Sudhir Krishnaswamy Ajay Shah: Renuka Sane Varsha Aithala Fditors
Sudhir Krishnaswamy Ajay Shah: Renuka Sane Varsha Aithala Fditors
Sudhir Krishnaswamy
Renuka Sane
Ajay Shah
Varsha Aithala Fditors
Crime
Victimisation
in India
Springer Series on Asian Criminology
and Criminal Justice Research
Series Editor
Jianhong Liu, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities
University of Macau Department of Sociology
Taipa, Macao, Macao
The series publishes both theoretical and empirical work along several themes in
Asian Criminology, with a focus on research-level monographs and edited volumes.
It aims to cover 4 main themes: the elaborations and adaptations of research models
and established theories (established mainly by Western scholarship) to Asian
contexts; an introduction of innovative concepts, theories and policies originating in
Asian societies to Western audiences; and in-depth studies of particular Asian
countries, as they reflect local traditions and cultures one hand, and a general
understanding of criminal behavior or criminal justice, on the other. It will feature
authors from any country of origin doing research about or pertaining to Asian
countries.
The series encourages submissions of both quantitative and qualitative research
approaches, as well as mixed methods and comparative approaches, with a focus on
studies using rigorous methods and presenting new research results. It will be of
interest to researchers in criminology and criminal justice, as well as related fields
such as sociology, demography and international studies.
Sudhir Krishnaswamy * Renuka Sane
Ajay Shah ¢ Varsha Aithala
Editors
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Editors
Sudhir Krishnaswamy Renuka Sane
National Law School of India University NIPFP and xKDR Forum and Jindal
Bengaluru, Karnataka, India Global University
Sonipat, Haryana, India
Ajay Shah
NIPFP and xKDR Forum Varsha Aithala
Mumbai, Maharashtra, India National Law School of India University
Bengaluru, Karnataka, India
Purchased:
' 033979
“Narayan Rao Melgini
National Law Library”
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
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Contents
Renuka Sane is Associate Professor at the National Institute of Public Finance and
Policy. Her research interests lie in household finance, credit and bankruptcy, pen-
sions, and the regulatory state.
She was a member of the research team of the Bankruptcy Legislative Reforms
Commission on individual insolvency. She is also a member of the Pension Advisory
Committee of the Pension Fund Regulatory Development Authority, and a member
of the working group on personal insolvency at the Insolvency and Bankruptcy
Board of India.
Vii
Vill About the Editors
She has a PhD in Economics from the University of New South Wales and holds
an MA in Economics from Mumbai University.
Ajay Shah studied at IIT, Bombay and USC, Los Angeles. He has held positions
at the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIEB), Indira Gandhi Institute for
Development Research (IGIDR), Department of Economic Affairs at the Ministry
of Finance, and National Institute for Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP).
He is now part of xKDR Forum and Jindal Global University. His research is at
the intersection of economics, law, and public administration.
His second book, co-authored with Vijay Kelkar, Jn service of the republic: The
art and science of economic policy, featured in Bloomberg’s global “2020 Best
Books on Business and Leadership.” His work can be accessed on his home page
(http://www.mayin.org/ajayshah).
faculty at Azim Premji University, Bengaluru, where she offered courses on private
law and legal system reform.
She has more than 10 years of extensive experience in corporate and commercial
laws and has specialized in international and domestic private equity and venture
capital investment transactions.
She has a Master of Corporate Law degree from the University of Cambridge
and a Bachelor of Arts and Law (Honors) degree from Nalsar University of Law,
Hyderabad.
Chapter 1
Crime Victimisation Surveys in Indian
Criminal Justice System Reform
We are grateful to Sudhir Krishnaswamy and Varsha Aithala who invited us to participate in their
research project on crime victimisation surveys. Our thinking on this was greatly shaped by our
collaborators for the IDFC Institute crime victimisation survey work (2017), where we worked
with Reuben Abraham, Pradnya Saravade, Neha Sinha, Avanti Durani and Rithika Kumar, the
CHRI crime victimisation survey work (2015) where we worked with Maja Daruvala, Devika
Prasad and Devyani Srivastava. We also thank Rajiv Mehrishi and Nandkumar Saravade for exten-
sive conversations on these questions.
R. Sane
NIPFP and xKDR Forum and Jindal Global University, Sonipat, Haryana, India
A. Shah (24)
NIPFP and xKDR Forum, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
e-mail: ajayshah@ mayin.org
The criminal justice system is unusually important, from the viewpoint of both
economics and politics:
¢ In the political system, if individuals are not safe when organising political activ-
ities, the foundational concept of democracy—free competition between rival
political parties—breaks down.
¢ In the economic system, if individuals are not safe when conducting business
activities and imposing competitive pressure upon rivals, the foundational con-
cept of capitalism—free competition between rival firms—breaks down.
In both aspects (politics or economics), remarkably modest levels of violence are
required, in order to induce fear through a threat of violence. Once violence is a
feasible strategy for some individuals, even on a small scale, this gives a decline in
competitive conditions in politics and economics.
In politics and in economics, the hallmark of competitive conditions is close
elections and the lack of domination by one party, or one firm in the marketplace.
These yardsticks are only meaningful under free and fair conditions. Once violence
is in the picture, these yardsticks are no longer a sufficient condition for ascertaining
that healthy competition 1s in fray.
As an example, if one firm has 34% market share and another firm has 32% mar-
ket share, the interpretation changes sharply when the former firm deploys violence
upon the other. If competition in the market is free and fair, then it is reasonable to
think that the two firms have similar levels of productivity. If, however, one of the
two firms is gaining an upper edge through the use of violence (delivered either
through private persons or through employees of the state), then it is likely that this
firm has rough parity on market share but significantly inferior levels of
productivity.
The personal safety of residents is also linked to freedom of speech. Violence or
the threats of violence can be directed against persons who present uncomfortable
facts and arguments into the public domain, thus inducing a chilling effect, and
hampering both the political and economic life of a country.
For these reasons, protecting residents against internal violence is a fundamental
aspect of every successful state. Personal safety is of enormous intrinsic value: high
levels of safety directly generate welfare. Safety fosters exploration of the world, by
the individual, under conditions of freedom, which is a purpose of human existence.
The intertwined feedback loops of capitalism and freedom are founded in an envi-
ronment of unquestioned personal safety. Conversely, when safety is under threat, it
is not clear that political and economic freedom induces positive feedback loops
upon each other. Every state aspiring for high capabilities builds institutional capac-
ity to pursue the goal of the safety of residents. This is a combination of addressing
external threats, which are addressed through a combination of international rela-
tions and military capabilities, and internal threats, which requires the criminal jus-
tice system (CJS).
{ Crime Victimisation Surveys in Indian Criminal Justice System Reform 3
The criminal justice system (CJS) is the institutional infrastructure that ensures
safety of citizens. It consists of laws, courts, public prosecutors, police and prisons.
In India, there are foundational flaws in each of these elements, and across many
decades, a process of improvement has not commenced.! A research community is
required, which is able to understand the full landscape of the CJS, and undertake
the rational process of identifying problems, developing a strategic sense of the
required changes, and working on the practical aspects of the small improvements
which are made every day. A small process of thinking about courts has begun in
India, but on the remaining elements there is a weak landscape (Datta et al., 2019;
Saravade, 2015b; Shah, 2012).
As with many other fields, one strand of the Indian policy discourse on CJS
reform consists of technological solutionism. This assigns supremacy to building
computer equipment and associated monitoring mechanisms over the people such
as mass surveillance using video cameras. However, as has been seen with many
other fields in India, the human behaviour of the individuals that make up the state
is shaped by incentives, and a more fundamental transformation of organisations,
process manuals, power and incentives is required (Datta & Shah, 2015). Computer
technology can be a part of a useful reform process, but a digital-first approach is
generally unsuitable.
In the CJS, in particular, there is a greater danger of a digital-first approach
inducing intrusions into the privacy of individuals and tilting the balance of power
away from individuals and into the hands of state organisations (Bailey et al., 2018).
Computer technology can be a useful element of a sophisticated reform programme,
but such a reform programme needs to be primarily rooted in modifying the nature
of state power and the incentives of self-interested state functionaries.’ The first step
in such a reform programme is that of establishing basic measurement of the func-
tioning of the system.
'For example, see Bhandari (2016), Parsheera (2015), Saravade (2015a), and Saravade and
Sane (2013).
2For an analogy from the world of business, consider transformative “Business Process
Re-engineering” (BPR). BPR projects have repeatedly generated large improvements in productiv-
ity. All BPR projects involve computer technology. However, BPR projects are led by the top
management and primarily reshape organisation design, incentives and processes. A great deal of
computer engineering is an implementation pathway. If the computer engineering were present,
but the top management were not absorbed in a more fundamental reshaping of the organisation
design, the technology transformation by itself would not sufficiently reinvent the firm.
R. Sane and A. Shah
4
Inputs
We start at the inputs, a design of government, which maps into recruitment of per-
sonnel, purchases of goods and services, and their deployment into operation of
exerting coercive force upon society, through a certain set of process manuals. The
inputs are ultimately grounded in a theory of change about the nature of the world
and the value of such state intervention. As an example, in the field of education, the
inputs are teachers recruited and school buildings built.
Outputs
The functionaries go about their process manuals and produce certain proximate
outputs. As an example, in the field of education, the outputs are students enrolled
and hours of teaching delivered.
T
e
i
Outcomes
S
Finally, there is the desired impact upon society, the outcome. As an example, in the
field of education, the outcome is the change in knowledge of children.°
Such an approach generates insights into whether the present strategy of inputs
and outcomes is able to generate the desired outcomes. The education bureaucracy
may like to count the number of teachers recruited, the number of schools built, the
number of children enrolled and the pass rate of students in the official examination
system. However, what matters most in measurement is finding a random sample of
15-year-olds and administering an internationally comparable test (the OECD
PISA) upon them, to judge the knowledge of science and mathematics in these
students.
This approach to outcomes measurement readily lends itself to bang-for-the-
buck measures. As an example, in the field of education, it is easy to measure the per
pupil expense (“PPE”). In the Indian case, over a period of the last 20 years, the PPE
has risen greatly while the outcomes have essentially not changed at all. This helps
question the theory of change that has shaped the existing design of inputs.
Similarly, in the field of bankruptcy, Shah and Thomas, 2017, define inputs as the
laws and the institutional infrastructure required for the bankruptcy process to work,
outputs as the transactions that go through the system, and outcomes as recovery
rates, and broader growth in the credit markets.
In India, small-scale city-based surveys measuring crime have been conducted since
the 1980s. These include surveys that studied causes of victimisation, or the percep-
tion of the citizens by police and lawyers in the 1980s (Krishna et al., 1981; Rajan
& Krishna, 1981). The first crime victims survey, with a sample of 1000 respon-
dents, took place in 1992: International Crime (Victim) Survey in Bombay (ICS
Bombay). This was followed by surveys in four cities of Tamil Nadu—Madurai,
Coimbatore, Trichy, and Chennai, in 2001 (Chockalingham, 2003). In 2007 and
2008, a survey was conducted in Rajasthan that also asked questions on non-
reporting of crime (Banerjee et al., 2021). This survey showed that 1.7% of indi-
viduals were victims of a crime in the prior year and that 5.9% of households had at
least one member who was a victim of a crime. Theft was the most common type of
crime (37.9% of all the reported crimes), followed by burglary (16.6%) and
assault (12%).4
In 2015 and 2017, there were two large-scale crime victimisation surveys con-
ducted by the CHRI (Project Vishwas Setu) and the IDFC Institute (SATARC),
respectively. The former surveyed 5850 households in Mumbai and 4950 house-
holds in Delhi while the latter surveyed in Chennai and Bangalore in addition to
Mumbai and Delhi. Both surveys broadly asked three kinds of questions:
1. Was the respondent a victim of a crime in the last 1 year? (such as theft, house
break-in, sexual harassment, assault, criminal intimidation, unnatural death and
missing persons)
2. Did the respondent report this to the police? Did the police respond appropri-
ately? If the households chose to not report to the police, what were their reasons?
3. Do households feel safe in their neighbourhoods? Or in public transport? At dif-
ferent times of the day?
Both these surveys were focused on urban regions. The Karnataka Crime
Victimization Survey (KVCS), 2018-2019, moved this forward to the full state of
Karnataka thus allowing a better understanding of both urban and rural regions in
the state. The KCVS also expanded the range of crimes to include public order
offences like rioting, arson and unlawful assembly, and offences committed by gov-
ernment officials like bribery and abuse of power.
Another important survey is the Status of Policing in India Reports (SPIR) in
2018 and 2019, which not only measured the perception on the incidence of crime
but also measured the perceptions and response of the police personnel. This is
interesting as it gives us a perspective on how those manning the system look at
‘Another source of information on incidence of crime have been surveys such as the India Human
Development Survey (IHDS) and the National Family Health Survey (NFHS)—though strictly not
about measuring crime—they provide an indicator of some kinds of crimes experienced by survey
respondents.
| Crime Victimisation Surveys in Indian Criminal Justice System Reform 7
crime, and their role in ensuring safety. It also helps us understand the “how” and
“why” behind the crime.
There are some similarities as well as differences in what one learns from the
three crime vicitimisation surveys. The KCVS, for example, reports a crime victimi-
sation rate of 30%, that is nearly double that reported by the CHRI survey. This may
be associated with much greater crime rates in rural India. The SPIR finds that
people’s perceptions of crime differ greatly from the actual number of reported
crimes in the same region—states that have the highest reported crime (such as
Kerala) have the lowest perception of crime.
All four surveys have similar findings on reporting behaviour of victims of
crimes—that is, there is large-scale under-reporting of crime. The process of report-
ing, and dealing with the system, is one of the prime reasons why people do not
wish to deal with the police. The surveys also point to under-reporting by the
police—when households do make it to the police station, they often are not able to
register an FIR, reinforcing the reluctance to go in the first place. The KCVS survey
points out that this is not uniform across complaints—registering property offences
is easier than offences against the body and law. The SPIR survey also points to
heterogeneity in the ability to register cases—the situation gets progressively worse
for economically or socially vulnerable groups.
Despite these gaps, people’s perception of the police is better than what one
would have imagined. The surveys three CVS surveys show that around 50% of the
victims are satisfied with the police response. However, as the SPIR points out, this
overall satisfaction does not, at the same time, diminish the fear of the police.
The surveys also find that a large number of households feel “safe” in their
neighbourhoods in cities such as Chennai, Bangalore, and in the state of Karnataka.
Mumbai also does reasonably well. Delhi, however, fares poorly on the perception
of safety with more than half the respondents saying that crime is a serious problem.
The criminal justice system is a core public good. The ultimate goal of state build-
ing in a liberal democracy is that the safety of residents should be unquestioned,
which would create conditions for creativity and leadership. This calls for a high
prioritisation of the elements of the criminal justice system.
One of the first steps towards this aspiration is the measurement of how the sys-
tem works, and where and why it fails. This can help understand the correlations
between other aspects of society—such as employment, education, and prosper-
ity—with those of crime. Such an understanding then lays the foundation for devis-
ing solutions. For example, one solution that is often talked of to reduce crime is to
improve the quality of streetlights in public places. A regular measurement system
also helps in evaluating whether policy actions are leading to the desired result. In
the streetlight example, it would be useful to know what impact did the lights have
on incidence of crime? Did they help as we had expected them to? If not, why did
R. Sane and A. Shah
8
they not help. This can help policymakers do course correction before it is too late.
There are two areas where we can make tangible progress in measuring the CJS.
1. Reported crime data: Improving the quality of measurement should begin with
the data capture of registration of complaints and FIRs at the police station. As
we have seen from survey evidence, there is a big gap between actual crime and
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registered crime. This gap needs to be reduced so that crime records can become
more reliable. In India, the logistics of crime measurement are also problematic;
in that, crime is recorded at the police station and then aggregated at the district
and state level. If the data flows through the various layers are filled with leak-
ages, then even if the reporting improves at the station level, the aggregate statis-
tics at the district, state and national level, will be beset with errors.
There are two responses that are important. First, recording of data at the level
of the police station should be given priority and should not be left as a “resid-
ual” duty for a relatively junior constable. These data need to be captured digi-
tally, and the data entry staff needs to be trained through a detailed process
manual on the process of classification of crime as well as entering the records.
This will help with achieving consistency of data across the country, and recon-
ciling records as the data becomes more aggregated.
. Survey data: Beyond official data, there is a need to measure household interac-
tions with the criminal justice system. As discussed earlier, welfare of citizens is
the ultimate outcome of the criminal justice system. The surveys discussed in
this paper are an important start to more systematic, comprehensive and continu-
ous measurement of citizen experience with crime and the CJS. For the survey
data to be credible, it needs to be conducted by independent groups (such as the
role played by ASER in education). The existence of such survey data will allow
researchers to build a literature on the causes and consequences of crime.
A critical component of such measurement is the existence of “panel data,”
which provides repeated measurements on individuals across time. This makes
it possible for us to understand how crime trends and safety perceptions have
evolved over time. It also helps to study how changes in social or economic con-
ditions of individuals affect crime relative to changes in macro-economic condi-
tions, or changes in policy.
An example of how research on crime and safety is a study of women’s labour
force participation. A unique problem that is faced in India is the lack of wom-
en’s labour force participation (LFP). Indian women’s LFP is at 21%, which is
one of the lowest rates in the world. In Bangladesh, it is 36%; in Sri Lanka, it is
34%; in Pakistan, it is 22%; and in China, it is 61%.° A great research effort is
underway, where economists, sociologists and anthropologists are deciphering
the sources of the low women’s LFP in India. It is likely that low levels of per-
sonal safety constitute one important constraint which is holding women back. If
we are able to understand this constraint better and improve conditions of safety,
* See https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLE.CACT.FE.ZS
| Crime Victimisation Surveys in Indian Criminal Justice System Reform
Y
we would have a large impact upon women’s LEP (which is an important objec-
tive in and of itself) and upon GDP.
Once a measurement system is in place, it should be used as an input into policy-
making. Measurement is also important in that it makes available “local knowl-
edge” that can lead to a programme of reform based on the state of personal Safety
and conditions in each location. For example, if evidence points to certain parts of
India faring worse on crime and safety perceptions, then resources can be targeted
towards those regions. The police departments in each region can design responses
based on the problems in their jurisdictions. Similarly, if it emerges that there is a
systematic pattern in when crimes occur, or on the kinds of victims that get targeted,
then policy can be designed to tackle such crime. The research literature on the
criminal justice system in India is in its early stages, as is the feedback from research
into policymaking. Improvements in measurement should be the catalyst in making
this transformation.
6 Conclusion
Most elements of the Indian state work poorly. The CJS is a particularly important
element of the state, as personal safety is an essential precondition for the inter-
twined working of democratic politics and the market economy. In the sequencing
of the elements that will make the Republic of India a mature market economy
located in a liberal democracy, one of the highest priorities should be the establish-
ment of a capable CJS, the interlinked institutional apparatus of laws, courts, police,
public prosecutors and prisons.
Measurement of crime through FIR is limited (as the police exercise discretion
on what FIRs are filed, victims may choose to not report crimes, and the process of
capturing and the releasing the statistics is limited), Crime victimisation surveys,
carried out on a household panel, can create important new knowledge about crime
rates, the perceptions about the police in the eyes of the people and the extent to
which the lives of the people are distorted owing to the fear of crime.
Such data would be enormously influential. It would help measure the causes and
consequences of changes to personal safety, assess the progress (or lack thereof)
about this foundational public good and support better decision-making at the lead-
ership of the institutions that make up the CJS.
Early work on building CVS datasets in India has begun. Many of the papers in
this book report on these experiences. There is a complex agenda for CJS reform,
that is an essential element of India’s journey in the days to come. Building high-
quality CVS data is a precondition for progress on the overall agenda of CJS reform.
R. Sane and A. Shah
10
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state-of.html
Chapter 2
Crime Victimization and Safety Perception
Survey: Delhi and Mumbai
1 Introduction
'Nielson India Pvt. Ltd. administered the survey, prepared the statistical analysis, and provided
preliminary drafts of the survey report.
The need for periodic crime victimization surveys is linked to envisioning better
policing—a key area of intervention for CHRI. In India, the police are endemically
under-resourced. It is imperative to allocate funds and personnel wisely. To do this,
using a variety of techniques and processes to know where crime is occurring,
where the public feels unsafe, and gaps between crime incidence and reported
crime, can help the police to make informed decisions about crime prevention and
reduction strategies, as well as public outreach initiatives. While existing crime sta-
tistics, such as those collected by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), can
give some insight into crime trends, these data are not comprehensive. NCRB data
rely on crime reported at police stations, and not all incidents of crime are reported.
Further, if not all police stations send data—whether because they lack the person-
nel, digital records systems or other resources to do so—even some reported crime
will be missing from the official statistics.
Such gaps grow wider when we consider the urban-rural divide. An additional,
and even more concerning, problem revolves around accusations of “burking”—or,
police refusal to register reported crimes due to pressure to keep the crime rate low.
Each of these limitations, though they may not all be equally widespread, means
that NCRB data provide an incomplete picture. It certainly does not capture unre-
ported crime, public satisfaction with the police, or the public’s perceptions of
safety. Periodic public surveys are the only reliable medium to collect this informa-
tion. These can assess most accurately where, when, and to whom crime is occur-
ring. In the United Kingdom and numerous other countries, crime victimization
surveys are undertaken to estimate the difference between the official crime rate,
and the actual experience and reporting of crime. Through such surveys, it is pos-
sible to ask why individuals did not report crimes to the police, as well as assess the
public’s overall safety perception. In these ways, these surveys provide the most
holistic picture of crime incidence and experience, quantitative assessments of pub-
lic satisfaction levels with the police first response, and safety perceptions.
In addition, crime victimization survey findings can help identify the resource
needs of the police. Findings would be able to show what resources are needed, and
where, to meet the public’s safety needs. Using these data, the police and govern-
ment can frame budgetary/resource/human resource allocations to match the
demands and needs of public safety.
Lastly, these surveys can also act as tools for police accountability, particularly
as they can measure how many reported complaints the police actually register, or
not. Police delay or refusal to register complaints into FIRs is a denial of access to
justice right at the gateway of the legal system. In India, refusal to register com-
plaints of specific offences is a punishable offence under the Indian Penal Code and
some special laws. Surveys provide a quantum of unregistered complaints, giving
police leadership, and departments as a whole, data from which to consider taking
measures to prevent refusal, and enforce accountability systemically.
CHRI’s survey was administered in Delhi and Mumbai. The two metropolitan
cities were selected for their large, diverse populations as well as for their unique
policing characteristics. Both stand out as having the largest police strength among
urban police departments.
Another Significant factor was that Delhi Police and Mumbai Police are both
police commissionerates and thereby vest greater operational autonomy with the
Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 13
police leadership at the city level than non-commissionerates. Due to this, it was felt
that there may be a greater chance of pick-up by the police leadership of the findings
of a crime victimization survey and prompt faster systemic responses.
Finally,
potential replicability was another reason to hone in on two cities, with the rationale
that police organizations, particularly smaller and mid-sized ones, could more eas-
ily draw lessons from city-level survey experiences than larger state-level surveys.
The survey focused on seven cognizable crime categories—theft, assault, house
break-in, sexual harassment, criminal intimidation, un-natural death, and missing
persons. We chose these seven because they are broad crime categories that occur
frequently, and because when most of them are reported, the police must register
them by filing a First Information Report (FIR) and initiate investigation.
2This is distinct from sexual harassment in the workplace which is defined in a separate law.
D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
14
It is important to note that sexual harassment has been codified in the IPC as
gender-specific—only men can be perpetrators and only women can be victims. The
first three acts contained in the Section are punishable with rigorous imprisonment
which may extend to 3 years, or with fine, or with both. Making “sexually coloured
remarks” is punishable with a maximum prison term of | year, or fine, or both.
We also sought to survey how the experience of households facing might differ
by socio-economic profiles and therefore selected samples of high-, mid-, and low-
income households.
Overall, the survey covered 4950 households in Delhi and 5850 households in
Mumbai. The survey was conducted in July-August 2015; households were
(continued)
sensitively framed questions on rape can trigger trauma, fear, and apprehen-
sion. The questioning itself requires an extremely sensitive approach, includ-
ing dealing with issues that may arise as a result of it. Another serious concern
was the high probability of the perpetrator being within the family and the
crime itself occurring within the home. Concern on this is backed by official
crime statistics, which consistently reveals that a large proportion of reported
rape cases are where the victim knows the offender. In 2019, for instance, the
victim knew the offender in 94.2% of the reported rape cases in that year.
There were practical limitations tied to the apprehensions above. When
CHRI conducted the pilot, the surveying team reported just how difficult it
was to seek privacy while speaking with women within the household, and
how difficult it was even to capture sexual offences such as sexual harassment
and stalking. Including rape would necessitate a team comprising only of
women, and conducting rigorous training both on skills and on legal
provisions.
For these reasons, we felt that the level of expertise involved in this was
neither feasible with the available resources, nor appropriate.
We strongly recommend that offences like rape require their own special-
ized surveys, and they should not be lumped together with other crime catego-
ries. They will require very carefully crafted methodology that takes into
account the trauma and fear that survivors may experience. The household
survey methodology is not at all suitable in surveys focused on sexual assault
as it can trigger trauma for women and children and cause tensions within
families/households.
surveyed based on their experiences in the preceding 12-month period (July 2014 to
June 2015).
The survey was administered at the household level in Delhi and Mumbai and cov-
ered all districts/zones in the cities. It included households, both owned and rented,
among low-income, mid-income, and high-income categories and sought to distin-
guish the experience of recent migrants to the city against long term residents. The
survey was confined to adult members only and did not extend to crimes experi-
enced by minors. Only female adult members of the household were asked ques-
tions relating to sexual harassment.
D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
16
Survey Structure
Sampling
The study follows a multi-stage sampling design, similar to that used in India’s
National Sample Survey,’ the US Census Bureau Surveys,° and numerous others.
We sought to reliably estimate the rate of crime incidence at the police zone
level. Delhi at the time was divided into 11 administrative police zones and Mumbai
into 13. At a 95% confidence level and 5% margin of error, the required sample size
is 384 for each zone.
Given the lack of reliable data on the true crime rate in either city, we decided to
keep a buffer of 15% at the zone level, and the sample size was set at 450 house-
holds per zone. This gave an overall sample size of 4950 households in Delhi and
5850 households in Mumbai.
In the first stage of selecting geographical areas from which we would draw a
sample of households, we used stratified random sampling to choose three census
wards° within each police zone. All wards in each zone were first assigned to an
income stratum,’ based on whether a majority of households in the ward were high-,
mid-, or low-income.* Thereafter, one ward from each stratum was randomly
selected from every zone.
In the absence of information on the exact number of households in each zone
according to income level, an equal number of households were sampled from each
stratum in each police zone. With 450 sample households from each zone, this
translated into 150 households? per sample ward.
In the second stage, each selected ward was subdivided into one-square kilome-
tre grids.'® We excluded from selection any grids that had a different income level
than that which was dominant in the ward. For example, in a high-income ward,
mid- and low-income grids were omitted and random selection was performed only
on high-income grids.'' We chose 3 of these in each ward.
In the third stage, within each grid we selected a random starting point from
which surveyors went continuously household to household until reaching our quota
of 50, in order to meet the target of 150 households per ward. While the random
walk and quota methods can be subject to limitations,!” these sampling procedures
have been successfully used in numerous studies. Given the expense of completing
a full household listing in each grid, it was determined that this procedure would
best meet the objectives of the study within time and resource constraints.
Income level served as the basis for the stratification; though it would be ideal to adjust strata for
other parameters as well, budgetary constraints prohibited this. Income nevertheless does have
strong correlations with other socio-economic parameters. Because crime incidence is likely to
vary based on income and other socio-economic factors, we hoped this stratification would give
insight into how households of different income levels are affected by crime.
*The Nielsen Neighbourhood Skyline (NSL) database was used to identify the income level of
each ward. NSL provides a profile of household socio-economic demographics at the neighbour-
hood level for the top 57 cities in India. It includes information on income, savings, and expendi-
ture of the households living in the neighbourhood, in addition to providing details on road
networks, markets, connectivity parameters, etc. High income was defined as a majority of house-
holds earning Rs | million or more per year, mid-income as Rs 0.3—1 million per year, and low-
income as less than Rs 0.3 million per year. The geographical units discussed here generally track
those defined by municipal boundaries.
* With sampling spread across 11 police zones in Delhi and 13 in Mumbai, the sample size for each
income strata is representative at (a) the city level with 3% margin of error at 95% confidence level
and (b) at the zone level with 8% margin of error at 95% confidence level.
'!°This division was based on Nielsen’s Cell Grid Geo-spatial Database. This database is based on
semi-automated algorithms employing Small Area Statistics and Geo-spatial Analytics techniques
to disaggregate socio-economic data for a given geographic area into a grid consisting of cells,
each having an area approximately | sq. km. The database includes economic, demographic, infra-
structure, and land cover data for every cell.
"Given the desire to determine statistical validity at the zone level, as well as cost and time con-
straints, we employed stratified sampling at the ward level. To ensure that grids appropriately repre-
sented the income level stratification of the ward as a whole, it was necessary to guarantee homogeneity
of income level in the selection of grids. Admittedly, this imposes the limitation that the study would
not capture whether the crime profile of heterogeneous localities differed from homogeneous ones.
'2 Anthony G. Turner, United Nations Secretariat Statistics Division (2003), as on 20 December
2015. For more details on various procedures for conducting random walks, see generally Juergen
H.P. Hoffmeye-Zlotnik (2003). Out of the zone level sample of 450, 150 were to be drawn from
each of three income strata, with 50 from each grid. A floor of 30 crime-affected households per
zone was set. Had 30 households not been reached in this initial sweep, we would have increased
the number of households surveyed by 50 until meeting that quota.
18 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
Survey Administration
Nielson’s field interviewers administered the survey in both the cities. The training
of the interviewers involved a dedicated session with the CHRI team on legal provi-
sions relating to the selected crimes, procedures for reporting and registration of
crime, and an overview of the duties of the police in ensuring public safety. The
interviewers were given background notes and checklists to explain legal provisions,
including the ingredients of each crime with a focus on sexual offences brought in
following criminal law amendments in 2013; differences between cognizable and
non-cognizable offences; differences in the procedure for reporting and registering
a complaint and a First Information Report; safeguards for women in reporting a
crime; and other relevant special provisions pertaining to missing persons.
A pilot was carried out covering 100 households each in Delhi and Mumbai. The
pilot highlighted several challenges the interviewers faced in accessing households.
Many families expressed hesitation to talk to the survey team, or participate in the
survey because it related to crimes and their experience with the police. Some
among those that had experienced crime were fearful that the information being
collected would get reported to the police. To instil confidence in the independence
and credibility of the survey process, CHRI provided an authorization letter to the
survey teams with contact details of relevant persons within the organization. The
conduct of the survey would have been improved through more stringent checks of
completed survey forms throughout the duration of the surveys.
Part A of the survey, which addressed demographic characteristics and whether
households were affected by crime, was administered to each of the households
identified in the process outlined above.
Parts B and C addressed characteristics of crime, such as where and when crime
occurred, and victims’ experiences when reporting to the police.'? These parts were
administered to all of the crime-affected households identified in Part A; this
resulted in a total of 647 households in Delhi (13% of sample households) and 927
(15% of sample households) in Mumbai.
As there was no a priori information on incidence of any of the 7 crimes, it was
not possible to set a quota for the individual crimes. Theft turned out to be the most
common crime (506 incidents in Delhi and 746 in Mumbai), while in both cities
fewer than 100 households were victims of each of the other six crimes. Consequently,
“With regard to police response, the questionnaire contained several questions with multiple or
nuanced answers, such as on cases of missing persons, or knowing whether the police properly
registered a First Information Report. While CHRI provided background on law and criminal pro-
cedure, it was a challenge for the surveyors (who are not subject experts) to frame clarifying ques-
tions when needed. This may have resulted in some flaws in the findings presented here, even
though they faithfully represent the answers given by respondents. One additional benefit, then, of
the government undertaking routine crime victimization surveys would be to better train surveyors
and build capacity to get more accurate answers, and preserve such institutional knowledge and
practice over time. With this kind of robust data, the findings would best be able to help the police
and government make decisions about deployment, training, and resource allocation, among others.
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 19
the analysis of reporting behaviour or police response in this section can be consid-
ered to be representative only at the city level and for all 7 crimes taken together.
Part D assessed the safety perception of residents in Delhi and Mumbai. To attain
reliability at the city level, the sample size was set at 3025 respondent households in
Delhi and 3575 households in Mumbai. Statistically, the sample size is representa-
tive at the city level at 95% confidence level and 2% margin of error. With 11 police
zones in Delhi and 13 in Mumbai, this results in 275 samples per police zone.'4
City-level representativeness of the safety perception of crime-affected house-
holds at a 95% confidence level and 5% margin of error would require 384 sample
households. As such, analysis of the safety perception of crime-affected households
will be representative at the city level as long as the crime incidence rate in Delhi
and Mumbai is greater than 12.59% and 10.74%, respectively.'®
With no a priori information on the actual rate of incidence of crime, it was
decided to administer Part D to all crime-affected households. Thus, assuming X7 to
be the number of crime-affected households in a police zone (and X™ to be the
number of crime-affected households in a ward), 275-XZ would be the number of
non-victim households sampled per zone (90-X™ per ward). With this design, the
city-level sample would be representative of the perception of non-victim house-
holds at a 95% confidence level and 3% margin of error even if the incidence of
crime exceeds 25%.
