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PARTICLES
ON
SURFACES
 PARTICLES
ON
SURFACES
Detection, Adhesion, and Removal

edited by
K. L. Mittal
Skill Dynamics, an IBM Company
Thornwood, New York

0 CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
Boca Raton London New York

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Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
CRC Press
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Preface

This volume embodies the proceedings of the Fourth Symposium on Particles

on Surfaces: Detection, Adhesion and Removal held as a part of the 23rd
Annual meeting of the Fine Particle Society in Las Vegas, Nevada, July
13-17, 1992. The previous three symposia in this biennial series of events
were held in 1986, 1988, and 1990 and the proceedings of which have been
documented. 1- 3
As pointed out in the prefaces to the earlier volumes 1- 3 on this topic, the
subject of particle detection, adhesion and removal is of great importance
in many technologies, and there has been an intensified effort in ameliorating
the existing ones and/or in devising new ways to remove particles from a host
of substrates. The objectives of this symposium were analogous to those of
earlier events, and our intent here was to provide an update on the research
and development activities in the domain of particles on surfaces. The pro-
gram consisted of 39 invited and contributed papers and many ramifications
of particles on surfaces were discussed. During the symposium, there were
brisk discussions (both formally and informally).
This volume contains a total of 23 papers. The topics covered include:
adhesion induced deformations of particles on surfaces; the use of atomic
force microscopy in probing particle-particle adhesion; particle contamina-
tion in microelectronics, on spacecraft, and on optical surfaces; the role of
air ionization in reducing surface contamination by particles in the clean-
room; abrasive blasting media for contamination-free deburring process;
particle generation and control in tubing and piping connection design; var-
ious methods (light scattering, spectroscopic, x-ray fluorescence, etc.) for

iii
iv Preface

detection, identification, analysis, and characterization of particles on silicon

and other surfaces; the use of focused acoustic waves to interrogate the be-
havior of particles on surfaces; various ways (sonication, spray impinge-
ment, liquid jets, fluorocarbon surfactant solutions, and laser cleaning) to
remove particles from a variety of surfaces.
The papers included in this book were thoroughly subjected to rigorous
peer review, and all were revised (some quite considerably) before inclusion
in this book. Thus, this book is not a mere collection of unreviewed papers
but represents information that has passed peer scrutiny.
This and the earlier three volumes offer a fountain of information con-
cerning particles on surfaces and I sincerely hope that anyone with serious
or even tangential interest in this topic will find this volume useful.
Now comes the pleasant task of thanking those who helped in one way or
another. First, I am thankful to the Fine Particle Society for sponsoring this
event. Thanks are also due to the appropriate management of Skill Dynamics,
an IBM Company, for allowing me to organize the symposium and edit this
volume. My special appreciation goes to my wife, Usha, for assuming the
role of "secretary" and carrying out, without complaint, the various chores
involved. I would be remiss if I failed to acknowledge the time, efforts, and
valuable comments of the reviewers. Of course, without the contribution,
sustained interest, and enthusiasm of the authors, this book could not have
been born.
K. L. Mittal

REFERENCES
1. K. L. Mittal (ed.), Particles on Surfaces 1: Detection, Adhesion and Removal,
Plenum Press, New York (1988).
2. K. L. Mittal (ed.), Particles on Surfaces 2: Detection, Adhesion and Removal,
Plenum Press, New York (1989).
3. K. L. Mittal (ed.), Particles on Surfaces 3: Detection, Adhesion and Removal,
Plenum Press, New York (1991).
Contents

Preface iii

Particles on Surfaces: Adhesion Induced Deformations

D. S. Rimai, L. P. DeMejo, R. Bowen, and J. D. Morris

Surface Force Tensile Interactions Between Micrometer Size Particles and a

Polyester-PDMS Block Copolymer Substrate 33
L. P. DeMejo, D. S. Rimai, J. H. Chen, and R. Bowen

Polymer to Particle Adhesion Probed with Atomic Force Microscopy 47

H. Mizes, K.-G. Loh, M. L. Ott, and R. J.D. Miller

Surface Particle Contamination Identification in Microelectronics 61

M. Simard-Normandin

An Overview of Spacecraft Particulate Contamination Phenomena 77

M. C. Fong, A. L. Lee, and P. T. Ma

Contamination on Optical Surfaces -Concerns, Prevention, Detection,

and Removal 101
J. M. Bennett

An Advanced Surface Particle and Molecular Contaminant Identification,

Removal, and Collection System 111
S. P. Hotaling and D. A. Dykeman
v
vi Contents

The Role of Air Ionization in Reducing Surface Contamination by Particles

in the Cleanroom 141
S. Gehlke and A. J. Steinman

Selecting a Contamination-Free Deburring Process: Testing Abrasive

Blasting Media 151
W. L. Prater, G. J. Stone, and G. J. Chung

Particle Generation and Control in Tubing and Piping Connection

Design 189
M. Alberg

Detection and Identification of Particles on Silicon Surfaces 201

T. Hattori

The Characterization of Particles on Spacecraft Returned from Orbit 219

E. R. Crutcher

A Light-Scattering Method for Determining the Composition of Particles

on Surfaces 253
L. D. Lamb, J. D. Lorentzen, and D. R. Huffman

Light Scattering by Spherical Particles on Planar Multi-Layered

Substrates 265
A. Cangel/aris and F. I. Assi

New Test Procedure for the Examination of the Particulate Cleanliness of

Technical Surfaces 289
H.-J. Warnecke and B. Klumpp

Discrimination Between Particulate and Film Type Contamination on

Surfaces by Means of Total Reflection X-Ray Fluorescence
Spectrometry 311
H. Schwenke and J. Knoth

