Exploring Value in the Creative and Cultural Industries
Exploring Value in the Creative and Cultural Industries
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CHAPTER 1 1
Industries 3
Rachel Granger 4
Introduction 5
The creative and cultural industries as the primary focus of this book con- 6
stitute the most distinct area of economic growth of the new Millennium, 7
and are increasingly viewed as an emerging paradigm in their own right 8
(see Lazzeretti and Vecco 2018). Recognising and exhorting their early 9
economic potential, UK and Australia under the Blair and Keating gov- 10
ernments began to commercialise the creative and cultural industries in 11
earnest during the 1990s, and in so doing, invested heavily in public and 12
private flagships, which were to become key international demonstrators, 13
for instance, London’s Tech City, Manchester’s Northern Quarter and 14
Media City, Brisbane’s South Bank and Creative Precinct. These early 15
demonstrators drove fascination and spawned creative projects through- 16
out much of the western world, drawing on Florida’s (2001) assertions of 17
the creative city and creative workers as an economic panacea, and produc- 18
ing a ‘serial replication’ of investment (McCarthy 2005) in creative infra- 19
structure. As such, the first decade of the new Millennium could be 20
R. Granger (*)
De Montfort University, Leicester, UK
e-mail: [email protected]
Despite the richness of data now available at a variety of spatial scales and 60
places, and across sub-sectors (e.g. Florida et al. 2012; NESTA 2018b; 61
Nathan and Kemeny 2018; Gabe 2011; Lazzeretti 2014), our under- 62 AU2
standing of what it means to be creative (or cultural1), how this is con- 63
structed, and the wider impact of this remains dictated by the economic 64
lens. Thus, while the last decade has seen advancements in defining cre- 65
ativity (e.g. Cunningham 2002; Landry 2011) and understanding the 66
bifurcation of production and consumption (e.g. Potts et al. 2008a; Anand 67
and Croidieu 2015), and of new genres of creativity (Capdevila et al. 68
2015; Eliete and Amal 2018; Lorentzen 2014), the same cannot be said 69
for our empirical constructions. We have expanded our conceptual under- 70
standing of the role of others in the creative economy through networks 71
(Potts et al. 2008b), intermediaries (O’Connor 2015; Hracs 2015; Perry 72
2019), users (Di Maria and Finotto 2015; Flowers and Voss 2015), and 73
co-producers (Potts et al. 2008a; Hracs et al. 2018), and we are more 74 AU3
aware of the precarities of pay and access to creative work (Banks 2017; 75
Oakley and O’Brien 2016), and yet in all of this, our view of value remains 76
either conceptual or embedded firmly in industrial notions of success 77
(measured by jobs, earnings, investment, and business), as universal values 78
based on the use and functionality of creativity. 79
The corollary of early efforts to commercialise and profit from creative and 81
cultural activities is the primacy of the ‘creative product’ and of the pro- 82
ductionist lens in creative discourse, which has reduced value to a narrow 83
set of impacts shaped by the dogma of economic institutions. Framing the 84
creative and cultural industries, and more precisely their products, as cen- 85
tral to the expansionary potential of economies is to frame humans (cre- 86
ative workers) and projects as market actors, vying for capital, neoliberal at 87
heart, and imbued with power relations (see discussion by Mould 2018). 88
The overall effect is a deficit in our understanding about this important 89
contemporary economic and social form. There are at least four deficits, 90
pertinent to the discussion about the value of the creative economy, which 91
1
Following Jones et al. (2015, p. 5), the arts and cultural industries can be seen as a subset
of creative industries because they depend on creativity and derive value from this creativity.
See also Tose (2011), Caves (2000), Throsby (2001), Heilbrun and Gray (2001), Throsby
and Withers (1979), and Vogel (2007) for commercial underpinnings of arts and culture.
R. GRANGER
92 relate to: (1) the economic returns on creativity and the hegemonic eco-
93 nomic lens; (2) the creative city form, premised on capitalist expansion;
94 (3) the inequalities inherent in the creative paradigm; and (4) the domi-
95 nance of prevailing narratives in the creative discourse.
96 Within the creative and cultural industries, diverse communities, actors,
97 and interests have voice, and the idea of value itself is multiplex. Much of
98 the definitional basis of creativity and the way society ascribes value to
99 it—or valorises—draw on economic and productionist terms of reference.
100 This is reinforced by the views and practices of a small number of institu-
101 tions, through and by which our perception of value has become institu-
102 tionalised over time. The overall pattern has been one of reducing complex
103 aspects of value into simple, often economic configurations, and restrict-
104 ing analysis to fewer and fewer mainstream activities. To qualify, the recent
AU4 105 Cultural Value Scoping Project in the UK (Kaszynska 2018) conflates
106 those who actively make, debate, and assess cultural value with ‘people
107 working in arts and culture’ (ibid., p. 3) or those ‘making and influencing
108 cultural policy’ (ibid., p. 5). Yet, a more expansive and discursive approach
109 drawing on ancillary sectors and actions would provide a richer lens
110 through which to conceptualise impact and worth. As we argue in this
111 book, there is an imperative for policy and academia to prioritise new ways
112 of thinking about what value means in the context of the creative and
113 cultural industries, leading to new ways of working across sectors, drawing
114 on the experiences and techniques of other disciplines, and adopting new
115 ways of using the evidence base. Broadening the framework of creative
116 and cultural activities as active production rather than products, and
AU5 117 including behavioural change and intricate connections (Gillespie et al.