A brief demographic profile of our sample is shown below Table 2.1:
Weights
The absence of a household sampling frame and lack of information on crime inci-
dence or reporting behaviour across geographic or socio-economic factors, even at
the city level, did not allow computation of household-level weights. We attempted
a limited city-level weight computation based only on the number of households
according to income, for which city-level information was available (Table 2.2).
The same was used for estimating the city-level projection of the number of
households affected by crime. However, the same was not used at subsequent levels
when estimating reporting incidence, as the number of households in each income
strata who had reported crime to the police fell below 384 per strata (the minimum
required sample size for a city-level representation at 95% confidence level and 5%
margin of error). This statistically constrained the computation of a city-level
weighted ratio for crime reporting behaviour.
'4The analysis at the zone level will be representative at 95% confidence level with 6% margin
of error.
'S This was computed by dividing 384 (the minimum required sample size for city level representa-
tion) by the respective city sample sizes: 3025 in Delhi and 3575 in Mumbai. Ex post, the ratios
were computed to be 13% (15%) in Delhi (Mumbai).
20 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
Table 2.2 City-level weights computation for the CHRI 2015 survey
No. of
Annual households
household (2014-15; in
Mumbai
>Rs 10 lakh
(High)
<Rs 3 lakh
(Low)
3. Key Findings
The findings of the survey are presented below under the following heads: (1).
Crime incidence and characteristics; (2) demographic profile of victimized house-
holds; (3) crime reporting and police response; and (4) overall safety perceptions.
The survey explored households’ experience of the selected crimes over a period of
| year (July 2014—June 2015) in both Delhi and Mumbai. Specifically, it sought to
measure the types of crimes most frequently experienced, the socio-economic pro-
file of the victimized households, and patterns, if any, of when and how the selected
crimes took place. The main findings are as follows:
Each Crime Was Experienced at Least Once in Both Delhi and Mumbai
Overall, 705 of the households surveyed in Delhi (14.13%) and 994 (16.47%) in
Mumbai faced one of the seven crime categories addressed in the survey. Some of
them fell victim to crime more than once, though the proportion was relatively small
(Table 2.3).
Theft emerged as the most frequently experienced of the seven crimes surveyed in
both Delhi and Mumbai. 10.14% of households in Delhi (506) and 12.36% of
households in Mumbai (746) had been victimized by theft in the period covered. Of
these, nearly 20% of households in Delhi (100) and 14% in Mumbai (106) had been
victims of theft multiple times. As such, the total number of instances of theft
reported by the respondents was 650 and 874, respectively, in each city (Table 2.4).
In both cities, theft of a cell phone was the most common form of theft followed
by theft of luggage and theft of wallet, purse, or cash (Fig. 2.1). One notable finding
is that households in Delhi were victims of car theft much more so than those sur-
veyed in Mumbai. Car thefts accounted for 10% of theft cases in Delhi, compared
to only 1% in Mumbai.
These findings match official crime data reported by the National Crime Records
Bureau (NCRB). In 2014, theft constituted 51% of total cognizable crimes regis-
tered in Delhi, and 25% in Mumbai, representing the highest proportion of regis-
tered crimes in both cities.'° The NCRB data also bears out that auto theft cases are
The
Un-natural
550 0.47% 12
Tr21%
12 1.06%
Death
Overall [708
(8d
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Peary Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs (2014), Crime in India 2014
able 2.2.
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 23
39.31%
47%
28.86%
25.16%
23.27
7.95%
*Cash and wallet/purse were separate answer categories in the survey, and are shown
tallied together here because they frequently occurred together.
higher in Delhi as compared to Mumbai with over 21,000 cases registered in Delhi
in 2014 and less than 4000 in Mumbai.!’
Further, a common trend across both cities is that a greater number of households
belonging to low-income and mid-income categories experienced theft than those in
the high-income category (Table 2.5). Of the households that experienced crime
only once in the period covered, 39% in Delhi and 38% in Mumbai belonged to
low-income, as compared to 25% and 28% of high-income households, respec-
tively. When it comes to households that experienced theft more than once, there is
a notable difference between the two cities. While in Delhi, the majority of the
households that experienced theft more than once belonged to mid-income (49%),
in Mumbai, majority (42%) belonged to low-income households.
'7 National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs (2014), Crime in India 2014,
Table 2.2.
D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
24
Delhi Mumbai
No. of households surveyed | 4990 6036
No. of households affected by |51 98
assault
% of households affected by | 1.02% 1.62%
assault
Composition of assault crimes |
Grabbed/shoved/slapped/beat | 63.93% 88.52%
Attack by throwing rocks/ 4.92%
bottles
Attack with a gunoraknife | 3.28% 3.28%
Attack with any other 1.64%
dangerous object
Attack in any other way 24.59% 1.64%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
The questions on sexual harassment were framed based on the definition in Section
354A, IPC.
The survey questionnaire posed the following acts as sexual harassment only to
adult women respondents:
Passing of lewd or unwelcome sexual comments;
Continuously stared at in a lewd or threatening manner;
Followed by men till you were scared or uncomfortable;
Touched indecently, groped, pinched; and
Unwanted messages through SMS/e-mail/social media/internet/or telephone calls.
Questions relating to sexual harassment were administered only when a female
adult member of the household was responding to the survey.
26 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
There were 1700 female respondents in Delhi and 1248 in Mumbai. Of these
households, 75 (over 4%) in Delhi and 39 (over 3%) in Mumbai shared that a female
member of the household was a victim of sexual harassment over the previous year.
Indeed, in Delhi 1 in 11 cases of all crime incidents were sexual harassment,
compared to | in 25 in Mumbai. Of sexual harassment cases, 94% in Delhi fell into
the categories of staring or passing lewd comments. However, almost a quarter of
cases in Mumbai involved either indecent touching or groping, or being followed by
men (Table 2.8). Following theft, sexual harassment of female adult members
emerged as the second most experienced crime in Delhi.
For assault and criminal intimidation cases in both Delhi and Mumbai, victims rec-
ognized perpetrator(s) by name or sight in just over two-thirds of cases. A signifi-
cant difference can be seen between the two cities, however, when it comes to sexual
harassment cases, While most of the victims of sexual harassment in Delhi knew the
perpetrator by sight, in almost 9 out of 10 cases in Mumbai, the victim did not know
the perpetrator. Most cases of sexual harassment in Mumbai took place on public
transport or commercial places.'* These two trends together suggest that many per-
petrators take advantage of a perceived anonymity of public spaces to harass women.
This also gives guidance for the police response—in Mumbai, the police can step up
its presence and patrolling in the areas that are prone to cases of sexual harassment;
in Delhi, where perpetrators are largely known to victims, the police can work in
partnership with NGOs to reach both victim and perpetrators and devise the appro-
priate strategies (Table 2.9).
'’The lack of a similar trend in Delhi could be tied to the fact that many
individuals reported that
they avoided public transport and felt unsafe earlier in the evening more so than respondents
in
Mumbai (see Section III).
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 27
Cases of | At least one At least one Did not know | Did not see the
Crime category
|crime _| knoby
wn name |known
by sigh
|offender
t offender
No.s / % of cases of crime*
Delhi
Assault ‘SI | 35.3% | 33.3% | 35.3% 13.7%
Sexual 80 1.25% 60% 38.8% 1.3%
Harassment =| )
Criminal 17 47.1% 141.2% 111.8% 11.8%
Intimidation | ~ ate | |
Mumbai ig ae
Assault [101 | 27.7% == [31.7% _|35.6% _
Sexual 45 |. 2.2% |11.1% |86.7%
Harassment | 12 | L
Criminal 31 | 35.5% [29.0% 32.3%
[ntimidation | )
—— aoe i. = — —_ —
Overall, the survey shows that high-income households are less affected by crime
compared to low-income households (Table 2.10). In Mumbai, the percentage of
households affected by crime gradually decreased while moving up the income lad-
der. Though high-income households in Delhi were somewhat less affected by
crime than the other two income categories, the percentage of crime-affected house-
holds was comparable between mid- and low-income brackets.
Of the households surveyed in both cities, over 85% were Hindu and 7—8.5% were
Muslim. The rates of crime victimization among these groups were comparable.'®
Similarly, the rate of crime victimization for the SC/ST community (constituting
14% of sample in Delhi and 12% in Mumbai) was also comparable to non-SC/ST
households in both cities. We asked respondents whether they had been living in the
city for less than 5 years, to see whether recent migrants were affected by crime
'9 As stated in the methodology, sample sizes below that used to determine a representative size at
the city or police zone levels must be treated with caution, and not used to make generalizations.
This analysis is shown for comparative purposes within our survey and to demonstrate potential
findings of a large-scale survey.
28 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
Table 2.10 Percentage of sample households affected by crime across income classes
‘Income | Sample households in | Households |% of sample households
City _| class _ each income class affected by crime _|affected by crime
Delhi [Low, [1013 Seem (2S :
‘Medium | 1003 | 248 ~_ |24.73%
High | 1019 tt whee liste
uahdlles.. (Ulda. ae eT Toee
Medium | 1243 [317 [25.5%
High | 1201 [239 119.9%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Overall, less than 50% of the households who experienced crime in both cities
reported it to the police, with Mumbai showing lower reporting at 41.8% than Delhi
at 46.8%. There is, however, significant variation across crime categories in terms
of rate of reporting:
Un-natural death and missing persons cases have a high reporting rate at 75%
and 100%, respectively, in both cities;
* Reporting of assault and criminal intimidation was higher in Delhi at nearly 55%
and 47% as compared to 25% and 22%, respectively, in Mumbai whereas report-
ing of house break-in was higher in Mumbai at 60% as compared to Delhi at 35%;
Reporting of sexual harassment was higher in Mumbai at 11% as compared to
7.5% in Delhi (Table 2,12),?°
Caste
11.39% 33.33%
13.01%
12.73% 37.36%
Mumbai |6036 15.49% 42.70%
14.42% 39.05%
Period of stay in city
9.80% 50.00%
14.19% 22.73%
13.06%
Mumbai 6036 18.64%
45years [84 |1.39% (19.05% 37.50%
Mother tongue
15.27% 42.56%
Delhi Hinds
[4732 [9489% | 12.9%
21.71% 42.86%
Mumbai Mahi [2800 [4753 |4.58 43.10%
16454 41.65%
find [20 sro 16778 41.15%
15.38% 38.36%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
30
Gera. (to ee i
46.80%
43.80%
Mumbai 874
101 25.70%
‘House Breakin 40
[66 | 60.60%
45 11.10%
31 22.60%
[Un-natural Death [12 | 75.00%
100.00%
1132 473 41.80%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Crime
w) ©. n=
Total cases in
Mumbai
Total cases in
subcategory sample Reported to police | sample Reported to police
No. |% of sample | No. No. |% of sample
cases cases
Luggage 103 47 145.63% 2g Ba 134.19%
Walle/Purse [5927 [45.76% 16152. |32.30%
CredivDebitcard|6 «4 (66.67% (23 =| 12_|52.17%
Jewellery x EC rc Ce
Cellphone [246 «| 119|48.37% «(328 ——| 156|47.56%
TV aeee
Laptop
Cash 9844 44.90% 6138.1 57.38%
Car CA CS CTO CH FE
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
There is further variation within the sub-categories of each crime. Among theft
cases, for example, in both cities less than half of the incidents of cell phone and
luggage theft were reported to the police. Theft of high value items like jewellery,
computers or laptops, and cars resulted in a higher rate of reporting to the police.
This may be due to the utilitarian concern that claiming insurance for these items
often requires showing a copy of the FIR registered by police, as in the case of
insurance claims for vehicle theft (Table 2.13).
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 31
Total
pinched
Ea Cc
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
“The survey also included a sub-category on receiving inappropriate or unwanted phone calls or
text messages, but in this survey no respondents selected that option as an answer
(continued)
32 1D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
In fact, a national public survey carried out in 2018 across India found that
socio-economic profiles have a significant bearing on people’s experience
with the police.*! For instance, the survey found that higher income groups,
and those with higher education such as college educated and above, were
twice more likely to seek the police’s help, than the poor and people who are
not literate.” Among vulnerable sections, it found that Muslims reported a
higher rate of contact with the police than Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes
and Other Backward Classes.”* At the same time, it also noted an important
variation: that while higher income groups are more likely to contact the
police for loss of goods or documents, the poor were more likely to report
complaints of domestic violence and family disputes.
Measuring such differences can be tremendously helpful in understanding
and addressing gaps found in the relationship between the police and different
sections of society through targeted reform measures in police administration,
training, supervision, accountability, as well as in informing trust building
exercises with communities as required.
Victims of Crime Are Reluctant to Engage with the Criminal Justice System
For respondents, the primary reason for not reporting crimes centred on the fear of
being caught in complex or bureaucratic police and court systems (Table 2.15).
People also often reported that they felt that there was little evidence of the crime.
or that the police would not be able to do anything about the incident. A significant
number said they did not report the crime for fear of retaliation.
Responses reveal that many victims envision reporting to the police, and possibly
proceeding with a criminal case, as daunting and burdensome. They also perceive
little gain in going to the police, as they believe there is little evidence and the police
will not be able to take steps to hold perpetrators accountable.
While these trends stay consistent across crime categories, particular reasons for
not reporting are more emphasized in some kinds of crime. For example, of the 80
households in Delhi that experienced sexual harassment, 74 of them did not go to
the police. Of these, 52 said they did not want to get stuck in police or court matters
.
In Mumbai, there were 45 cases of sexual harassment, 40 of which went unreported.
Twenty-six said they did not report out of fear of retaliation.
Particularly in cases of sexual harassment, the data clearly indicate exceedingl
y
low levels of reporting while incidence is relatively high in both cities. The reason
s
Common Cause and Lokniti—Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (2018)
* Ibid. pg.35.
-Thid., pg.36.
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 33
Table 2.15 Reasons cited for not reporting crime (as a percentage of total unreported cases)"
City Delhi Mumbai
Number of |As % of crime |Number of |As % of crime
= ane ial hn cases not reported cases not reported
No. of crimes not reported “1454— : Pe a ee ey : |
Fear of retaliation —- 38 8% 100 15%
Lack of evidence eae 7 33% ~ 1438 21%
Didn't know where to report 24 5% |23 3%
Didn’t know any of the helpline 8 (2% | 19 |1%
numbers | |
Did not thinkthe police would |88 119% =F ~ 169 7" | 10%
entertain your complaint _ | I Seaae Seer Se
Did not think the police would be | 67_ 15% 112 17%
ableto do anything about the case| )
Family matters do not need to be BS. ; oe
‘reported—
Did not want to get stuck
in
police/court matters
Scaredto go to the police station
Source: Crime Victimization Suiiiey. CHRI, 2015
“Sum exceeds 100% as respondents could select multiple options
for low reporting cited above immediately signal the need for further targeted study.
To be sure, visible and active efforts must be made by the police, strengthened by
partnering with NGOs, to hold mass awareness programmes to educate women that
sexual harassment is now a crime they can complain of, the process to make a com-
plaint, and assure them of their safety in this process.
To increase women’s confidence to report these cases, it may also be beneficial to
formalize the role of NGOs in providing public education as well as training police
in gender sensitization so that they can respond to reported cases of sexual harass-
ment appropriately. Government can make it mandatory for all modes of public
transport—autos, taxis, buses, trains/metro—to prominently display the numbers of
the police control room and women’s helpline number(s). Acting on women’s safety
requires a response to low reporting. The detailed reasons for the gap between the
experience of sexual harassment and reporting must be identified first (Table 2.16).
Less than Half of the Cases Reported to the Police Were Registered
Taking all crimes together, in both cities less than half of the cases reported to the
police by the respondents had their complaint registered as a First Information
Report (FIR). Given that only half of all crimes experienced were reported in the
first place, this means only a quarter of crimes experienced were registered.
34 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
Table 2.16 Reasons cited for not reporting crime, according to crime category (as a percentage)
< “ r a | esis } | Did not think the |Did not think the
Did not want to get police would police would be
stuck in police/ Lack of entertain your _| able to do anything
court matters evidence complaint about the case
Crime category [Delhi |Mumbai|Delhi| Mumbai |Delhi |Mumbai| Delhi |Mumbai
Theft 65% 69% 85% 54% |71%
Assault 6% 12% 1% 18% |12%
House Break-in | 3% 71% 11% 10% |5%
Sexual 24% 6% 2% 13% |6%
Harassment
Criminal 1% 4% 1% 4% 5%
Intimidation
Un-natural Death
Missing Persons 0% 0%
|Z
|0%
0%
0%
1%
|0%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
In terms of sexual harassment, none of the six cases reported in Delhi™ and only
two of the five cases in Mumbai led to an FIR being filed. This is particularly con-
cerning in light of the fact that only 7.5% of households in Delhi and 11.1% of those
in Mumbai who had faced sexual harassment reported the incident to the police.
As Table 2.17 below shows, half or less of households who reported thefts,
assaults, or break-ins answered that FIRs were filed in their cases. Only in cases of
un-natural death was FIR registration consistently high; however, none of the miss-
ing persons cases in Mumbai were registered.”
Within sub-categories of crime, there are also differences in the proportion of
reported cases that had FIRs registered. For instance, FIRs were filed for 37% of
reported cell phone thefts in Delhi and 45% of those in Mumbai.
Cases of car theft had a relatively better rate of FIR registration, probably due to
insurance requirements.” Reports of theft of other high value items like computer
or laptop and jewellery also were more likely to be registered. Notably, the types of
theft showing a high rate of FIR registration in general were also more commonly
reported in the first place (Table 2.18).
Police failure and refusal to register reported cognizable offences violate the
procedure established under Indian law. Section 154 of the Code of Criminal
Procedure that governs the registration of crimes makes it mandatory on the police
In Delhi, this low rate of FIR registration in sexual harassment cases also
casts doubt on the
purported success of initiatives like Operation Shistachar (Express News
Service, 2015) by the
Delhi Police. The high number of individuals detained under this operation is also
worrying.
*This may be because no cognizable offence was made out.
Because of the high number of car thefts in Delhi, the Delhi Police
encourages and facilitates
electronic filing of FIRs in these cases.
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 35
Table 2.18 FIR registered in cases of theft—number and as a percentage of theft cases reported
to police
27Lalita Kumari versus Government of Uttar Pradesh & Ors, AIR 2014 SC 187.
36 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
discloses the commission of a cognizable offence and cannot question the credibil-
ity or reasonableness of the information received. At this stage, the police are not
empowered to carry out any inquiry, commonly referred to as preliminary inquiry,
to ascertain whether the information received is genuine or not, except for a very
limited category of cases. In case the police refuse to register a case, they violate
their legal duty.
Only Half of Those Who Reported Crime to the Police Were Satisfied
with the Police Response
For those households who reported crime, roughly 36% in Delhi and 51% in
Mumbai said they were satisfied with the police response (Table 2.19). Satisfaction
varies across the subcategories of crime in both cities. Notably, satisfaction was the
lowest for sexual harassment cases in Delhi whereas in Mumbai, house break-in
cases recorded the lowest satisfaction.
The reasons for dissatisfaction mainly included delay and/or refusal to register
an FIR, rude behaviour while registering an FIR, and attempting to dissuade the
complainant from filing an FIR. On sexual harassment, at least 60% of respondents
both in Delhi and in Mumbai attributed their dissatisfaction with the police to refusal
to register FIR (Table 2.20). Among those who said they were dissatisfied with the
police response, most answered that this was on account of delay and/or refusal to
register an FIR, rude behaviour while registering an FIR, and attempting to dissuade
the complainant from filing an FIR.
Table 2.20 Reasons cited for dissatisfaction—as a percentage of those dissatisfied with police
response — —y-
me
Harass-
“Sie
Criminal 33.33% |33.33% |50% 0% 33.33% |0% 0%
tion
ral Death
Persons
Criminal 2 50% 0% 0% 0% 0%
Intimida-
tion
Un-natu- | 5 20% 20% 0% 60% 0% 0%
ral Death
Missing
Persons
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Even out of those who said they were satisfied, overall, with how the police
responded, comparatively few*? answered that the reasons for their satisfaction
included that the police: “explained the action they will take”; “arrived without
delay”; and “acted fast” (Table 2.21).
* Respondents were able to choose more than one reason for why they were satisfied by the police
response. Therefore, these numbers are not lower simply because respondents chose other reasons.
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 39
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40
ed without
There were also few respondents who answered that the police arriv
cases; for
delay or acted fast. Such reasons may not have been applicable to all
occurred
example, those who reported crime at a police station after the crime
er,
would not be expected to answer that the police arrived without delay. Howev
per-
these responses could also reflect issues on the ground, such as lack of police
sonnel and PCR vans. This is yet another instance where data help identify the ques-
tions that need to be answered, rather than providing an answer to all questions.
Perceptions of Safety
More than two-thirds of those in Mumbai answered that they perceive the police in a
positive light, though just under half of Delhi respondents did (Table 2.22). In both
cities, the perception is consistent across income levels without any significant varia-
tion (Table 2.23). It should also be noted that just over a fifth of respondents in both
cities answered that they viewed the police in neither a positive nor negative light.
Fear of theft seems universal across the two cities. Fewer people are fearful of
assault and un-natural death in Delhi compared to Mumbai.
3085 32% 3%
3659 13% 1%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Table 2.24 Crimes people fear most of falling victim to (% of sample respondents)’
Ae Theft Assault Un-natural death Sexual crime Criminal intimidation
Delhi 86% | 16% 5% 17% 2%
Mumbai 717% | 26% 13% 4% 3%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
‘Respondents could choose more than one option. As such, the sum of these percentages
exceeds 100%
Around a quarter of the Mumbai respondents listed assault as their second stron-
gest fear. This is possibly shaped by actual experiences. Around 6% of sample
households in Delhi experienced assault in the previous year, in Mumbai, the pro-
portion was higher at roughly 10%. Public perceptions of safety, inevitably influ-
enced by media reporting and other information in the public domain, also play a
role in shaping individual fears. This is most evident in Delhi, where 17% of house-
holds answered that they were worried about sexual harassment.
Delhi’s actual experience of sexual harassment was roughly one percentage point
higher than that in Mumbai (Table 2.24). However, given Delhi’s long-standing
reputation as unsafe for women, the aftermath of the Jyoti Singh Pandey gangrape
case in 2012 and the resulting heightened coverage of women’s safety issues, the
fear of sexual crime has likely become much more acute in Delhi.
In Delhi, the pattern of heightened safety concerns at night-time extends to the per-
ceived safety of travelling in the evening. 45% of Delhiites (compared to just under
14% in Mumbai) start to worry about their safety while travelling by public trans-
port after 9 pm.
D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
42
Table 2.26 At what time in the evening would one stop feeling safe walking around alone in
neighbourhood
Delhi
onderfecite_(7PM_|sPM_|9PM1_|10PM_|TNPM
Gender | feel safe
Male ‘geet
7PM |8PM
15%
|i /|9PM e PM isPM Midnight
13%
i a 14%
Mumbai Male|14% 33%
8% 5% 39%
Overall |12% 35%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Table 2.27 What time would one start worrying about safety of an adult male/female household
member who is out alone at night
Similarly, whereas 22% of respondents in Mumbai would feel unsafe using their
own transportation to move around the city beyond 10 PM, the ratio jumps to 68%
in Delhi. However, a significant gender difference regarding safety perception for
travel at night did not emerge (Tables 2.28 and 2.29).
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 43
Table 2.28 At what time in the evening would one stop feeling safe travelling in public transport?
After | After After |After After After Would not
City | Gender 7 PM 8 PM | |9 PM /10PM /11PM Midnight WoOIry
Delhi [Male [2% |13% | 32% trom 19% 11% 1%
Female|2% [18% [24% [33% |22% |1% 0%
‘Overall |2% [16% [27% [33% [21% |1% 1%
Mumbai|Male [5% [2% | 7% |19% 133% |23% 11%
[Female|3% |4% —|9% (22% —*([41% —_—*|17% 4%
Overai|4% [3% |7% [20% [36% [21% (9%
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Table 2.29 At what time in the evening would one stop feeling safe while travelling in personal
transport?”
a
| Always After | After After | After After After
City |Gender | feel safe 7PM {8PM 9 PM 10 PM 11 PM midnight
Delhi |Male [3% [2% [6% |16% [39% [33% (3%
[Female|2% [2% (6% 117% (48% |22% 12%
Overall |2% 2% 7 = 44% |27% |3%
Mumbai |Male s: 1% 31% 19%
Fema 35% (15%
32% [17%
"Note: 67% (52%) ofener households in Delhi (Mumbai) owned two wheelers at the time
of survey. Car ownership was 31% (15%) among Delhi (Mumbai) respondent households.
However, the question was asked to all respondents irrespective of whether they owned a vehicle
Source: Crime Victimization Survey, CHRI, 2015
Public crime victimization surveys provide information on crime and safety con-
cerns in society that is crucial for effective policy and operational responses. They
are the medium by which the experiences and perceptions of the public can be col-
lated, analysed, and examined to inform policy and state responses to crime and
public safety. Importantly, the data amassed can only be gathered through these
surveys; the existing collation and reporting of data and statistics overseen by the
National Crime Records Bureau cannot capture these crucial data points. Regular
crime victimization surveys would be a necessary, and immensely valuable, coun-
terpart to the existing official statistics.
To begin with, such surveys generate data that enable police departments and
governments to know the real incidence of crime experienced by members of the
public. A singularly unique aspect of such surveys, as exemplified by this pilot ini-
tiative, is their ability to identify the proportion of crime experienced that goes
D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
44
unreported. For CHRI, unearthing this data was a major motivation for conducting
the survey. This survey itself shows a rate of unreported crime of over 50% in both
Delhi and Mumbai. There is no other method by which the government could gather
information on such crimes. Should this finding be borne out by a larger study, it
would carry serious implications for the scale of response needed from both the
police and government.
Further, even without attempting to generalize the results, this survey points to
important information (as well as areas of future research) on experiences of crime,
the location and timing of crimes, and how crime affects migrants, different income
classes, vulnerable groups and women. Moreover, the survey tells us how the police
initially respond to crime, and how satisfied the public is with this response; all
based on the direct opinions and/or lived experiences of ordinary households.
General safety perceptions also show how safe, or unsafe, the public feels—a mea-
sure that will not be revealed without a survey. All this helps understand the nature
of crime better, and allows police and policymakers to implement crime reduction
strategies and policies where they can make the most impact. As crime reduction
strategies become more focused and targeted, a natural progression would be to
evaluate police performance against these; such a step would help address the cur-
rent lack of systems or processes for regular police performance evaluation.
Crime surveys will be most effective when carried out regularly, at fixed intervals
(preferably annually), and across the full jurisdiction of any police organization.
Year on year tracking will throw up patterns in the changing nature of crime, experi-
ences of crime, and relating to victims. Similarly, tracking the levels of reporting to
the police will provide a consistent measure of the level of public confidence in the
legal system in general, and in the police specifically. The information gathered can
help assess the extent to which crime reduction strategies are working on the ground,
and help shape suitable corrective measures.
A dilemma faced was deciding the crimes to be covered in the survey. Being the
first survey of this scale, the consensus was to stick to crimes commonly reported to
and registered by the police to allow comparison with official crime statistics. While
it would be important to ensure a core set of crime categories are included in every
survey, to track year-on-year trends, a crime victimization survey can contain a
special section which varies in topic every year depending on the need of the time.
There can also be micro-surveys for specific communities and/or specific crimes
conducted separately. For instance, sexual offences against women require dedi-
cated attention and will benefit from targeted surveys. Like in other jurisdictions
where crime victimization surveys are carried out regularly, specialized question-
naires along with specially trained teams are needed to assess the extent, and nature
of sexual offences against women. Similarly, finding ways to focus on crimes
against other vulnerable groups including religious minorities, Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes, and children will provide the insights necessary for developing
targeted strategies and responses in these crucial areas.
The utility of crime victimization surveys ultimately depends to a great extent on
the accuracy and sensitivity with which they are administered. This presented a big
challenge both for a non-governmental organization like CHRI, and for the survey
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 45
Te
Brief Introduction: Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) in collaboration with Indicus Analytics (A
Nielson Company)is conducting a crime victimisation survey in Delhi and Mumbai. In this survey we are collecting
data on personal and household experience of crime and major public safety concerns across localities, income groups
and socio demographics in the these two cities. The survey also seeks to assess personal experience of reporting of
crimes to law enforcement agencies and satisfaction levels. The findings will be published in the form of a report and
circulated widely to the Central and State sooner police, media and aSele
civil ager
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Name of Interviewer:
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Region/Address: tl ian i ra rN Mi?
Date of Interview: Phone No
DAY/MONTH/YEAR
Type of dwelling: 1=Independent house/bungalow 2=Apartment/flat in a building 3=Slum/jhuggi
Ocean
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2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 47
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48 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
CT ear eer re a ae
xe Assault resulting in injury, including physical
* ae wfed ae } oRoaSI EFe SAT
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B4 Sexual Harassment (to be asked from adult female i
member of the asacael i / a Ser (aa WS
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;° New Delhi, India. London, UK. Accra, Ghana
NGO in Special Consultative Status with the Economic & Social Council of the United Nations
ome of Interviewer:
Date of Interview:
DAY/MONTH/YEAR
Type of dwelling: -
poms
Host (This includes only where respondent is sure loss of item is due to theft)(Multiple options are
B1.1 In the past 1 Year, have you been a victim of theft in ma of the above ways?
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B1.6in case you were a victim of any of the crimes listed above, did you report to the police?
fora en?
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B2.1 Have you over the past one year been physically attacked by someone in any of the above ways: (read out)
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B2.2If Yes, how many times has this happened past one year?afe et @ flea ve ae 4 ae feat a gsm #7?
B2.3_ How many people attacked you? fear ari 4 sa we ere fern 8?
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2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 51
ard
ot a are a
(At least one) known Ff-
; alesis @) tar @
B2.8!n case you were a victim of any of crime listed above, did you report to the police?
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: a door or
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B3.1 In the last | year, has anyone broken in or attempted to break into your home by sf of the above ways?
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at 8?
LIBRARY
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National Law School
BANGALORE
52 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
B4.10ver the past one year a. “ap or tried to harass you in any of the ways mentioned above?
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B4.4
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Time of occurrence
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00:01 to 23:59
B4.6Did you know thee offender(s) by name ordike
by och
at the time of the offence?
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2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 53
pose
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B4.7in case you were a victim of any of crime listed above, did you report to the police?
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. ln the last one year, did anyone threaten you (or your family) with injury or damaging your property for not following their demands?
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BS5.3 Name of the locality where it happened? (If incidence happened at home,
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B6.Un-natural Death(This does not include suicides that may have happened in households.)
i|
54 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
First,
note down the crimes for which the respondent household had approached the police. In case of multiple cases reported
within a section,
mention each one ately. Then, mark the Section, Crime heading and Codes in the tables
wae Wea, Se awe @ ee wt ras faq seer oF EY 8 aoe fea at) a ww Gaee 4 oF Sa fear fea wa 8 aw Be @ He—sern wa | BES
we Gee, sows @ vite we Pre od ok eae 4 ars oe)
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Attack you with a gun ora | Attack you with any other Attack you in any other way
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D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
56
you st the police (please a aadown steps clearly and in detail in a separate sheet, if required),
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58 D. Srivastava and D. Prasad
Do you feel safe traveling using public transport alone os the day?(1=Yes, 2=No, 3= == Kaew)
am am fa & aR aba udutte oRaea or ger wea EU aT Se Baa seyR area &? (=e, 2=AGl, sare AEH)
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nm|eeeres ™
DSAt what time in the evening would you stop feeling safe while re using public a
ada cRaeq gear Hed By UT Sed waa wes ol fea wa Ffsig Rea ASS Se Fe He ei)?
after 10pm_ | after 11 pm After midnight Would not worry
ain an — ina ee alee aa He US are feier vel eT
ORE 9SERG “Oe
WCU:
eas what time in ae evening would
peterson
you stop safe whileaaaatioes
in your personal transport (cycle, bike, car)?
rR Prof ares (ergfira, aw, BR) ¥ aa aa WAG eH at fea wD A sm |Raa Seg wen oe WCF
— feel Se al
er a a San a a aa tee aia inna
are See as SS
———you ———
safe walking = in your8Ssduring ae
day?
ee enn ae
D8 At what time in = evening would you stop feeling safe walking around alone in your Sone
wr @ fra wa 4 sig a asta 4 aba eee we yea FeqE ea dz ax Bi?
after 9 pm after 10 pm bre bene midnight poy
feel safe
tae aaa Aaa ae steaw'ee [rome rg se
Pro
At what time inaevening eto
wotags stop women
safe ere
money fromtie
your ee
om @ fa wa ¥ ona omy aera & véren @ then Paras we yes HeEN BT dz wy BH?
rae:
after 7 pm
iim [Poe
after 8 pm
[eee [Wem [arwtese
after 9 pm
[mr
after
10 pm | after11 pm | After midnight Alwa en
2 a a Daa a we ee eee
eermuch of a problem do you think crime is in your local area
ame wersta era # arrere array feat we) ere arma @
Big problem Somewhat of a problem but not very big Not much of a problem Don't know
a wren GB ee ae aren afr ah) wren ae aga wren ae balks liad
Gt 5k OS SE Ses TT HES ea
12
2 Crime Victimization and Safety Perception Survey: Delhi and Mumbai 59
D12 Which ofthefollowing crimes do you fear youarelikely tobea victim of? MULTIPLE RESPO
Prafafed are 4a fad ame fra er mie Wnts
en ae
bea
SS eee ———
wan arent aren & fe ance sorérengfera aretar 5 pees
References
Common Cause and Lokniti — Centre for the Study of Developing Societies. (2018). Status of
policing in India report 2018: A study of performance and oerceptions. https://commoncause.
in/pdf/SPIR2018.pdf
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and Association for Advocacy and Legal Initiatives.