Particle Characterization on Surfaces by Auger Electron

Spectroscopy 325
W. F. Stickle, D. Paul, and L.A. LaVanier

Interrogating the Behavior of Micrometer-Sized Particles on Surfaces with

Focused Acoustic Waves 335
G. J. Brereton and B. A. Bruno
Contents vii

Removal of Glass Particles from Glass Surfaces: A Review 353

A. Ghosh and W. P. Ryszytiwskyj

Particle Removal Characteristics of Surface Cleaning Methods Involving

Sonication and/or Spray Impingement 363
R. Nagarajan

Fluid Dynamics of Liquid Jets Used for Particle Removal

from Surfaces 379
R. Gim, T. Lesniewski, and S. Middleman

Enhanced Particle Removal from Inertial Guidance Instrument Parts by

Fluorocarbon Surfactant Solutions 395
R. Kaiser

Laser Cleaning Techniques for the Removal of Small Surface

Particulates 405
A. C. Tam, W. P. Leung, and W. Zapka

Index 419
Contributors

Michele Alberg Technology Research Group, Fluoroware, Inc., Chaska,

Minnesota
Fadi I. Assi Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Univer-
sity of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona
Jean M. Bennett Michelson Laboratory, Naval Air Warfare Center, China
Lake, California
Ray Bowen Analytical Technology Division, Eastman Kodak Company,
Rochester, New York
Giles J. Brereton Department of Mechanical Engineering, Michigan State
University, East Lansing, Michigan
B. A. Bruno International Paper Corporation, Middletown, New York
Andreas Cangellaris Department of Electrical and Computer Engineer-
ing, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona
Jiann H. Chen Copy Products Research and Technology Development,
Eastman Kodak Company, Rochester, New York
Gwendolyn Jones Chung Materials Laboratory, IBM Corporation, San
Jose, California
E. R. Crutcher Analytical Engineering, Boeing Company, Seattle, Wash-
ington
ix
X Contributors

Lawrence P. DeMejo Office Imaging, Eastman Kodak Company, Roches-

ter, New York
Deidra A. Dykeman Optical Sensors, USAF Rome Laboratory/OCPA,
Griffiss AFB, New York
Michael C. Fong Thermal Products, Space Systems Division, Lockheed
Missiles & Space Company, Inc., Sunnyvale, California
Scott Gehlke Ion Systems, Inc., Berkeley, California
Asish Ghosh Materials Process, Philips Display Components Company,
Ann Arbor, Michigan
Ronald Gim Department of Applied Mechanics and Engineering Sciences,
University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California
Takeshi Hattori ULSI Research and Development Laboratories, Sony
Corporation, Atsugi, Japan
Steven P. Hotaling* Analog and Lightwave Photonics, USAF Rome Lab-
oratory /OCPA, Griffiss AFB, New York
Donald R. Huffman Department of Physics, University of Arizona, Tuc-
son, Arizona
Robert Kaiser Entropic Systems, Inc., Winchester, Massachusetts
Bernhard Klumpp Fraunhofer Institute for Manufacturing Engineering
and Automation, Stuttgart, Germany
Joachim Knoth GKSS-Forschungszentrum, Geesthacht, Germany
Lowell D. Lamb Department of Physics, University of Arizona, Tucson,
Arizona
Lori A. LaVanier Analytical Laboratory, Physical Electronics, Inc., Eden
Prairie, Minnesota
Aleck L. Lee Thermal Products, Space Systems Division, Lockheed Mis-
siles & Space Company, Inc., Sunnyvale, California
Thomas Lesniewski Department of Applied Mechanics and Engineering
Sciences, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California
Wing P. Leung IBM Corporation, San Jose, California

•current qffiliation: Center for Advanced Materials Processing, Oarkson University, Potsdam,
New York
Contributors xi

K.-G. Lob Department of Mechanical Engineering, University of Roches-

ter, Rochester, New York
J. D. Lorentzen Department of Physics and Astronomy, Arizona State
University, Tempe, Arizona
Paul T. Ma Thermal Products, Space Systems Division, Lockheed Mis-
siles & Space Company, Inc., Sunnyvale, California
Stanley Middleman Department of Applied Mechanics and Engineering
Sciences, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California
R. J. D. Miller Department of Chemistry, University of Rochester, Roches-
ter, New York
Howard Mizes Wilson Center for Research and Technology, Xerox Cor-
poration, Webster, New York
Jeffrey D. Morris Research Labs, Eastman Kodak Company, Rochester,
New York
Ramamurthy Nagarajan Contamination Control, IBM Corporation, San
Jose, California
Mary L. Ott Supplies Development and Manufacturing, Xerox Corpora-
tion, Webster, New York
Dennis Paul Analytical Laboratory, Physical Electronics, Inc., Eden Prairie,
Minnesota
Walter L. Prater Large Form Factor Disk Drive Product Engineering and
Contamination Control, IBM Corporation, San Jose, California
D. S. Rimai Copy Products Research and Technology Development, East-
man Kodak Company, Rochester, New York
William P. Ryszytiwskyj Surface Technology Research and Engineering,
Corning, Inc., Corning, New York
Heinrich Schwenke GKSS-Forschungszentrum, Geesthacht, Germany
Martine Simard-Normandin Center for Microanalysis, Northern Telecom
Ltd., Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
Arnold J. Steinman Ion Systems, Inc., Berkeley, California
William F. Stickle Analytical Laboratory, Physical Electronics, Inc., Eden
Prairie, Minnesota
Garvin J. Stone Materials Laboratory, IBM Corporation, San Jose, Cali-
fornia
xii Contributors

