaping, harvesting, and so to the festal
imitations just noted, even to the ritual of priestly thanksgiving,
every stage is marked by communal singing, except that in the
function last named the community turns passive, the guild replaces
the throng, and art has begun its course. Hence it is that most of the
survivals of song and refrain come down to our day with more or
less magic in the case. Rites are performed by the head of a family,
and are even transferred from the field to the home; as when[695] at
flax-planting a German wife springs about the hearth and cries,
“Heads as big as my head, leaves as big as my apron, and stalks as
thick as my leg!” In Silesia,[696] again, husband and wife sing
together a song with the refrain,—
Om Floxe, om Floxe, om Floxe!

Even in the field itself, song is mingled with these symbolical and
even religious rites; incantations, such as that Anglo-Saxon
charm[697] for making barren or bewitched land bear again, are
strongly tinged with clerical lore, and in this case involve a visit to
the church altar. The Romans, too, had spells and charms for
restoring fields to fertility when other spells and charms had
bewitched them; harmful rites of this sort were forbidden in the laws
of the twelve tables.[698] Corruption is rife in these things; but in a
charm[699] for the old English peasant to get back his strayed or
stolen cattle, amid the hocus-pocus of Herod and Judas and the holy
rood and scraps of Latin, a few lines echo the old repetition, but
have no refrain:—
 find the fee[700] and drive the fee,
and have the fee and hold the fee,
and drive home the fee.

A thousand things of the sort survive, but seldom touch the refrain;
perhaps the charm to make butter come from the churn, common in
1655,[701] had a choral element:—
Come, butter, come!
Come, butter, come!
Peter stands at the gate
Waiting for a butter’d cake,—
Come, butter, come!

We turn back to the actual labour of the fields, and the songs and
refrains that went with it. A refrain[702] has come down to us from
the harvesters of ancient Hellas,—“Sing the sheaf-song, the sheaf-
song, the song of the sheaf,” which is not unlike the type just
considered in George Peele’s “Lo, here we come a-reaping”; while
that waif of Germanic myth,[703] the story of Scéaf, where the “sheaf”
is made the name of an agricultural god, or culture-hero, as one will,
reminds us of Phrygian countryfolk who at their reaping sang “in
mournful wise” the song of Lityerses, itself said to be the outcome of
an old refrain, lapsing into a vocero for the hero’s death. Burlesque
laid unholy hands upon the custom and the myth; the story growing
out of the song passed into a tradition which coldly furnished forth
the satire and comedy of a later day; since any song of the harvest-
field or the threshing-floor came to be called a Lityerses,[704] the
name was seized upon for certain comic features, and grew to be a
symbol of an insatiable eater. Yet dramatic allusions and uses of
more serious nature, like the song recorded by Peele, were
doubtless common in Greece and throughout the Orient. It has been
said already, in speaking of the vocero, that the song of Maneros
was sung by Egyptian reapers, just as they sang on the threshing-
floor the song of the oxen treading out the corn; while at the
harvest-home Greek husbandmen, if Mannhardt’s surmise[705] is
right, sang a variant of the Maneros; and Homer is witness for the
singing of the Linos at the time of vintage.[706] If, now, one seeks for
similar songs in the fields of modern Europe, one finds, to be sure,
hints in plenty, descriptions by this and that traveller, and fragments
of actual verse; but conditions of religious ceremonial have broken
up the old refrains and barred any handing down of a Germanic
Linos or Lityerses. Customs, too, have changed; and few are the
places where folk at harvest-home do as their forbears did, when
“the whole family sat down at the same table, and conversed,
danced, and sang together during the entire night without difference
or distinction of any kind” as between master and man, mistress and
maid.[707] Add to the case that great transfer of vital interests upon
which economists lay such stress, from open-air life to home-life,
from the throng with its indiscriminate dance and merriment, often,
too, its indiscriminate morals, its communal habit of thought and
expression, to the individual responsibility, the sober pleasures and
the stricter morals of the fireside, from the delight in movement,
noise, cadence of many voices, to lamplight and the printed page
and meditation: add this to the account, and one sees how ill it must
have fared with the communal refrain of work, feast, and ceremonial
rite. Reactions come, of course, and no one denies a constant
market for cakes and ale; but what is a church fair, even a camp-
meeting, to the old vigil? The wife of Bath is still with us, but she
has to make shift with an afternoon tea. Disintegration, due to the
lapse of communal feeling, has either broken up the traditional
refrains, leaving only Hooky, hooky,[708] and unmeaning things of the
kind, or else has favoured the making of doggerel which may or may
not mean something, and which in any case threatens the student
with perils of a too curious interpretation of chops and tomato-
sauce. Even where there is neither corruption nor distortion, there is
unblushing if often innocent substitution of modern mawkishness.
Precisely as one boggles, when reading Herd’s Scottish Songs, to
find under the title “I wish my Love were in a Myre” the familiar
translation of Sappho’s “Blest as the Immortal Gods,”—so, in coming
to the “Cornish Midsummer Bonfire Song,” in Bell’s collection, a title
to make any student of communal poetry get out a fresh pen, and in
reading, too, that here “fishermen and others dance about the fire
and sing appropriate songs,” one pulls up with a rude shock at—
Hail! lovely nymphs, be not too coy,
But freely yield your charms,[709]