(2020). Police registration of sexual offences: A guide on procedures and holding police
accountable. https://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/download/1610003834Police%20
Registration %200f%20Sexual %20O0ffences%20English.pdf
Operation Shistachar: In 20 days, 370 arrested, 2400 detained for harassing women, The Indian
Express: _ http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/operation-shishtachar-in-20-days-370-
arrested-2400-detained-for-harassing-women. Express News Service, New Delhi, August
31, 2015.
Hoffmeye-Zlotnik, J. H. P. (2003). New sampling designs and the quality of data. http://mrvar.fdv.
uni-lj.si/pub/mz/mz19/hoff.pdf
Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. (2015). National sample survey 71st round
“key indicators of social consumption: Health’. http://mospi.nic.in/sites/default/files/national_
data_bank/ndb-rpts-71.htm
Murphy, P. (2008). An overview of primary sampling units (PSUs) in multi stage samples of demo-
graphic surveys. Proceedings of the Survey Research Methods Section, American Statistical
Association.
National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs. (2014). Crime in India: 2014. https://
ncrb.gov.in/en/crime-india-year-2014
National Research Council. (2014). Estimating the incidence of rape and sexual assault. The
National Academies Press. https://doi.org/10.17226/18605
Turner, A. G., & United Nations Secretariat Statistics Division. (2003). Sampling strategies. http://
unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/meetings/egm/Sampling_1203/docs/no_2.pdf
Chapter 3
Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime
(SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey
1 Introduction
IDFC Institute conducted a survey of 20,597 households titled Safety Trends and
Reporting of Crime (SATARC). The survey asked respondents whether they, or in
certain cases a member of their household, had been a victim of seven crimes—
theft, assault, house break-in, harassment, criminal intimidation, unnatural death,
and missing person—in the past year (October 2015 to September 2016), their expe-
riences with the police, their perceptions of safety, and about the behavioural
changes they may have adopted to avoid victimisation. The survey was conducted
between November 2016 and February 2017 across four major cities—Mumbai,
Delhi, Bengaluru, and Chennai. This chapter covers the research objective, method-
ology including sample design, survey instrument, and execution framework, key
findings from the survey, and learnings for the way forward.
The SATARC survey was an attempt to marshal evidence about the extent and
nature of crime, satisfaction with the police, and perceptions of safety to bridge the
gap in public data on crime, law enforcement, and safety. The objective of the sur-
vey was to systematically assess households’ perception of safety and the police,
Neha Sinha was the former Deputy Director and an Associate Fellow and Avanti Durani was the
former Assistant Director and a Junior Fellow at IDFC Institute, a Mumbai based think/do tank.
The team which carried out this survey consisted of Avanti Durani, Neha Sinha, Dr. Renuka Sane
and Rithika Kumar. The authors also thank Sridhar Ganapathy, former Senior Associate at IDFC
Institute, for his able research assistance.
Sample Design
where:
n; sample size
Deff: Design effect was assumed to be 1 in the absence of many layers of
stratification
z: statistic of 1.96 for the level of confidence at 95%
p: Assumed at 50%
d: Margin of error at 5%
In addition, 90 purposive interviews for victims of the surveyed crimes were
done in each zone to allow for population-level estimates of crime incidence and
victim’s experience with police. The total sample size including the purposive
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Sur vey 63
SS oe.
anna
7 Se ——— =
i i AY Ncx
Delhi Mumbai Chennai Bengaluru
6,187 7,910 2,433 4,067
AF
respondents respondents
¢
respondents respondents
Note: This includes the total number of randomly and purposively sampled respondents
in each city.
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
interviews across the four cities came up to 20,597. The sample size for each city is
shown below (Fig. 3.1).
Sample selection was done using stratified random sampling to achieve the age
and gender distribution of each city’s adult' population. Quotas for the age-gender
distribution were determined using the population data as per the Government of
India’s Census Data for 2011. In the absence of population data at the police zone
level, it was assumed to be evenly distributed across the zones within each city.
The survey ensured randomisation at two levels: selection of a household and
selection of a respondent within the household. Landmarks were chosen within
each zone to ensure sufficient geographic spread and a “right-hand rule” was applied
to survey 20—25 households near each landmark. At least 3 households were skipped
between two surveyed households. The randomly surveyed sample was self-
weighted against the age-gender distribution of the adult population. The weights
used for estimating results were calculated using the following formula:
fw=wl/w2
where:
fw: final weights
wl: desired sample per gender for a given age bracket/desired total sample for
the city
sam-
w2: achieved random sample per gender for a given age bracket/achieved total
ple for the city
Population estimations were done for details on crime incidence, opinion about
police, and public perception about safety.
Survey Instrument
Definition of Crimes
The seven surveyed crimes were divided into two categories: Personal crimes, i.e.
those committed against the individual (theft, assault, harassment, and criminal
intimidation) and Household crimes, i.e. those committed against the entire house-
hold (house break-in, unnatural death and missing person). In order to achieve accu-
racy in responses, questions on personal crimes were asked only if the selected
respondent was a victim. The definitions used to describe these crimes were based
on the relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code, 1860. Simplified versions of these
definitions were conveyed to the respondents with the help of showcards.
Descriptions of the surveyed crimes are below:
1. Theft
(a) Someone dishonestly took any of your movable property without your per-
mission (express or implied).
(b) Someone stole an item from you.
2. Assault
(a) Someone used force or made any gesture to use force on you, without your
consent, in order to commit an offence or cause injury, fear or annoyance.
(b) Someone used force or violence against you/attacked you.
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 65
3. Harassment
(a) You were victim of any of the following form of sexual harassment:
Physical contact and advances involving unwelcome and explicit sexual
overtures
Lewd or unwelcome comments
A demand or request for sexual favours
Stalked/followed you
Indecently exposed themselves to you
Making sexually coloured remarks
(a) You were threatened against injury to your body, reputation or property, or
to the body or reputation of anyone in your household, with the intent to
cause alarm to you or to cause you to do any act which you are not legally
bound to do, or to stop you from doing any act which you are legally entitled
to do, as the means of avoiding the execution of such threat.
(b) Someone threatened to hurt you or a member of your household, or damage
your property, to try and make you do something or stop you from doing
something, to fulfil their demands.
5. House break-in
(a) A person in your household passed away due to reasons other than natural
causes, including sickness, ill health, disease, etc. The deceased person may
have died due to an unnatural reason such as, culpable homicide, murder, or
accidental death; however, it does not include suicide.
N. Sinha and A. Durani
66
7. Missing Person
(a) The whereabouts of your household member is not known, and is not trace-
able. No information regarding such person whether dead or alive is available.
(b) You have no knowledge of the whereabouts of a household member.
At the outset, after taking consent from the respondent, the survey captured infor-
mation on the locality, police zone, nearest police station, and type of dwelling of
the respondent. Thereafter, the first section was on demographic details of the
household. This included information on the age and gender of the household mem-
bers, based on which a respondent was selected according to the age and gender
quota assigned for that day. Detailed information on employment, education, mari-
tal status, religion, language, and length of stay in the city and current address was
recorded. The demographic details of the sample are elaborated below and contin-
ued in the Annexure.
The respondent was then asked if he/she, or in certain cases a household mem-
ber, has been a victim of any of the seven crimes in the past year. The following
section on details of crime incidence was administered only if the respondent or
household member, as required, was a victim of at least one of the surveyed crimes.
The section captured details of the crime such as nature of the crime, place and time
of the crime, familiarity with the offender, reporting of the crime to the police,
amongst other details. As a follow up, the respondents were asked about their expe-
rience of reporting the crime to the police, only if the crime was reported. This sec-
tion was only administered to the victim, or the household member, who approached
the police to report the crime in order to ensure the accuracy of information about
the experience. The section captured information on how they approached the
police, the initial action taken by the police, the experience of reporting the crime,
and reasons for satisfaction or dissatisfaction at the stage of reporting the crime. The
survey did not ask about the police’s response beyond registration of the crime or
survey police personnel. Separately, for those who did not report the crime, we
asked them the reasons for not approaching the police.
The next section was on opinions about the police. All respondents, independent
of them having faced a crime, were asked about their views on the police. This
included questions on whether police can be relied on, if the police are doing a good
job of maintaining safety in their area, and so on. The final section was on safety
perceptions where we asked the respondents several questions to gauge their views
on safety in their area. We asked the respondents if they worried about household
members being outside their homes after dark, or were worried about walking alone
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 67
in the area, took precautions to keep themselves safe, their views on the severity of
the crime in their area, amongst several other questions.
Survey Execution
Training
Experienced interviewers, who had worked previously on social surveys and were
familiar with the data collection methods, were selected for the training. Intensive
and immersive training sessions were conducted for the fieldworkers and supervi-
sors, before the survey was administered in the field. The field workers were apprised
of the purpose of the survey, sensitivity of the subject, and trained on data collection
and administration of the survey instrument. The final cohort of trainers were
selected based on their performance in mock interviews. Nearly half of the selected
surveyors were women.
Following international best practices, before going into field work, we sought
approval from an independent ethics review board/institutional review board (IRB)
to ensure that procedures followed during the survey adequately protected the rights
of the respondents. Their consent was taken at the time of administering each indi-
vidual survey and they were made aware of the social and ethical concerns related
to the survey, their right of refusal, and confidentiality of their personal data to
ensure that they participated willingly.
The survey was conducted simultaneously across the four cities between November
2016 and February 2017. The respondents were asked questions on each of the
seven crimes that they were victims of, for the period of October 2015 to September
2016, and their experience while reporting the crime to the police. The survey
administration for data collection, conducted by Kantar Public, happened over three
stages: pilots (administering the survey to a select number of households), field-
work, and audits/backchecks. Robustness and quality of the collected data was
ensured through the backchecks and audits.
Prior to rolling out the survey, we conducted pilot interviews in all four cities to
test the questionnaire and survey administration process and make any improve-
ments, if necessary. This was an important step since the learnings from this stage
were incorporated into the instrument and the final data collection process to make
them more robust.
68 N. Sinha and A. Durani
3 Key Findings
Delhi Bengaluru
30 20
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Age [Deihi
[Mumba Chenna
i i | Bengatura
18-20 ee ee :
21-30 33
31-40 25
41-50 illness ilmenite
51-60 ee ee
61-70 en etter: totedabeecba
70% 5Alle vksandoow 2: ehtabanees
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institut e, 2017
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 69
Crime Incidence
The survey data allowed us to estimate the overall crime incidence for each crime in
each city. Theft was the most prevalent of the surveyed crimes across the four cities.
In Delhi, 8.26% of people reported being a victim of a theft. The proportions were
4.14% in Mumbai and 2% in both Chennai and Bengaluru. The results and popula-
tion level estimates are presented below (Table 3.4).
| Victims at Victims at
Sample sample level | Victimisation (%) at |population level
Crime a size (n) (n) population level (n)
Theft 8.26 13,87,428
Mumba 4.14 5,13,422
Chen | 40
|2010 nai [2.00 94,005
Assault
‘Beng
3415aluru
|69 — ~*(1.98
1.04
,90,186
1,74,266
Maal |6604 [34 0.52 65,075
Chen |2010 nai
| 4 [0.21 9,644
Bengaluru |3415_| 0 [000 — _—(
Harassment * GC CAS 15 1,92,377
‘Mumbai [6604 |27-1039 48,682
Chen | 5
|2010 nai 0.25 11,623
0.33 31,354
House break-in|Delhi |5164 | 53 | 1.01 1,70,318
0.52 64,331
Chen |2010 nai
| 5 0.27 12,751
Bengaluru |3415 | 2 [0.04 | 4,253
Criminal [Delhi [5164 |140.27 45,646
intimidation [Mumbai [6604 | 17 (026. — _—*(31,657
Chennai {2010 |0. 1 04
Bengaluru |3415 | 1 [0.03 | 3,264
Unnatural Debi [sie [8 Jos 25,183
(Chennai [2010 | 0 Joon ]o
Bengaluru[34i5_| 0 [000 ——_—‘{o
Missing person|Deihi [S164 | 4 [008 _____| 12,986
(Mumbai [6604 | 0 [000 _—_—_|o
(Chennai [2010 | 0 [000 __—_o
Bengaturu|3415_| 0 [000 _—_—‘{o
Otter ——~*([Dethi—‘|sies
| 3 (006 ———«*i9 a6
[Mumbai [6604 |[0000
0
(Chennai [2010 |[009
2 ——~*(iaea
Bengaluru[3415_| 6 [019 _ _ |18,836
- Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
ae
70 N. Sinha and A. Durani
The results presented in this section pertain to theft only and are at the sample level.
To begin with, respondents who had been a victim of theft were asked to recall
which item had been stolen. The most common item across all the cities was mobile
phones (44% in Mumbai, 42% in Delhi, 36% in Bengaluru, and 35% in Chennai).
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey
71
@ SATARC-
Victims
Delhi — SATARC-Victims
Population: 168 lakhs who approached
SATARC-FIR filed ihe police
as a % of victims: 7.2 ME SATARC-Victims
h
— 13.9 lakhs eeennes an
6.18 lakhs
— 99,239
0.9 lakhs
0.19 lakhs 1.9 lakhs
7,909 0.35 lakhs
14,017 5.1 lakhs
1.63 lakhs
Note: The city boundaries correspond to the respective 30.084
’
Commissionerates of Police. Population data sourced fro mM
Census of India, 2011. FIR refers to First Information Report.
The numbers indicate victims who approached/registered an FIR by themselves or
through a household member.
Table 3.5 Comparison of theft crimes using results from the SATARC Survey (2016-17) and
NCRB Crime in India Report (2016)
Theft victims who lodged an FIR Theft cases reported in 2016 (NCRB)*
City (SATARC) (n) (n)
Delhi 99,239 1,26,467
Mumbai 9,839
Chennai 3,070
Jengalu 10,578
Note: The results are presented at the population level
“https://nerb.gov.in/sit es/def
%20in ault/f
%20India% 20-%20201 6%20Complrime
iles/C ete% 20
PDF%20291117.pdf
72 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Bengaluru
Luggage 7
Wallet/purse 16 14
Credit/debit card 2 4
Jewellery you were wearing/carrying ig Team ar eRe FONT 9
Mobile 44 35 36
Laptop er ae aes eT
Cash Cee oe ee
Car
Other TEL ee E
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
This was followed by wallet/purse in Mumbai (18%) and Delhi (16%), and cash in
Bengaluru (24%) (Table 3.7).
Subsequently, they were asked where the incident occurred. The most common
response from the victims was in a public bus in Bengaluru (33%), Delhi (25%), and
Chennai (24%). In Mumbai the most common response was in their home with
break-in (23%). This was followed by in open areas/on the street/train station in
Bengaluru (23%) and Mumbai (19%), in their home without break-in Chennai
(22%), and in their home with break-in in Delhi (21%) (Table 3.8).
When asked what time of day the incident occurred, unfortunately, a large por-
tion of the respondents could not recall the time across all four cities (69-82%).
From those who were able to, their responses were 12 pm-—12 am in Delhi (7%),
12 pm-—6 pm in Mumbai (8%) and Chennai (12%), and 6 pm-—12 am in Bengaluru
(14%) (Table 3.9),
Of those who did approach the police to report the theft incident, we asked them
which mode of communication they used to initially contact the police. The top
response from the respondents across all four cities was by going to the police sta-
tion (78% in Mumbai, 74% in Chennai, 73% in Delhi, and 72% in Bengaluru). The
next most common response was also the same across all the four cities—called 100
or any other relevant police helpline (16% in Delhi, 12% in Chennai and Bengaluru,
and 8% in Mumbai) (Table 3,10).
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 73
Table 3.8 In which place did the incident occur? (theft) (%)
Place Delhi Mumbai |Chennai |Bengaluru
In open areas/on the streeV/train station | 20 19 714° 23
Tnapublicbus alt 14 126... 133
Your “home with break- oF Re | | 21 23 | 9 2
Your home without t
break-in aes o ‘113 [22 ]
‘Commercial place (mall/theatre/restauranU/grocery store/| 7 | 8 meg ree Fy
market) )
In the metro/local train es
Your workplace ;
-Family/friend’s home a
In an auto/cab
Other
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Table 3.9 What time of the mn did the incident occur? (theft) )
Time Bengaluru
a Sa a &
Lt SS a A 9
ST a a a
12 am-6 am 2
Don'tknow (82
—*(8i_—S—«d'TB 69
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Table 3.10 What mode of communication did you use to report the incident to the police?
(theft) (%)
Mode Delhi_[Mumbai [Chennai |Bengaluru
Went to the police station 74
Called 100 or any other relevant police helpline ee ee ee 12
Online complaint reporting ‘ec ean Fite ad baisees: 4. 6
Approached a police control room (PCR) van ois polite hc lla A eee: 5
Other <a arailbane wees.
a
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
The respondents were then asked to recall the initial action taken by the police
when the incident was reported to them. The most common answer across the four
cities was that the police filed a complaint—63% in Delhi, 60% in Mumbai, 46% in
Bengaluru, and 41% in Chennai. In Bengaluru and Chennai, 25% and 21% of the
respondents, respectively, managed to register an FIR? while in Mumbai and Delhi,
the proportions were lower at 13% and 12%, respectively (Table 3.11).
2Section 378 of the IPC defines “theft” and section 379 of the IPC provides for punishment for
theft. As per the latter, the offence is “cognisable” meaning a police officer can arrest without war-
rant. It is also non-bailable.
74 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Table 3.11 What was the initial action taken by the police when the incident was reported to
them? (theft) (%)
Action oe i ae e | ai
| Delhi |Mumb Chennai Bengaluru
The survey then asked victims who approached the police if they were satisfied
with their experience of reporting to the police. More than half of them were satis-
fied with the police’s response at the time of reporting the crime in Delhi (52%) and
Mumbai (55%). The proportions were higher in Chennai (82%) and Bengaluru
(70%). The respondents had to then select from a predetermined list of responses
the reasons for satisfaction and dissatisfaction with the police response. This was a
multiple-choice question.
The main reason for satisfaction was the police’s attentiveness in dealing with
the victim, This was followed by accuracy in registering the complaint, promptness
in attending to the victim, and quick and timely action (Table 3.12).
Dissatisfaction was primarily due to the long wait in registering the FIR, refusal
in registering the FIR, or the police dissuading the victim from registering an FIR
(Table 3.13),
Soft skills emerge as the key to satisfaction. Given that the police are the first
interface with the criminal justice system, data on the reasons for satisfaction and
dissatisfaction can be useful inputs in developing training and sensitisation pro-
grammes for the police.
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 75
Table 3.14 Reasons for not approaching the police for theft victims (%)
Reason Bengaluru
Afraid to go to the police station Re i tee 28 21
Took help from another agency/person to resolve issue 2 8
Didn’t know the helpline number 2 lege eae 10
Lack of evidence 51 31
Did not want to report family matters pce Ia? ee |13 20
Felt that the police will not entertain the complaint 19 18
Didn’t think it was serious 16 33
Did not think the police will be able to do anything about 15
the case
Other reasons 8
Didn’t know where to go 19 17
Fear of retaliation 5,fend titel covet Sree 16
Did not want to get stuck in police/court matters Te eee 35
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Notably, a large number of victims did not approach the police. According to the
survey, 55% of victims in Delhi, 68% in Mumbai, almost 80% and 82% in Chennai
and Bengaluru did not approach the police to register the crime. The respondents
had to then select from a predetermined list of reasons for not approaching the
police. Some of the top reasons why people refrain from approaching the police
ranged from the belief that the police will not entertain the complaint or lack of
evidence, no expectation of response from the police or fear of getting stuck in
police and court matters.
This was a multiple-choice question. The results presented here pertain to theft
only and are presented at the sample level (Table 3.14).
N. Sinha and A. Durani
76
Opinion on Police
Statement ‘Delhi|
Mumbai
|Chennai |Bengalura
Police presence in a secluded area makes you feel safe oe ie 76 64
Police can be relied on when needed cele loan | Se 81
Police will treat you respectfully when you reach outto {59 | 71 77 47
them
Police are doing a good job at maintaining a safe 59 76 64
environment in the city
Police are underpaid and overworked 48; 28% thea 46
The police in your locality understand the issues that 57 58
impact the community
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
| 3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 77
I 7
Fa
’ =
pig ho” We
” i Waileg uti
78 N. Sinha and A. Durani
!e
Disagree __ hesivame.
Neither agree nor disagree | 11
Don’t know l
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Bengaluru
in| vetin|visim|
Victim |victim
HO sai|Micaela)
wei_|vicin|wt
Victim | victim
OUS = 168, (BL
Victim | victim
1a
Disagree 294
ees
Neither agree nor
ht Pe ee ee
13 12 3 3
S22 ne ae a Far ee fe ee ee
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
7
t
know
esate
nor| je
10.
ie
1s 2
know
Agreeae
oe
ie
7
i1
Disagree
disagree
Don’t
agree |
is
is|je
ie
ois
26fk
agree
nordisagree
Neither
tain?) .
4 ae) ( Gia
el
||ee
ie tek woes! ary Sa Bey R Don’t
r|
| |know
|Agree
Disagree
>
MEGS oltts"> ose
= 7 af ae
42)
80 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Debi
en Non- Non-
| Mumbai
_Non-
Victim | victim Victim | victim Victim | victim Victim victim
Disagree
Neither agree nor
disagree
Don’t know
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
In all four cities, the non-victim respondents agreed with this statement more
than respondents who had been a victim of any of the surveyed crimes (Delhi 58%,
Mumbai 70%, Chennai 80%, and Bengaluru 58%). This seems to indicate that the
opinion about whether the police in their locality understand the issues that impact
the community may decrease once they interact with them (Table 3.24).
Statement: The police will treat you respectfully when you reach out to them
When asked whether the police will treat you respectfully when you reach out to
them, in Delhi, those between 51 and 70 years (62%) agreed with the statement the
most. And those above 61 years in Mumbai (75%), and 70+ years in Chennai (86%)
and Bengaluru (62%) agreed with the statement the most. This indicates that senior
and elderly citizens have an amicable relationship with the police (Table 3.25).
In Delhi (61%) and Bengaluru (47%), men agreed with this statement more than
women. In Chennai, women (78%) agreed with this statement more than men. In
Mumbai the proportions were the same (71%) (Table 3.26).
In all four cities, the non-victim respondents agreed with this statement more
than respondents who had been a victim of any of the surveyed crimes (Delhi 59%,
Mumbai 72%, Chennai 77%, and Bengaluru 46%). This seems to indicate that the
opinion about whether the police will treat you respectfully when they reach out to
them may decrease once they interact with them (Table 3. 27).
Statement: The police are doing a good job at maintaining a safe environment
in the city
When asked whether the police are doing a good job at maintaining a safe environ-
ment in the city, those who were above the age of 70 years in Delhi (63%), Mumbai
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 81
‘ 4
ace. | *
“an :
a 7 p
‘*
| > (Reems SM g
asta lass ne
io soa |
a A342t) Waal
aaa
7 ages: we thet
ro
. ed
lt
\ hal stee on
82 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Don’ t know 10 5 3 6 \9 4 6
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Non- Non-
Bengalura | Mumbai
Non- Non-
Victim | victim Victim | victim Victim victim Victim |victim
eT aae
mit
—
Disagree CS
—
ec eae es
elsanae.
Neither agree nor
Don’t know eC ae
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
(85%), and Chennai (89%) agreed with this statement the most. In Bengaluru, those
between 61 and 70 years (73%) agreed with this statement the most. Once again,
senior and elderly citizens seem to have a higher degree of trust in the police’s abil-
ity to maintain a safe environment in the city (Table 3.28).
In Delhi (61%) and Bengaluru (68%), the proportion of men that agreed with this
statement was higher than the proportion of women. In Mumbai (77%) and Chennai
(82%), women agreed with this statement more than men (Table 3.29).
In all four cities, the non-victim respondents agreed with this statement more
than the respondents who had been a victim of any of the surveyed crimes (Delhi
59%, Mumbai 78%, Chennai 80%, and Bengaluru 63%). This seems to indicate that
the opinion about whether the police are doing a good job at maintaining a safe
environment in the city may decrease once they face a crime or interact with
the police (Table 3.30).
know4
Don’t 4
Neither iz 12
oe:
Mumbai
Don’t
nor|Agree
agree
know
Disagree
disagree
pros
bi. We) PS wer.
HO.
84 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Agree
Disagree
Neither agree |norr disagree
Don’t know
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
ii
Disagree eae
iat a ea ae
Neither agree nor
disagree
Don’t know Cee me Le
Source: SATARC a IDFC Institute, 2017
In all four cities, the non-victim respondents agreed with this statement more
than the respondents who had been a victim of any of the surveyed crimes (63% in
Delhi, 82% in Mumbai, 76% in Chennai, and 64% in Bengaluru). This seems to
indicate that the opinion about whether presence in a secluded area makes you feel
safe may decrease once they interact with them or face a crime (Table 3.33).
The survey also asked respondents about their comfort in approaching a male or
female officer to report an issue. In Delhi, the proportion of people who were more
comfortable approaching a male officer (36%), female officer (30%) or indifferent
(34%), were approximately evenly divided. In Mumbai (69%) and Chennai (55%),
most people were indifferent towards the gender of the officer. In Bengaluru, most
felt comfortable approaching a male officer (51%) as compared to a female officer
(8%) (Table 3.34).
When analysed by age, similar results are seen in Delhi with the proportions
almost evenly split across all age ranges. In Mumbai, those between 21-30 years and
51-60 years feel most comfortable approaching a male officer (21% each), those
between 18 and 20 years feel most comfortable approaching a female officer (15%),
and those above 70 years are most indifferent (83%). In Chennai, those above
70 years (45%) feel most comfortable approaching a male officer, those between 18
and 20 years (17%) feel more comfortable approaching a female officer, and those
between 61 and 70 years are most indifferent (62%). In Bengaluru, the youngest
(18-30 years) and oldest (70+ years) are most comfortable approaching a male
officer (53%) as compared to the others, those between 51 and 60 years are most
comfortable approaching a female officer (10%) and those between 61 and 70 years
are most indifferent (48%) (Table 3.35).
3 Safety Trends and Reportiing o f Crime (SATARC): : A Crime Pe 85
: Victimisation Survey
+ eres? mt
Bengaluru Mumbai
In Delhi, the majority of men (58%) are more comfortable approaching a male
officer and the majority of women are comfortable approaching a female officer
(59%). In Mumbai, while the majority are indifferent, there is a preference for men
(26%) and women (21%) to approach officers of their same gender. In Bengaluru
and Chennai, men (54% and 45%, respectively) and women (48% and 24%, respec-
tively) feel more comfortable approaching male officers (Table 3.36).
At the sample level, when analysed by victims versus non-victims of the sur-
veyed crimes, the proportions were once again almost evenly divided in Delhi and
most respondents were indifferent in Mumbai and Chennai. In Bengaluru, while
50% of the respondent victims were indifferent, 43% felt more comfortable
approaching a male officer. Among the non-victim respondents, the majority (51%)
felt more comfortable approaching a male officer (Table 3.37).
There is often a preference among people for approaching a male officer as
they feel he may be better suited for solving their problems as policing is per-
ceived to be a more physical profession.? Going forward, if such questions are
disaggregated by type of crime, police task, or some other criteria, public percep-
tions of female officers can also be tracked over time, along with any shifting
trends therein. Such results can be useful inputs to build confidence in the public
towards women officers.
*CSDS (2018).
3. Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 87
88 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Disagree
Neither agree nor
disagree
Don’t know
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Table 3.34 When reporting a complaint/crime, would you be more comfortable approaching a
male or female officer? (%)
Male officer
Female officer
Indifferent
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Bengaluru
Male
Female
|
officer
Indifferent
2
5
€a)
fEig 2Ea|lslalae ll s
la(e|.
90 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Gender
Delhi — ihe
Male /Female _
{Mumbai
Male | Female
[Chennai
Male |Female
[Bengalur
|Male
Male officer
Female officer | 12
Indifferent | 40
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
SS SE ane =
Male officer 252 ANS 43. |51
officer
Indifferent [37 [33 |74 {68 {62 [55 50.41
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
100 5% i
13% 1% 8%
90
20%
BO beg Serious
. problem
70 41%
. a oe S “cigaat a
zi
24% 6 of a problem
90 Not much of
a problem
76%
50
i Don’t know
40 BA
: m 29%
30 26% hy
51%
20
10 16% 8% 21%
0 5%
Note: The results are presented at the population level. Perceptions are presented by city
as a percentage
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Mumbai thought it had gone down. 42% in Bengaluru thought that crime levels had
stayed the same (Table 3.41).
Over half of those in the youngest age group in Delhi felt that crime had gone up
in their area. Data from Chennai showed the opposite. 62% in the age group of
18-20 years in Chennai felt that crime had come down in their area. In Mumbai,
43% of people in the age group of 41-50 years felt that crime levels had come down.
In Bengaluru, almost half in the age group of 61-70 years felt that crime levels had
stayed the same (Table 3.42). Men and women shared similar perceptions about
crime levels, across all the surveyed cities (Table 3.43).
Question: What are sources for your impression about crime in your city?
Following this, we tried to assess the sources from which people form an impression
about crime in their city. This was a multiple-choice question. In Delhi (74%),
Chennai (86%), and Bengaluru (75%), television programmes were the top sources
- from where people formed their impression about crime in their city. In Mumbai,
N. Sinha and A. Durani
92
City 20 30 40 50 60 70 70+
Serious problem Pete 49 [49 [47 [48 | 52
Mumbai 16 | 7) \i7
4 7_ [12
18 | 21
uru
Bengal| 24 |20 |16 | 30
“Somewhat of a problem but not 24 26 14
Gender
Delhi_ __|Che nnai [Bengaluru |Mumbai
Male |Female | Male |Female |Male |Female | Male |Female
Serious problem so [si 4 [Ss f20 22 a6 [15
Somewhat of a problem but not 23 es |I fade 8S 24
very big
Not much of a problem 43 139 2orgAS al 47
Don’t know ER CE CE EC EP Ce ee
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
adi
wD, «6S ad sueshy Rone
Bengauw [10 [13 [9 3 7B
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Bengaluru
‘Male [Female [Male [Female [Male [Female [Male |Female
CC CC CO 7
7 CEN 7a TR 6
faa_|2o fas fat 4s fat (3030
aC ST Re TO a
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
most people formed their impression from word of mouth (71%). The second most
cited source of information was word of mouth in Delhi (72%), newspaper in
Chennai (80%) and Bengaluru (66%), and newspaper and television programmes in
Mumbai (both at 64%) (Table 3.44).
Television programmes, newspapers, word of mouth and relatives’/friends’
experiences were the top sources of information on crime across age groups in the
four cities. Personal experience was amongst the top sources of information across
age groups in Delhi (Table 3.45).
Television programmes and word of mouth were the top sources of information
about crime for males and females across the four cities (Table 3.46).
Second, we asked about people’s worries about taking certain actions.
94 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Question: After what time do you start worrying about the safety of a female
member of your household who may be outside home unaccompanied?
The survey found that post 9 pm, 87% of people in Delhi started worrying about a
female household member who was outside the home unaccompanied. The percent-
ages were lower in Bengaluru (54%), Chennai (48%), and Mumbai (30%). By
11 pm, about 97% of the population in Delhi, 89% in Bengaluru, 90% in Chennai,
and 76% in Mumbai were worried if a female household member was outside home
alone (Table 3.47; Fig. 3.4).
Breaking it further down, we found that all age groups were equally concerned
about a female member being outside the home unaccompanied after 8 pm in Delhi,
after 10 pm in Mumbai and Chennai (Table 3.48).
Both men and women seemed equally worried about the female household mem-
ber being outside home unaccompanied after evening (Table 3.49).
Question: After what time do you start worrying about the safety of a male
member of your household who may be outside home unaccompanied?
Concerns about safety extended to men as well. By 11 pm, 95% of people in Delhi
started worrying about a male household member who was outside home unaccom-
panied, followed by Bengaluru (83%), Chennai (84%), and Mumbai (60%)
(Table 3.50; Fig. 3.5).
Breaking the time bands further, in Delhi, Bengaluru, and Chennai, people across
age groups were most concerned about a male member being outside home unac-
companied after 10 pm. In Mumbai, most people across age groups were worried
about safety after 11 pm (Table 3.51).
Almost 51% of females in Chennai were worried about a male member being
outside home unaccompanied after 10 pm. There was an appreciable increase in
worry across Cities and gender after 10 pm vis-a-vis 9 pm (Table 3.52).
We asked respondents whether they felt safe walking in their own neighbour-
hood during the day or night, in their own homes during the same time
frame.
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 95
100%
gdbs 25%
80% 20%
70%
60% 15%
50%
40%
10%
30%
20% 5%
10%
oe
By 7pm By
3? 9pm
@ ts
By li pm Always safe
Fig. 3.4 After what time do you start worrying about the safety of a female
household who may be outside home unaccompanied? 4 member of your
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 97
100%
25%
90%
80% 20%
70%
60% 15%
50%
40% 10%
30%
20% 5%
10%
By
6
7pm By
6 9pm
@
By llpm Always safe
Note: The results are presented at the population level. Perceptions are presented by city
as a percentage.
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Fig. 3.5 After what time do you start worrying about the safety of a male member of your house-
hold who may be outside home unaccompanied?