Andrew C. Tam Laser Processing, Almaden Research Center, IBM Cor-

poration, San Jose, California
Hans-Jiirgen Warnecke Fraunhofer Institute for Manufacturing Engin-
eering and Automation, Stuttgart, Germany
Werner Zapka IBM Deutschland, Sindelfingen, Germany
Particles on Surfaces:
Adhesion Induced Deformations

D. S. Rimai, Lawrence P. DeMejo, Ray Bowen,

and Jeffrey D. Morris

Eastman Kodak Company, Rochester, New York

The adhesion of fine particles to substrates is a complex,

dynamic problem. The surface forces between the particles and the
substrates can cause both materials to deform. In some instances
the adhesion induced stresses are sufficiently large so as to result in
plastic deformation of the materials. This paper briefly reviews
past research of surface force induced deformations. Direct evi-
dence of such deformations between micrometer size particles and
substrates, obtained using scanning electron microscopy at high tilt
angles, is shown. Evidence for the occurrence of both elastic and
plastic response to the stresses generated by the adhesion forces is
presented. The thermodynamic work of adhesion between solids is
calculated from the adhesion induced contact radius.
Evidence of hysteresis in the load-displacement relation-
ship associated with adhering and removing a particle on a surface
is presented. Finally, unexplained behavior such as the contact
radius varying as the particle radius to the 3/4 power for polyur-
ethane substrates is discussed.

1
2 Rimaietal.

INTRODUCTION
The adhesion of small particles to substrates is of great importance to many
teehnological areaa including semiconductor fabrication, paint formulation, xero-
graphic processes, pharmacology, and agriculture. AB is well known, the forces of
adhesion increase with increasing contact area. Moreover, the stresses generated
by the surface forces existing between materials result in a finite contact area
between the materials, thereby increasing the force of adhesion. Thus, adhesion
between particles and substrates is a dynamic problem which depends not only on
the surface energies of the materials, but also on their mechanical response to the
stresses.
Adhesion induced deformations between particles and/or between particles
and substrates were first postulated independently by Bradleyl.2 and by
Derjaguin. 3 Derjaguin attempted to calculate the contact radius by assuming that
the particle could be treated as a Hertzian indentor with the applied load due to van
der Waals forces between the particle and substrate. The deformation would then
be a result of an elastic compression between the two materials.
Specifically, the contact radius, a, for a Hertzian indentor of radius R under
an initial applied load, po, is given by:

[1)

where E and u are the Young's modulus and Poisson ratio of the substrate, respect-
ively. ABsuming that the load is a result of van der Waals interactions, it can be
shown that

po = lim R [2)
87tZ20

where lim is the Hamaker coefficient and zo is the separation distance between the
particle and the substrate (approximately 4 Afor van der Waals bonded crystals).
Therefore, according to the Derjaguin model,

as= 31im R2 [ l-Eu2] (3]

32JtZ~

Krupp4 first recognized that the adhesion induced stresses could be large
enough to exceed the elastic limit of at least one of the contacting materials. He
attempted to generalize the Derjaguin model to include plastic flow by postulating
that the contact area could be divided into two coaxial regions of stress. He
assumed that the inner region, being subjected to the greater stress, would deform
plastically. The outer, lower stress, annular region would deform elastically.
Krupp further postulated that the radius of the inner region, a1, and the radius of the
entire contact area, ao, were related to the Young's modulus, E, and a time depen-
dent hardness, H(t) by the equations:

[4)
Adhesion Induced Deformations 3

[5]

Krupp also assumed that H(t) would reach some terminal value, H, within
approximately 30 minutes and that the steady state value of H is of the order of 10·3E.
This allowed for the contact radius reaching a limiting size.
Johnson, Kendall, and Roberts (hereafter referred to as JKR)5 first recognized,
while measuring the contact radii between homogeneous combinations of macro-
scopic rubber and gelatine spheres, that both compressive and tensile interactions
contribute to the size of the contact radius. Approaching the problem thermodynam-
ically and assuming that all interactions occur solely within the contact zone, they
predicted that, for a spherical particle in contact with a planar substrate,

where WA is the work of adhesion and is related to the surface energies 'Yl and 'Y2 of
the two materials and their interfacial energy 'Yl2 by

[7]

P represents any externally applied load, and

[8]

where

k - 1-ur [9]
I- nEI

and E1 and 'Uj are the Young's modulus and Poisson ratio of the ith material, respect-
ively. Implicit in the JKR model is the assumption that the tensile stresses become
infinite at the edge of the contact area.
In the absence of any applied load, Equation (6) reduces to

[10]

Alternatively, the JKR model predicts that, under the influence of a negative
(tensile) load, separation of the particle from the substrate occurs when the contact
radius is reduced to lla - 0.63ao, where ao is the contact radius established with no
applied load. Moreover, the value of this load, P 8 , is given by:

[11]
4 Rimaietal.