118 2014) as part of ecologies (Holden 2015), as well as interrogating how
119 conversations around value are framed, have salience in addressing this
120 current deficit in understanding. Conversations guide definitions, and
121 conversations and techniques confined to established communities of
122 understanding and practice limit new knowledge, as a result of lock-in of
123 ideas and thinking.
124 It could be argued that prevailing narratives on both the ‘creative city’
125 and ‘inequality’, which have come to dominate the creative landscape,
126 refer to two sides of the same coin, and emerge from this productionist
127 view of creative and cultural industries. The creative city as a spatial mani-
128 festation of the creative economy, neoliberal at its core, results in a
129 homogenised socio-economic model, which Mould (2017) argues is para-
130 doxically devoid of creativity. It is merely the most recent permutation of
1 EXPLORING VALUE IN THE CREATIVE AND CULTURAL INDUSTRIES
170 creative economy, which moves beyond the economy, and accordingly
171 defining value in the creative economy is the first pillar of this book.
and relations, as well as valued patterns of behaviour, which govern these, 207
and which lead to value constructions; and (3) personal and social values, 208
and behavioural activities, as well as institutions of society, which construct 209
key value points. Our hope is that within this broader but also open frame- 210
work, which covers different creative and cultural sectors and different 211
research disciplines, a more convincing paradigm might emerge, which 212
sets out new thinking for contemplating value in the creative economy, for 213
the next decade and beyond. 214
Recognising that the critiques of existing research on creative and cultural 217
industries constitute a set of methodological and critical deficits, the sec- 218
ond pillar of the book relates to the need to look towards other disciplines 219
and approaches. The starting point is a critique of existing discourse, 220
which reinforces creative and cultural mindsets, and views the creative 221
landscape as an amorphous economic term. By contrast, the contributors 222
to this book view the same landscape differently, as a markedly diverse set 223
of activities and values, each constituted with its own set of characteristics 224
and preferences and narratives. In this vein, the book looks towards disci- 225
plines such as sociology, anthropology, geography, and law to attempt an 226
alternative view of the creative economy. 227
While the contributors come from the Midlands, UK, and draw on the 228
experiences of Leicester, we have sought wherever possible to discuss value 229
in an international context to draw meaningful comparisons for a wider 230
readership. In many ways, Leicester’s experiences as a regional capital and 231
middle-ranking creative city provide important insights in a literature 232
dominated by world city narratives, with the book providing a richness 233
that speaks to the multitude of ‘ordinary’ cities, which must compete with 234
star creative cities and an overwhelming economic logic. 235
We contend that there are limitations from the tendency and ability of 236
economic narratives to be reduced to subsumptive accounts, which over- 237
simplify (and overstate) causal factors and relations and build explanations 238
upon all-encompassing logics, while ignoring the explanatory capacity of 239
the other, expressed here as other paradigms, disciplines, and creative sub- 240
sets. Moreover, we recognise that these interlocking deficits limit engage- 241
ment with new and alternative lens and prevent the development of 242
R. GRANGER
models might advance. It therefore offers one way of resolving current 282
criticisms of the creative discourse and the puzzle of how best to convey 283
value. Building on the use of performativity used in other disciplines (e.g. 284
Richardson’s (2019) use of performing in housing), this book interacts 285
with ‘performance’ and ‘performing’ in six main ways: 286
In doing so, the use of performing as an underlying construct for this 298
book enables the creative and cultural industries to be framed in poten- 299
tially richer and occasionally, contradictory ways: 300
317 lens through which we might glean new patterns and theories. In Chap. 2,
318 Laura Parsons builds on these same ideas to examine the value of culture
319 to society and reflects on value that remains ostensibly hidden in society as
320 a result of rigidly applied taxonomies and labels. In her work, Laura dif-
321 ferentiates between value that is hidden by virtue of being unknown
322 (unconscious acts), that which is unable to be conveyed through codified
323 means (tacit, intrinsic, and symbolic values), that which is ephemeral, or in
324 hard to see settings such as the household. These diverse views on cultural
325 value serve to shed light on the limitations of mainstream categories and
326 lenses, and open up ideas for alternative and more nuanced taxonomies.