Question: After what time in the evening would you worry about safety while
walking alone in your neighbourhood?
In Delhi, by 9 pm, 63% of people mentioned that they started worrying about their
safety while walking alone in their own neighbourhood. The corresponding num-
bers were 41% in Bengaluru, 23% in Chennai, and 14% in Mumbai. By 11 pm, 94%
in Delhi were worried about their safety while walking alone in their neighbo
ur-
hood, followed by 84% in Bengaluru, 81% in Chennai, and 60% in Mumbai. When
asked whether they always felt safe, i.e. did not worry at any point of time,
the fig-
ures were 23% in Mumbai, 16% in Chennai, 12% in Bengaluru, and only
3% in
Delhi (Table 3.53).
Looking at the data by age group for each city, we found that people acros
s age
groups were worried about walking alone in the neighbourhood from 8 pm
onwards
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 99
After 9 pm
oe Sa25 OF26
7 fom
Lar i
es ae 11
Sg aa Ca a a a i
After10pm {Delhi —s [35 [33,3835 (34 [34
Mumbai [19 [17
[19201920
[Chennai [42,46 [49 [43 [48 [5 :
[Bengaluru [31 (33, [30 [29 [26 [25
After11pm et ee 20
[29t [3230
Manba [os [50 [a5 —[
Chennai 16 {i458 te fa =
Bengaluru |19 |20|2221 [25_| 28
After midnight a CA a a aC CC
Mumbai (22/22/2018 19/20
LE ae Ce Oe a | ‘
Alwaysfeelsafe [Delhi [1
[2,2ft 22
73
| don’t know
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
61-70
Yes 74
[Mumbai _[e4 [as [ea [es ass
Chennai [85 (86 ‘(79
Question: Do you feel safe when you are alone at home during the day?
In Mumbai 85% and in Chennai 83% of people felt safe when they were alone at
home during the day. Just under three fourths of people in Delhi and Bengaluru
(both at 73%) felt safe when they were home alone during the day (Table 3.56).
No particular age group or gender felt vulnerable at home during the day in any
city (Tables 3.57 and 3.58).
aee
J
102 N. Sinha and A. Durani
I don’t know
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
61-70 70+
Yes Dei _|ss__[s2__(s7__is7_—*is6__—fel
Mumbai [75 (77 [7 [79 (80 ‘(83
85
Bengaluru [70 [67 (68 (70-(73__|75
[Dethi [4446 fat‘far_—‘faa__|37
Don’t know
Question: Do you feel safe when you are alone at home at night?
We then asked whether they felt safe at home alone at night. In Chennai (81%) and
Mumbai (78%), more than three fourths of people felt safe while home alone at
night. In Bengaluru, only 68% felt safe alone at home at night and the number was
lower in Delhi at 56% (Table 3.59).
In Delhi, more than half the population across all age groups felt safe being alone
at home at night. In the case of Chennai, around 80% across age groups felt safe
alone at home at night. Encouragingly, over 90% of those in the age group of 70+
years felt safe in Chennai. In Bengaluru, those in the age group of 21-30 years and
31-40 years were most worried about their safety when alone at home at night. The
sense of safety was higher amongst those in the age brackets of 50+ years in Mumbai
(Table 3.60).
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Sut vey 103
In Delhi, 61% male and 49% female felt safe alone at home at night. In Bengaluru,
66% women felt safe at home at night. The proportions of those who felt safe were
higher in Chennai and Mumbai (Table 3.61).
We also asked questions about the time after which people worry about with-
drawing money from an ATM and using public transport.
Question: After what time in the evening would you worry about safety while
withdrawing money alone from your neighbourhood ATM?
In Delhi, by 9 pm, 55% of people mentioned that they would worry about their
safety while withdrawing money from their neighbourhood ATM. The correspond-
ing numbers were 48% in Bengaluru, 28% in Chennai, and 14% in Mumbai. By
11 pm, 83% in Delhi and Bengaluru would worry about their safety while with-
drawing money from their neighbourhood ATM, followed by 79% in Chennai and
55% in Mumbai. When asked whether they always felt safe, i.e. did not worry at any
point of time, the figures were 17% in Mumbai, 13% in Chennai, 8% in Bengaluru,
and only 2% in Delhi (Table 3.62; Fig. 3.6).
No distinct trend could be seen by age groups in any city (Table 3.63).
Looking at the issue from a gender lens, around 43% of women compared to
36% of men in Chennai were worried about withdrawing cash from an ATM after
10 pm. In Delhi, 20% of men and 24% of women were worried after 8 pm. In
Bengaluru, 23% of men were worried about withdrawing cash from an ATM after
9 pm compared to 20% of women. In Mumbai, a much lower percentage of men and
women were worried before 10 pm (Table 3.64).
Question: After what time in the evening would you worry about safety when
travelling alone by public transport?
By 9 pm, 55% of people in Delhi mentioned that they would worry about their
safety while travelling alone by public transport. The corresponding numbers were
N. Sinha and A. Durani
Note: The results are presented at the population level. Perceptions are presented by
city as a percentage.
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Fig. 3.6 After what time in the evening would you worry about safety while withdrawing money
alone from your neighbourhood ATM?
40% in Bengaluru, 23% in Chennai, and 12% in Mumbai. By 11 pm, 96% in Delhi
worry about their safety while travelling alone by public transport, followed by 84%
in Bengaluru, 81% in Chennai and 60% in Mumbai. When asked whether they
always felt safe, i.e. did not worry at any point of time, the figures were 22% in
Mumbai, 14% in Chennai, 12% in Bengaluru, and only 2% in Delhi (Table 3.65).
In Chennai, people got worried across all age groups after 10 pm. The youngest
and the oldest were most concerned about using public transport after evening.
Between 44% and 48% were worried in the age groups 18-20 years, 21-30 years,
and 31-40 years. Similarly, between 45% and 47% of those above the age of
61 years were worried about using public transport after evening in Chennai. A
large segment of population (18-26%) across all age groups always felt safe while
using public transport in the evening in Mumbai (Table 3.66).
The difference in perception about safety while using public transport after eve-
ning grew after 10 pm. This could be seen in Delhi and Chennai. In Mumbai, the
difference grew after 11 pm (Table 3.67).
We also asked which type of public transport people felt safe using during the
day. This was a multiple-choice question. In Delhi, the most preferred mode of
transport was metro/local train (80%), in Mumbai (95%) and Bengaluru (97%) it
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 105
was local bus, and in Chennai it was shared auto (96%). This was followed by auto
in Delhi (77%) and Bengaluru (91%), metro/local train in Mumbai (90%), and local
bus in Chennai (95%). The least preferred mode of transport was non-radio (or
other) taxi services in Delhi (22%), Bengaluru (38%), and Chennai (61%), and
radio taxi services in Mumbai (46%) (Table 3.68).
— In a perfectly safe environment, the answers to these questions would be that
people are not worried at all.
Third, we attempted to assess the precautions that people take to stay safe. As a
result of poor perceptions of safety, people tend to adopt behavioural changes to
106 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Time Bengaluru
By 7am SRS 2 ee Oe
By9 pm
By
11 pm
23 40
Always feel safe ae
2 |) as 12
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
keep themselves safe, such as not leaving the house past a certain time. Poor percep-
tions of safety lead households to adopt precautionary measures to overcome the
feeling of insecurity, which in turn impose costs on households and workplaces. It
is critical to acknowledge and address the detrimental impact of such perceptions to
both full and equal participation in civic life or the workforce. Accordingly, we
asked respondents to select the various types of behaviours they adopt to avoid vic-
timisation from a predetermined list. This was a multiple-choice question. The
results are presented at the population level (Tables 3.69, 3.70, and 3.71).
These behavioural changes are symptomatic of a lack of rule of law and must be
addressed to allow citizens freedom of choice and action. A poor perception of
safety has implications for a person’s participation in society. In minor cases, people
may avoid certain areas at certain times of the day, but in extreme cases, they might
withdraw from civic life and the workforce altogether. In the absence of direct data
on safety, crime rate is often viewed as a proxy to gauge safety standards. However,
a low rate of crime does not necessarily imply a high sense of safety.
Table 3.68 Do you feel safe using public transport during the day?
Transport. ~ [Delhi [Mumbai _| Bengaluru
[Chennai
Local bus 42 ES I = tart 3
Metro/local train mal amea [90 jap 170 > ae
Auto ylae | 84 | 1: |9]
Shared auto 69 vaso Snaasnesieall
Radio taxi (e.g. Tab cab, Uber, etc.) _|39
Other taxi services 61 ‘|
38
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
policymaking in the health and education sectors. The discourse on law and order
has been limited to official records on crime and media reports of incidences.
However, neither of the two provide a complete picture of ground realities. Official
crime records capture only a portion of the crimes faced by the citizens (See
Table 3.6). CVS can complement official crime records, systematically diagnose
problems in law and order, and help develop solutions for better service delivery in
policing.
The availability of data on crime, safety perceptions, experience with the police,
and opinions on the police at the city and police zone level render itself useful to
evaluate and customise strategies for each problem and location. To illustrate, we
present the map of victims’ distribution of theft across police zones in Delhi as per
data from SATARC survey. Data showed that the north, north west, and outer
regions had the maximum number of victims of theft (Table 3.72; Fig. 3.7).
Data from a CVS can provide the state and police leadership with a management
tool for various functions, including targeted resource and budgetary allocations,
a se ite ss ea ne eae T 7 7
surroundings
Dress within generally accepted |14 | 21
social boundaries
Other
Don’t take any precautions
£
—>)
N
ea
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Table 3.72 Distribution of victims of theft across police zones in Delhi (%)
informed decision making for deployment, personnel training, and public record of
performance measurement. Such data, across crimes, can be a useful tool to deter-
mine strategies around location of police stations, and form a basis for staffing,
designing targeted interventions and operational requirements. Bridging this gap in
public data on law and order is an important step for good governance, improved
quality of life, and inclusive, market-based economic growth.
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 11)
North
15%
North West.
East
South West
sa
5%
South East
7%
4%-8%
, =
I) 8%-12% New Delhi South Central
wa 12%-16% 7% 5% 7%
Fig. 3.7 Distribution of victims of theft across police zones in Delhi (%)
Annexure
Caste Bengaluru
General oS
Eraad Fra a
SC/ST 15 17 16
OBC
Do not wish to disclose Pe
a Ra
eo aes Ce ee
CRM 12
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
Across the four cities, between 56% and 61% of the respondents were in the
general caste category. Around 15-17% were scheduled caste or scheduled tribes
(SC/ST) in Mumbai, Chennai, and Bengaluru. The SC/ST constituted 23% of the
respondents in Delhi. The Other backward categories (OBC) constituted 18%, 20%,
10%, and 15% in Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, and Bengaluru. In Chennai and
Bengaluru, around 17% and 12% of the sample did not disclose their caste category.
The numbers were much smaller in Delhi and Mumbai at 1% and 4% (Table a 3
Almost half of the sample had completed secondary or higher secondary school
certification (SSC/HSC) in Chennai and Bengaluru. In Mumbai and Delhi, those
with SSC/HSC level of education were 38% and 44%. The next large category was
those with 5—9 years of school education. This was around 23% in Delhi, Mumbai,
and Chennai and 18% in Bengaluru. About 13-17% of the sample had Graduates
and Post Graduates (general) degrees across the four cities (Table 3.76).
3 Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 113
Bulk of the sample included married respondents. About 80% of the sample was
married in Delhi and Bengaluru and around 70% were married respondents in
Mumbai and Chennai. The unmarried constituted 21% and 23% in Delhi and
Mumbai, while 15% and 16% were unmarried in Chennai and Bengaluru
(Table 3.77).
The largest percentage of the sample were not working across the four cities.
Almost 27% of respondents in Bengaluru were not working, while in the remaining
three cities those not working included 34-36% of the respondents. The other
important occupations were clerks/salesperson, self-employed, student, unskilled
and other (Table 3.78).
The sample in Delhi, Bengaluru, and Chennai included 71-76% who had been
residing in the city for more than 10 years. In Mumbai, this number was as high as
89%. The next big category included those who had resided in the city for 5—10 years
(Table 3.79).
Similarly, those staying in their current place of residence for more than 10 years
constituted 45%, 57%, 62%, and 79% in Bengaluru, Chennai, Delhi, and Mumbai.
Those living in the same residence for 510 years were 23% of the sample in Delhi,
114 N. Sinha and A. Durani
Table 3.7
79) Number off years of stay tin the city (%)
Ye ‘Mumbai — Chennai | Bengaluru
<1 year (0.5) TH Mon A
A2yeas(15) [td
2-5 years (3.5)
5-10 years (7.5)
>10 years (10) 7
Source: SATARC Survey, IDFC Institute, 2017
12% in Mumbai, 20% in Chennai, and 33% in Bengaluru. This suggests that most
respondents weren’t new to the city and their neighbourhood—an important factor
when analysing victim experience and perceptions of safety (Table 3.80).
Another important factor when studying crime incidence, experiences with
police and perceptions with safety is familiarity with language. Almost the entire
sample could speak in the native languages—Hindi, Tamil, and Kannada in Delhi,
Chennai, and Bengaluru, respectively. In Mumbai, 78% of the respondents could
speak Marathi. The reading and writing abilities were slightly lower at 87% and
86% for Hindi in Delhi, 73% and 69% for Marathi in Mumbai, 82% and 78% for
Kannada in Bengaluru. Chennai again stood out with 97% and 95% respondents
reporting reading and writing ability for Tamil (Table 3.81).
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Safety Trends and Reporting of Crime (SATARC): A Crime Victimisation Survey 147
»mmon Cause and the Lokniti - Programme for Comparative Democracy at the Centre for the
Study of Developing Societies (CSDS). (2018). Status of policing in India report 2018. A study
of performance and perceptions. Centre for the Study of Developing Societies.
National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs. (2016). Crime in India 2016. https://
nerb. gov.in/sites/default/files/Crime%20in%20India%20-%202016%20Complete%20
PDF%20291117.pdf
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Chapter 4
Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018
and 2019
1 Introduction
R. Jha (24)
Lead Researcher, Status of Policing in India Report (SPIR), New Delhi, India
V. Mudgal
Director and CEO, Common Cause, New Delhi, India
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 149
§. Krishnaswamy et al. (eds.), Crime Victimisation in India, Springer Series on
Asian Criminology and Criminal Justice Research,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12251-4_4
150 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
working conditions, etc. The survey findings are juxtaposed with an analysis of the
official time-series data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) and the
Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPR&D) on crime rates, disposal
rates by the police and the courts, infrastructure, budget, training, etc.
SPIR 2018 and 2019 go beyond just a statistical analysis of crime victimization
in the states, and delve into more complex areas of the how and why behind crime.
The reports cover areas such as people’s experiences of contacting the police, fear
of the police as reported both by the people and the police themselves, and the dif-
ferences in experiences and perceptions of different sections of the society, along
with the prejudices within the police. The study looks at how these perceptions and
experiences translate into a “disconnect” between the people and the police.
The SPIR series treat the police as not just the most visible face of the State but
also a lynchpin of its apparatus of legitimacy and the authority of law. Hence, the
attempt is to address the macro as well as micro perspectives of policing in India.
The SPIR 2018 is a birds’ eye view of policing in the major Indian states whereas
the SPIR 2019 is a worm’s eye view where the average police station is the unit of
data collection.
The SPIR series of research and survey-based studies are designed to measure
the impact of policing on the ground with an objective of aiding a decisive policy
change. The idea is to provide a snapshot of policing in different states of India in a
comparable matrix and to highlight the most glaring need-gaps. The surveys exam-
ine differences in the perceptions of multiple publics based on their caste, class or
religious backgrounds. The findings give us a clue as to where we stand and the
direction in which we could be headed.
The first two reports, i.e., SPIR 2018 and 2019, are meant to be baseline docu-
ments which will work as building blocks for more rigorous and actionable research
in the future. They will also work as primary reference points for time-series data to
be generated over time.
This chapter examines the relevant findings of the two reports across the follow-
ing thematic areas: crime and safety; crime registration and police investigation;
human rights violation by the police and corruption within the police; prejudice
against vulnerable communities; and political interference in crime investigation.
Under each thematic head, the relevant findings from both the Status of Policing in
India Report 2018 (public survey) as well as from the SPIR 2019 (police personnel
survey) have been analyzed and presented.
While the main content relies heavily upon the original reports, some of the
analysis and cross tabulations of the survey data have been done specifically for this
chapter and are not mentioned in the original reports. Before investigating the main
findings of the report, the survey design, questionnaire design, and the survey exe-
cuting have been detailed in the section below on “research methods”. Toward the
end, the chapter discusses the learnings from these findings, future scope for
research, and the way forward.
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 15]
Survey Design
Questionnaire Design
The questionnaires for all the surveys were designed after a series of discussions
and brainstorming meetings with domain experts. Most questions in the question-
naire were structured, i.e., close-ended. However, a few selected questions were
kept open-ended in order to find out the respondent’s spontaneous feelings about an
issue without giving options. To check the accuracy and credibility of the questions
set in the questionnaire, it was necessary to administer it in the field. A pilot field-
work and pretesting of questionnaires were conducted after which many questions
were reframed and some were added or omitted. This process also allowed us to
shorten the questionnaire and improve the instructions for field investigators.
Translation was done for each state by the regional team which was familiar with
the local languages before administering the questionnaire in the field.
The questionnaires for both the surveys, for SPIR 2018 and 2019, were designed
after brainstorming sessions with field experts. The themes of each of these ques-
tionnaires were focused around the research objectives of the two studies. The broad
themes covered in the SPIR 2018 questionnaire were: people’s experience with the
police, trust in police, people’s perception of discrimination by the police, fear of
police, and the overall perception on different aspects of policing. The themes of the
SPIR 2019 questionnaire, conducted with the police personnel, were: working con-
ditions of the police, availability of resources and infrastructure, investigation of
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 153
Survey Execution
A two-day training workshop was organized in each state before the survey field-
work began in order to train the field investigators (FIs) and supervisors to carry out
the fieldwork operations. The trainers conducted an intensive and interactive work-
shop wherein investigators attended an orientation program and were trained in
interviewing techniques and communication with the respondents. A comprehen-
sive and detailed interviewing guide, designed on the basis of the questionnaire and
survey methodology, was prepared for the interviewers. For a better understanding
of the questionnaire, mock interviews were also conducted by the interviewers.
Field investigators, who were mainly students of social sciences belonging to col-
leges and universities in different parts of the country, were selected to carry out the
field work. They conducted face to face interviews with the respondents in local
languages using a standardized questionnaire.
All questionnaires were manually screened for consistency and quality check.
The questionnaire had codes (of precoded questions) that were used for data punch-
ing. A team was constituted for checking the codes and making corrections if
required. The analyses presented in the reports have been done using the Statistical
Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). In order to be representative at the state
level, the achieved sample of every state was weighted by locality, religion, caste
group, and gender based on Census 2011 figures for SPIR 2018.
3. Key Findings
In the following section, findings from both SPIR 2018 and SPIR 2019 have been
presented. The findings pertaining to the common people’s opinions and experi-
ences are from SPIR 2018, while those pertaining to the police personnel’s opin-
ions, attitudes, and experiences are from SPIR 2019. The two surveys were carried
out separately and in different years. Findings from the analysis of official data of
the NCRB and BPR&D have also been noted where relevant.
R. Jha and V. Mudgal
154
Table 4.1 “How often do incidents such as burglary, murder, physical assault, chain snatching
occur in your locality-very often, sometimes, rarely or never?”
Very often 9
Sometimes 28
Rarely 24
Never 33
No response ra 6
Source: SPIR 2018, Common Cause
Note: Figures are in percentages. Figures are rounded off
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 155
As is evident from Table 4.2, people’s perceptions of crime differs greatly from
the actual number of reported crimes in the same region. For example, the Crime in
India Report 2018 by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) provides actual
incidents as well as rates of reported crimes that were registered by the police. A
bare reading of this data indicates that Kerala has the highest rate of total cognizable
crimes under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and the Special and Local Laws (SLL).
Yet, in our survey we find that in the above table Kerala scores the highest, meaning
that it has the lowest frequency ofcrime as perceived by the people. This contrast in
the two numbers could be a result of two factors: one, that the reporting of crime in
a region may be indicative of a better police-public relationship where better report-
ing is possible and therefore people in general feel safer. Secondly, the difference
could be attributed to the fact that people’s perceptions are relative and in a locality
iS) :
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Source: SPIR 2018, Common Cause
Note: The state rankings for Incidence of crime are based on summated scores that were arrived
after weighing each Index category. The category of Crime Occurs includes incidence of crime as
very often and sometimes and the category of Crime does not Occur includes incidence of crime
as rarely and never. The “very often” category was weighed as —0.2, the “sometimes” category was
weighed as —0.1, the “rarely” category was weighed as 0.1, the “never” category was weighed as
0.2. A higher summated score here indicates positive assessment, i.¢., less incidence of crime.
156 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
which sees lower incidence of crime, even a slight spike in the incidence could lead
to a general public perception of such incidents occurring “very often”, whereas in
another region where such incidents are much more in number and are common-
place, the perceived level of crime could be low. Statistician Jefferey S. Rosenthal
suggests that public fear of crime does not coincide with actual crime statistics.
Using the term “headline bias”, Rosenthal explains, that when something makes the
news, the public believes it happens often. However, he states that the reason why
‘something makes the headlines is because it doesn’t happen a lot”. '
People’s perception of the prevalence of criminality in the locality differs signifi-
cantly from their contact with the police. While the survey did not have a direct
question on whether the respondent, or someone from their family, had faced any
crime in the recent years, the respondents were asked if they had had any contact e
with the police—i.e., whether they or someone in their family had contacted the
police, or the police had contacted them in the last 4-5 years, and the reasons behind
the same. The findings reveal that 14 percent respondents have had some form of
contact with the police in the last 4-5 years, while the majority, 82 percent, did not
have any such contact.
Of those who had any police contact in the last 4-5 years, while most respon-
dents had contacted the police themselves (69%), in about 16 percent cases, the
police had contacted the respondents. An interesting finding was that when seen
across the economic profile of people who had been contacted by the police, the
poorest were nearly twice as likely to have been contacted by the police as the rich
(Fig. 4.1). However, it is important to note that since only about 14 percent of the
survey sample, or 2202 people, had had any kind of contact with the police in the
last 45 years, the above analysis being done using a much smaller sample.
80 74
70 68 70
60
60
50
40
30
21
20 16 16
2 40 11 10 11
a, || wn-
Upper class
GioH i Ei. i esi
Middle class Lower class Poor
® Complainant contacted the police Police contacted the complainant Both M®Noresponse
Note: Figures are percentages. Figures are rounded off. N=2202.
Source: SPIR 2018, Common Cause
Fig. 4.1 “Did you or someone from your family contact the police or the police contacted
you?”
'Lorrigio, P (January 19, 2008). “You're Safer Than You Think: Statistics Expert”
. Toronto Star.
Retrieved December 14, 2020 from https://www.thestar.com/news/crime/2008/01/ 19/youre
safer_than_you_think_statistics_expert.html.
4
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 157
Question (If the respondent had had contact with the police in the last 4-5 years)
What was the reason for contacting the police or the police contacting you?
Authorisation/verification of documents (x 5
family dispute 1)
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18
Note: Figures are in percentages. Rest of the respondents did not respond. Figures are
rounded off.
57
53
50 49
50
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20 14 “
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The most common reason for people to contact the police’, as reported by them,
was to lodge a complaint against physical assault and to lodge a complaint against
property-related crimes (16% cases each), followed by family dispute (11%), and to
lodge a complaint of loss of essential goods and services (10%) (Fig. 4.2).
Again, with regards to the contact with the police, the poorest are nearly twice as
likely to be the accused (9%) than the rich (5%) (Fig. 4.3).
Table 4.3 Sense of safety among people during different times of the day
= Those re Those who ih )
who feel |Those who feel not Those who |Overall |Overall
very feel somewhat | very feel not at | those who | those who
unsafe unsafe unsafe allunsafe | feel unsafe | feel safe
Perception of | 13 18 19 47 31 66
safety early
morning
safety during
the day
Perception of | 23 2 44 52
safety at night
Source: SPIR 2018, Common Cause
Note: Figures are percentages. Rest of the respondents did not respond. Figures are rounded off
People were asked to report on the causes of contact with the police for up to two instances.
Because of very few responses regarding a second instance of contact with the police (n = 747,
excluding those who said “don’t know/can’t say”), only the first responses of people’s contact with
the police have been analyzed here. The trends mentioned here, however, are consistent across both
the responses regarding incidents of contact with the police.
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019
159
3.10%
# Feel unsafe
= Non-committal
.
Fig. 4.4 Index of safety
Fig. 4.5 Over one-third believes that crime in their locality has reduced
Question asked: In the last 2-3 years, has crime in your locality increased,
decreased or remained the same?
An important aspect of understanding citizens’ sense of security entails under-
standing their perceptions of crime and security in their locality. Fewer people
expressed that crime had increased (17%) in their locality compared to 37 percent
of those who considered a reduction in the incidence of crime (Fig. 4.5). A little
over one-third (34%) stated that there was no change in the occurrence of crime. As
the locality increases in size and urbanity, the perception of increase in crime also
grows, i.e., respondents in cities were most likely to report an increase in crime in
their locality than those in towns. Twenty-seven percent of those in cities reported
an increase in crime in the last 2—3 years, in towns, the percentage of those respon-
dents who reported so dropped to nearly 12 percent, while 15 percent said so in
160 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
villages. On the other hand, though, nearly similar proportions of respondents from
these localities said that crime had decreased in the last 2-3 years—38 percent in
villages and towns each and 35 percent in cities.
SPIR 2019: Findings from Police Personnel’s Survey
When a similar question was asked to the police personnel in SPIR 2019, the per-
centage of civil police personnel who responded that crime has increased in their
jurisdiction was the same as the percentage of personnel who think that crime in
their jurisdiction has decreased in the past 2-3 years—36 percent each. Roughly,
one-fifth of the police reported that the crime rates have largely remained the same.
The police personnel were probed further as to the reasons behind the increase or
decrease in crime. Interestingly, while police personnel who think that crime has
increased are most likely to attribute the phenomenon to societal reasons such as
unemployment and lack of education, those who think that crime has decreased are
most likely to offer improved policing (police becoming more active, stricter, etc.)
as a primary reason for crime reduction.
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
@ Most useful
All figures are in percentages and rounded off. Only responses to “most useful” (rating of 10
on a scale of 10) have been given here. Rest of the respondents rated below 10 or did not
answer.
Source: SPIR 2019, Common Cause
Question: On a scale of one to ten, please tell me how useful is this for reducing
crime in your area? All those who rated between 01 and 06 have been clubbed as
“less useful”, those who have rated between 07 and 09 have been marked as “more
useful” and those who have rated it 10 have been denoted as “most useful”
Please note that these are seven different independently asked questions.
When we asked police personnel to rate the importance of some of the men-
tioned measures to curb crime, about three out of five civil police personnel (63%)
considered installing CCTVs in all areas and said that increasing manpower was
most important (Fig. 4.6). Police personnel also felt that appointing civilians as
special police officers is least helpful in curbing crime, compared to other measures.
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 161
Table 4.4 “What is the most important step that the police should take to control crime?”
Spread education/awareness a 13
There should be more patrolling 10
Increase the staff in police 10
Police shouldbestricter
Laws/rules should be stricter
c
8
Police should work honestly and with more [7
dedication ap *.
Source: SPIR 2019, Common Cause
All figures are in percentages and are rounded off
Question asked: In your opinion, what is the most important step that the police
should take to control crime?
On being asked an open-ended question about the most important steps that the
police can take to control crime, “spreading education/awareness” had the highest
proportion of responses among civil police personnel, with about 13 percent police
reporting it as the most important step to control crime (Table 4.4).
2. Crime Registration and Police Investigation
SPIR 2018: Findings from People’s Survey
In the same manner as the increasing crime rates do not necessarily indicate a dete-
rioration in police performance, people’s experience with crime and their percep-
tion of safety does not necessarily indicate their experience with the police and their
satisfaction with the police. Therefore, in order to assess people’s satisfaction with
the police work and their experience with crime registration, separate questions
were asked in the survey.
Temporary investigation ES 2
Police harasses people during investigation ee
Does not carry out the needful investigation J s
No response I 10
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35s «40
of crimes such as murder, assault, robbery, etc., the people elicited a mixed response.
On one hand, more than one in three citizens felt that their investigation is satisfac-
tory and proper (37%). On the other hand, about 29 percent expressed that the inves-
tigation is not up to the mark and often faulty in nature. Nearly seven percent
reported that the police harass people during investigation and eight percent believed
that the police do not carry out the needful inspection (Fig. 4.7). Satisfaction with
police’s investigation is highest in towns, among upper castes and those who belong
to upper class. Further, experience of harassment by police during investigation is
mostly reported by Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes, Muslims, and those resid-
ing in small cities.
Some questions were asked specifically to the 14 percent of people who had had
contact with the police in the last 4-5 years, to assess the patterns of reporting and
the experiences of the people with the police, as opposed to general perceptions.
The survey revealed that the most common mode of contacting the police remains
visiting the police station in person, with nearly 70 percent respondents having con-
tacted the police by visiting the police station and only about 14 percent reached out
to the police over the phone. Further, the respondents in most cases were accompa-
nied by either a family member (38%), neighbor or friend (17%) or an influential
person (14%) while visiting the police station, with just about one of five persons
visiting the police station alone.
In India, while the registration of cognizable complaints’ is mandated under law,
many complaints are not registered. Preventing, refusing, and delaying the process of
First Information Report (FIR) and complaint registration impede access to justice at
the very beginning. This is also one of the central reasons why crime rates cannot be
used as a marker of police performance, because of the common practice of non-reg-
istration of crime.* In a study done by the Uttar Pradesh Police Commission in
1970-71, it was unanimously admitted by the officers that concealment and minimiza-
tion were commonly done by them. It was noted, contrastingly, that increase in crime
rates in some cases may be a result of improving registration of crimes in that state.
Findings from our survey suggest that among those who had any kind of contact
with the police in the last 4-5 years, 61 percent respondents were able to successfully
*Cognizable offences are those in which a police officer can arrest without warrant (First Schedule,
Criminal Procedure Code, 1973). It includes serious and violent offences such as rape, murder,
kidnapping, etc.
*Rao, U. N., Dr, & Tiwari, Arvind. “A Study on Non-Registration of Crimes: Problems &
Solutions” (Rep.). Bureau of Police Research and Development, Ministry of Home Affairs,
Government of India. http://www. bprd.nic.in/WriteReadData/userfiles/
file/201612200235022990797Report-Non-Registrationof CrimesProblems&Solutions.pdf
(accessed November 24, 2017),
*Chandra, P. “NCRB Data Names Kerala as India’s ‘Crime Capital’, But Here’s Why It’s a Good
Thing”. India Times, September 27, 2016. https://www.indiatimes.com/news/ india/ncrb-data-
names-kerala-as-india-s-crime-capitalbut-here-s-why-it-s-a-good-thing-262492.html (accessed
November 24, 2017).
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019
163
register their FIR/ complaint® and about 24 percent were unable to do so. Those in
rural areas were relatively more likely to report success in filing complain FIR.
® Miscellaneous reasons
= No response
Note: Only among those who reported non-registration of FIR; n= 518. Figures are rounded
off.
Source: SPIR 2018, Common Cause
Question asked: Why did the police not file your complaint/ FIR?
One-fifth of the respondents (19%) whose complaint or FIR was not registered
were asked to resolve the matter or arrive at a compromise (Fig. 4.8). This was the
most commonly cited reason for non-registration of complaint/ FIR. Nearly one in
ten (9%) said the non-registration was because they were asked to pay a bribe by the
police. A disproportionately high number of one in two respondents (51%) did not
reveal the reason for non-registration of complaint/ FIR.
There is a difference of ten percentage points in the complaints/FIR that were
read out’ (52%) and those that were written (42%). However, when looked at in
terms of locality, a divergent trend emerges. The FIR/complaint was far more likely
to be read out in rural areas than urban areas (57% as opposed to 40%). On the other
hand, urban areas accounted for a greater percentage of complaints that were for-
mally written and recorded (52%). Sixty percent of those whose complaint/FIR was
®In the survey, the terms complaint and FIR were used interchangeably because many respondents
would not be familiar with the difference. Therefore, it needs to be noted that even if the complaint
of the respondent was noted by the police, it does not indicate registration of FIR necessarily.
7A First Information Report (FIR) is an official registration by the police of a cognizable offence.
a
It is a written document and Section 154(1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1973 pro-
vides that every information relating to the commission of a cognizable offence, if given orally to
an Officer-in-Charge of a Police Station shall be reduced to writing by him or under his direction,
~ be read over to the informant. Every such information whether given in writing or reduced to writ-
ing, shall be signed by the person giving it, substance thereof shall beentered in a book in a pre-
scribed manner.
164 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
registered, received a copy of their complaint* whereas 30 percent did not. Men and
those in urban areas were more likely to receive a copy of their complainU/FIR.
Respondents who reported contact with the police in the last 4-5 years were
asked whether they were satisfied with the help provided by the police. Around a
quarter (24%) stated that they were very satisfied, a higher proportion of 41 percent
were somewhat satisfied, nearly one in ten (9%) were somewhat dissatisfied, and 14
percent were fully dissatisfied. The most common reason for dissatisfaction with the
police help was the outright refusal by the police to register a complaint (19%),
demand a bribe (13%) or abusive behavior (12%).