which, while appropriate in sentiment, has not the note of simplicity

that one expects from Cornish fishermen dancing round the bonfire
of heathen tradition. True, this is a very bad counterfeit; but many a
verse quite as alien at heart, if not on the face, has been foisted
upon communal and traditional song.
The best survivals come from the harvest field, and mingle refrain
with improvisation. Very common in old times and in new is the note
of ridicule, particularly for the wayfaring man, converted temporarily
into a fool, who passes by the labourers; such a man even now gets
rude handling as well as rude rimes, and this was the case in Hellas.
[710]
In an often-quoted Idyll of Ausonius there is reference to the
exchange of abusive lyric compliments between workers in the field
and the boatmen on the Moselle; while any one can note how this
instinct for a flyting between labourers in a band and the spectator
ab extra, alone or in company, holds always and everywhere, while,
on the other hand, the solitary labourer and the solitary wanderer
are wont to pass the time of day with full courtesy and often with an
inexplicably kindly feeling. German peasants breaking flax in the
fields still sing to the rhythm of their strokes; as in the old days, a
stranger who passes by them is sure to be hailed in improvised
verses not of a complimentary kind. Particularly if the stranger be a
young gentleman, a possible suitor for one of the daughters at the
great house, sarcastic song greets him from twenty or thirty throats,
mainly a refrain, and that partly of an imitative character, with
derisive lines like:—
Too fat is he quite,
And he isn’t polite,

with the refrain for conclusion,—

 Hurrah, let him go![711]