As can be seen, the separation force, as predicted by the JKR theory, is indepen-
dent of the moduli of the materials. Johnson et al. recognized that this result was
inconsistent with experimental results for compliant materials and attributed the
discrepancy to difficulties in determining when the particle was in equilibrium
with the substrate under light loads.
An alternative approach to calculating the contact radius was proposed by
Derjaguin, Muller, and Toporov6 (DMT). Following the original approach by
Derjaguin 3 and approaching the problem from a molecular level, they also
assumed that the contact would be Hertzian, thereby ignoring the shape of the zone
outside of the contact region. As a result of the assumption as to the shape of the
contact region, the DMT theory predicts that half of the interaction exists outside of
the contact zone. Moreover, this theory predicts that the elastic flattening has no
effect on the particle adhesion force.
A detailed comparison of the assumptions, predictions, and consequences of
the JKR and DMT theories has been made by Tabor. 7 He showed that the contact
radius as predicted by the DMT model was approximately half of that predicted by
the JKR theory. The reasons for the discrepancy in the predicted contact radius was
further discussed in papers by TaborS and by Derjaguin et al. 9 Finally, Muller,
Yushchenko, and DerjaguinlO,ll (MYD) proposed a model in which they assumed
that the contact potential between a particle and a substrate could be described by a
Lennard-Jones potential. According to Muller et al., both the JKR and DMT
models are limiting cases of the more general MYD theory, with the JKR model
valid for more compliant, higher surface energy materials and the DMT model
valid for more rigid, lower surface energy materials. Moreover, the transition
between the regions of validity of JKR and DMT models is given in terms of a
dimensionless parameter 11. defined as:l2

11
= 32 [2R'!'A
3x xE zg
2
]va [12]

where

[13]

lfll > 1, the JKR model properly describes the interaction, whereas if11 < 1, the
DMT model is valid. Further discussion of the features and limitations of the
various theories of adhesion is presented by Tsai, Pui, and Lui,l3 who also further
generalized the results of Muller et al.lO,ll More recently, Maugis analyzed the
JKR-DMT transition by utilizing fracture mechanics approach based on the
Dugdale model. 14
Maugis and Pollock 16 generalized the JKR model to include nonelastic (i.e.,
plastic) deformation of the contacting materials. They found that if a material
undergoes totally plastic deformation, the contact radius is related to the externally
applied load, P, the work of adhesion, WA, the particle radius, R, and the hardness of
the plastically deforming material, H, by:

P + 27tWAR = xa2H [14]

where the hardness is related to the yield stress of the material, Y by

Adhesion Induced Deformations 5

H=3Y [15]

In the absence of an applied load, elastic and plastic deformations can be

readily distinguished because, whereas elastic response requires that the contact
radius varies as the particle radius to the 2/3 power, as seen by Equation 10, plastic
deformations result in the contact radius varying as the particle radius to the 1/2
power, as illustrated by Equation 14. As discussed by Krupp,4 whether the adhesion
force induced deformation is elastic or plastic is significant in determining the
force of removal of the particle from the substrate because, in the former case, most
of the energy going into creating the deformation is recoverable via "elastic
rebound" upon separation, while, in the latter instance, the energy is totally lost to
the system. Moreover, once the nature of the deformation is known, the thermo-
dynamic work of adhesion of the particle-substrate system can frequently be calcu-
lated.
While there have been numerous experimental studies of adhesion induced
deformations, most of these were performed using nanoindentorsl 6-24 and were
concerned with metallic contacts. Of particular interest are the results reported by
Pashley and Tabor.21 They reported a hysteresis between the loading and unload-
ing curves of the apparent contact pressure as a function of applied load for a tung-
sten tip in contact with a clean nickel surface. They interpreted these results as
evidence that plastic deformation had occurred.
Alternatively, studies of adhesion induced deformations have been made
using relatively large "particles". For example, Chaudhri and Yoffe26 measured
the contact between 1 mm steel and tungsten carbide spheres in contact with a var-
iety of substrates such as fused silica, sapphire, and soda lime glass. Johnson et
al. 15 measured the contact radii between homogeneous pairs of gelatine and rubber
balls having radii of several centimeters. The inconsistencies between their
experimentally obtained contact radii and those predicted assuming simple
Hertzian compression led them to formulate the JKR theory.
Finally, crossed cylinders have been used to experimentally simulate the
adhesion between particles. For example, Wentzel and Bicke126 used a crossed
fiber system to study the effects of menisci on adhesion forces. Similarly, Horn et
al. 27 determined the contact deformation between crossed curved surfaces of mole-
cularly smooth mica and compared the results to the predictions of simple Hertzian
compression and of the JKR theory.
Recently, direct observations of adhesion induced deformations between
micrometer size particles and planar substrates, obtained using high tilt scanning
electron microscopy (SEM), have been reported.2S-39 These results are reviewed in
this paper.

EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE

Spherical or spheroidal particles, consisting of materials including poly-

styrene, glass, gold, polyvinylidene fluoride (PVF2), nickel, and tin, were depos-
ited onto a variety of polymeric and inorganic substrates. In general, the particles
were deposited onto these substrates by gently sprinkling them from a height ofless
than 1 em. However, for particles having radii greater than approximately 10 J.lm,
the substrate was gently lowered towards the particles until the particles were just
picked up. This ensured that the kinetic energy of the particles was small com-
pared to the energy needed to create the observed deformations.40,41
6 Rimaietal.

The samples were imaged with an SEM using secondary-electron emission.

To avoid beam-induced surface charging, which may introduce artifacts and dis-
tort the image, the samples were first coated with a 10 nm thick conductive coating.
In certain instances, however, to ensure that the observations were not artifacts due
to the coating, conductive particles and substrates were examined. Coatings were
applied by sputtering a 60:40 gold/palladium mixture with argon for 60 seconds at
2.5 kV and 20 rnA using a Polaron E5100 high-resolution sputter coater. The temp-
erature rise of the sample during the sputtering process was found to be less than
20°C. While this should not significantly affect the observations, any potential
effects resulting from the temperature rise were further minimized by having the
samples mounted on a cold stage during sputtering.
To permit viewing at the high tilt angles needed (typically 88° to the normal of
the substrate plane), the samples were mounted onto cross-sectional stubs. The
substrate plane was nearly vertical in all cases. However, because of the small
mass of the particles in most instances (except where otherwise noted), gravita-
tional effects were negligible. Because of the preparation time, viewing the sample
during or immediately after particle deposition was not possible. Therefore, in
order to allow any strains to relax, the samples were coated and, in general, viewed
approximately one to two weeks after the particles were deposited. In some
instances, however, samples were viewed over a period of time, starting within
minutes of their preparation. This allowed relaxation times to be determined and
ensured that artifacts due to processes such as surface diffusion were absent. 35,SB
After coating, the mounted samples were placed into a Philips 515 SEM. A 30
kV accelerating voltage and a 10 nm beam were used. Viewing time was kept to a
minimum to reduce artifacts such as those caused by beam induced Joule heating. 29

RESULTS
As an illustrative example of elastic deformations resulting from the forces of
adhesion, consider glass spheres (obtained from Duke Scientific Corporation) in
contact with an electrically conductive, carbon impregnated polyurethane sub-
strate. The glass spheres had radii ranging between 0.5 J.Un and 100 J.lm.
Typically, glass has a Young's modulus of approximately 7 X 1010 Pa and, being
relatively rigid compared to the polyurethane, would not be expected to deform
significantly. In contrast, the polyurethane had a Young's modulus (as determi-
ned using an Instron tensile tester) of approximately 5 X 106 Pa.
Figures 1A through 1D show typical SEM micrographs of glass particles
having radii of approximately 3.3, 12.5, 22, and 65 J.lm, respectively, on the poly-
urethane substrate. Magnification scales are drawn beneath each image. Figures
2A though 2D show, at increased magnification, the contact region of these ident-
ical particles, respectively. As can be seen, the particles appear to embed deeply
into the substrate and menisci appear around the particle, indicative of tensile
contributions to the size of the contact radius. The contact radius is also seen to
increase with particle radius, but at a sublinear rate. It is interesting to note that,
while the size of the contact radius was fairly reproducible for a given particle
radius, some of the smaller particles exhibited significantly larger than average
meniscus heights. An example of a particle-substrate interface exhibiting a relat-
ively large meniscus, at low and high magnifications, is shown in Figure 3. The
reasons for the variations in meniscus height are not presently known, but may be
related to possible inhomogeneities in the substrate or local substrate surface con-
dition.
Adhesion Induced Deformations 7

Figure 4 shows the contact radius as a function of particle radius. As can be

seen, the contact radius monotonically increases with increasing particle radius
and exhibits relatively little scatter for all but the largest of the particles. The
behavior of the largest particles will be discussed later in this paper. First, we shall
concentrate on the behavior of the system when the particle radius is less than 60
IJ.m.
The power law dependence of the contact radius on particle radius was deter-
mined from the slope of the log-log plot of the data (see Appendix A for details of the
statistical analysis of the data) and is shown in Figure 5. It was determined, from
these results, that a varies as R213. Figure 6 shows the plot of a versus R213. As can
be seen, there is little scatter in the data. Moreover, the least squares fit line to the
data intersect the origin. These results suggest that the observed deformations are
elastic in nature. Moreover, IJ., estimated from Equation 12, is much greater than 1,
suggesting that the JKR theory be used to analyze the results.
Finally, one can see from Equation 10 that these results are consistent with the
predictions of the JKR model for the case of no significant externally applied load,
such as those due to gravity, and electron beam or triboelectric charging. The work

1A 18

1C -11"" 10 - - - 1011m

Figure 1 Various size glass particles on a polyurethane substrate. Magnifi-

cation scales are drawn beneath each micrograph. The contact radius
is seen to increase, but at a sublinear rate, with increasing particle
radius.

of adhesion, calculated from Equation 10 and assuming that the Poisson ratio
equals 1/3, is found to be 0.17 J/m2.
It is of value now to focus more closely on the response of the system for the case
where the particle radii are less than approximately 5 J.I.III. Following the same
analysis, it is found, from the plot oflog a versus log R, shown in Figure 7 that the
8 Rimaietal.