Table 4.5 Reasons for people to be hesitant to approach the police (as reported by the
common people)
Fear of police 15
Police extracts money/ is corrupt 15
Problem could be resolved by community elders 8
It is not good for the family name and prestige to be involved with | 4
the police
Police is not fair to everyone
Lawyers/ friends/ associates suggested not to go to police
Did not feel the need to/no such opportunity arose
Previous experience with police was bad
Fear of dominant caste / religious group
Other reasons VINNY!
SPR
+
Do not know 41
Source: SPIR 2018, Common Cause
Note: Figures are in percentages and are rounded off
Question: Very often, even in times of need, people are hesitant to visit the police
or seek help. What is the single most important reason for this?
People, when asked why they hesitated in approaching the police, were most
likely to say fear of police (15%), followed by demands for bribes (14.5%)
(Table 4.5). Studies globally have pointed toward the fear of police being a major
reason for failure of the people to report crime, particularly amongst vulnerable
communities such as women, people of color, etc.
SPIR 2019: Findings from Police Personnel’s Survey
The unwillingness of the police to register FIRs is glaringly visible even in the
responses of the police personnel in SPIR 2019. Despite the landmark case of Lalita
Kumari versus Government of Uttar Pradesh, 2013 (in which the Indian Supreme
Court held that if a victim’s statement discloses information about a cognizable
offence, the registration of the FIR is mandatory), it is common for police personnel
to refuse filing FIRs even in serious, cognizable cases. This is apparent even from
the findings of our survey with police personnel. When asked to choose between
directly registering FIRs or conducting preliminary investigations for serious
*Section 154(2) of the CrPC provides that a copy of the information as recorded under sub-section
(1) shall be given forthwith, free of cost, to the informant.
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 165
complaints, about 61 percent of the civil police reported that they agreed more with
the statement that— “No matter how serious a complaint, there must be a prelimi-
nary investigation before registering an FIR”. Only 37 percent of the civil police
personnel reported that they agreed more with this statement— “For all serious
complaints, FIR must be directly registered’.
Further, there is a tendency amongst the police personnel to link crime registration
with the actual prevalence of crime in an area, which can then reflect poorly on their
performance as custodians of law and order. A 2016 BPR&D study notes that man-
agement of crime statistics by police functionaries has linkages with performance
appraisal, and this is one of the most important reasons for non-registration of crimes
in India.’ In order to assess if this is indeed the case, the police personnel in the 2019
survey were asked to choose between the following statements: (1) “An increase in
the number of FIRs indicates an increase in crime in the given jurisdiction’; or (2)
“An increase in the number of FIRs does not indicate an increase in crime, rather, it
indicates that there is only increase in registration of complaints by police’. Fifty-four
percent of the civil police personnel are of the opinion that it indicates a surge in crime
in the given jurisdiction. About 43 percent reported that it indicates an increase in
“registration” of the complaints by the police. More experienced personnel are also
more likely to believe that an increase in FIRs denotes a hike in complaints registra-
tion by police. However, counter-intuitively, police personnel with higher levels of
education are more likely to hold both the problematic opinions, that a preliminary
investigation is necessary before registration of FIR even in serious cases and that an
increase in crime rates indicates an increase in crime in the given jurisdiction.
70
62 61 64
60
50
40 33 35
29
30
20
10
0
Overall Civil police Armed Police
WTRUE MFALSE
Note: All figures are in percentages and are rounded off. Rest of the respondents did not
answer.
Source: SPIR 2019, Common Cause
Fig. 4.9 “The number of crimes reported are lesser than the number of crimes committed in the
$0 oj et}~?
° Rao, U.N.B., 2016, “A Study on Non-Registration of Crimes: Problems and Solutions.” Mumbai:
Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Available at http://www.bprd.nic.in/WriteReadData/userfiles/
Solutio
file/2016 12200235022990797Report-Non-RegistrationofCrimesPr oblem pdf
ns.s&
[Accessed 26 July 2019].
166 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
Question asked: There is a perception among common people that the numbers
of crime reported are lesser as compared to the number of crimes committed in real-
ity. To what extent do you think this is truae—completely true, somewhat true, some-
what false, completely false?
Answer categories of completely true and somewhat true have been clubbed as
“true to some extent”, whereas the answer categories of “completely false and
somewhat false” have been clubbed as “false to some extent”.
Police personnel also agree to a significant extent, somewhat paradoxically, that
the number of crimes reported are lesser than the number of crimes committed in
the society. Sixty-two percent police personnel agreed with the statement that “the
number of crimes reported are lesser than the number of crimes committed in the
society” (Fig. 4.9).
When we asked the police their opinion on how hesitant a common person is to
contact them even when there is a need, about 43 percent of the police personnel
reported that the common person is hesitant (very hesitant and somewhat hesitant
combined). Nearly 52 percent reported that the common person is barely hesitant to
contact the police (Fig. 4.10). The most commonly cited reason for people being
hesitant to approach the police was that people are fearful of the police.
3. Human Rights Violation and Corruption
SPIR 2018: Findings from People’s Survey
The fact that a large number of people believe that a major reason for people to be
hesitant of going to the police is because it is corrupt, as mentioned above, indicates
that police contact and corruption are intrinsically linked in the perception of the
people. Similarly, findings suggest that fear is a major indicator hindering people-
police contact. In this sub-section, therefore, we look at the survey findings pertain-
ing to corruption in and human rights violations by the police.
45
40
. 31
30
yh
20
= 12 12
10
0 - =
Very hesitant Somewhat hesitant Hardly hesitant Not at all hesitant
Note: All figures are in percentages and are rounded off. Rest of the respondents did
not answer.
Source: SPIR 2019, Common Cause
Fig. 4.10 “To what extent is a common person hesitant to contact the police even when there is
a need?”
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 167
Question: “(If during the last 4-5 years whenever you contacted a police officer
or visited the police station) did you have to pay bribe to get your work done?”
Among those people who had had contact with the police in the last 4-5 years,
34 percent had to pay a bribe to get their work done, while one out of two (50%) said
they did not have to pay a bribe to get their work done. While men and women were
nearly equally likely to be affected by corruption in the police, across class catego-
ries, the poor were most likely to be compelled to pay bribe. Similarly, Muslims,
OBCs, socio economically poor respondents were also most likely to have paid
money to the police (Table 4.6).
When we look at the people’s overall perception of corruption within the police,
including the perceptions of those who did not have any contact with the police in
the last 4-5 years, the proportion of people who believe that police is corrupt goes
up significantly. Over 50 percent people agree with the statement (fully agree and
somewhat agree combined) that the “police is corrupt- it does not do its job without
a bribe”, while 31 percent disagree. Within the different categories of police, senior
police officers are thought to be least corrupt, while local and traffic police are con-
sidered more corrupt. It needs to be noted here, however, that while corruption is
seen to be high amongst the police, but that is not a major deterrent for the people
to approach the police. As mentioned in the above section under Table 4.4, while
both corruption and fear of police are the most cited reasons for people to be hesi-
tant of approaching the police, just 15 percent of the people overall say that they are
hesitant to go to the police because it is corrupt or because they extract money.
In terms of the fear of police, an index was created using the citizens’ survey
questions. It was found that 14 percent of the respondents are highly fearful of the
police and 30 percent are somewhat fearful of it. Twenty-four percent were found to
be not much fearful and 27 percent turned out to be not at all fearful. People are
most fearful of being beaten up by the police (about two in five). Across religions,
Sikhs are the most fearful of the police (Fig. 4.11).
A possible explanation of the Hindus being more fearful of the police (14%
highly fearful as against 10% Muslims and 11% Christians) is that the poor and
vulnerable communities, who tend to be more distrustful of the police, are not
evenly distributed. For instance, the category “Hindus” includes a large number of
168 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
37
34
28 30 29
29 .
23 ime
2 a os oe
yi ees wae 4
Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs
Note: Figures are percentages. Rest of the respondents did not respond to the question.
Figures for other religions have not been reported due to their small sample size.
Source: SPIR 2018, Common Cause
the SC/ST/OBC respondents and the category “Christians” includes tribal respon-
dents in the insurgency-affected areas of the Central and North-Eastern India. We
also know from the responses of SPIR 2018 that the poor are also more likely to be
contacted by the police than the rich (see Fig. 4.1). The higher levels of fear of the
police among the Sikhs could be attributed to widespread accusations of extrajudi-
cial killings by the police during more than two decades of militancy and separatist
violence in Punjab where the Sikhs are mainly concentrated.
# Fully agree
= Somewhat agree
* Somewhat disagree
® Fully disagree
® No response
Fig. 4.12 “There is nothing wrong in the police being violent toward criminals”
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 169
Question asked: There is nothing wrong in the police being violent toward crimi-
nals. Do you agree or disagree? (Probe further whether fully or somewhat)
Despite the high levels of fear, people also, to a significant extent, condone vio-
lence by the police. One in two respondents from the citizens’ survey agreed with
the statement that “there is nothing wrong with the police being violent toward
criminals” (Fig. 4.12).
In the Status of Policing in India Report 2018, state-wise indices were created on
several thematic areas so as to compare states’ performances using official data by
the BPRD as well as the NCRB. This included time-series analysis of the data over
a period of five years across the selected states. The thematic pillars used for this
analysis were:
(a) Crime rates, including rates of total cognizable crimes, violent crimes, crimes
against women, SCs, STs, and children
(b) Disposal of cases by police and courts
(c) Police diversity, including the representation of women, SCs, STs, OBCs, and
Muslims in the police forces
(d) Police infrastructure
(e) Prison data including the percentage of SCs, STs, and Muslims in prisons in
proportion to their population in the state
(f) Disposal of cases of crimes against SCs, STs, women, and children
Analysis of crime data shows that at the all-India level, while the rate of total cog-
nizable crime has more or less remained constant, with a slight decrease in the year
2016, but the rate of crimes against women, children, SCs, and STs have been
increasing. The rate of crimes against children have had an almost three times
increase, from 8.9 to 24, between 2012 and 2016. The introduction of new laws such
as Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO), 2012 may have cre-
ated an enabling structure for increase in registration of these crimes.
In terms of diversity, when looking at the five year average of 2012 to 2016, only
two out of the 22 selected states for this study have been able to meet the reserved
quota for SCs (Punjab and Uttarakhand); six states have been able to fulfill the
reserved quota for STs (Bihar, HP, Karnataka, Nagaland, Telangana, Uttarakhand);
and a slightly higher number of nine states have been able to achieve the reservation
benchmark for OBCs (Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Maharashtra,
Odisha, Punjab, Telangana, and Uttarakhand). While this number might seem high
at first glance, but it needs to be understood in the context of the fact that not even
half the number of selected states (22) have been able to meet the reservation crite-
ria for OBCs, and much lesser for STs and SCs. Popular myths pertaining to reser-
vations “eating up” on the general seats are largely unfounded, particularly since
reservations criteria are set mostly in proportion to the percentage of the community
in question in that state. Even as of 2016, UP Police has met less than 40 percent of
the reserved quota for OBCs, and the percentage of reserved seats filled has indeed
fallen drastically in UP from 61 percent in 2013 to 39.6 percent in 2016. Similarly,
in Tamil Nadu, as in many other states, the percentage share of seats reserved for
SCs filled has fallen from 91.1 percent in 2012 to 63 percent in 2016. There is rea-
son to believe, therefore, that things are in fact deteriorating instead of improving
when it comes to representation of SCs, STs, and OBCs in the police force.
Analysis of official data from SPIR 2019 further indicates that STs, OBCs, and
women in police are less likely to be at the officer-level rank (Assistant
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 17]
ia,
errr
i
—
The data for SCs, STs, and OBCs are only available till the rank of DySP. Therefore, the percent-
age of officers amongst women in police and the overall police force has also been taken as the
proportion of ASI to DySP to enable comparison across categories. It must be noted, further, that
the reservation for SCs, STs is applicable even during the first promotion.
'' Data on Police Organizations 2021, Bureau of Police Research and Development, Ministry of
Home Affairs.
172 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
This systemic bias is also reflected in the survey findings of both the general
public as well as the police personnel.
Question asked: Now I will read out three statements. Please tell me whether you
agree or disagree with each? (Probe further whether “fully” or “somewhat” agrees
or disagrees). (a) Often members of backward castes such as Dalits are falsely
implicated in petty crimes such as theft, robbery, dacoity by the police. (b) Often
Tribals are falsely implicated on Maoist charges by the police. (c) Often Muslims
are falsely implicated in terrorism-related cases by the police.
The survey data support this argument, with a notable section of the general
population believing that police discriminates on the basis of caste (25%), religion
(19%), gender (30%), and class (51%). People also feel that police is likely to
falsely implicate persons from vulnerable communities. Thirty-eight percent people
are of the opinion that SCs are falsely implicated in petty crimes by the police, 28
percent feel that STs are falsely implicated on charges of being Maoists, and 27
percent believe that Muslims are falsely implicated on terrorism-related charges.
While the views of SC and ST respondents do not differ significantly on these ques-
tions from the views of the overall respondents, but a much higher (47%) of only
Muslim respondents believe that the Muslims are falsely implicated in terrorism-
related charges (Table 4.7).
SPIR 2019: Findings from Police Personnel’s Survey
One in four (24%) police personnel believes that migrants are very much naturally
prone to committing crimes, 13 percent each believe that slum dwellers and
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 173
Table 4.8 “Are the following communities naturally prone to committing crimes?”
industrialists are very much naturally prone to committing crimes. One out of two
(very much and somewhat combined) police personnel believes that Muslims are
naturally prone to committing crimes (Table 4.8).
One of the frequent complaints of women, SCs, and STs is that police refuse to
register cases of crimes against them because they do not believe the victim. Not
only do such prejudices hinder crime investigation, but are likely to negatively
impact the quality of investigation, trial, and the outcome. While such a bias is evi-
dent from the analysis of official data on disposal of cases, it is also reflected in the
survey findings on views of police personnel regarding cases of crimes against
women, SCs, and STs.
On gender-based violence, more than a quarter of the police personnel believe
that cases of domestic violence and dowry are very much false and motivated, while
18 and 16 percent respectively believe that cases of sexual harassment and rape are
very much false and motivated (Table 4.9).
Similarly, 21 percent police personnel hold the opinion that cases under the SC/
ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 are very much false and motivated, while 32
percent are of the opinion that they are somewhat false and motivated. While in
cases of gender-based violence, there is not much difference in the responses of
male and female personnel, in the question regarding cases of crimes against SCs
and STs, upper caste police personnel are much more likely to believe that these
cases are false and motivated.
ee
As is evident from recent news reports, the fear of “misuse of law” by women,
SCs, and STs has been raised as an issue by the government as well as the courts,
The Supreme Court judgement in the case of Dr Subhash Kashinath Mahajan ver-
sus State of Maharashtra, 2018 issued guidelines to prevent “misuse” of the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989
(SC/ST Act) and made it mandatory to seek prior sanction in writing from the
appointing authority if the accused is a public servant, and from the senior
174 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
Table 4.9 “To what extent are the following cases false and motivated?”
BS [Very =| ~ |Very |Notat —
/much Somewhat | rare all
Domestic violence — ee ae aa | 20 __|10
Dowry ee ors es or
Sexual harassment ; Wes __118 : 34 |25 [18
Rape 136. @) fet [28 |24
Cases under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) 21 32 26 |15
Act ee
Source: SPIR 2019, Common Cause
Note: Figures are in percentages. Rest of the respondents did not respond
superintendent of police of the district if the accused is not a public servant. Apart
from various judgments, the court relied extensively on the 2002 Law Commission
report and National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data.
Again, On July 27, the Supreme Court laid down directions in Rajesh Sharma
and Ors. versus State of UP “to prevent the misuse of Section 498A [on a husband
or his relative subjecting a woman to cruelty] of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) as
acknowledged in certain studies and decisions”.
However, the skewed reading of the crime figures and the conviction rates by the
courts to use as evidence to point toward the misuse of these laws was criticized by
activists, academicians, and legal experts alike. In a later case of Social Action
Forum for Manav Adhikar (SAFMA) versus Union of India, 2018, the Rajesh
Sharma judgement was modified, while the Dr Subhash Kashinath Mahajan case
was effectively undone by the government through its 2019 amendment to the
SC/ST Act.
However, the persistent fear of misuse prevails amongst all pillars of the criminal
justice system, even after the judgements were overturned, creating further hurdles
in the registration, investigation, and trial of the case. As is evident from the analysis
of the official data, the low conviction rates are only a symptom of the overall bias
against these groups within the justice system, and cannot be used to evince any
kind of misuse of the law.
5. Crime Investigation and Political Interference
SPIR 2019: Findings from Police Personnel’s Survey
While findings from the previous sections suggest that there is poor registration of
crimes and less than satisfactory investigation of the crimes by the police, it is also
important to understand the problems faced by the police personnel in the course of
crime investigation. In order to assess this, questions were posed to the police per-
sonnel regarding the obstacles encountered by them during crime investigation.
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019
175
Witness unwillin
to cooperate
g SSRs er ree 11
_——i“‘(“;*;#*«*S Reem
NAN Ra
a EC te ate
ee ee ee
Weak laws that favour the accused i 4.
Prosecution duties i
_ 42
@ Frequently
Note: All figures are in percentages and are rounded off. Rest of the respondents did
not answer.
Source: SPIR 2019, Common Cause
Fig. 4.13 “How often have you encountered the following during investigation of a crime?”
Question asked: Considering the past 2-3 years of your work experience, how
often have you encountered the following during investigation of a crime—many
times, sometimes, rarely or never?
When we asked civil police personnel an open-ended question about the biggest
obstacle they faced during crime investigation, around 28 percent reported pressure
from politicians as the biggest hindrance. This is almost three times higher than “lack
of witnesses”, the second most cited hurdle in police investigation. When asked about
the frequency of political pressure impeding their investigation, 33 percent of the civil
police personnel reported that they have faced political pressure “many times” during
an investigation in the past 2-3 years. As seen in Fig. 4.13 below, nearly two-thirds
(65%) of the police personnel report having faced political pressure in the course of
crime investigation frequently (many times and sometimes clubbed together).
Table 4.10 What is the most common consequence of not complying with such pressures?
Question asked: What is the most common consequence of not complying with
such pressures—transfer, suspension, threat to physical safety, harsh public criticism
or others?
176 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
Further, about 38 percent of the police personnel report “always” facing political
pressure in cases involving influential persons, while 34 percent reported “some-
times” facing political pressure in such cases. When the police personnel fail to
comply with such pressure, the most common consequence is posting or transfer to
a different area—with more than three-fifths of the civil police reporting the same.
About 12 percent reported the most common consequence to be suspension or dis-
missal from service, while five percent also reported threat to their personal safety
or physical assault (Table 4.10).
Researchers working on police must bear in mind that the idea of police reforms is
to be seen as a consistent process and not as a one-time event. It is also connected to
wider political and administrative reforms. The task ahead is not only to work
toward an efficient police force but, more importantly, for an accountable police
force. In some ways, the issues of efficiency and accountability are intertwined. For
instance, both efficient and accountable policing require better training and capacity
building, improved forensic or legal infrastructure, continuous monitoring and pro-
cedures for the redress of citizens’ complaints. Many international agencies includ-
ing the United Nations have issued guidelines in this regard after wide consultations
with subject experts, practicing police officers, experts of the criminal justice sys-
tem, academics, and other stakeholders.'*
The SPIR series attempts to study, among other things, the functioning, percep-
tions, police-community relations, and the problem areas of policing. By filling the
gap between official data and lived experiences and perceptions of the stakeholders,
the SPIR series is an endeavor to provide a dashboard of indicators for policymak-
ers, think-tanks, and advocacy groups to push for a more people-centric police
force. So, the task at hand includes shedding light on both police adequacy, mea-
sured in terms of facilities, equipment or diversity, etc. and on the system of checks
and balances through the citizens’ perspective to ensure that the police personnel
are held responsible when they fail to perform their legally mandated duties.
It is in this light that the objective of the SPIR series is to understand the percep-
tion of the people about the police, as well as the perception of the police personnel
themselves about its functioning, problems, and actual ground conditions. The two
studies intended to provide a snapshot on policing in the country through multiple
matrices and through several sociodemographic lenses such as caste, religion, gen-
der, class, and geographic location. The studies focused on several crucial aspects of
policing and the functioning of the criminal justice system in India such as the
Handbook on Police Accountability, Oversight and Integrity (2011) UN Office on Drug and
Crime, Criminal Justice Handbook Series. UN Publications.
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019
177
satisfaction of people with the police, crime investigation, corruption and human
rights violations, discrimination by the police, working conditions of the police, and
pressures on them.
inclined to commit crimes. Such prejudices play out in the form of disproportion-
ately higher rates of incarceration of vulnerable communities, reinforcing a sys-
temic bias.
One of the major factors negatively impacting police investigation is political
ae
a
What is your age? (in completed years) 98. No Response (Code 95 for 95 yrs & above)
Up to what level have you studied? (Record exactly and consult code book)
9. No response
How often do incidents such as burglary, murder, physical assault, chain snatching occur in your locality-
very often, sometimes, rarely or never? 1. Very often 2. SomeTimes 3. Rarely
4. Never 8.DK
In your opinion, isthepolice's investigation ofsuch incidents proper and satisfactory oris ittemporary
investigation? _|. Investigationisproper and satisfactory 2. Temporary investigation
3. Police harasses people during investigation
4. Does not carry
out the needful investigation 8.DK
ofpolice presence would you liketosee in your village/area- greater, less ornochange?
What kind
1. Greater 2. Less 3. No change, same as before 8.DK
Centre for theStudyof Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- 54. Ph: (011) 23942199 1
R. Jha and V. Mudgal
From time to time, for different purposes, people have some kind of contact with the police. In the last 4-5
years, have you or your family member had any kind of contact with the police?
2. Yes 1.No 8.DK 2, oly Seema
Oba and move to Q9Y,
(fin Q3 therespodent's answer is NO or DK, then please do no ask questions 03a to
you
(Ifin 03, answer isyes) So did you or someone from your family contact the police or the police contacted
2. Police contacted me 3. Both 8. DK 9.NA
1. [contacted the police
you?
(Ifin 03, answer is yes) What was the reason for contacting the police or the police contacting
(Investigator can write down upto two reasons for police contact and alongside each reason, kindly
ask the respondent whether she or he was an accused, victim or witnessed a crime.)
Reason for police contact
ee
ee ee ert ee
1. Accused 2Victim 3. Witnessedacrime 4.Other_____8.DK 9.NA
How did you first contact the police- over the phone, visited the police station, via internet/online or police
visited residence or workplace?
1. Over the phone 2. Visited the police station 3. Via internet’ Online
4. Police visited the residence/workplace of the respondent 5. Other 8. DK 9.NA
Who assisted you in contacting the police or visiting the police station?
1. Family member 2. Influential person 3. Neighbour / friend
4. Any other person 5. Nobody, went alone 8DK 9NA
On contacting the police, was your complaint/ FIR registered? 2.Yes 1.No
8. Can't say 9.N.A.
(If no in Q6) So in that case, why did the police not file your complaint/ FIR? (Record answer and consult
codebook) 98.DK 99.NA
(Ifyes in 06) How was the FIR registered-was it read out, written or via mail?
1. Oral/ read out 2. Written 3. Email/viainternet
4. Other. 8.DK 9.N.A.
(Ifyes in Q6) Did you get a copy of the FIR? 2Yes 1.No 8.DK 9.NA.
During the last 4-5 years, whenever you contacted a police officer or visited the police station, did you
have to pay a bribe to get your work done? 2Yes 1.No 8.DK 9.NA
How satisfied or dissatisfied were you with the help provided at the police station? (Ifsatisfied
ordissatisfied,
probe further whether fully or somewhat) \. Very satisfied 2. Somewhat satisfied 3. Somewhat dissatisfied
4. Very dissatisfied 8. DK 9.NA
(If somewhat or fully dissatisfied in Q8), What was the main reason for your dissatisfaction? (Record
answer and consult codeboo 98.DK 99.NA
In the future, if you have a problem that requires police help, would you go to the police?
2.Yes 1.No 3. Probably 4. Have no other option 8&.DK
How unsafe do you feel in your village/ neighbourhood- very, somewhat, not very or not at all?
Very unsafe Somewhat Not very unsafe Not atall unsafe DK
a. Early morning | 2 3 a 8
¢. At night 1 2 3 J 8
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- 4. Ph: (011) 23942199 2
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 18]
QiL. Usually both men and women work in the police force. ln your opinion who is more
Police woman Policeman Both Neither DK
a. Honest l 2 3 + 8
b. Hardworking | 2 3 4 8
And.......,
¢. Whom would you approach for help | 2 3 5 8
Q12. Listed below are a number of institutions. Please tell me how much trusido you have in each of th_m-
a lot, somewhat, not much or not at all? Alot Somewhat Notmuch Notatall DK
a. Local police like police inspector, Sub inspector, SHO 1 2 3 4 8
re
b. Senior police officer like SP, DCP | 2 3 4 8
¢. Traffic police l 2 3 4 8
d. Army/Paramilitary | 2 3 4 8
e. Court I 2 3 4 8
f. Government official l 2 3 4 8
Q13. Often women and young girls are scared to seek help from the police or visit the police station. In your
opinion, what is the main reason for this? (Record answer and consult the codebook for coding).
98. DK
Q4. Ona scale of 10 points where the |st point at left stands for extremely ineffective and the 10th point at
the right stands for extremely effective. In your opinion, where would you place the following in terms of
effectiveness to get work done from the police? SHOW THE SCALE AND EXPLAIN (If no
answer is given, then code 98) Extremely ineffective Effectiveness
d. Seeking help from local goon Ob, 02° 703" "04° 0S” “06 OF = 108: Oz 10
In the last 2-3 years, has crime in your locality increased or decreased?
1. Increased 2. Decreased 3. Remained the same 8.DK
Now I will read out two statements. Please tell me which statement would you agree the most with?
Statement 1: Police is not able to function properly due to lack of training and other resources.
Statement 2: It is not that the police lacks resources, they are in fact lazy and not motivated to serve people.
1. Agree withstatement I 2. Agree with statement 2 8.DK
Q17. Do you think the police intentionally implicates people under false charges?
2. Yes 1.No 3. Maybe 8, Can't say
Q18. In an area, whenever there is an instance of fight between people from two religious communities, do
you think the police sides with any particular religious community or remains impartial ?
1, Sides with a particular religious community 2. Remains impartial 8.DK
Q18a. (If answer in Q18 is police sides with a particular religious community), In your opinion, which
religious community does the police take sides with? (Record answer and consult codebook)
98. DK 99.NA
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- 54.Ph: (011) 23942199 3
182 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
ordissatisfied,
Q 19. How satisfied are you with police performance and their work in your area? (If satisfied
probe further whether fully or somewhat) 1. Fully satisfied 2. Somewhat satisfied
3. Somewhat dissatisfied 4. Fully dissatisfied 8.DK
Very often , even in times of need, people are hesitant to visit the police or seek help. What is the single
most important reason for this? 98. DK
Now] willread out some statements. Please tell me whether you would agree or disagree with the following?
(Probe further whether ‘fully’ or ‘somewhat’ agree or disagree) Agree Disagree NR
Fully Somewhat Somewhat Fully
b. OBC 1 2 3 8
25. Now | will read out a few statements. Please tell me whether you agree or disagree with these statements?
(Probe further whether strongly or somewhat agree or disagree) Agree Disagree NR
Fully Somewhat Somewhat Fully
a. Police as a profession is better than other occupations
because of easy access to power and security I 2 3 - 8
b. Compared to other professions, it is difficult to work in the police
force because ofhigh stress levels and long working hours. | 2 3 - 8
¢. Police is corrupt- it does not do its job withouta bribe. l 2 3 4 8
26. Often people are scared of police due to different reasons. What about you- how scared are you ofthe
following- a lot, somewhat, not much or notatall? Very Somewhat Notmuch Notatall DK
a. Fear of being beaten up by the police l 2 3 5 8
b. Fear of being arrested by the police for no reason l 2 3 4 8
c. Fear of the police coming to your house l 2 3 4 8
d. Fear of being falsely implicated inpolice cases. 1 2 3 4 8
-2272 (If answer is yes in 027) Then did you file a complaint? 2.Yes 1.No 8DK 9.NA
for coding)
Q31. According to you, in the police force of your village/ locality? (Record answer and consult codebook
in number? 98. DK
a. Which religious community's members are more
998. DK
lb. b. Which caste's members are more in number?
It is widely believed that police discriminates between people on the basis of different things. In your
opinion, does the police discriminate? Yes No DK/CS
2 l 8
a. On the basis of caste.
Many people argue that working in the police is not appropriate for women. Now | am going to read
out some such arguments. Please tell me whether these arguments are justified or not? (Probe. further
whether very or somewhat justified or unjustified). Justified Unjustified DK
Very Somewhat Somewhat Very
BACKGROUND DATA
ZAb. :
e . Upto what level have your father and your mother studied?
ZAb.Mother: 9. No response
Z4a.Father:
ascer
What is your main occupation? (Record exactly and consult codebook & if retired, try to
well)
tain his/her previous occupation. If student or housewife, then note down that as
98. No response
How far is the nearest police station/chowki from your village/locality? (Record answerinkilometer. If
answer is more than 100 kilometer then code 96) 98. Can't say
Are you married? 1. Married 2. Married (Gauna not performed, not started living together)
3. Widowed 4. Divorced 5. Separated 6. Deserted
7, Unmarried/Single 8. Live with partner but not married 9. NR
Z7a. (If married) Do you have a boy or a girl?
1. Boy 2.Girl 3. Both 4, None 8.NR 9.NA
And what is your caste group? (Double check and consult code book)
1. Scheduled Caste (SC) 2. ScheduledTribe(ST) 3. Other Backward Classes (OBC) 4. Other
What kind of mobile phone do you have—a normal phone or a smart phone with a touch screen?
1. Normal phone 2. Smart phone 3. Don’t have a phone 8. No answer
Z\ 1a. (If respondent has a mobile phone) Does your phone have an internet connection?
2 Yes 1.No 8. No Answer 9. Not
Applicable
Z13a. (If Town/Small City/Big City/Metropolitan City) Type of house where the respondent lives
1. House/Flat/Bunglow 2. House/Flat with 5 or more rooms
3. House/Flat with4 rooms 4. Houses/Flat with 3 rooms 5. Houses/Flat with 2 rooms
6. House with | room 7. Mainly Kutcha house 8. Slum/Jhuggi Jhopri 9. NA.
Z13b. (If Village) Type of house where the respondent lives
1. Pucca (both wall and roof made of pucca material)
2. Pucca-Kutcha (Either wall or roof is made of pucca material and other of kutcha material)
3. Kutcha/Mud houses (both wall and roof are made of kutcha material )
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- 54. Ph: (011) 23942199 8
| 4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 187
4. Hut (both wall and roof made ofgrass, leaves, un-burnt brick orbamboo)
9.NA.
\
188 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
Household Information
Above Below
14. Total No. of family members living in the household:
Above 18 years: _ Below 18 years : (If more than 9, Code 9)
of survey):
Z15. Total agricultural land including orchard and plantation owned by your household (as on date
99)
(Ask in local units, but record in standard acres. If more than 99, Code
ifrespondent
In normal circumstances, what is your monthly household expenditure? (Record in Rupees,
gives no answer, fill 000000 in the box)
. a. Car/Jeep/Van 1 2
b b. Scooter/Motorcycle/Moped | 2
c c. Airconditioner |
(d1. If resp. has computer/laptop)
e e. Fan/Cooler 1 2
f f. Washing machine/Microwave | 2
g g. Fridge | 2
h h. TV 1 2
i i. Bank/Post office account | J
j j. ATM/Debit/Credit card 1 2
k k. LPG gas 1 2
l 1. Toilet inside the house 1 Z
a n. Tractor 1 2
s o. Handpump inside the house l 2
Z18. Livestock: Total Number
a. a, Goat /sheep/pig:
b. b. Cow/Oxen /buffalo/Camel:
ic. c. Any other:
Total monthly household income - putting together the income of all members of the household?
(Record exact amount in Rupees. If respondent does not give any amount then record 000000)
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- $4. Ph: (011) 23942199 10
4 Status ofPolicing inIndia Reports: 2018 and 2019 189
ox El. Were there any other people immediately present who might belistening during theinterview?
a 1, Noone 2.Husband —3. Other adult malefamily members 4. Adult female familymembers
5. Any malefrom neighborhood —_6. Any Female from neighborhood 7.Smallcrowd 8. Any Other
gg E2. —Inhow many questions didtherespondent check withothers forinformation toanswer forquestions?