All this, of course, to the exact time of the work in hand. When no
stranger offers, mutual flytings will serve. Near Soest all the young
people shout and sing throughout the entire process of preparing
flax,—“unsung flax,” they say, “is good for nothing,”—and songs are
improvised in satire of one another, with a refrain rummel dumm
dum or rem sen jo jo. Travelling in Wales, by the bye, had once
these chances of satire, and Aubrey tells about them, thinking
doubtless of his favourite time “before the civil warres.” For in Wales
there were not only “rymers ... that upon any subject given would
versify extempore halfe an hour together,” but “the vulgar sort of
people ... have a humour of singing extempore upon occasion: e.g. a
certain gentleman coming to ——, the woemen that were washing at
ye river fell all a singing in Welsh, wʰ was a description of ye men
and their horses.”[712] How facile the black fellows of Australia,
Africans, and savages everywhere, can be with this improvised
ridicule, mainly practised on the march, or at some sort of labour, all
travellers testify. Samoans sing instead of talking “as they walk along
the road, or paddle the canoe, or do any other piece of work. These
songs often contain sarcastic remarks, and in passing the house or
village of parties with whom they are displeased, they strike up a
chant embodying some offensive ideas.”[713]
We must keep to the harvest fields. Wordsworth’s solitary reaper
called forth an exquisite lyric; but there is material more attractive
for the student of refrains, however it lack poetic merit, in Boswell’s
and Johnson’s stories of a Highland harvest, and one would be glad
indeed if the doctor, who had all of Wordsworth’s curiosity on this
point, could have made the reapers tell him what they sang.[714] He
was coming close to Rasay in a boat, while, as Boswell says, the
boatmen “sang with great spirit,” and Johnson remarked that “naval
music was very ancient”;[715] then the men were silent, and from the
near fields was heard the song of reapers, “who seemed to shout as
much as to sing, while they worked with a bounding activity.”
Johnson’s own account[716] of reaping on Rasay may refer to this or
to another occasion. “I saw,” he says, “the harvest of a small field.
The women reaped the corn, and the men bound up the sheaves.
The strokes of the sickle were timed by the modulations of the
harvest-song in which all their voices were united. They accompany
in the Highlands every action which can be done in equal time with
an appropriate strain, which has, they say, not much meaning;[717]
but its effects are regularity and cheerfulness.” These hints from the
Highlands are of peculiar importance because of the undoubted
homogeneous conditions of life in the clans, keeping songs of this
sort in an almost primitive state. Significant is the rhythm of shouts,
significant the preponderance of the refrain. Lady Rasay showed
Johnson “the operation of wawking cloth. Here it is performed by
women who kneel upon the ground and rub it with both their hands,
singing an Erse song all the time.” Boswell speaks of their “loud and
wild howl”; and Dr. Hill[718] quotes Lockhart that women at this work
screamed “all the while in a sort of chorus. At a distance the sound
was wild and sweet enough, but rather discordant” at close quarters.
The Lowlands of Scotland, too, had their kirn,[719] and the English
harvest-home, practically the same thing, had merry songs and
refrains down to living memory. What must these songs have been,
when, if Professor Skeat[720] is right in his estimate and inference, on
one estate of two hundred acres in Suffolk no less than five hundred
and fifty-three persons were assembled for harvest? At almost any
period of English country life one finds the rural philosopher looking
back, like the Rev. Dr. Jessopp now,[721] to kindlier and more
communal times, greater harvests, keener jollity, a wider and deeper
social sense; so Overbury’s franklin felt that he held a brief for the
tempus actum. “He allows of honest pastime, and thinkes not the
bones of the dead anything bruised, or the worse for it, though the
country lasses dance in the churchyard after even-song. Rocke
Monday, and the wake in summer, shrovings, the wakefull ketches
on Christmas eve, the hoky or seed-cake, these he yearly keepes.”
Of this festal round harvest-home was culmination, since it knitted
the bond between labour and rest, and was the pledge of plenty, the
high tide of the agricultural year. Three elements may be noted in
this harvest-home so far as the refrain is concerned; first, the
shouting, the choral cries and songs of the labourers in the field as
the last sheaf is cut and bound; secondly, the march homeward with
the hock-cart to the cadence of loud refrains and songs, with the
thrice-repeated procession about barn and yard; and thirdly, the
more elaborate ceremonial of those gatherings which marked the
safe accomplishment of harvest. Moreover, in any of these cases a
progress may be noted from the rude but cadenced shouts, the
refrains and chorals, through definite songs of harvest, up to all
manner of offshoots and distortions,—fixed rites, speeches,
sermons, pantomime, beggings, what not; but even in the last and
worse estate of the communal harvest-song there is everywhere
echo of the refrain, everywhere echo of the dance. The breaking up
of communal labour has left mainly the songs and cries of working
folk on any given farm or estate; but the songs of a common festival
for harvested crops still linger in customs of the village,—now a
traditional march of the elder folk, now some half-understood dance
and walk of the maidens, such as Hardy describes in his Tess, and
now a mere song of village children coming in a band from the
search for berries, as in the Black Forest:—
Holla, holla, reera,
Mer kumme us d’Beere.[722]