contact radius varies as the particle radius to the 3/4 power. Moreover, as can be
seen from Figure 8, the least squares fit line of the contact radius, a, as a function
of R to the 3/4 power intersects the origin.
A similar, anomalous dependence of the contact radius on particle radius has
been found for polystyrene particles having radii between approximately 1 J.lm and
6 J.1m in contact with the same substrate. Typical micrographs of the polystyrene
particles in contact with the polyurethane substrate are shown in Figure 9. Figure
10 shows a plot oflog a versus log R. The exponent, determined from the slope of the
curve was found to be 0.77, or close to 3/4. Moreover, from a statistical analysis of
the data (see Appendix A), it was found that the probability of the true exponent being
as small as 2/3 is only 3.3%. A plot of the contact radius versus the particle radius to
the 3/4 power is seen, from Figure 11, to be straight, intersect the origin, and exhibit
little scatter of the data. It is interestin~ to note that Bowden and Tabor report a
similar anomalous dependence of the contact area on applied load for indentation
experiments on viscoelastic materials. 42
Previously reported observations of the relatively short relaxation time of the
surface force induced stresses35 compared to the time scale of the current experi-
ments suggest that 3/4 power law d~:pendence cannot be explained simply by invok-
ing viscoelasticity or relaxation effects. However, it is conceivable that, due

2A 28

- - 2jUII 20 - 1 JUII
2C

- - - - - - 10jUII --IOJlm

Figure 2 Micrographs of the contact region of the exact same particles as shown
in Figure 1, but at increased magnification. Menisci, indicative of
tensile interactions, are clearly visible.
 Adhesion Induced Deformations 9

3A 38
1 f.!m
Figure 3 Low (3A) and high (3B) magnification SEMs of a small glass particle
on a polyurethane substrate showing a large meniscus.

20

....
16 ~

e 12 ~
..
.....
~
cu

,.
a~
:

4~.

.t .,.
o'
0 20 40 60 80 100
R (J1111)
Figure 4 A plot of the contact radius as a function of particle radius for glass
spheres on a polyurethane substrate.
10 Rimaietal.

GLASS BEADS ON POLYURETHANE SUBSTRATE

Figure 5 A plot of the log of the contact radius as a function of the log of the particle
radius for R < 60 J.lm. The slope of the least squares fit line is approxi-
mately 213, which is consistent with the predictions of models which
assume elastic response to the adhesion induced stresses.

GLASS BEADS ON POLYURETHANE SUBSTRATE

12.0
..
~ 8.0
E
~

4.0

I
8.0 12.0 16.0

Figure 6 A plot of the contact radius as a function of particle radius to the 2/3
power for glass particles having radii less than 60 J.lm in contact with a
polyurethane substrate. The least squares fit line through the data is
seen to intersect the origin, suggesting the absence of any significant
externally applied load.
Adhesion Induced Deformations 11

to the relatively high stresses generated by the adhesion forces, compared to the
Young's modulus of the substrate, that nonlinear elastic effects may be present.
This hypothesis is consistent with the lack of any distinct break observed in the
curves shown in Figures 5 and 6.
Now consider the glass particles having nominal radii of approximately
103 IJ.IIl. AJ! seen in Figure 4, the contact radius does not increase for these particles
over that measured for the 60 11m radius particles. Moreover, as evident from
Figure 4, there is significantly greater variation in the contact radii associated
with these particles than with the smaller ones. AJ! has been indicated, the plane of
the substrate was perpendicular to the horizontal for all the samples in this study.
Therefore, gravitational forces tend to peel the particles away from the substrate.
For most of the particles used in this study, these forces are small compared to the
surface forces. However, as indicated by the fact that most of the large particles
failed to adhere to the substrate, gravitational forces are not negligible for the
103 11m radius particles. Figure 12 shows a typical electron micrograph of a 103 11m
radius particle in contact with the polyurethane substrate. AJ! can be seen by the
different scales shown in this figure, the magnification was increased just above
the contact region, thereby permitting both an overview of the particle and a high
resolution image of the contact zone in one micrograph. AJ! can be seen, the particle
appears to be pulling the substrate. The sharp contact angle makes the appearance
of distended substrate distinct from the appearance of the menisci observed with the
smaller particles. Similar effects have been reported by Chaudhury.43
The hysteresis associated with the placing and removing of a particle on a
surface can also be observed with an atomic force microscope (AFM). For example,
Schaefer et al. 44 cemented 10 jlm radius silver coated glass and polystyrenespheres
onto the tip of an AFM cantilever and measured the force of adhesion between the
particle and highly oriented pyrolitic graphite, polyurethane, and wax coated laser-
printer paper substrates as a function of particle displacement. A typical result, in
this instance polystyrene spheres on pyrolitic graphite, is shown in Figure 13. AJ!
can be seen, during the loading process, the particle initially experiences little or
no attractive force. Then, at a sufficiently small displacement, which is a function
of the spring constant of the cantilever, the particle jumps to the substrate. This
shows as a small, negative force at zero displacement. Upon further loading, a
positive force is needed to press the particle into the substrate. Upon unloading, the
force initially retraces the loading curve, within the error of the equipment.
However, separation does not occur at zero displacement. Rather, an applied force
must still be applied until, fmally, separation is achieved. Similar observations
have been reported by Mizes et al.45
These results suggest that, in the process of separating a particle from a sub-
strate, energy is put into both propagating a crack in the interfacial zone and into
creating stress distributions in the materials. This further suggests that, due to the
relatively short range nature of surface forces, the placing and removing a particle
from a surface may not be a reversible process, even if the materials respond elasti-
cally to the adhesion induced stresses. In other words, the loading and unloading
process may exhibit a hysteresis effect, even in the absence of plastic or viscoelastic
response.
12 Rimaietal.