1. None 2. One or two 3. Threetofive 4.Sixtoten 5. More than 10
- E3. — Atsome stage didyounotice something that made you feelthattherespondent was answering under some
fear or pressure? 1. Yes 2.No 3. Not sure
4. Which caste community was more in number inthe locality you visited? (Record
answer and consult
| | | | codeboor) ¢
~~ ES. — Whichreligious community was more innumber inthelocality you visited? (Record answer and for
coding refer toZ9Codes. )
g E6. Overall was the respondent cooperative? 1. Yes,very much 2.Somewhat 3. Notatall
= on orccacemga
tn Aan sara
a
Checked by the Supervisor: 1. Yes 2.No
e oe|
Re ,NOLS
OPMCY EOS Ma TE 4 ae -
aia, 2 “i of»
R. Jha and V. Mudgal
(If government house in Q1) Some people are dissatisfied with the conditions of government
provided housing quarters, while some people are satisfied with it. Are you satisfied or dissatisfied with
the provided housing quarters? (If satisfied, check ‘very’ or ‘somewhat’, If dissatisfied, check
‘very’ or ‘somewhat’) 1. Very satisfied 2. Somewhat satisfied 3. Somewhat dissatisfied
4. Very dissatisfied 8. No response 9. Notapplicable
(If somewhat or very dissatisfied in Q1a ) What is the single most important reason for dissatisfaction
with the staff quarters? (Note down answer. Coding will be done at CSDS)
98. can’t say/no answer 99. Notapplicable
(Ifgovernment house in Q1) Onascale of | to 10 where | is the smallest issue and 10 is the biggest
issue, Please rate these issue for your housing quarters:
Smallest Biggest Can't NA
issue issue say
ater pane (esas GR ae: eS ee be Saar lit ws
a. Water supply issues 01> 202 03060 05 1-06 0F7-= 8 09 AD 98 99
(Ifgovernment house in Q1) After submitting the application how much time did it take for your
housing quarter's allocation? (Ifsomebody answers in ‘year/s', convert itinto '‘months')
(Number of months) 98. Can’t say/No answer 99. Notapplicable
On an average, how many hours a day do you actually work?
(Number of hours) 98. Can’t say/No answer
On an average, how many weekly off-days do you actually get?
(Number of days) 98. Can’t say/No answer
With regards to your duty hours, how many times in a week are you asked to stay back at the police
station even after duty hours? 1. Many times 2. Sometimes 3. Rarely
4, Never 8. Can't say
(If stays back in Q6.) What is generally the most important reason for staying back at police station after
duty hours? (Note down answer. Coding will be done at CSDS)
98. CS. 99.NA
(If stays back in Q6.) Do you get paid for the overtime work?
: And are these facilities available atyour police station/jurisdiction? Yes No No-response
= a, Clean Toilets y. 1 8
ar
7
oe
: e b. Separate toilet for women 2 ] 8
; d. Drinking water 2 1 8
ref seoha
of en gre
ni Be3 3 '
4
tee
Puss > not pak, 1 we . a 35 4
ie a - ~ et» ee ae astray 4
192 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
years?
Q12. Inyourjurisdiction, do you think the overall crime in your area has increasedordecreased inthe last 2-3
little’)
(f increased, check ‘increasedalot’or ‘increaseda little’; Ifdecreased, check ‘decreaseda lot’or ‘decreaseda
1. It has increased a lot 2.1t has increased a little 3. It has remained the same
Q12b. (If crime has decreased ‘a lot' or ‘little’ in Q12) In your opinion what is the most important reason
behind this decline in crime? (Note down answer. Coding will be done at CSDS)
98.can’tsay 99. Notapplicable
ati Q13. Now! willreadouttwo statements. Pleasetell me whichstatements youagree withthe most? (Read both thestatements)
Statement 1. _Increase in number of FIRs indicates an increase in the crimes in the given jurisdiction.
Statement 2. _Increase in number of FIRs does not indicate an increase in the crime rather it indicates
that their is only increase in registration of the complaints by police.
1. Agree with first statement 2. Agree with second statement 8. No answer/can’t say
b. Murder 1 2 3 7 8
e. Dowry l 2 3 - 8
f, Sexual Harassment 1 2 3 4 8
g. Rape 1 2 3 - 8
Q16. Inyour opinion, what is the most important step that the police should take to control crime? (Note
down answer. Coding will be done at CSDS)
98. can’t say
Q17. Onascale of one to ten, please tell me how useful the following are the following measures for reducing
crime in your area-10 being most useful and 1 being not useful at all: (2fno answer, please code 98. T
o
——
—
f. Form special squads for curbing eve teasing. O01 02 03 04 OS 06 O07 O8 O98 10
Considering the past 2-3 years of your work experience, how ofien have you encountered the following
problems during investigation ofacrime - many times, sometimes, rarely or never?
Many times Sometimes Rarely Never No-response
a, Witnesses unwilling to cooperate l 2 3 4 8
d. Departmental pressure l 2 3 7 8
e. Political pressure I 2 3 * 8
g- Prosecution duties | 2 3 4 8
Of the various things which hinder an investigation, which is the one that hinders it the most? (Note down
answer. Coding will be done at CSDS)
e
a ae 98. can't my
In your opinion, to what extent is a common person hesitant to contact the police even when there is a need
- very hesitant, somewhat hesitant, hardly hesitant or not hesitant at all?
|. Very hesitant 2. Somewhat hesitant 3. Hardly hesitant 4. Notatall hesitant 8. No response
. (Ifhesitant) \n your opinion, what is the main reason behind this hesitance? (Record exactly, consult
code book and code later)
98. can’t say 99. Not applicable
Imagine your daughter is in another city/village, beyond your zone of influence and she witnesses a crime.
Would you advise her to go to the police station alone to report the crime?
2. Yes 1.No 8. Can't say
There is a perception among common people that the numbers of crime reported are lesser as compared
to the number of crimes committed in reality. To what extent do you think this is true? (Iftrue, check
‘completely true’ or ‘somewhat true’; iffalse check ‘completely false’ or ‘somewhat false’)
1. Completely true 2.Somewhattrue 3. Somewhat false 4. Completely false 8. No response
Do you agree or disagree with the following statements?(Ifagree,
check ‘fullyagree’or‘somewhat agree’;if
disagree, check ‘fully disagree’ or ‘somewhat disagree’) Agree Disagree No response
Fully Somewhat Somewhat Fully
a. The workload makes it difficult for me to
do my job well. 1 2 3 4 8
b. I am not able to devote enough time to my
family due to policing duties. 1 2 3 A 8
c. Lam permitted to do only those tasks that
are asked by my seniors. 1 2 3 4 8
d. My workload is affecting my physical and
mental health conditions. 1 2 3 4 8
e. My salary is at par with the kind of work I do. 1 2 3 4 8
f. My work is evaluated in a neutral way. l 2 3 d 8
How often do the following instances happen in the police-workplaces - very often, somewhat often,
somewhat rare or never?
‘Senior officers talk with their juniors in a bad language.’
1. Very often 2. Somewhat often 3.Somewhatrare 4. Never 8.No response
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- $4.Ph: (011) 23942199 5
194 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
When dealing with cases involving influential persons, how often does the police feel pressure from the
following people - Always, sometimes, rarely ornever? Always Sometimes Rarely Never No-response
(Ifthey feel pressure in Q25) What is the most common consequences of not complying with such pressures?
1. Punishment posting/ transfer to another area 2. Suspension/dismissal from service
3. Threat to personal safety, physical assault 4. Harsh public criticism
5. Any other (record exactly) - 8. No response 9. Notapplicable
Q27. According to you, do the following instances happen in the police?
‘Senior officers ask their juniors to do household jobs/private-personal jobs even though they’re not meant to do it
2. Yes 1.No 8. Can'tsay
Q28. Now, I will read out two statements. Please tell which one you agree the most with. (Read both thestatements)
Statement 1. For small/minor offenses, small/minor punishments by the police is better than legal trial.
Statement 2. For small/minor offenses also, there should be a complete legal trial.
1. Agree with first statement 2. Agree with second statement 8. No answer/can’t say
Sometimes there are instances, when the mob tries to punish the culprits. In your opinion, to what extent
is it natural for the mob to punish the culprits on the following issues - to a large extent, somewhat, rarely
or notat all? Toa large extent Somewhat Rarely Not at all No-response
a. When there is a case of cow-slaughter. 1 2 3 4 8
b. When there is a case of child kidnapping. 1 2 3 - 8
c. When there is a case of rape. l 2 3 - 8
d. When there is a case of road accident due
to driver’snegligence. 1 2 3 4 8
Q30. Do you agree or disagree with the following statement? For the greater good of the society, It is alright for
the police to be violent towards criminals (If agree, check ‘fully agree’ or ‘somewhat agree’; ifdisagree,
check ‘fully disagree’ or ‘somewhat disagree’) 1, Fully agree 2. Somewhat agree
3. Somewhat disagree 4. Fully disagree 8.DK
31. In your opinion, to what extent are the following people naturally prone towards committing crimes -
very much, somewhat, somewhat less or not at all?
Very much Somewhat Somewhat less Not at all No-response |
a. Migrant people 1 2 3 J 8 |
b. Hijras/trangender people ] 2 3 7 8 :
¢. Street vendors/hawkers 1 2 3 ~ 8
d. Muslim people l 2 3 4 8
e. OBC people 1 2 3 a 8
f. Upper caste Hindu people 1 2 3 4 8
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- $4. Ph: (011) 23942199 6
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 195
k. Illiterate people 1 4 oo
co
oo
F- 1, Industrialists 1 WY
NY
NR
MV
wv
rv Ww
YB
Ye
Vv» 4
m. Slum-dwellers 1 2 3 4 8
Q32. There are various societal groups inpolice. According toyou, towhat extent are the following groups
given equal treatment - completely, somewhat, somewhat less or not at all? |Somewhat Not at No
Very much Somewhat less all response
Q36. Now| will read out two statements. Please tell me which statements you agree with the most? (Read
both the statements)
than a legal trial.
Statement 1. For the greater good ofthe society, Killing dangerous criminals is better
Statement 2. No matter how dangerous a criminal, police should try to catch the criminals and give
them a legal trial.
1. Agree with first statement 2. Agree with second statement 8. No answer/can’t say
= Q37. In 2006, the Supreme Court passed a landmark judgment on police reforms in the case of Prakash
Singh vs Union of India. Are you aware of this judgment?
2. Yes 1.No 8. Can't say
nae Q37a. (Ifyes) Can you name one of the directives given by the Court in this case? (Note down answer.
Coding will be done at CSDS) 98. can’t say 99. Notapplicable
Q38. According to you, how important is it for the police to receive training on the following issues - very
important, somewhat important, less important, and not importantatall? Less Notatall No
Very important Somewhat important Important response
ced Q39. Ifpolice officers are posted in their home district, would they be more efficient or less efficient?
1. More efficient 2. Less efficient 3. Doesn*t make any difference 4.DK
bag Q40. Ascompared to other institutions of the government, are the police more corrupt or less corrupt?
1. More corrupt 2. Less corrupt 3. As corruptas others. 4. Notcorruptatall 8. No response
Q41. Inyour opinion, what are the two steps that the government must take to ensure that police can do its
job in a better way?(Note down answer. Coding will be done at CSDS)
BACKGROUND DATA
BS. What is your age? (in completed years) 98. No Response (Code 95 for 95 yrs & above)
= B7. Up to what level have you studied? (Record exactly and consult code book)
9. No
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- $4. Ph: (011) 23942199 8
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 197
ay a. Upto what level have your father and mother studied? (Record exactly and consult code book)
a Mother: ————_—s«9. No response
gz, And what is your caste group? 1. Scheduled Caste (SC) 2. Scheduled Tribe (ST)
3. Other Backward Classes (OBC) 4. Other
B&b. What is your Caste/Jati-biradari/Tribe name? (Consult code book for code)
b. Scooter/Motorcycle/Moped 2 Loe
2 1
See
2. Nhe
TN, . epee es
pe ae Veetoul oat apesae , -
Ame t.ho eels oe i aeee ‘
cau ib ae >. Co ee cas
‘2 P ia ae | om =
% i Dn 2gae}.
a : ee om »ahi e
oa |
198 R. Jha and V. Mudgal
State ID Respondent
No.
POLICE STUDY (Family Member) - 2019 ba.
Lokniti, CSDS-Common Cause Study
. State Name: ANDHRA PRADESH
What is your age? (in completed years) 98. No Response (Code 95 for 95 yrs & above)
What is your main occupation? (Record & consult codebook. If retired, find out previous job. If student/
housewife, then note that down) 98. NR
Are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the provided staff quarters? (If satisfied, check ‘very’ or ‘some
what’, If dissatisfied, check ‘whether’ or ‘somewhat’)
1. Very satisfied 2. Somewhat satisfied 3. Somewhat dissatisfied 4. Very dissatisfied 8. No response
(If dissatisfied), what is the single most important reason for dissatisfaction with the staff quarters (Note
down answer. Coding will be done at CSDS)
98. can’t say 99. Notapplicable
It is often said that policing is a very stressful job. Do you agree or disagree with the statement? (Ifagree,
check ‘fully agree’ or ‘somewhat agree’; if disagree, check ‘fully disagree’ or ‘somewhat disagree’)
1. Fullyagree 2. Somewhat agree 3. Somewhat disagree 4. Fully disagree 8.DK
(Ifagrees) What do you think is the main reason for such a high level of stress? (Record exactly, consult
code book and code later)
98. can’t say 99. Notapplicable
In your opinion, does your spouse/parent/child (Use the relation depending upon respondent's
relationship with the police officer) spend enough time with the family? ie
1. Sufficient time 2. Less than sufficient 3. Far less than sufficient 8. No response
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), 29 Rajpur Road, Dethi- $4. Ph: (011) 23942199 10
4 Status of Policing in India Reports: 2018 and 2019 199
3 During the last 2-3 years, has your entire family (entire family means including the police officer):
Yes No No-response
‘ a. Been outside on a leisure holiday? 2 1 8
b. Visited relatives out of town/village? 2 I x
7 ¢. Gone for a religious pilgrimage? 2 1 8
Is your spouse/parent/child (Use the relation depending upon respondent’s relationship with the
police officer) at home during the following festivals—Always, sometimes, rarely or never?
Always Sometimes Rarely Never No-response
a. Diwali l 2 3 ” 8
b. Holi I 2 3 + 8
e ¢. Eid 1 2 3 . 8
d. State’s important festival 1 2 3 4 8
Please tell mewhether you would agree ordisagree withthefollowing statements? (Ifagree, check
‘fully agree’ or ‘somewhat agree’; if disagree, check ne yo or somewhat disagree’)
References
Bureau of Police Research and Development, Ministry of Home Affairs. (2019). Data on Police
Organisations 2019: https://knoema.com/atlas/sources/BPRD?regionId=IN https://www.the-
star.com/news/crime/2008/01/19/youre_safer_than_you_think_statistics_expert.htm]l
Lorrigio, P. (2008). You’re safer than you think: Statistics expert. Toronto Star.
Rao, U.N. B., & Tiwari, A. (2016). “A study on non-registration of crimes: Problems & solutions”
(Rep.). Bureau of Police Research and Development, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of
India: http://www.bprd.nic.in/WriteReadData/userfiles/file/20 16 12200235022990797Report-
Non-Registrationof CrimesProblems&Solutions.pdf
United Nations Office on Drug and Crime, Criminal Justice. (2011). Handbook on police account-
ability, oversight and integrity. UN Office on Drug and Crime, Criminal Justice Handbook
Series. UN Publications: https://www.unodc.org/pdf/criminal_justice/Handbook_on_police_
Accountability_Oversight_and_Integrity.pdf
Chapter 5
The Karnataka Crime Victimization
Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National
Crime Victim Survey
1 Introduction
There have been more crime victim surveys (hereafter “CVS”) in the last five years
than in the last six decades since India became an independent republic. Given the
enormous scale and expense of a national CVS, civil society groups have focused
on a single or a few major cities. Significantly, no previous survey has generated
data on the nature of rural crime victimization. Azim Premji University carried out
the Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019 (hereafter “KCVS”) in
2018-2019 to fill these gaps through a survey of crime victimization in a region of
India. The methods and results of KCVS are critical for the formulation of a national
CVS which is currently underway.'
KCVS is the most recently conducted CVS in India and is the first State-wide
survey that allows for a fuller understanding of crime victimization across urban
and rural locations. This survey builds on valuable work carried out earlier. The
CHRI Survey (2015)? and SATARC (2017)? surveyed incidents of crime victimiza-
tion in the urban populations of Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, and Bangalore. The
KCVS included several major and minor urban centers like Bengaluru, Mangaluru,
‘Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India “All India Citizens Survey of Police Services”
(February 21, 2019) https://www.mha.gov.in/sites/default/files/PRESSRELEASE_21022019.pdf.
2 Abhijit Sarkar, Dripto Mukhopadhyay, Cheryl Blake and Devika Prasad (2015) “Crime
Victimization and Safety Perception: A Public Survey of Delhi and Mumbai”, New Delhi:
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative.
3 Avanti Durani, Rithika Kumar, Renuka Sane and Neha Sinha (2017) “Safety trends and reporting
of crime” Mumbai: [DFC Institute.
Mysuru, and Dharwad as well as the rural population of Karnataka State. The sur-
vey is wider in scope, to track crime incidence, reporting, and perceptions of safety
and security and thereby allows us to study primary victimization (victims’ experi-
ences of crimes) and secondary victimization (arising from the treatment of victims
by criminal justice agencies - the police, prosecution, and courts).* It circumscribes
secondary victimization to focus only on the police.
KCVS is designed to allow for the analysis of crime victimization for several
diverse variables - across geographies (police administrative ranges and residential
location), crime types, gender, caste, religion, and economic class of respondents.
Such analyses illuminate the institutional and social character of crime, the lived
experience of crime-before, during, and after crimes occur, and the relationship
between offenders and victims. The socioeconomic background, age, and gender of
the victims as well as the nature and severity of the offenses influence people’s will-
ingness to report crime and its registration by police authorities (Broadhurst et al.,
2011). This is borne out by recent Indian studies too. The SPIR (2018)° found that
people’s socioeconomic class had an evident influence on their tendency to approach
the police. The rich and better educated population were twice as likely to seek
police assistance on issues than the poor. Our analysis therefore increases the use-
fulness of this crime victimization survey as a tool for policymakers to understand
the trends of crime, reporting of crime, and recording practices.
KCVS, like other recent surveys, covered personal crimes (murder, homicide,
kidnapping and abduction, grievous hurt, assault and death through negligence and
extortion) and household property crimes (robbery, trespass, breach of trust, motor
vehicle theft, cheating, and forgery). However, it went further to include law and
order offenses (riots, arson, unlawful assembly, bribery, and assault) and offenses by
government officials (bribery and assault). By including all these major offenses,
KCVS presents a fuller picture of crime victimization than any other crime victim
survey in India so far.
Crimes of a sensitive nature such as sexual harassment, assault, dowry crimes,
and crimes against children were not included, as these require stringent survey
protocols to be followed, particularly with respect to security and privacy of respon-
dents. As other surveys like the NFHS already cover gender-based crime, this gap in
the KCVS may be plugged by integrating this data set.
KCVS did not survey some serious crimes such as the sale of illegal arms, nar-
cotics, information technology/intellectual property violations, financial offenses
and cybercrime, smuggling, crimes by foreigners, bonded labor, and crimes covered
by special and local laws. As these crimes are very rare, the small sample size of
KCVS is unlikely to register enough occurrences to allow for meaningful statistical
analysis.
‘Lorraine Wolhuter, Neil Olley and David Denham (2009) “Victimology: Victimization and
Victims’ Rights” London and New York: Routledge-Cavendish, p.33.
‘Common Cause & Lokniti - Center for the Study of Developing Societies (2018) “Status of
Policing in India Report, 2018: A Study of Performance and Perceptions” New Delhi:
Common Cause.
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National 203
In this chapter, we describe, analyze, and visualize the key findings that shape
our understanding of the experiences of crime victimization in Karnataka. The
chapter begins by clarifying the critical methodological choices made to ensure that
the survey is comparable with available official crime statistics and allows for
administrative insights into police organization in Karnataka. This sets the Stage for
a more rigorous social scientific causal analysis on questions ofcrime victimization.
We explain the experience of crime by various demographic groups to understand
the social and economic determinants of crime victimization, the likelihood of
reporting, and perceptions of safety and security of people in the State. We conclude
with a few useful lessons for India’s first national crime victimization survey.
Sampling Strategy
Sampling Method
SI. No Districts
T, Central North-Eastern | Ballari
Bidar
Kalaburagi (Gulbarga)
bse Koppala
Raichur
Yadgir
2. - Chamarajanagar
Hassan
Kodagu
Mandya
Mysore
3. Eastern Western Chikkamagaluru
RAAT | se 988
Dakshina
Udupi
Kannada
eae EE Uttara Kannada
Source: KCVS 2018-2019, Azim Premji University
>_ The » Karnat
kK
aka Crime
. >
Victim
Vie
ization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National 205
Culbarga
Range
@ North-Eastern
Northern
Raichur
® Central
™ Eastern
@ Western
Bellary
Uttara
Kannada ®@ Southern
Chikka-
Chikkamagalur ballapur
Udupi
Bangalore
Rural
Dakshina Hassan .
Kannada So i
Urban
Rama-
Mandya nagara
Kodagu
Mysore
Chamarajanagar
The sample size was calculated based on the number of respondents to represen-
tatively cover an entire state. As data were collected at the household level, a sample
of 20 households was selected within each Police Range. The villages and wards
within every range were organized in ascending order of population and the required
number of villages and wards were selected through the Probability Proportional to
Size method. The selected wards and villages in every range were divided into four
geographical segments of equal population. Five households were selected from
each of the four segments using the left hand rule of field movement starting from
the center of the segment for a total of 20 households in each segment. Survey
S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
questions were directed at the head of the household. Where the male head of house-
hold was unavailable to answer the survey questions (on account of work), the
female members of the household answered the questions.
Survey Administration
Sigma Research and Consulting Pvt Ltd administered the survey and conducted
interviews from April 24, 2017 to May 13, 2017 covering 2002 respondents across
the State. Standard interview protocols were strictly followed in the conduct of the
interviews and in recording the information collected in the field. All field officers
were trained on the techniques of conducting interviews and procedures to be fol-
lowed. All Police Ranges in the State were intimated about the interviews via letters
in advance of fieldwork. In particular, the Southern Range police acknowledged
receipt of this intimation and offered assistance, if any was required, with the
208 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
survey. Despite these precautions however, owing to the sensitive nature of the
topic, in one instance, interviewers experienced intimidation and harassment from a
local political group in an urban area where interviews were conducted. A group of
local political workers raised an issue with the interviews being conducted in their
neighborhood and took the surveyors to the local police station. The survey team
discussed the matter with the police and were asked to return to their homes. The
survey organization then changed the team and sent in a different team of surveyors
to that location to continue with the interviews. Once the data were collected, it was
|
checked for errors, and standard data confirmation and validations checks were car-
ried out by our team at Azim Premji University. After confirmation, the data were
analyzed using the STATA software program.
3 Key Findings
= Property Offences
« Once
a
# Crimes against Body
« Thrice
# Law and Order Crimes
« Four times or
more
= Crimes by Governemnt
Officials
Note: All figures are in percentages Note: All figures are in percentages
citizens.° The crime rate we calculated for the same offense is 4066 per 1,00,000
citizens (roughly 42 times the official figure!).
This also convinced us to move away from the official records of crime and use
a new baseline measure of crime, the “KCVS Victimization Rate”, calculated as the
number of victims of at least one category of crime, per 100 of the population. This
covers crimes not reported to the police by the victims or even if reported, not
recorded by the police. Applying the victimization rate as a measure of crime is very
useful as this is derived from people’s actual experiences of crime and so, forms a
better means to understand the true nature of crime. This also has a strong influence
on people’s perceptions of safety and security in a geographical area.
The KCVS Victimization Rate is around 30%, three times higher than that
reported by other surveys like the World Value Survey (“WVS 6 (2010-2014)”) and
nearly double the rate reported by the CHRI Survey. This translates to 725 separate
incidents of victimization experienced by 602 survey respondents over the observa-
tion period, meaning that our respondents were victims of more than one crime over
this period (Fig. 5.2).
When we review the KCVS results across the four main types of crime - property
offenses, crimes against body, law and order crimes, and crimes by government offi-
cials (including their sub categories as described earlier), we observe that across the
variables of interest we listed earlier, victimization rates from crimes vary greatly
across gender, geographies, and caste; and not as much on the other variables we
examined, namely, residential locations, religion, and economic class of respondents.
6 According to the National Crime Records Bureau ‘Crime in India: 2018’, in 2018, India’s official
crime rate per lakh population was 383.5, for offences affecting the human body, the crime rate
was 78.6. Karnataka recorded the rate of total cognizable crimes per 1,00,000 population at 249.7,
of which, the crime rate for offences affecting the human body was 66.2
http://nerb.gov.in/StatPublications/CII/CII2018/pdfs/CI1% 202018 %20SNAPSHOTS%20
_STATES.pdf, accessed February 4, 2020.
210 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
Female Respondent
Male Respondent
7
1
\
® Property Offences Offences against the body = Property Offences
= Law and Order Offences Crimes by Govt Officials « Offences against the body
KCVS results show that 9% more males report being victims of crime than females.
Men have a 26% higher probability of being victimized when compared to women.
We observe this for all categories of crime reported - property crimes, crimes against
the body, and law and order offenses (Fig. 5.3). The gender difference in victimization
from crimes against the body is pronounced in urban areas than in rural areas, where
6% more men report being victims of crime than women. These results are interesting
when compared with the conclusions of contemporary international surveys like the
VOCS (South Africa) (2017), which notes that female-headed householders are vic-
timized at twice the rate of male-headed households in South Africa.
Across Police Ranges in Karnataka, the Northern Range (at 38%) and North-
Eastern Range have the highest rates of victimization from crimes while less than a
quarter of the respondents in the Central and Western Ranges experienced
victimization.
Respondents belonging to the Dalit and Adivasi castes suffered higher rates of
victimization from crimes, followed by the OBCs and then the Upper Caste. Dalits
are particularly vulnerable to victimization from crime, more than 48% more likely
than members of the Upper Caste.
Based on these observations, we can conclude that in Karnataka, crime victim-
ization reduces with an increase in social and economic status and privilege. This is
consistent with criminological research around the world which finds a strong rela-
tionship between racial and ethnic identity and victimization. Socially and econom-
ically disadvantaged people have been subject to higher instances of victimization
from crimes.’ This also ties in with contemporary Indian victimization surveys like
the CHRI Survey (2015) which record that high-income households are less affected
by crime compared to low-income households.
‘Rajiv Sethi and Glenn C Loury, “Crime and Punishment in Divided Societies” in Difference with-
out Domination: Pursuing Justice in Diverse Democracies, Eds. Danielle Allen and Rohini
Somanathan, University of Chicago Press, (forthcoming). The authors refer to earlier studies,
including by Harcourt (2006) and Alexander (2012), to explain the relationship between race and
crime in the US.
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National 211
As we note in our survey report, the Dalit and Adivasi communities in the State
experienced most number of property crimes - theft and house break-ins (with or
without use of force), Adivasi and OBCs faced almost twice the rate of victimiza-
tion from crimes against the body (murder, kidnapping, assault, intimidation, out-
rage of modesty).
Law and order offenses cover a wide range of disruptions to public peace. We
classify those into three broad categories: (i) riots and public disturbances; (ii)
exclusionary practices; and (iii) abuse and humiliation. Public disturbances cover
bandhs, hartals, agrarian protests, student unrest, labor unrest, incidents of commu-
nal or caste or language-targeted violence and gang violence. Exclusionary social
actions which amount to restriction or denial of access to public space and resources
include denial of access to: public water resources, public transport, places of wor-
ship, government buildings, gram sabhas or ward committees, schools or hospitals.
Abuse covers verbal abuse and physical assault, the practices of untouchability,
public humiliation, and social exclusion of people.
Under the law and order offenses, Dalits, Adivasis, and OBCs were subjected to
a much higher percentage of agrarian/farmer revolts, and faced inhuman practices
like denial of access to public spaces to worship, verbal and physical abuse, and
untouchability offenses, than other caste groups. The range of survey questions
asked was broad in scope and intended to capture the true experience of social
exclusion that these communities face. For instance, “Were you affected by the inci-
dent in any of the following ways? - deprivation of essential services such as rations,
water, medicines; forced not to go to work; forced to participate in the bandh/har-
tal/agitation/unrest/violence; suffered physical harm; suffered damage to property;
and other problems”. “Why do you think you were denied access to these [public
spaces]? - feud with influential persons in the community; caste, religion, gender,
mother tongue, native state, sexual orientation, skin color, disability, other rea-
sons?”. The official response of the police authorities to these incidents was also
recorded in the survey through questions like “Did the police take any action to
restore normalcy in the area?” “How long did it take before the situation to become
normal ?”.
The design of the survey questions examining these practices was also deter-
mined by their classification under criminal statutes. For instance, protests are cat-
egorized as public disturbance and controlled using the powers of the police under
the Criminal Procedure Code, denial of access to public spaces is a form of atrocity
committed against the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes proscribed under a
special law, the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities)
Act, 1989, and the practice of untouchability under the Protection of Civil Rights
Act, 1955.
KCVS victimization results also point to some interesting facts — factors such as
urbanization are not prime movers driving the experience of crime by the popula-
tion. Respondents from rural and urban areas of the state faced different nature of
crimes - urban respondents experienced economic offenses like cheating and breach
of trust and offenses against the body at a higher rate, while rural Karnataka experi-
enced property crimes like vandalism and mischief, as understood under section
—
212 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
425 of the Indian Penal Code. Economic class, determined based on the type of
dwelling people inhabit, also played no significant role in the levels of victimization
by crimes, particularly, on repeat victimization. Similar to location, class may have
some effect only on the category of offenses that people experienced — for property
offenses, while the upper and middle class complained of higher levels of theft and
criminal breach of trust, respondents of the lower class complained of more house
break-ins. Lower-class respondents experienced nearly two times more victimiza-
tion from law and order offenses in comparison with upper and middle classes. But
this could be the effect of overexposure of the lower class populations to collective
violence or the result of under-policing of their neighborhoods.
We also note that levels of victimization reflect in people’s perceptions of the
seriousness of an offense. In our survey for instance, as Tables 5.4, 5.5, and 5.6
show, Dalits and Adivasis are the most victimized by law and order offenses, and
more than 78% Adivasis and 73% Dalits also categorized these offenses as being
“very serious” or “somewhat serious” in nature.
2. Reporting Behavior
The willingness of people to report crime serves as a measure of confidence of
people in the police. As we mentioned earlier, crime victim surveys around the world
have found differences in reporting behavior based on the nature and gravity of
the offense, age and gender of victims, harm or injury to victims, and the extent to
which victims/their families feel that the matter is private and should not be reported.
We use the KCVS Victimization Rate as a measure of the experience of crime by
victims. To measure incidence of crime, we use two other standards — the rate at
which victims report crimes to the police (reporting rate) and the rate at which the
police register crimes reported by victims.
Our experience of understanding the reporting behavior of victims of crimes in
Karnataka is broadly similar to earlier crime victim surveys - that people do not
report crimes to the police. In our survey, only one in four instances of victimization
is reported (Table 5.7).
Interestingly, KCVS found that people’s perceptions of the seriousness of
offenses do not influence their crime reporting behavior. KCVS respondents viewed
80% of incidents involving property and economic offenses and body crimes as
“very serious” or “somewhat serious”. They viewed 41% of law and order incidents
like riots and group violence as “somewhat serious”.
Despite this perception, 64% of respondents who felt that property and economic
offenses were “very serious” did not report these offenses to the police. Of the
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 213
Bandhs
andHartals
Agrarian unrest 1 :
Student unres/Labor unrest
Communal/Caste violence
Gang violence _
Linguistic violence
Restricting or Denying access
Denying access to public water resource _
Denying access to public transport
Deny access to place of worship
Denying access to government buildings, gram sabha or ward
committee
Denying access to schools or hospitals
Abuse and humiliation
Verbal abuse
Physical assault Ean
3 Dn Oe 3
Untouchability 0 us shod Daas 10
Public humiliation ee eee
Social exclusion a. tlOws dis an [a
Total 100
Source: KCVS 2018-19, Azim Premji University
Note: All figures are in percentages
respondents who viewed crimes against the body to be “very serious”, 57% did not
report these crimes to the police, while 93% of those who felt these crimes are
“somewhat serious”, chose not to report. Significantly, almost all respondents who
thought that crimes against the body were “not serious at all” did not report these
crimes to the police. So, only in case of crimes against the body, the seriousness of
the offense may serve as a filter to identify those incidents which are more likely to
find their way into the formal police reports of crime. Despite the public nature of
the offenses and the large number of affected victims, only 20% of the instances of
law and order offenses were reported to the police.
Other Indian CVS makes similar observations. For instance, the CHRI Survey
(2015) found that more than 53% of crimes in Delhi and 58% of crimes in Mumbai
were not reported. When asked to explain the reasons, people’s responses related to
their fear of being caught in complex and bureaucratic police and court processes,
feeling that there was little evidence of the crime, belief that the police would not or
could not do anything, and fear of retaliation by the offender. For urban respon-
dents, the police practice of making the complainant wait for an unreasonable time
and delays in registering the FIR were the main causes for dissatisfaction with the
police as SATARC (2017) reports.
What explains this behavior? We asked respondents several questions to under-
stand their rationale for reporting certain crimes only and conversely, failing to
report other crimes they experienced. Survey respondents were asked “How many
times has the incident occurred in the last one year?”; “What time did the most
recent incident occur?” “What was the location of the incident?” “Did you/your
family see the perpetrator?” “Do you know who the perpetrator is?” “Why do you
think the incident occurred?”’.
Respondents who were victimized by common crimes were asked if they reported
the crime, and if they did, to provide reasons for reporting. For each question,
respondents were required to provide their own reasons for reporting and the sur-
veyors did not prompt responses. Once responses were received, the surveyors then
matched the responses with the various categories of reasons marked out in the
questionnaire, which are detailed in the Annexure.
As Table 5.8 suggests, victims report crimes mainly to recover the stolen items
(in case of theft offenses) or to locate missing persons (for offenses against the
body). A general obligation to report crime for the welfare of the community comes
a distant fourth in the list of reasons that people provided for reporting crimes to the
police. This can be explained by looking at the factors that dissuade people from
approaching the authorities to report crimes. While reporting behavior varies greatly
depending on the category of crime, Table 5.9 highlights some of the main reasons
why victims fail to report even serious crimes.