Lithuanians coming back from the field, or in any communal

gathering, when they have sung through their traditional stock of
songs, call for a new ditty; amid jest and jollity some one strikes up
a daina of his own, composing as he sings; the rest repeat in chorus,
correct the words, add to them,—and so a new song is made, and, if
it finds favour, is handed down, and even passed to the neighbour
villages. This custom, however, is fast going out of date.[723]
In some places the day when harvest begins is still a time of
communal and ritual importance; Würtemberg reapers, men and
women, gather in the early dawn and sing a choral for blessing on
their work.[724] As they go to the field, the throng still sing choruses,
improvised verses, and traditional ballads; and when they march
home at dusk to their village, they sing songs, often modern
enough, but, as Pfannenschmid points out, substitutes for older and
doubtless far more communal singing, which indeed lingers in the
unintelligible refrain. In many places, however, chorus, refrain and
song, whether communal or alien, to be sung at harvest and
threshing, are dying out or dead; in Normandy, says Beaurepaire,[725]
at the fête de la gerbe, when the last of the wheat is threshed, no
song of any sort is heard, though elsewhere the festival is loud with
chorus. A scrap of the refrain sung in another part of France—
Ho! batteux, battons la gerbe,
Battons-la joyeusement, ...

Beaurepaire heard, to be sure, here and there in Normandy; but it

was no longer a refrain of labour, and was attached to a love-song.
[726]

The main ceremony, of course, is at the end of harvest. In many

places a custom still prevails, that when the last sheaf is to be cut, a
portion of grain is left standing, and the reapers now dance about it
with repeated cries, sometimes of vague mythological tradition like
“Wold, Wold, Wold,” and with songs; now bare their heads, and pour
food and drink upon the spot; now let the “bonniest lass” cut this
remnant, dress it, and bring it home as the “corn-baby”; now throw
their sickles at it to see who can cut it down;[727] and so on, in
variety of form, but all to the same purpose. In Flanders they sing,
when the last load is taken from the field,
Keriole, keriole, al in!
’t loaste voer goat in.
Keriole, Keriole, al in![728]

There is every reason to think that some rite of this sort,

accompanied with communal refrain and song, was once universal in
agricultural life.[729] The corn-baby just described as decked in silk
and ribbons and brought home with singing, is also known as the
kirn-baby, the ivy-girl, and the maiden; so that harvest-home is here
and there called the maiden-feast.[730] The songs belong primarily on
the field and with the homeward faring cart; but customs change. In
Suffolk at harvest suppers some one is crowned with a pillow and
the folk all sing I am the Duke of Norfolk,[731] though elsewhere in
the country the old note remains. Still farther from the field,
Hertfordshire countrymen sing The Barley Mow in alehouses after
their day’s labour; but in another part of Suffolk this is a festal song
chanted at the harvest-supper “when the stack, rick, or mow of
barley is finished.” It is a song of repetitions, and holds an old
refrain.[732] For this song at the harvest-home supper, its variations,
corruptions, survivals, its refrains, and its choruses, one would need
a book; a description or two of recent doings must suffice. “At the
harvest suppers up to some twenty years ago,” say Broadwood and
Maitland, “while the other guests were still seated at the table, a
labourer carrying a jug or can of beer or cider filled a horn for every
two men, one on each side of the table; as they drank, this old
harvest-song was sung and the chorus repeated, until the man with
the beer had reached the end of the long table, involving sometimes
thirty repetitions of the first verse. After this, the second verse was
sung in the same manner.” The chorus—from Wiltshire—ran thus:—
So drink, boys, drink, and see that you do not spill,
For if you do, you shall drink two, for ’tis our master’s will.

What is left here of communal song is the fact of the chorus and the
infinite repetition; the song has a poor mixture of the bucolic with
the buckish. The older collection of Dixon gives a better song:—
Our oats they are howed and our barley’s reaped,
Our hay is mowed and our hovels heaped,
Harvest Home! Harvest Home!
We’ll merrily roar out Harvest Home!
Harvest Home! Harvest Home!
We’ll ...

with another repetition of the line.[733] The men who sang this chorus
were still in thrall to an old custom at the barley harvest. On putting
up the last sheaf, which is called the craw, or crow sheaf, the man
who has it cries out,—
 I have it, I have it, I have it!

Another asks,—
What hav’ee, what hav’ee, what hav’ee?