GLASS BEADS ON POLYURETHANE SUBSTRATE

1.0r----------------------------------.

Cll
Ol
.3

LogR

Figure 7 The log of the contact radius as a function of the log of the particle radius
for R < 5 IJ.IIl. The observed 314 power law dependence (obtained from the
slope of the curve) is unexplained but is consistent with previously
reported results of indentation experiments on viscoelastic materials
(Ref. 42).

In contrast to materials deforming elastically because of the adhesion induced

stresses, these stresses can be sufficiently large so as to exceed the elastic limit of at
least one of the contacting materials, thereby resulting in plastic deformation.
This is extremely important in understanding the adhesion of a particle to a sub-
strate. As previously discussed, much of the energy associated with creating an
elastic deformation is recoverable during the removal of the particle. This is not
true if the adhesion induced deformation is plastic.
Consider, now, the case of polystyrene spheres, having radii between approxi-
mately 1 IJlll and 6 11m, on a silicon substrate. The particles are the same as those
shown in Figure 9 in contact with a polyurethane substrate. Although it was not
possible to directly measure the mechanical properties of the spheres, typical values
of the Young's modulus and yield strengths46 are 3 x 109 Pa and 9 x lOS Pa, respecti-
vely. Because the particles are much more compliant than the substrate, they,
rather than the substrate, would be expected to deform in response to the adhesion
induced stresses.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 [407] Heeren, p. 263. Meiners, Lebensbeschreibungen, &c., has written the
life of Politian, ii. 111-220, more copiously than any one I have read.
His character of the Miscellanies is in p. 136.
[408] Meiners, pp. 155, 209. In the latter passage Meiners censures with
apparent justice the affected words of Politian, some of which he did
not scruple to take from such writers as Apuleius and Tertullian, with
an inexcusable display of erudition at the expense of good taste.

78. Politian was the first that wrote the Latin language
His version of
Herodian. with much elegance; and while every other early
translator from the Greek has incurred more or less of censure at the
hands of judges whom better learning had made fastidious, it is
agreed by them that his Herodian has all the spirit of his original,
and frequently excels it.[409] Thus we perceive that the age of Poggio,
Filelfo, and Valla was already left far behind by a new generation:
these had been well employed as the pioneers of ancient literature;
but for real erudition and taste we must descend to Politian,
Christopher Landino, and Hermolaus Barbarus.[410]
[409] Huet. apud Blount in Politiano.
[410] Meiners, Roscoe, Corniani, Heeren, and Greswell’s Memoirs of early
Italian scholars, are the best authorities to whom the reader can have
recourse for the character of Politian, besides his own works. I think,
however, that Heeren has hardly done justice to Politian’s poetry.
Tiraboschi is unsatisfactory. Blount, as usual, collects the suffrages of
the sixteenth century.

Cornucopia of79. The Cornucopia sive Linguæ Latinæ Commentarii, by

Perotti. Nicolas Perotti, bishop of Siponto, suggests rather more
by its title than the work itself seems to warrant. It is a copious
commentary upon part of Martial; in which he takes occasion to
explain a vast many Latin words, and has been highly extolled by
Morhof, and by writers quoted in Baillet and Blount. To this
commentary is appended an alphabetical index of words, which
rendered it a sort of dictionary for the learned reader. Perotti lived a
little before this time; but the first edition seems to have been in
1489. He also wrote a small Latin grammar, frequently reprinted in
the fifteenth century, and was an indifferent translator of Polybius.
[411]

[411] Heeren, 272, Morhof, i. 821, who calls Perotti the first compiler of good
Latin, from whom those who followed have principally borrowed. See
also Baillet and Blount for testimonies to Perotti.