Overall, looking at the nature of crimes, theft records the highest level of report-
ing in the property and economic offenses category. Other Indian surveys such as
those by CHRI and Common Cause (SPIR, 2018) also recorded similar results. The
CHRI Survey (2015) noted that while less than 50% of incidents of cell phone and
luggage theft were reported to the police in Mumbai and Delhi, theft of high-value
items like jewelry, computers or laptops, and cars was the most reported property
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National...
215
Table 5.9 Rationale for not reporting the crime to the police
Total 100
Source: KCVS 2018-19, Azim Premji University
Note: All figures are in percentages
offense. SPIR (2018) found that victims are more likely to report property-related
crimes to the police. Consistent with international trends, this could be owing to the
requirement of producing FIRs to insurance companies to process claims on third
party insurance of the stolen items. However, we cannot impute a correlation
between reporting behavior and insurance policies, since we did not ask survey
respondents whether they availed insurance on the stolen property.
We also evaluated the probabilities of victims reporting crimes to the police
based on their gender, caste, religion, income groups, and geographic location. This
produced certain important results. Male respondents were 23% more likely to
report than females. Among income groups, the middle class shows a 12% higher
216 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
probability of reporting to the police while the upper income group has a 10% lower
probability of formal reporting. Urban residents are 16% less likely to report crime
incidents than the rural population.
Our analysis on caste and religious lines shows a disturbing result. Of the caste
groups, Adivasis showed 34% lower chance of reporting and religious minorities,
particularly, Muslims had a 29% lower chance of reporting incidents of crime to the
police. Further research is required to unravel the reasons for this variance in report-
ing among these socioeconomic groups.
We also examined reporting trends based on respondents’ formal education and
levels of awareness about policing. Our analysis found that with any level of formal
education and basic awareness, the likelihood of reporting to the police increases
substantially. People who knew the location of the nearest police station in their
locality showed a nearly 40% higher chance of reporting crimes than those who
did not.
The victims were asked the method they used to report incidents — whether they
called the 100 helpline or another police helpline, went to the police station or
approached a police officer to report, and also the police response to their report.
This is important to examine since crime reporting trends are also strongly influ-
enced by policing behavior. This forms another measure of crime incidence, namely,
recording of crimes by the police. KCVS results on this paint an equally dismal
picture. Of the reported incidents of property and economic offenses, KCVS data
show that complaints were registered by the police in only 50% of the incidents
reported and FIRs lodged in only 22% of the reported cases. Similarly, for those
incidents of crimes against the body reported to the police, complaints were regis-
tered by the police for less than 50% and FIRs lodged for only 20% of the reported
incidents of crime. Of the law and order offenses reported to the police, complaints
were registered in 34% and FIRs lodged in only 10% of reported cases.
As we note above, only around 13% of the respondents who approached the
police in our study could register their complaint with the police. While we cannot
establish any systematic class bias by the police in registering complaints, we note
a tendency among the police which favored upper class and middle class complain-
ants in registering FIRs. Lower class complainants were encouraged to settle the
matter and not file official complaints with the police. Studies like SPIR (2018) have
pointed to procedural lapses committed by the police when people approached them
to register their case. In rural areas, FIRs were read out in 57% of the cases when
compared to urban areas, where 52% of the complaints were written and recorded.
Male complainants were more likely to receive written complaints than females.
Our survey exposed certain peculiarities in police response to crimes — for exam-
ple, based on the types of complaints that was brought before them, police behavior
varied. The police readily registered complaints of property offenses but not offenses
against the body and law and order offenses. As we describe earlier, FIRs were filed
at about 20% for offenses against property and for crimes against the body, com-
plaints were registered by the police for less than 50% of the reported incidents and
FIRs lodged for only 20% of these incidents. For law and order offenses, these fig-
ures are 50% lower. Instead of recording crimes reported by victims, the police
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National 217
encouraged parties not to file an FIR and instead settle the matter informally. This is
despite a legal mandate on the police to file an FIR particularly in cognizable
offenses, and if the police refuse, they can be penalized. As the CHRI Survey shows,
this points to a huge institutional failure, since a refusal to register an FIR imposes
a formidable barrier in the initial stages of the criminal justice process itself, deny-
ing access to justice to victims of crime.
It is logical to assume that these factors should negatively influence people’s
satisfaction with police action to incidents of crime. Our survey results however
show a counterintuitive response by people to the police. In about 59% of the cases,
victims were satisfied with the response from the police to their complaint. This
satisfaction varied based on the type of crime reported: eight out of ten victims of
law and order offenses, seven out of ten victims of crimes against the body, and four
out of ten victims of property offenses expressed satisfaction with the police action.
As discussed in the earlier chapter, the CHRI Survey (2015) also found similar
results — 40% of the surveyed group in Delhi and nearly 45% in Mumbai viewed the
police in positive light and this result was consistent across income groups in
these cities.
We asked respondents to provide reasons for their satisfaction with police
response. These related to the police listening to their complaint, registering the
complaint accurately or quickly, explaining the action that they would take on the
complaint, and finally solving the problem. Our findings suggest that considerate
and humane treatment of people by the police generates a better perception of the
police in the eyes of the public than solving the crime or resolving their complaint.
In fact, as SPIR (2018) points that this may also reflect favorably on the inclination
of people to continue to approach the police for their problems in the future too
(Fig. 5.4).
Our survey findings suggest that complainants’ satisfaction level related to their
social and demographic background was not necessarily influenced by the prompt-
ness of police action: in our survey, women reported greater satisfaction based on
their interactions with the police than men; across religions — Muslims were most
dissatisfied with the police (more than 60%) than Hindus and Christians. While
these results are aligned to the broader exercise of social power, we observed
# Yes « No
d quickly
the complaint
They registere | 27 : stl’
They explained the action that they will take | 21 r
They registered the complaint accurately |
They solved the problem read, e) ae aie B.
They listened to the complaint | 13
ee aaie
Total 100
Source: KCVS 2018-19, Azim Premji University
Note: All figures are in percentages
different results across the other variables of interest — class, caste, and geographic
location. A high 88% of Adivasis and OBCs and 66% Dalits reported being satisfied
with the police. Similarly, on class grounds, about 73% of lower-class victims
expressed satisfaction. Rural respondents were satisfied with the police action at
roughly double the rates that urban respondents reported (Table 5.10).
Given our observations made earlier on the high rates of crime victimization that
these groups experience, low rates of crime reporting and even lower rates of record-
ing of crimes by the police, these results are very puzzling. A detailed examination
of these factors will be required to unravel the underlying reasons that determine
people’s responses to crime and policing behavior.
3. Perceptions of Safety
Criminological research on the fear of crime has examined whether people’s
actual risk of victimization and crime rates in their neighborhood are accurate pre-
dictors of their level of fear (Lewis & Salem, 1986; Ferraro, 1995; Taylor, 2002;
Hinkle, 2015). The topic remains highly contested because many studies have
reported little relation between these. One reason that was attributed to this finding
was that “fear of crime is not a concrete concept that has been consistently mea-
sured with similar survey items across studies” (Yang & Hinkle, 2012) since it is a
“visceral, emotional reaction to crime and has not often been measured in such
terms” (Farrall & Maruna, 2004). Literature on factors related to the fear of crime
can be divided into three main types: (i) environmental cues; (ii) demographic fac-
tors; and (iii) neighborhood structure (Ogneva-Himmelberger et al., 2019). In our
survey, we questioned people about perceived safety using all three categories with
a mix of closed- and open-ended questions like “What time would you start worry-
ing about safety of an adult [male/female] member of your household who is out
alone at night?” “Do you feel safe leaving your home locked for many days?” “Do
you feel safe traveling using public transport alone during the day/night?” “How
much of a problem do you think crime is in your area?”. On this theme, we found
that public perceptions of fear, safety, and security depend on their spatial and tem-
poral conditions such as their neighborhood, urban/rural location, and the time of
the day/night they commute in their locality or use public transport to travel outside
it (Table 5.11).
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National...
219
80
Very Safe
60 ~ Somewhat Safe
40 ® Somewhat unsafe
B® Very Unsafe
: 0 re er ee
AFDie
a? oFpu8 wyeeae
et we os we €
S
Ve eetr
People worry more about being victims of crime than would actually exper
ience
it. People were mostly worried about experiencing property offenses
(~65%) —
mainly, theft and robbery, followed by offenses against the body (30%)
like physical
assault, murder, and suicide. This corresponds to the official crime figur
es released
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National 221
by the National Crime Records Bureau. SATARC also reported similar result and
identified theft as being the most prevalent crime across the four Indian cities sur-
veyed: Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore, and Chennai. In our survey, only 5% worried
about law and order offenses such as gang violence and caste violence: and crimes
by government servants in their area. Most people felt comfortable leaving their
home locked for a few days while they were outside their neighborhood or city.
These results were observed in each of the six police ranges we studied — despite the
higher prevalence of theft offenses that respondents reported to us, more than seven
out of every ten respondents in every range found that their neighborhood was safe
enough to leave their house locked for a few days.
People’s responses to their notion of “seriousness” of the offense are illuminat-
ing. Our survey found that more than 80% of incidents involving property and eco-
nomic offenses and offenses against the body were classified by people as “very
serious” or “somewhat serious”. This ties in with the actual victimization rates of
people by these crimes. Calculated on the basis of the incidents of crime, we find
that property offenses were the most prevalent, followed by law and order offenses.
These together account for close to 80% of all incidents that were reported to us.
These observations point to an interesting fact: contrary to the expected results,
we note that safety perception and fear of crime among people are different con-
structs. As Hinkle (2015) observes, this can be explained by looking at the types of
items used to measure fear, particularly obvious from the questions used in most
large-crime victimization surveys such as the NCVS in the US. Questions like “How
safe do you feel waking alone at night in your neighborhood?” (as we ask in our
survey) or “How likely do you think that you will be a victim of (crime type) in the
next 6 months ?”, etc. do not draw a clear connection to being emotionally afraid of
being a victim of crime. He points to studies in the United Kingdom (Farrall et al.,
2008) showing that measures of perceived risk, fear or worry about crime may over-
state the level of fear in society as people may be more likely to report feeling
unsafe or perceiving personal victimization risk than they are to report feeling
“emotionally afraid” of crime (p. 148).
From our survey, we observe that in Karnataka, people perceived that they are
safe despite their observation that crime is a problem in their neighborhoods.
Victimization from individual crimes or seriousness of the offenses, did not match
their idea of feeling safe. External indicators of safety, such as the presence of police
patrols and people’s awareness of the nearest police station and its facilities, did not
seem to influence their perception of safety.
KCVS has been designed as a pilot for India’s first national crime victimization
survey (the “All India Citizens Survey of Police Services”) being conducted by the
Bureau of Police Research and Development and National Council of Applied
Economic Research. The entire process - from survey design, execution to data
collection and analysis, offered useful training and practical field experience to the
222 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
academics and students involved. Such a detailed study on the social and empirical
basis of crime had not been conducted in India so far. This serves as an important
instrument to carry out systemic and substantive legal reform and police reform.
Findings from KCVS can be used to inform the process adopted for the national
survey and interpret the results emerging from this to understand the national trends
on crime victimization better. Our survey can serve as a consistent measure of a
selected range of crimes experienced by households and of the likelihood of them
being victims of crime. This is because, unlike official crime statistics, the informa-
tion self-reported by victims in CVS covers their “[individual] experiences before,
during, and after the offense has occurred” (Chockalingam, 2003).
KCVS provides an empirical basis for understanding why victims of crime
engage or disengage with the criminal justice system and how this affects society. It
can serve as an important tool for policy makers and civil society to build awareness
of who the victims are, the spread of crime, circumstances in which victimization
takes place, and measures that can be taken to curb crime. It also serves as a fair
reflection of the capability of and people’s confidence and trust in the police.
Some results that emerge from our survey go against the observations made in
the other crime victimization surveys conducted so far in India. This is particularly
noticeable in the variance we observe in the experiences of victimization by people
based on their gender, caste, and geography which we described in the earlier sec-
tion of this chapter. Further research needs to be done to examine the relationship
between these variables and victimization in various regions across the country.
Private surveys such as ours are limited in their coverage owing to budgetary
constraints. State-run surveys like periodic crime victim surveys conducted interna-
tionally, have the advantage of not being limited by similar resources and other
constraints. They operate at scale and establish adequate safeguards to ensure the
safety and security of persons involved. This includes setting up central units staffed
by subject experts who can monitor the progress of the survey and evaluate results
in time. KCVS covered the Police Ranges of Karnataka, but data at the district/
police station level collated by the NCRB “Crime in India” reports are essential for
administrative planning and priorities assessment.
Further, as we experienced, surveyors may face local resistance to the process in
a diverse and politically volatile country like India, issues which can be managed
better in a state supported public opinion survey. The KCVS questionnaire was
lengthy with several sections requiring people to provide diverse information, some
questions could appear complicated and survey respondents may have experienced
trouble in responding to them, Higher budgets and other resources could improve
questionnaire design and be used to train surveyors for better execution of the sur-
vey. In order to obtain a true picture of victimization from crimes, crime categories
should be expanded. Crimes against women and children are of a highly sensitive
nature, and separate and detailed ethical protocols need to be put in place.
More generally, crime victimization surveys like the KCVS are not equipped to
provide insights into lower volume-higher harm violence faced by society such as
homicides, use of firearms, and crimes involving knives or sharp instruments. The
time lag between occurrence of crime and collection of data about the crime does
> The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National.. 223
not make these surveys a reliable measure of emerging trends in crime in a region.
They use correlation not causation, and so, cannot be effective in understanding the
impact of specific interventions or targeted measures for reform.
Official statistics of crime provided by the NCRB cover a broader range of
crimes since they includes seriously violent crimes like murder, homicide, domestic
violence, and sexual assault. Crime rates are also calculated differently. The NCRB
report breaks down self-identified instances of crime using specific characteristics
like the age of the victim (as crimes against children, juveniles, adults, and senior
citizens) and specifically classifies the data recorded in metropolitan or nonmetro-
politan areas (defined as cities with a population of more than 20,00,000). These
features are absent in a survey like ours.
Despite certain practical problems with data gathering and survey management,
victim surveys are immensely valuable. They are a necessary supplement to official
crime Statistics since they look beyond the institutions, processes, and professionals
and cover problems that people usually ignore or deal with informally. They provide
the “big picture” on crime. Quantifying victimization across the general population
of a state, mapping patterns and attitudes toward the system, examining the behavior
of state actors, assessing their capability, and identifying obstacles to providing
expected policing services to the community are the other advantages of a survey
like this.*
They are a strong tool to provide useful inputs for designing and implementation
of reforms. “Surveys can be used within a variety of research design frameworks
and alongside other forms of data collection as part of a triangulated research
design, in which multiple methods are used to obtain ‘a more detailed and balanced
picture of the situation’” (Altrichter et al., 2008, p.147). Regularly organized crime
victimization surveys conducted in the same geographies and representative of a
large national sample are a good indicator of longer term trends in crime, particu-
larly for the common types of crimes experienced by the general population and
even specific population groups. These surveys may not be definite reports of the
incidence of crime per se but reveal the underlying concealed operation of social
and economic power and violence in society, and changes in people’s behavior over
time and so, serve as powerful tools for analysis. They yield data that can be acted
upon in a visible and tangible way and serve to better direct and strengthen police
response and behavior. Such good quality data are critical for making improvements
and evaluating effectiveness of the justice system.
*Explained in the context of legal needs surveys in OECD/Open Society (2019), “Legal Needs
Surveys and Access to Justice” OECD Publishing: Paris https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/docserver/
g2g9a36c-en.pdf?expires=16 16733247 &id=id&accname=guest&checksum=85D057F1C6662
2C672F8D8BD103360F8 last accessed March 26, 2021.
224 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
Police Division
Boder Aen
District
ad
City/Block ( Taluk):
ANG/ eee (Gauwe)
Police Station (Thana)
Bode ood
Type of locality:
Bva IB
Town / City.
Ano /Bt3,09
Metropolitan city
hHesnid
Locality (Ward/Village):
Br @amr/ BY )
Polling Station No
HIreJ, Boas,
Name of respondent
wd= Newmsad sid
Address
Aves
Speer re eee
Name of Interviewer (INT):
sodgred ead
Name of Supervisor (SUP):
Anse’ 3,A0* sad)
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 1
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 225
But if you answer our questions, you will help us in understanding the state of crime in Karnataka. This survey is an
independent study and is not linked to any political party or government agency. Whatever information you provide will
be kept strictly confidential. The findings of this survey will be used for research and writing articles in newspaper, books
and journals. Participation in this survey is voluntary.
We hope that you will take part in this survey since your participation is important. It usually takes 30 to 35 minutes to
complete this interview. Please spare some time for the interview and help me in successfully completing the survey.
Maj Saicd----------- Mm soriveds weeo deod Igdoavab dw ani, Seaese edd ada wohAes. mq edoogsd
BowogGsg sad vabyad wr} 086,00 scdeg aAnamdIged. meq smarusmed.os Aomomd sada, Sodsrs aAnddged.
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Bar Sabah, edd J3aley d,drie & wG,cbAdo sadlaws Sard vdeosIdd. Jad,A) 8A,F GA GOAVBAG. G DabegabO
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AnbSabay deta adeerdsd. & Addegabd soadd aed somddeod SeanrArva, Aad, Soreeddnent Da
BSSSSriw, Sasi De sdreonivo veasrivay odadw ovsvadsd. & Scoegavd eahairarivee vesow wsaabdv. dew
S&H BdbeZaboO eg) wahaivrvayad awa,. eda, adarioa deg Scvegabd saw Sedow sswsed. Sodseds, 30-35 Vcdainiv
0d} vesarbad. dabdwy Jv, sxervdeed AVAdoom & Dabegabay absd,airaA avAdw Ida dedsesord doebsed.
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 2
226 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
English aoa
Others (Record the response):
98
asd(euss Gandd)
What is your caste category
AD, m3 and Sari BO obs? Scheduled Caste 3O8a e503
Self-employed in agriculture
What is your primary occupation: Ba Rado ovcie,eA
Aa, arow ovda,en aireqyay? Self-employed in business/trade
Dabo suciecA se,a0d
Regular salaried employee
ANads Toovs oucie,eA
Casual wage labourer
DMo0BI)rs Deed Socbrs
Not working now, but is seeking and/or
available for work
1. Males Nowa
2. Females Soriaa:
3. Others aaa :
Please tell me how many individuals in your 1.0to10years 0-10daF ore
household are in the following age groups
Aad, Hevovd JIH,GO aay sate & Joba
roodnt Secbaad?
4. 31to 45years 931-45 dar
5.46to60years 46to60 dar
6. >60 years: 60 SaF Sa, dey.
ty
Please tell me the number of earning members 1. Males Nowa
of the family who are:
2. Females Bonwod:
3. Others aaa :
Please tell me the number of individuals of 6+
years in the household who have
Vad, Devowgd III,0O awoOAos IOI, 23,0
whch 6 darda, dey. Dabs Jaa,0 Toa,
3. Primary Pass/Middle Fail
DayBebs aciabo
wsenr /ANVG, soo Saoad
4. Middle Pass/Matriculation Fail
and,cbs Bad Dexd / avfarfav’ &
Saw
5. Completed Matriculation
arFartav’ 4 avAdagd.
6. Completed Class XII or PUC
aN BINS/doind AvALoQV.
7.Completed
Bachelors/Undergraduate
wm
Woo BBD) avAdagd
8. Completed Post-Graduate (MA,
M.Sc., M.Com., B. Ed., M. Ed., LLB,
PGDM) %y,38eesd BBD avAdogd.
(800, 20.02%., d0 .B20, O aa, do
oF., AO, 38800)
228 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
Oe R RRR RENAE ERR ee EERE REE AEEREREEEEE ENTREES EERE EER ERE OREO RH
How many times have you shifted residence in Haven't moved in the last 5 years .......s0e
the past 5 years? BVO 5 dard ads odOdy
BY 5 BaraO Ned oa) 2708 SI WHOLHCS? Moved once wah, WBOLBGETS ....-.rnerneeneeneesnennes 2
Moved two times 20 2706 HGOAGES.......... 3
Moved three times et 276 wGOADD......4
Moved four times Taen,2708 GOATS ......... 5
Moved five times Hab 278 WBOAGES ...........- 6
More than five times och eeSAos Sed, Bu
rrrrrerririrriirti ti
Type of Dwelling
ads AB net ree Bat oicane =aga qensind
Do you have
the following
abr train oBGe0?
READOUT
OR SHOW CARD 1.8 #0
OGare
mem Baebs
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 229
ee
Total land and buildings including orchard and A. Agricultural Land 8)4 gee:
plantation owned by your household as of the
date of the survey (Ask in local units, but B. Other Land aso elecb:
record in standard acres): C. No of Commercial buildings:
Sac De Scaaaeg\rivae BeOd & Deg Sack, SyGriv Aoal,
SA0 OAdomd Jad, Hevow Beha wey, D. No of Residential buildings:
ech HA Sy ariw oe 30% (@Veab andanv BBS By ariv Soal,
BSod SeY aa osdrivO odadeg) E. Total area wen Ideere:
F. Total area wen, Idec:
na
B. Air conditioner 20°
BoodQed?
BoBeado®
READOUT L880
C. LPG stove ac¥ 3 8 ue
ea
D. Mobile phone dazd,*
E. T.V 80
werk
TFETi a
F. Refrigerator 3
G. Personal computer/laptop meee
H.
Scooter/Motorcycle/Moped
Ma,wor/daetnd 3.30%
L. Car/Jeep/Van
Ba /Beay/aaA~
J. Bicycle 3,80" thee ot
L. Gold jewellery 34,3 wad
bal ged
M. Tractor t39,8,0°
i
N. Motorized pumping set for
irrigation KeoasOr aeetsao*
sow sex
Please specify the number of livestock you own A. Goat/sheep/pig:
RY BoWHS mraarwanv Toss, 302 ahed/@8/808
B. Cow/Oxen/Buffalo:
C
anyother
Bab/aw/aad,
C. Any other:
Skip
KCVS Questionnaire.
Doc 9
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 23]
| wvabde6? a 2. on
Stla, tied, BAO Bak aTy,O SeOdos —
|SINGLE CODE euiett anak
|
is iccsengaunirnsions 3
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Ndrine saatodienddsonnnan 4
4 Deo
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da a8
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Ba0rl Sacoan ana Savabao Javrt wad dged | After 11 pr Fad, 11 Mots BOBO ........-reeesseesnnees 4
art dos eroacd? After midnight 0G,083, BOBD............-ssseee 5
Would not worry 8oBQdw.........sesscccecrerseeneennes 6
Don't know / Can't say Radu/sevoanc......
What time would you start worrying about After 7 pm So2 7 Motd SoBO.........ccsceeeseseeeens
safety of an adult female member of your
household who is out alone at night? After 8 pm a3, 8 Notd SOBT .......:.ceccesnerneenees 2
After 10 pm 023, 10 Notd BOBT..........ecseeseenees 3
deb, dab Soba, Soriad ov3,cd0 adadhos After 11 pm 093, 11 Noted SOT .......cecsesseenesnees 4
Badr Kaen aind Aadabae dabrt wad dee After midnight DG,093, SBT... 5
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After 11 pm 093,11 NOt AOBD ........0srerseevrd
232 S. Krishnaswamy and V., Aithala
Coding Category
wevercesnevreeseeseees IQ
99
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National...
How safe you think your neighbourhood is? Very safe nav abogs CeeEO es a a 9 “|
?
deb, Salad oa) IQs edadgs? Somewhat safe MAW AIS .......--eeceesees 2
Somewhat unsafe aoe VADgB .............
AMurderded sf a
During the last one year, has there been any
unnatural deaths in the family including
through
Bsucdeese, ts a
[€-Custodial
deathwema) [a
BYOB wom Sarad & anohds SeOdos Aad,
Hewongo ainaAdte ota Tos Ade?
D. Medical negligence
B,G,deab dorgs
E. Road accidents, train Accidents
od , dew vd
F. Alcohol poisoning a3, Sow
G. Others: (Record the response)
QBS(wvsd ody)
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 10
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 235
During the last one year, have you or any Yes | No | Ifyes for |
person in your family been denied access to: A. Public Well/Hand Pump/Other any of
8VG vod dardd Jad, devowd Aaa,6r1 Water Resource arB0s wed/8, these,
Ome Nab & ainade Psabrd ows Bow/asd Yew aew Sete
owOaerddve? B. Public Transport Report
MBPBVs av6yry Part 10,
Page 44
D. Government Buildings
Beard 83 Gri
E. Gram Sabha/Ward committee
Maad Bes/aacdr SS
F. Public Schools/Educational
Institutions
MBPS FI /Ide, Sognw
G. Hospitals/Clinics
SA8,/300°
During the last one year, have you or anyone Cos
aS 6 OS
in your family faced A. Physical Assault 3,48 J esses
BV5 Loch dardO Nab, evond Ida,
B. Social Exclusion maads
Bae Ned & ainadae cde acd624d00?
vbaao Incident
Report
C. Untouchability o%3.3 ae ee
Were there any other people immediately == | No OME GAGA QO... ssessesessesesssrenesveneneevensennens
present who might be|
interview? listening during the htetbeHOGS sesssssseeenenseernereasoennenevecven
HoSseAS sad Oc) seOAdood dari —[_ ther adult male family members..................
wacodide wos?
F
More than thrice in the last year
8YG word SarGO aro wo6Aow Sei),
Time of occurrence of the most recent Early Morning (5am to 10am)
incident: anowmesd
Seo aSeas Gus sdoan sadoab Late Morning (10 am to 12pm) vert
Early Afternoon (12pm to 3pm)
Woe, B38,Awoed
Late Afternoon (3pm to 5pm) Hoa,85 Joss
Early Evening (5pm to 7pm) anvxoz
Late Evening (7pm to 9pm) Soz Sosa
Early Night (9pm to 12am) oeSfavors
Late Night (12am to 5am) 32 093,
Don't Know/Can't Say Redeu/sevuaricd
if No,
skipto
16E
at was of the pro
(Don't read out the ian, Markoncltipls, a
Wallet ac eeu ae
options as respondents replies)
16C A wuss Ponds, aind ddd wd ( woh, Credit card / ATM card
tidieB, wabualy vay wusdardd sewSgos BAtF Pdr /aao
soeade
ewelleyedse |
ikl cain
Mobilephoneaur Geer | 6
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 237
OR i icintencnmnre 4
EE i 5
pil 4 ge
tala 5
a > <1
) <@4@e- Fam oO ™~
238 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
wguaddse?
Did anyone get hu during the incid FRE GEPEd spepetenenieviemalintnnnientivensieun errr 1
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 14
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 239
If 16P is No, Why did you not report? (Do not Fear of retaliation 3@A Sew 362
prompt)
Saw Seow gab
16 3 A susd av comadd ddd a8 anddu?
Lack of evidence wadbdOu
(Baivarabrivah, SePdaded wade suvsdw0)
Didn’t know where to report
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE a0 308 anda rodev
RESPONDENT Didn't know helpline number
MSM Seaayniv hs harid Hdd Bervobaed Sono’ rodsv
Did not want to get stuck in police/court
matters Gederk/ Bocewr JSeosri
dd mdsayaw vaiddov
Tostop
it from happening again/to get help .6
as ach aidos AOAw/ SHrvab ddabew
Other: (Please specify)
240 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
163 Kovso wdodd seri SdH awGH6? ase Sader’ SHovohaeocin sdanad
DO NOT PROMPT daiserabrivad, Went to police station Sedeak¥ oarirt aed ....3
BeVsaaeea wdde wsOso Approached a Police Officer .............0c0e 4
. Bader sdewoay Yeu avid
Don’t Remember SABO ........-::sscsvernensrennenenes 99
If 16P is Yes, what did the police do upon File a complaint Baw GawOacam (Sa
hearing your complaint? (Don’t read out the Register an FIR ag © 6o' Candddm J
options. Mark multiple options as
respondents replies) Despatched a PCR vehicle
163 NR wsd Sdodd dad, dow seva aed 3% 608 mB BwhADD
Boden ow arwGBdc? ( sab, EBewea, Took any injured persons for medical
WIGMdoh SBew3Igos omesah,nvay mw32)
assistance Mmredreoe J.gabay 3,5,deab
8s sdchoayd
Asked you to go to another police station
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE ded Godeak van aoerddos AA
RESPONDENT BEVIS
msdmodd Seodayriv ads ahayrid ado.
Came to the spot and investigated
BV, wom SIsanAdad
Asked you not to file the complaint 7
Bad MowdAenddom seeawm
Did not do anything Oke arwvdu
Other: (Please specify) agd(WOraaeA
wey)
Bevad
They put me at fault AQ ce SA,oomd
Beaded
They wanted a bribe vow seOda
hey physically assaulted me
Gosh SI avAdwd
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 16
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National...
How serious was the incident to you and your Very S€rIOUS DBY NODES ........eeeseeeseecssseneeereneees
household?
abr aa ded, dat & Pus oad Somewhat Schnie WANA NOME .... ee seveess 2
Rodederacba? Not very serious BBY NoMedSy .......... cece 3
Not serious at all NoMedBe OO ...........ccreeceeesee
Don’t know radu
017 Part Il
17A_ | How many times has the incident occurred in | Once Wadd, ...ccscscessescscreessscesercsecscseseatnescserasersees
the last one year?
8V0 word dardd aad md gust Adda? PNR IMENT TIED oa ira ca vans pote eres cnn ennesseetavepansennt 2
PITS SIN) DN aos oxi ciecrcnnsasurs
cvetesscencryesarsvouatve 3
More than thrice in the last year...............000 4
VG wom Bardo awd wodAos wei)
17B | Time of occurrence of the most recent Early Morning (5am to 10am) .......s.sse-sseseesees
anomn
Late Morning (10 am to 12pM) ........scesesesseesees 2
Bert
Early Afternoon (12pm to 3pM)........ccsereese 3
hor, #8, avo
Late Afternoon (3pm to 5PM)... 4
hed Sos
Early Evening (5pm to 7pm)......--.::0ssessesesereee 5
ana oe
Late Evening (7pm to OPM) ........es:seseseseereeeneee 6
Boe Sosa
Early Night (9pm to 12aM) .........s0ssesseeeneenees
OasNanows
Late Night (12aM to 5AM) ...c..csececsscereerseeeseeseee
3a 093,
bo
ore i
options as respondents replies)
174 A oudd Ponds, aired IGG #2 ( sah, T.V 8a
Mobilephonedadr eer
ee
——————
242 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 18
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 243
17J | Why do you think that your property was Previous enmity 088 2,02. ............. Sr page
damaged? (do not prompt) :
aad, 62 a8 syss ardeadbsdadsd? Land related disputes gedont SowoHac Daaa . .
( Sabveroh SeVseded vade Sevo) Family property disputes Henowd e& daa 3
Due to my caste Wa, Ga3SI0 6000 .............. 4
Due to my religion Sq Gadrd GeHH06 ...... 5
Due to my gender 3X, Cord s9dMH00.......... 6
Due to my mother-tongue Sq Aves ~raddhood.......
Due to my native state Wx, Bev, 09e,H03 .....8
Due to my sexual orientation ..............0cesene 9
BX U,0AS 3a, 3dbod
Due to my disability Jy, D6uTdvos.............. 10
Due to my skin colour 3a, ad, weQH0G. ........... 11
Due to other reasons: (PLEASE SPECIFY)
98
asd Bwarw(IOFa
aa Se?)
Do not know RA30/BEVOAND........eseecesseeesees 99
: 17L__| If 17Kis No, Why did you not report? (Do not Fear of retaliation 3A Sem 362
prompt)
178 R wusd av docadd Bod a8 Andou? Sarysadon dab
Lack of evidence Tagdbdow ey
Didn’t know where to report
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE 20 308 anda reodv
RESPONDENT
mBIEIde SeOdayniv ads arid #80 Didn't know helpline number
Barabdaed Sou’ edu
Did not want to get stuck in police/court
matters Gadeas/ Boeene J.dederi
dd mdsoNDH aa dd0v
Uncomfortable to go to Police Station
Bode’ rast eeerdaym vasamrA®
Did not think the police would be able to
do anything about the case
& 38dnd wry Sadesw orodde
anmad vdsdu
Did not think police would entertain the
case
Sadeae seria, Sichaowsod vdsou
If 17K is Yes, what did the police do upon File a complaint Gem oav020@ erg
hearing your complaint?
Register an FIR ag © 6O’ GandAdmd |2 |
(Don't read out the options. Mark multiple
options as respondents replies) Despatched a PCR vehicle
178 Sond Jad, Gow see Gedea oad Ad Sof eB BWSADD
BRAM? ( sah, LHseG, oso iva, Took any injured persons for medical
wBdoed SewSgos w32) assistance Medrteod d.dabahy 3,5,deab
sss sdcieakm
Asked you to go to another police station
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE sed Boden cain Beervaos SSK
RESPONDENT
msdmrdd Seodariv ahs Darid wos. wevaw
Came to the spot and investigated
Bvs, oom BAsanvadwd
Asked you not to file the complaint
Red cavddenddom seam 7
Did not do anything ON AwGOv
Other: (Please specify) a8d(Nhraaeh
mHOd)
If 17K is Yes, Were you satisfied by the action
of the police? 17 8h wusd Sdodd Aadex*
SNichdoos 8.ah0 wrt Nadrh Bd adobe?