And the answer comes,—

A craw, a craw, a craw!

Then wild cheering, and off they go to the supper, where they sing a
well-known cumulative song about the brown bowl, the quarter-pint,
the half-pint, and so on.
These repeated cries, however, take us back to the field. In Devon,
as Brand relates, they still cried “the neck”; a little bundle was made
from the best ears of the sheaves, and when the last field was
reaped, all gathered about the person who had this neck, who first
stooped and held it near the ground. All the men doffed their hats
and held them likewise and then cried, in a very prolonged and
harmonious tone, The Neck, at the same time raising themselves
upright, and elevating arms and hats above their heads, the holder
of the neck doing likewise. This was done thrice; after which they
changed their cry to wee yen,[734] way yen, prolonged as before, and
also sounded thrice; then boisterous laughter, amidst which they
break up and hurry to the farmhouse,—a maimed rite, indeed, but of
interest when compared with kindred doings. For the words are
surely wreckage of an old refrain, full of repetitions, like that song
Montanus rescued from the rites of midsummer-eve along the Rhine.
Under the “crown,” boys, girls, and their elders dance in a ring and
sing as they dance a sort of refrain which is made of incremental
repetitions into a description of the game they are playing;
meantime one person stands in the midst of the ring until he has
played his part to the choral suggestion, a common element in other
games of children. In these and kindred ceremonies it is clear that a
concerted shouting was the main feature, but the shouts were
rhythmical and went with the communal dance, not with a
disintegrated, howling mob. At Hitchin farmers drove furiously home
with the last load of harvest, while the people rushed madly after,
shouting and dashing bowls of water on the corn; but this is chaotic,
for old Tusser[735] knew a better way:—
Come home lord singing,
Come home corn bringing.

In Germany the last load of grain is brought home with throwing of

water and singing of traditional songs and shouts for the master. So
too in English “youling,” when cider is thrown on the apple trees, at
each cup “the company sets up a shout.”[736] Doubtless the elaborate
chorus of the Arval brothers had once its wild but cadenced shout of
the whole festal throng, as they “beat the ground” in communal
consent of voice and step; and this primitive shout recurs in all
folksong, not only in the schnaderhüpfl, in the jodel which ends a
stanza, but in those cries at the dance which have crept into the
ballad itself. But the cadenced shout, the refrain, the infinite
repetition of a traditional song, pass with the dance that timed them,
and decorous reapers may now depute one of their number to act as
spokesman; hence, as in Mecklenburg, the recited poem, or the little
speech, or even, as in Hanover, a figure made of the stalks is
furnished with a letter to be read aloud for the behoof of
neighbours; and there are other infamies of the sort. So passes the
old Harvest-home.
Of vast importance for agricultural life, and resonant with refrain and
song, were those processions about the field, about parish
boundaries, to sacred wells,[737] to woods and groves to bring in the
May, and for a hundred other purposes to a hundred other resorts.
The solemn procession of a community, along with the festal dance,
forms the oldest known source of poetry; and Kögel points out that
in German even now the proper word for celebrating a festal
occasion is begehen, while the corresponding noun is used in a
mediæval gloss for ritus and cultus. The song of the Arval brothers
had its origin in such a procession about the fields; and Vergil’s
advice[738] to the farmer shows that this rite was no monopoly of
priests, or even of the man skilled in incantations, but a communal
affair,—marching round the young crops, and dance and song at
harvest:—
... thrice for luck
Around the young corn let the victim go,
And all the choir, a joyful company,
Attend it, and with shouts bid Ceres come
To be their house-mate; and let no man dare
Put sickle to the ripened ears until,
With woven oak his temples chapleted,
He foot the rugged dance and chant the lay.[739]