327 In Part II of the book, which deals with the Self, several contributors
328 reflect on different areas of value—embodied, objectified, institution-
329 alised—and which interact with different power dynamics, that shape per-
330 formance of creativity and culture. In many of these cases, the creativity
331 economy is framed in terms of a concerted action and manifestation of
332 intellectual capital and artistic skills. In Chap. 3, Pinky Bazaz examines
333 education and specifically degrees, as an objectified part of the creative
334 economy, from which society ascribes different values. Pinky draws on
335 Rokeach’s (1973) taxonomy of value to underscore the inherent conflict
336 between the economic valorising of degrees in the market place, and the
337 more subtle, soft returns of cultural degrees such as design, especially
338 faced by BAME groups. Pinky uses the construct of ‘success’ to examine
339 what cultural capital and performing in universities might mean as a pro-
340 cess, through which economic value develops, but for some groups, cre-
341 ates barriers of achievement in society and raising wider questions around
342 voice, wealth, power, and race.
343 In Chap. 4, the same dominant issues of power are brought to bear on
344 an analysis of the visual and performing arts sector in the UK, and the way
345 power and policy process militate what art means and how this is accessed,
346 experienced, and shaped by the corporate other. In their work, Jennie
347 Jordan and Ruth Jindal examine the notion of ‘philanthropy’ in the arts,
348 the emergence of which can be viewed as a paradigmatic shift in arts policy
349 and funding. As Jennie and Ruth argue, the mainstreaming of philan-
350 thropy into arts is to introduce significant power dynamics into the field,
351 and fundamentally to alter the experience and value of arts by the self to a
352 more commercial and collective experience. By shaping the location of,
353 access to, and content of arts, philanthropy in effect changes art from an
354 individual to a collective experience and process, shaped by commer-
355 cial others.
1 EXPLORING VALUE IN THE CREATIVE AND CULTURAL INDUSTRIES
395 In Chap. 10, David Heap and Caroline Coles reflect further on the
396 value of the hidden in collective terms, by investigating the notion (or
397 value) or silent design in the commercial design sectors. David and
398 Caroline draw on the examples of silent design in the furniture industry
399 and the value of non-designers in the wider design process. Reflecting
400 further on the legal and commercial dominance of value in design, David
401 and Caroline raise some concerns about the degree to which the economic
402 lens pervades many aspects of creative performance, effectively excluding
403 some groups from commercial success, preventing some workers from
404 performing as designers, and imposing significant risks on others through
405 intellectual property. David and Caroline conclude by examining the role
406 of creative commons in value construction, and whether this acts as a pro-
407 cess through which other values are enabled. The same ideas are expressed
408 in Chap. 11 on hidden networks, where I take a relational view of the
409 creative economy and examine the degree to which some actors and sub-
410 sectors perform different roles in producing economic value in creative
411 products. While current taxonomies and measurement apparatus privilege
412 the economic value of the end product, we seldom view products as a
413 longer-term process and acknowledge the role of intermediaries, co-
414 designers, and gatekeepers, and ancillary networks and platforms.
415 Acknowledging platform in a different, virtual, sense, Tracy Harwood,
416 Jason Boomer, and Tony Garry examine the different performances that
417 play out through the ‘Let’s Play’ field, which has emerged from the prac-
418 tice of Machinima. Viewed ostensibly as a consumptive practice, Tracy,
419 Jason, and Tony examine the wider values derived from the Let’s Play
420 performance, which is viewed as a complex interplay between both con-
421 sumption and production. This interplay between production and con-
422 sumption, hidden and visible, and individual and collective raises a number
423 of issues about how frameworks need to straddle and be flexible.
424 Performing in this area produces considerable value and is leading to a
425 rewriting of the creative economy taxonomy.
426 These different contributions serve to remind us that the creative econ-
427 omy is not an amorphous term; rather a set of separate sub-sectors, actors,
428 and areas of practice with very different characteristics, histories, and lan-
429 guage. The book spans the areas of gaming, textiles and fashion, food, and
430 art, but also thinks about the role and production of communities, pro-
431 cesses, identities, and expressions. It provides a variegated menu that will
432 have broad appeal and offer different policy ideas and contributions to the
433 wider creative discourse. While Pinky Bazaz (Chap. 3) and Jennie Jordan
1 EXPLORING VALUE IN THE CREATIVE AND CULTURAL INDUSTRIES
and Ruth Jindal (Chap. 4) address power in a negative way, Jennifer Garcia 434
Carrizo and I (Chap. 8) frame this as an empowering process. Equally, 435
while David Rae (Chap. 7) and David Heap and Caroline Coles (Chap. 436
10), for example, frame power as a hidden asset and space through which 437
value is constructed, Malika Kraamer and Claire Lerpiniere (Chap. 4) and 438
Malika Kraamer (Chap. 5) frame this more emphatically as an expressive 439
event. In these seemingly disparate accounts, we have attempted to pro- 440
vide a variety of viewpoints on what is often conveyed as an exclusively 441
economic area of activity. 442
We believe that a desirable attribute of this book is that it accommo- 443
dates a wide variety of viewpoints and sector analyses of the creative econ- 444
omy, and in doing so draws upon a diversity of conceptual frameworks and 445
approaches that readers might use for further development. Value has 446
been conveyed in a variety of ways and the goal of the book is not to pro- 447
vide a unified approach and ideological framework; rather to present a 448
diverse framework with options that might stimulate future conversations, 449
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