If 17P is Yes, Why are you satisfied by the
police?
(Don’t read out the options. Mark multiple
options as respondents replies) They registered the complaint accurately
17S Rovg0 Sods eden Sricddeos VOairaA Gew mwndacad
Badd wrt Aadrt o8 33 ad ? They registered the complaint quickly
( Goh, ice8eB, wabesob,nvaty evsderd ee ee
They explained the action that they will
er wen) take watchSricbeawa sabd wr}
CIRCLEIFRESPONDENT MENTIONS =| 280%)
WBdEIWD Seodayniv hs aayrid add. They solved the problem
Bada, Admd anda a
Other: (please specify) e8d(dhra
ae
pa sea
weed)
If 17P is No, Why are you not satisfied by the nterested esr
multiple options as respondents replies) Srgmwoy
17 SA wvsd ay dommdd Aedex sraved wr} | They were rude and impolite
Aah O86 3d ay ? e3d wdenh, Hv dbus ansvmAda.
(wolylva ceed, wabentytvat, evgderd SJ
BewSqos rowd3s) Pa
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 20
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 245
See Nvnorahel ae
If 18F is No, Why did you not report? (Do not Fear ofretaliation 3A Sew After
prompt)
Tackofendencemmaaisoy
| a|
18 ag NMevsd av dod 3dH OF ABOU?
( Saivarah SeVsnawed wade Sevo)
esoagniva Schade
It was a serious event 4
ach Notes ASob
Wanted offender to be caught and punished .5
edoeOabah &Acd 88 Neder.
To stop it from happening again/to
OR lisa iaidisitaseptiniisveki sicantadaninsasne 6
hs ach endos NOSw/ SHoab Sdadvw
Others: (Please specify)
98 230(0Ora aah
Bev?)
If 18F Yes, how did you report the above Called 100 30.100 SB
BOAIAT ...........necssesseees
crime?
18 ag A wusd Bdoad wert adh awGBS? Called other police helpline ..................cc0ss000000 2
Goce Harooadavdn sdanrad
Went to police station. ..............ccccsccseseseseceseseee 3
Sader man Boed
Approached a Police Officer ..............:cc:s:00:0000 4
Sader sdeaory ves ands
Don’t Remember SIAW..........-eesnsesereseeseesnseres
Ifi8F is Yes, what did the police do upon File acomplaint dem maddscm
hearing your complaint?
(Don't read out the options. Mark multiple Register an FIR ag © uo® Oanddacdm
options as respondents replies) Despatched a PCR vehicle
18 a Nevsd sw dodd dad, dow sed 32 eof mB BWhAGH
Bader’ Ox aAVAcicd? ( sob, Uceed, Took any injured persons for medical
wm@ahiva, cusdard SewSqos rod3d) assistance Mrdrteos J,3abay 3,G,deab
BsS sdchoayd
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE Asked you to go to another police station
RESPONDENT wed aden cast Hoervaos AA SeIaw
MBI SeOdayriv Hs dayrid wad. Came to the spot and investigated
Bvs, wor ZISaAnvAdd
ee
They were rude and impolite
FIR a8 © 60 Cawdadod
Aart wd
sobs anradca
248 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
MBI Seodayriv ag aadrid wd0. They took a long time to register my FIR
AA, OF © SOF DIDONW YSY BH
Srnimsénoam
They told me to go away from the police
station Sedeak Oaidbod geervaog 7
weevow
They put me at fault Ba, ede SB,
wedow
They wanted a bribe voz Seow
They physically assaulted me
B,b8aeA ad arwBdd
They verbally abused me AxAv 5,0c Lu |
They didn't find or apprehend the offender
vsoebabay ambsOu/ BIAS avedou
They didn't recover my property (goods)
AA, G2 (BIH) Hdssos0v
They didn't keep me properly informed
RAN B6airA Arbs Jesdu
They were slow to arrive
vad wav Saaoeh wodm
Other: (please specify) eSd(NHra
aah See)
How serious was the incident to you and your Very S€ri0us WBY MOMS oo... .ceeccseecsseseneneneeesnnves
household? Jabr He dad, dar & Gud oa Somewhat serious WATaA NoMeD. 0... evens 2
Nohdedaeaday? Not very serious WB NOMGB .........-..eecseeennne 3
Not serious at all Moqede OO...........ceseesseeennnes -
Re ee ae a EES
19A | How many times has the incident occurred in AER ORE EER ENR R REE ER TREE EERE SEER OEE E RENE EER EEE CERES
What kind of debit /ATM/online fraud did | Online password theft ..............cccseeeeseeseeneeen 1
you face? Ont Uyaf anat date 8yas
Gired OeBobe AOU srcie/atiao/ SFU, | aTM pin theft from public Machine svsecnnn.2
atloo dof BYSs adet ddedsO :
Phishing d<or* ......... cosennrerrevencaninverveewrtoe: |
Callers asking for Pins ........00seseereereenene
Baracbaadd Saf soda
Other (please specify): —
aah wee)
@Bd(Ora
Don't Know/Can't Say Ma&y/sevorariad 99
0 SOUS sevectrntrevinemrecovervenseunererunmneceveeentarvevien 1
RE:
SSS SENG I“
10,001 -15,000 SFE EERE TEER ETE TERR REE Ree Ree eeeee:en |
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 249
en bar ~~ a rR OE ee ;
ES Ee 6
) SS EE Looe 7
I aiaiatattesendagbionesestinaiticsacasnances 8
a cine aseasaansansnanancene 9
Be aa sasunicipnAcennansunsnamaratonnsannane 10
| OO ane inishicnetnetinbannannensanibens 11
GE IR eR ININ sca sinsapsdapenshaaticsnnssanaiionsnsance 12
) SAS6 SE RL EAA RIE 13
: Na I ee ison canta tananaansasniasi 14
CR cer anh icaencdohesadinsinandnnnatannsaneas 15
RS a ssmnnnpsnananssenane 16
OVET9O,O00 GO90,000 ACB ....ccccccersereenensenees 17
Did you report the incident to the police: Bei | Yes BD ou... ccccsscsseesssseseseseeeesesnensrscssssaresessonsens If YES,
url dea daderdOrt SIH arBHov? ‘a ips
19G If 19F is No, Why did you not report? (Do not
prompt)
19 ag Av Dodd BH ad anddu?
Lack of evidence aegdbdou
Didn’t know where to report
20 308 anda nese
Didn't know helpline number
Barabared Sono’ redsv—o7
rr
250 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
If 19F is Yes, what did the police do upon File a complaint dew candodm
hearing your complaint? Register an FIR a © 6 GawdrAdm
(Don’t read out the options. Mark multiple
options as respondents replies) Despatched a PCR vehicle
19a BSdodd Aad, daw se? Geden® ow A% eof mB BWhADD
anGad? ( sah, Ldeed, omsahrvar, Took any injured persons for medical
WIM SewSgogs row3ss) assistance mrearteod d.d0bmy,
BiB, deab BSS Sddookm
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE Asked you to go to another police
RESPONDENT station
evsdmdd VAG susda abs aw rid #286 sed Bodea¥ overt Goervao0g ASK
BVO
Came to the spot and investigated
Bvs, wom BAaanvBdm
Asked you not to file the complaint
Baw mandarevddom sevam 7
If missing person, filed a missing
person report 8¥@aaes d.daincdd,
BYRees 3dH moadacad
-lipgdaalagaees
{Don't read out the options. Mark multiple
options as respondents replies)
SAgdOY
They were rude and impolite
198 ay aodd Medex! aichdeod
gabd wr] | vat weunh arsmAd
Tv,wd
seedou
They did not do enough vereda) arcvde ei
oe © OO Ganmdaw dossdaca a
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National...
0 nt tba
Aeewer eeenee: +n eee ERENT REESE ERNE TWHEREEE
2368
Grabbed,Shoved, Slapped or punched ..........
bAdH, 32).dam, sir Reda eden rigs
cy inant
ROTI iictcpettienictineriasnimne eeeeeeenen4
other weapons
wodew, weh abe asd solndrivod oe?
anadd
Other (please specify):
aso(Nhraaoh se?)
Don’t Know/Can’'t Say
neade/sevoeic
@ad(0brdanh Beds)
Why do you think you were attacked? Previous enmity 088 3,03,
(Do not prompt the answers)
Nat 48 od andeaddsdabsd? Land related disputes gacbri SowoHhAd Java
(wusd Beddaaewsed wade Sev ) Family property disputes Htwowd 84 Aaed 3
Due
to my sexual orientation ............c00000 9
8A J,0AS 33,3 sedrBos
Due to my disability
8X, O8uF sedEB0s .....10
Due to my skin colour 3A ad, wQBod
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National...
) 20.0 M wugd ev comdd BoB 08 aradeu? Lack of evidence AegdodOu ‘7. 2 ~| the”
Didn't know where to report —T 3 | answers
20 308 ara@waad rede SKIP TO
Didn't know helpline number 4 | 20Q
Sevabard Jono rede
Did not want to get stuck in police/court 5
matters Seder’ / Beetvr deo
dd mIdsaw
Aa ea Id00
Uncomfortable to go to Police Station
Bader oar Baerga vasavAa
police do
pepe fe edosd
254 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
If i is No, Why are you not satisfied bythe | They were not interested #36ri
police?
(Don't read out the options. Mark multiple engddoy
options as respondents replies) They were rude and impolite
20 ar Mss ay aodd eden Sricddood |edduciwA Waddud d8ricw,
Bao wr} Nadi O8 Fd av ? They did not do enough verdad) aradu
(Solnivay Ove, omeohnva svsdord | They refused to file the FIR
3 ee They
took a long time to register my FIR
Aq, Os © UO CaMdaw ws Bw
Srimsooad
They told me to go away from the police
station Sedea¥ oaridbos Maervaoe
Bedad)
aa Aa hee BQ,
ee
They physically assaulted me
i
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 255
Was any person arrested due to the incident? | Yes BC) .......-.csssssucvssnvovsovscsesesersussvsnavsnssoeeene "lla
Purddnod aireabes asada, GAINS areBcion? NG GO). onsecnsssnseansnasnensaenrasnsatasacsnensnsncennsnsaeennnenss 2
How serious was the incident to you and your §| Very serious W®Y MODES ooo...
ooocescceceseenen wall
ve » dab, adairt & gust oa Somewhat seriou abameovA nodded
mewhat serious OS i ciasniess2 ?
Not very serious WBY NOMI .........-. ccc 3
Not serious at all NoMedBe BO... resceesene 4
Did the victim know the perpetrator? «== | Y@S BCD on. sesesesesenssnsnsnsreranensnsreranensnanensransnnnens
Bos AON vsoad avAdaw rads?
Don't Know/Can't SAY conexcsnsacscocsovansecarnesnstences 99
Radsu/sevoenia
If 21F yes, was it: (Do not prompt) Member of Family @6V00 BOA, ....0.-00-0e00-+
ftwugd web aoc8d ech aivoch? (HUES |Friend AfeloS necvnnennsrnnsnnnannn ;
a1.aaf
BVEAGseB vdde wgHsO) Colleague or co-worker BBoede,cA acta inidiceonle 3
Member of the locality 3d¢8d Jae ............ 4
ACQUAINANCE ........ssessensncrsnrnenenersseorornsnenensosseee 5
DO2aQWVOIID
Member of your caste group/jati/biradari..... 6
Ad, sadavaw
Member of your religion .........--s-e-ssccereeeerrenens 7
NY, ODFIID
Stranger BOSD asic sssessssxrcapveasnascaesersyeovcoweos 8
Group of unknown people ra@3uc rbog....... 9
Teacher (0G a2, QDOD «........-resseesssnenennernesenenene 10
Co-worker 80S SOSMGD ....eccscseseverseseennsenne 11
Doctor-Nurse G26 O'-RADE .....-sesseersesneeneeneaneens 12
As eonerada
POLICE URS sacitnncee ticcasstar ucitainidipies 13
Neighbours in locality Sdeedab3o............. 14
Family member Qt2000 BBA,........1.eosessvereens 15
Others: (Please Specify a3d(QOraaeA
a) RE en a I Re
If 21J is No, Why did you not report? (Do not Fear of retaliation retaliation 3@A Sem
prompt) SOSBAWTWow Yab
218 ay sodd 58 BdB ancdu?(svgd
BeVAAGweA wade wvBOHO) Lack of evidence MagdbdOu Ca
Didn't know where to report
a0 308 anmaymd rede
Didn't know helpline number
BwHeabarecd Sow radu
If 21J is Yes, why did you report? FOr INSUFEDLE TORGOIS asicennscsracneanennatensacarassenne 2
218 ff oudo Sond od 30d aw8H6? Aad sadarnert
Crime should be reported .........:.:.:0:0esc0eseseee- 3
vdoagrivay, Sobaredesed
Tt WAS @ SETIOUS CVENE .............c-recrseesencensrneranees 4
ach noves Jaob
Wanted offender to be caught and punished. 5
vsoaHobmy, KHAcd 38 Neaeed
To stop it from happening again/to
OR IARI Sones sees csncn-seqnent iesgttetnarravnar 6
hs ach eridog NONw/ Saoab Sdabew
Others: (Please specify) === == _..... 98
QBO(YOra
aah Se?)
If 21J is Yes, how did you report the above AAC AN AREA EERE E ORES ER Rw ERE AEE ERE EROS EREERERE EEE EE ERE REESE
FORD neeaiscrinnntviiametyivivamncerarcenntvenaedin %
NO QU verveesssescvensecssrsvernenevessenvecsssevecssvesoereersseveee
258 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
If 21J is Yes, why did you report? For INSUPANCE FEASONS ........-s<n-r-neneneerneneveneerseee
21% Mf wusd edodd o8 308 anwBH6? Aah sonnet
Crime should be reported ........-::-c-sse-nsernresnene 3
vsoaGniva ScdaAncdea
Tt-WOS Bi DOTIOTIE CUEING ococccsonscnccercasacnscbianiacercoree 4
am nodes Daab
Wanted offender to be caught and punished. 5
esoeBobay &Ach 8g dedesew
To stop it from happening again/to
RRC IOI CRI esse ceie ooiiravincvceeiens 6
hs ad sndos NOAw/ Aweab ddabw
Others: (Please specify) = = si... 98
aso(NOra
ae See)
If 21J is Yes, how did you report the above —s | Called 100.0... es cesssessesseneessresennseessenrenaseenenennenees
crime?
218 Novus S&dodd seri Joh AwBHH? Called other police helpline... 2
Sader Seroaderarnt sdandid
Went to police station ............:scesersscnesereacens 3
Snder¥ Oost Baed
Approached a Police OffiCeP .............c.0ccsscse0ee0s 4
Bader sHevday ses avad
HARP O ERR E RETR EEE H AEE SERE TREO EE REE R EOE R EE
police?
(Don't read out the options. Mark multiple
options as respondents replies)
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 259
( Sob, Loved, wad sol rival scusdord They explained the action that they will
+ p=
take wach Srichdews
WS Bada
Babs wrtwv} |
StwSgos row32)
' dd8adm
CIRCLE IF RESPONDENT MENTIONS _| They solved the problem 5
aie |
If 210 is No, Why are you not satisfied by the They were not interested
police? vdOn exddbdddu
(Don't read out the options. Mark multiple
options as respondents replies) They were rude and impolite
21% Af ovsd BL comadd dedear’ VSM woenA SIF Lom, Tv Seedou
Srichdeod Bazbd wr} Navi a8 33 av ? pcos
did not do enough vesedad, a
( sobivah Loved, omcoh vay ousdaed
Bew3Igos rowm3e)
fee
They physically assaulted me
SAK Bsa Sd arvBdad
They verbally abused me SXAv, 3,
a
They didn't find or apprehend the
offender
esoeBabay amdsdvu/ BAAS dnvde
They didn't recover my property (goods) ae
aa, 62 (Bdw) Habddodow
hey didn't keep me properly informed
AAR BOainA anrwds deddv
Oo | Pe 2
| eo, |
More than thrice
in the last year .......... —" |
8V0 woth dara chew wBAow ately
260 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
If 22Eyes,
did the family
pay the extortion
229 A wudd Bch domadd Hivow Be MAGe?
CS ae 9
} UCeeeReeeenenTeTOneeHONTeHESeOHEEHeSeESEHTENSSETOHHETEHS 10
262 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
If 22K is Yes, wh
your complaint
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 37
wn The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 263
(Don't read out the options. Mark multiple Despatched a PCR vehicle 3 |
options as respondents replies) 32 6Of a8 SWbSGD
228 1 uso B*doGd dab, dem sed gedeat
Took any injured persons for medical
aad arwBdcd? ( sah, Lcesed, warsab, ivah, assistance Medrteod F,dabah, 3,5,deab
WUBIOVIW SewW3gos roam32) udat sdcleaya
Asked you to go to another police station
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE ded Godex ovsri Saervdogs SAK
RESPONDENT
VSI SeOdayriv hs aarrtd wd0. Sevow
Came to the spot and investigated
Qvs, noch INaanrBdw
Asked you not to file the complaint
Baw mandaenddom sevaw
If missing person, filed a missing person
report 6Vwbeeeday F.gaindd
SYA BSA cawdacdm
a
a
264 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
How serious was the incident to you and your Very serious WBY¥ NoHed
household? Naor Dw aad, HAN & Gad oa), Somewhat serious asa Noded
Nohedaeabay? Not very serious BY Noheddu
Not serious at all Nodedae ov
Don't know radu
(Ora ah wed)
Don't Know/Can't Say Madu/severriad 99
Q23 is (b
the followin
3,23(0) 63,8,
odd ,w ua,wan &
AwoHAGiVo ainaad mdr
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 265
If 23E is No, Why did you not report? Fear of retaliation retaliation 3@A Se
(Do not prompt)
23 @ rt wusd av oomaIdd 35H a8 Se6LdawTadow gab
areddw? Lack of evidence xagdbdou
. Didn’t know where to report
a0 308 ana@ayad radu
Didn't know helpline number Saeabatec} Nowo*
rade
Did not want to get stuck in police/court matters
Sadent/ Gaceve dedGr
A 28,moddowaya
BAIS
Uncomfortable to go to Police Station
Sader¥ Cast Soervay vasa
Did not think the police would be able to do
anything about the case GededW oavddn
i
anadaed eAsou
|
H
Did not think police would entertain the case
Gdedo seta Sichdowsed vdsou
Police is unfair Zedesem Av, abaddy
:J
Family matters need not be reported
Bewond Idob SdAanaendad
This is better settled outside the police station
Sader Tatiad Ban aB,Br wus
Bad past experience with reporting to Police
Bader f 30H ana 63 vadsdad
Others: (Please specify)
= ==
23d(JBra
ooh seo)
Don’t Know/Can’t Say Radu/aevoerich
If 23E is Yes, why did you report? FOO E SARA EROS EAR eRe E REO E HEN H ERNE RT ONHR ERE ED
oA
wmechnva wvsdard sewSdoe eed Soden’ Oost Boervaogs SAN sevam
row) Came to the spot and investigated
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY vs, wor BIsanBdm
THE RESPONDENT Asked you not to file the complaint
MBI Seodayriv Hs Harid Baw mvadxeeddom sevaw
wes8. If missing person, filed a missing person report
BVHBacdg) 3,$ainad, 3,3 svabaes JdH
lary aysales)
rr
Did not do anything OAXe AwBou
Other: (Please specify) asd(QOra
aah Se?)
If 23J is Yes, Why are you satisfied by the They listened to the complaint Gem se9am
aR
police? The istered the complaint accurate]
(Don’t read out the options. Mark multiple Abra P aed
options as respondents replies) MaireA dew cewdadea
23% Sdodd Aedea’ Simkoos sand They registered the complaint quickly
eto mt
If 23J is No, Why are you not satisfied by They were not interested od6ri sasdbddu
the police?
; ‘ ; They were rude and impolite
sand ef to
238 Revsd av aodd dadext They did not do enough avec sdemoday
sod eno 8)
(Soknvay Kdeded, osdaobh vay, They refused to file the FIR
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 41
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 267
23N | How serious was the incident to you and Very serious BBY Noged.........
your household?
Aebrt ade dad, dA & Gud oa), Somewhat serious araoaA Nohed 2
Babriw dedsaadaad.
Forced not go to work
Buds, BoenOdw wus,
Forced to participate in the
bandh/hartal/agitation/unrest/viol
ence wotk/ BOBev/ Haeow3GO
wahaireniew 23a
Suffered physical harm
3,8 Gee) wvoeradde
Suffered damage to property
62 wen wvoenddw
Other problems 230d Sada Nw
Did the police take any action to restore
normalcy in the area?
prompt)
240% Rwsd av codd db o8 areddu?
If 24F is Yes, how did you report the abo Called 100 Mo 1008, BOAIRAT .....-.coeeccsnsescnenenens
crime?
Called other police helpline .............ccccceseeeeeenees 2
2408 Novus Sdodd vsioegds wrt wert
Sodea¥ Suk Teak sdanacd
Pulelakairialaleyg
Went to police station Seder overt Reed ......... 3
Approached a Police OfffCP..........-.....:cccsseeeseeeseeeene 4
Boder¥ sdeadday seo avid
SPREE EERE RESET SEE EEE REET OES ERER NOOR ES
a
options as respondents replies) Despatched
a PCR vehicle 32 eof aaes
24 0% Nevsd adocd dad, daw seo BwWhdadad
Sndeat oad eiraAcded?
(wal, tesa, any injured persons for medilical
LMGa vay SBhoha Sewagod assistance
rvc3.2) matiteots a,gabat, a,c}Seat e8Sahntdcdctoaiyeh lt
ked you to go to nother police station
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE ded qader oatirt Koervaos SAN sedawd
RESPONDENT Cameto the spot and investigated
msdenddh BeOdairiv
ada adayrtd add.
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 269
nm cndacd r
| | Did not do anything axe arwcdu = ;‘T 9 J
Other: (Please specify) aSd(QOra
aah Se?) 98 |
24K | If 24F is Yes, Were you satisfied by the action | Yes BC) .........ccccccceccsssssseseacesvssesescesesreseneseenenees l If NO, 1
ofthe police?
24ogvgsWelocd MeO |ny ge)’ nn
mabed wr dabrt 3,3 ucdabe?
2 | skipto
a4M
24L | If 24K is Yes, Why are you satisfied by the They listened to the complaint dew seam 1 | SKIP
police? TO
(Don't read out the options. Mark multiple They registered the complaint accurately 24N
options as respondents replies) BOairA dew caaddiam
248 Mevgo s*dodd gedea* Sricvdood | They registered the complaint quickly
orf debt a8 33 act ?
Babs cada vert cawd2ced
( Soh, Lcd, nadsabrivay cusdmed They explained the action that they will take
aewbScios rob3s) BS at Vd Sricddaws 82d orf IA6L0w
. They solved the problem ads, 36aHe0 ArBdm) 5 |
CIRCLE IF RESPONDENT MENTIONS | other: (please specify) ad (AAFaaaA we)
MsdmIem Seddayniv as arid Hdd.
If 24K is No, Why are you not satisfied by the |They were not interested #d6rt exsdbddu ea |
ae out the options. Mark multiple bierbh ey
de and —. ce Ee
options as respondents replies) » Pam, OY .
248 housed wv aomdd dedeat They did not do enough and veda arddy | 3 |
Srichdoos
sada ex} Aabrt o8 3,4 av ? They refused tofile the FIR ad
(eahivah, LaeteS, nabecbrivay, evaded |OF 2 SO cendsien AosdoLad
They tried to persuade me not to register an FIR
ay 0 EO Dandados
AA wd Bw Dabs,
anaam®
They took a long time to register my FIR
aa ag © EO MeDdAw VS Bo SAEooda
They told me to go away from the police station |7
Badert oaidbos eervaogs SevaGw
They put me at fault 3x hese 3A, Sd
They wanted a bribe voz Se9am
They physically assaulted me
AN D,b8aa ad avBdm
They verbally abused me AgAy 3d
They didn't find or apprehend the offender
udoaabay abs0u/ SAAS ainwadu
They didn't recover my property (goods)
aA,Ud(ade) Ud.80Y
They didn't keep me properly informed
SAN HOairaA arb3 Jeddu
They were slow to arrive
:edd wsBdarh wodd ele]
5]
S|
a]
|
sel
Was any person arrested due to the incident? | Yes BCD .........ccssssssessssueessnnescsnnrerssnensesnnnessnny
Gos aa
0 | ct ahd obo es eee ct oe Si
How serious was the incident to you and your
How many
in the last
one
pe 3
More than thricein the last year .......0....cc-:0seseenenrevens 4
8VG word dardO cued eaOAos wed)
Early Morning awoesard (5am to 10am) ........0..--r0--00
Late Morning rf (10 am to12pm) ........00seeeeereeeere 2
Early Afternoon 293,88, avoes (12pmto3pm) ........3
270 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
atenerassnssonressenesensers
Late Evening Soe SoS (7pM tO OPM) ......nereenerereeseeeeO
Early Night caSrawoes(gpmto 12am)........-rseesneerneee7 '
Late Night 8c v8, (12am to5am) ee ’
Don't Know/Can't
Say Aa@80/BVOANTD .cccoeeeeee9D
iy
—
ae
eed
fal
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 271
| 25C Why do you think you were denied access Feud with influential persons inthe community | =
to these? (Don't read out the options. BawavahsG Sacre Fsriv kos sve
Mark multiple options as respondents
replies) Caste ead eee as
adend, Jab od vdeesdu OAS? ( Religion Gave 3
sah, .cdved, wnarcah iva, susdoed Gender Sor T 4 |
Sew3gos romd32) Mother-tongue angyed 5
CIRCLE ALL MENTIONED BY THE Native State 203d 082, 6
RESPONDENT
MBITIWA SeOdayriv abs aayrid 5230. Sexual orientation J,oAS 33,3
Skin colour 2, og
Disability 2803
Other reasons: aéd sadnnw
Did you report the incident to the police rrrrerrrrir itr t tte re
25E If 25D is No, Why did you not report? (Do Fear of retaliation 3A Hew 3e62 daw sadow
not prompt)
Bob
25 8 n wud av cooadd 30d os
Lack of evidence Magdbdou
ardou?
Didn't know where to report
(usd ass eB wade Bevo)
20 308 anmayed raddou
Didn't know helpline number
BE Uyak Sour’ hegddu
Did not want to get stuck in police/court matters
Bader¥/ Bacevr FBSA 28,soddowjaa
aadd0u
Uncomfortable to go to Police Station
Bode overt Boervay vhsmAa
Did not think the police would be able to do
anything about the case Aedesm anedde
arecbaad vdsOU
Did not think police would entertain the case
Paden seday Siddow sed vdsou
Police is unfair Sededw we,abaddu
Family matters need not be reported
Bevow Daa AdHaAncendad
ee
eer
This is better settled outside the police station
Bader¥ oadad Kadri ws.Gr wvsad
Bad past experience with reporting to Police
Sader fh ddd anAd sy earyadd
Others: (Please specify) a8d(NOra
aeA
|
Don't Know/Can’t Say ra3y/eevoori
If 25D is Yes, why did you report?
25 Bf wusd Bch aomadd 3dO Od
For insurance
reasons da) sadnriert
Crime should be reported 3
vamdgnva, dcHardved
It was a serious event aa) Noded Daab 4
Wanted offender to be caught and punished 5
esoshabah, bch bg dedesea
To stop itfrom happening again/to get help 7
hs ach aridos NOAw/ SHead Sdabw
Others: (Please specify) eed(#882)
272 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
ero
BYES
eamesccm
omc
Didnotdoanything
aeedoy | 8
|S
F.saindd, sVobeeed SdH maadaca
If 25D is Yes, Were you satisfied by the Yes So) Pererrrrrrrtr titi t itt tr tier
aimnadoe?
How serious was the incident to you and Very Serious WOU MODES... ecccnsesescecersnenseerersees
your household?
Sabrt aba dab, abatrt & gust oat, Somewhat serious AAT Noes .......
oo cccscccoeeeee 2
nodedarecbab? Not very serious WBY MOMEGBY «0... scceesesceseeereenes 3
Not serious at all Mog ede 00 ........ecncceroscseesessesneenes 4
I NE I ccc srnssncenensesccasysnnsmnenaresirsanenne
ee eS ee. a ene
occurred in the last one year? .
avd Sebi com ea eehes | TP ONO ere
Aetdba? a a aI a i a
errr
(Do notprompt)
26@ A edd BY dood
BB O8
dreddy?
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc
274 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
madscd iM
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc 49
5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 275
:
CIRCLE IF RESPONDENT Other: (please specify) add(NOra aah Se?) 98
MENTIONS
MBIMID sSevagnv ws wayrid
wodd.
26L If 26J is No, Why are you not satisfied by They were not interested od6r exiédbddu bs
the police?
They were rude and impolite
(Don't read out the options. Mark
multiple options as respondents replies) od woah, Tv, doudsw
2683 Novsdau aomdd eden’ They did not do enough vesada), areddu al
seabed wr} dav? a8 FS av ? They refused to file the FIR
( solnivab, Ldeded, oabsabrivah ovss ae D EO’ Manda VYoIwSHALBW
KCVS Questionnaire.Doc
276 S. Krishnaswamy and V. Aithala
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5 The Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey 2018-2019: A Primer for a National... 277
Sudhir Krishnaswamy is the Vice-Chancellor of the National Law School of India University
and Varsha Aithala is a doctoral candidate at the National Law School of India University.
This chapter mainly draws from our work on the Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey con-
ducted by Azim Premji University, Bengaluru. Our thinking on this was greatly shaped by our
research team on the Karnataka Crime Victimization Survey at Azim Premji University, particu-
. larly, Dr. Siddharth Swaminathan and Asha Venugopalan. Asha Venugopalan prepared the statisti-
cal analysis and provided preliminary drafts of the survey report.
All figures, tables, and charts in this chapter are drawn from the Karnataka Crime Victimization
Survey conducted by Azim Premji University, Bengaluru in 2018-2019.
|
7
“ = 2 —
iW Ns ba - . vt -
a
ee ae ie, 24.2
ea ‘
ee 2 ‘ “Op 27a ob. Oe rhs
_—s _ : a r ae
‘| vn
2s
> # ’
as = vw) Peale 7T Vase
: a ite
Index
A F
Adaptive behaviour, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, Fear of crime, 5, 156, 218, 221
98, 100-106 Fear of the police, 7, 149, 150, 168, 169,
Avoiding victimization, 61 177
B H
Bridging public data gap on crime, 61, 70 Household crimes, 62, 64
Burking, 12 Household survey, 15, 203
| I
Core public good, 7 Institutional and social character of crime,
Crime characteristics, 16, 20 202
Crime data, 8, 22, 36, 170, 208
Crime incidence, 12, 16, 17, 19-27, 62, 64,
66, 69, 70, 114, 202, 216 K
Crime registration and investigation, KCVS Victimization Rate, 209, 212
150, 161-166
Crime victimization, 6, 11, 12, 27, 46-60,
201-204, 208, 210, 218, 219, 221-223 L
Crime victimization survey (CVS), 6, 7, 14, Law enforcement, 61
61-115, 201, 214, 222 Levels of satisfaction, 161
Criminal justice system (CJS), 1-9, 32, 33, 45,
74, 169, 171, 174, 176, 222 ;
N
Neighbourhood crime rates, 41
D
Design and administration of crime
surveys, 207-208 O
Diversity, 149, 152, 170, 176, 177 Outcomes measurement, 4
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to 279
Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022
§. Krishnaswamy et al. (eds.), Crime Victimisation in India, Springer Series on
Asian Criminology and Criminal Justice Research,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12251-4
280 Index
P S
Perception of safety, 5, 7, 16, 20, 61, 88, 106, Safety perception, 8, 9, 11, 12, 19, 21, 28, 41,
158, 161, 221 42, 44, 46-60, 66, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94,
Personal crimes, 64, 202 98, 100-106, 108, 221
Personal safety, 1, 2, 8, 9, 175, 176 Satisfaction with police, 37, 40, 70, 72-75,
Police adequacy and working 161, 237
conditions, 149-150 Seriousness of crime, 212, 221
Police infrastructure, 149, 170 Seriousness of offenses, 212—214, 221
Police performance, 44, 70, 149, 161, 162, 177 Socio-economic determinants of crime
Police response, 7, 11, 16, 18-21, 26, 33, victimization, 203
37-40, 74, 216, 217, 223
Policing, 5, 6, 11, 12, 31, 36, 45, 76, 86, 108,
149-152, 159, 170, 176, 178, 202, T
216, 223 Treatment of vulnerable communities, 150
Policing behaviour, 216, 218 Trust and satisfaction with the police, 149
Primary and secondary victimization, 202
Public opinion of police, 76
Public safety, 11, 12, 18, 43, 45 U
Under reporting of crime, 7, 154
Use of violence and excessive force by the
R police, 149
Registration of crime, 18, 34, 162, 165, 174, 177
Reporting behaviour, 7, 19, 29, 208, 212,
215,247 V
Reporting of crime, 12, 31, 61-147, 155, Victims of crime, 7, 32, 33, 210, 212, 217,
201, 202 220, 222
A unique and timely volume, this book will be of interest to researchers of Asian
criminology, victimology and the study of the criminal justice system, as well as those
interested in empirical research and policy making in criminal justice.
¢ Forms a pioneering study of crime victimisation in India
¢ Conducts a rigorous empirical analysis of crime victimisation in India and
supports evidence-based policy making for the Indian criminal justice system
« Evaluates public perceptions of safety and security and performance
of the police
> springer.com
Es