There can be no question of borrowing in these songs and dances,

even in the simpler forms of ritual, which are found wherever rudest
agriculture has begun. Doubtless only a change of religion deprives
us of those songs, or some echo of them, which were sung in the
famous procession of Nerthus,[740] the terra mater, goddess of
fertility and peace among the Germanic tribes who lived by the
northern oceans two thousand years ago. These people, so
Tacitus[741] records the rite, “believe that she enters into human
activity, and travels among them.” Drawn by cows, she is
accompanied in her mysterious wagon by a priest; “those are joyful
times and places which the goddess honours with her presence, and
her visit makes holiday.”[742]
Tacitus was interested in the mysteries of the rite; would that he had
heard and transmitted the songs that rang out in honour of this
German Demeter, and had described the dances of the folk about
their fields![743] For, as Kögel points out, the later procession to bless
crops and to ban all things hostile to their thriving, a custom still
common in certain parts of Europe, is only a repetition of this old
progress. Half-way between the time of Nerthus and the present
occurs that Anglo-Saxon charm for making barren or bewitched land
bear fruit; amid its excrescences of ritual, and under the alien
matter, still lingers a hint of the old communal procession, the old
communal song and dance; and perhaps Nerthus is dimly
remembered in the cries of,—
 Erce, Erce, Erce, earth’s mother,

which has a repetition familiar from many survivals,[744] and in the

lines:—
Hail to thee, Earth, all men’s mother,
Be thou growing in God’s protection,
Filled with food for feeding of men!

Again, one has the extremes of shouts, communal cadenced cries,

and songs which are often quite irrelevant; thus in Brandenburg on
Easter Monday girls march by long rows, hand in hand, over the
young corn of each field, singing Easter songs, while the young men
ring the church bells;[745] but one learns that Wends of the fifteenth
century greeted the early corn as they ran round it in wild
procession, and hailed it “with loud shouting.”[746]
About the year 1133, and along the lower Rhine, a procession was in
vogue which may have been a survival of the worship of that
goddess recorded by Tacitus and called Isis because her symbol was
a ship; for in the mediæval rite such a ship was placed on wheels
and carried about the country, followed by shouting bands and
hailed at every halt with song and dance.[747] The songs, turpia
cantica et religioni Christianae indigna concinentium, were
condemned by clericals,[748] and the dances of scantily clad women,
not unlike the festal dances of savage women in many places at this
season of the year, were doubtless not only intrinsically
objectionable, but pointed back to the heathen doings from which
our Germanic folk were so slowly converted. A glimpse at this older
worship is given by Gregory in his often-quoted story of the
Langobards who offered a goat’s head to their “devil,” running about
in a circle and singing impious songs.[749] A survival of some such
heathen rite, with ridiculous perversion of Christian legend, is the
feast of the ass, the festival of fools, on Christmas or on St.
Stephen’s day, when during mass the priest brays thrice and the
congregation respond in kind; here and there, as in France, a hymn
is sung, with refrain from the throng:[750]—
 Hez, Sir Ane, hez!—

and ending in what Hampson oddly calls “an imitation of the noisy
Bacchanalian cry of Evohe!”—
Hez va! Hez va! Hez-va-he!
Bialz, Sire Asnes, carallez
Belle bouche car chantez,—

a very far cry, indeed. After service, crowds marched through the
streets, sang Fescennine songs, danced, and ended by “dashing
pails of water over the precentor’s head.” It is needless to follow this
degenerate choral over Europe, as it blends thus with rites of the
church, passes into the song of the waits, and lingers in degraded
form with the beggars or children who parade the countryside at
Martinmas or in Christmas week, singing refrains that echo older and
better song and doggerel that echoes nothing.
A soule-cake, a soule-cake,

was the refrain which Aubrey heard; but in modern Cheshire it is—
A soul! A soul! A soul-cake!
Please good Missis, a soul-cake![751]

printed here with full apologies to all outraged friends of the

immensities and the eternities, who sought nobler stuff in a book on
the beginnings of poetry. On Palm Sunday, near Bielefeld in
Germany, the children go about with branches of willow and sing “all
day long”—
Palm’n, Palm’n, Påsken,
Låt’t den Kukkuk kråsken,
Låt’t dei Viögel singen,
Låt’t den Kukkuk springen![752]

Most stubborn, of course, is this converted or Christian survival, and

almost as stubborn the custom of the village and of remote
agricultural communities; such a procession as Coussemaker[753]
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