80. We have not thought it worth while to mention the

Latin poetry of
Politian. Latin poets of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
They are numerous, and somewhat rude, from Petrarch and Boccace
to Maphæus Vegius, the continuator of the Æneid in a thirteenth
book, first printed in 1471, and very frequently afterwards. This is,
probably, the best versification before Politian. But his Latin poems
display considerable powers of description, and a strong feeling of
the beauties of Roman poetry. The style is imbued with these, not
too ambitiously chosen, nor in the manner called Centonism, but so
as to give a general elegance to the composition, and to call up
pleasing associations in the reader of taste. This, indeed, is the
common praise of good versifiers in modern Latin, and not peculiarly
appropriate to Politian, who is inferior to some who followed, though
to none, as I apprehend, that preceded in that numerous fraternity.
His ear is good, and his rhythm, with a few exceptions, musical and
Virgilian. Some defects are nevertheless worthy of notice. He is often
too exuberant, and apt to accumulate details of description. His
words, unauthorised by any legitimate example, are very numerous;
a fault in some measure excusable by the want of tolerable
dictionaries; so that the memory was the only test of classical
precedent. Nor can we deny that Politian’s Latin poetry is sometimes
blemished by affected and effeminate expressions, by a too studious
use of repetitions, and by a love of diminutives, according to the
fashion of his native language, carried beyond all bounds that
correct Augustan latinity could possibly have endured. This last fault,
and to a man of good taste it is an unpleasing one, belongs to a
great part of the lyrical and even elegiac writers in modern Latin.
The example of Catullus would probably have been urged in excuse;
but perhaps Catullus went farther than the best judges approved;
and nothing in his poems can justify the excessive abuse of that
effeminate grace, what the stern Persius would have called, “summa
delumbe saliva,” which pervades the poetry both of Italian and
Cisalpine Latinists for a long period. On the whole, Politian, like
many of his followers, is calculated to delight and mislead a
schoolboy, but may be read with pleasure by a man.[412]
[412] The extracts from Politian, and other Latin poets of Italy, by Pope, in
the two little volumes, entitled Poemata Italorum, are extremely well
chosen, and give a just measure of most of them.

81. Amidst all the ardour for the restoration of classical

Italian poetry
of Lorenzo. literature in Italy, there might seem reason to apprehend
that native originality would not meet its due reward, and even that
the discouraging notion of a degeneracy in the powers of the human
mind might come to prevail. Those who annex an exaggerated value
to correcting an unimportant passage in an ancient author, or, which
is much the same, interpreting some worthless inscription, can
hardly escape the imputation of pedantry; and doubtless this
reproach might justly fall on many of the learned in that age, as,
with less excuse, it has often done upon their successors. We have
already seen that, for a hundred years, it was thought unworthy a
man of letters, even though a poet, to write in Italian; and Politian,
with his great patron Lorenzo, deserves no small honour for having
disdained the false vanity of the philologers. Lorenzo stands at the
head of the Italian poets of the fifteenth century in the sonnet as
well as in the light lyrical composition. His predecessors, indeed,
were not likely to remove the prejudice against vernacular poetry.
Several of his sonnets appear, both for elevation and elegance of
style, worthy of comparison with those of the next age. But perhaps
his most original claim to the title of a poet is founded upon the
Canti Carnascialeschi, or carnival songs, composed for the popular
shows on festivals. Some of these, which are collected in a volume
printed in 1558, are by Lorenzo, and display a union of classical
grace and imitation with the native raciness of Florentine gaiety.[413]
[413] Corniani. Roscoe. Crescimbeni (della volgar poesia, ii. 324) strongly
asserts Lorenzo to be the restorer of poetry, which had never been
 more barbarous than in his youth. But certainly the Giostra of Politian
was written while Lorenzo was very young.

Pulci. 82. But at this time appeared a poet of a truly modern

school, in one of Lorenzo’s intimate society, Luigi Pulci. The first
edition of his Morgante Maggiore, containing twenty-three cantos, to
which five were subsequently added, was published at Venice in
1481. The taste of the Italians has always been strongly inclined to
extravagant combinations of fancy, caprices rapid and sportive as the
animal from which they take their name. The susceptible and
versatile imaginations of that people, and their habitual
cheerfulness, enable them to render the serious and terrible
instrumental to the ridiculous, without becoming, like some modern
fictions, merely hideous and absurd.
Character of83. The Morgante Maggiore was evidently suggested by
Morgante some long romances written within the preceding
Maggiore.
century in the octave stanza, for which the fabulous
chronicle of Turpin, and other fictions wherein the same real and
imaginary personages had been introduced, furnished the materials.
Under pretence of ridiculing the intermixture of sacred allusions with
the romantic legends, Pulci carried it to an excess; which, combined
with some sceptical insinuations of his own, seems clearly to display
an intention of exposing religion to contempt.[414] As to the heroes of
his romance, there can be, as it seems, no sort of doubt that he
designed them for nothing else than the butts of his fancy; that the
reader might scoff at those whom duller poets had held up to
admiration. It has been a question among Italian critics, whether the
poem of Pulci is to be reckoned burlesque.[415] This may seem to
turn on the definition, though I do not see what definition could be
given, consistently with the use of language, that would exclude it; it
is intended as a caricature of the poetical romances, and might even
seem by anticipation a satirical, though not ill-natured, parody on
the Orlando Furioso. That he meant to excite any other emotion
than laughter cannot, as it seems, be maintained; and a very few
stanzas of a more serious character, which may rarely be found, are
not enough to make an exception to his general design. The
Morgante was to the poetical romances of chivalry, what Don
Quixote was to their brethren in prose.
[414] The story of Meridiana, in the eighth canto, is sufficient to prove Pulci’s
irony to have been exercised on religion. It is well known to the
readers of the Morgante. It has been alleged in the Biographie
Universelle, that he meant only to turn into ridicule “ces muses
mendiantes du 14me siècle,” the authors of la Spagna or Buovo
d’Antona, who were in the habit of beginning their songs with scraps of
the liturgy, and even of introducing theological doctrines in the most
absurd and misplaced style. Pulci has given us much of the latter,
wherein some have imagined that he had the assistance of Ficinus.
[415] This seems to have been an old problem in Italy. Corniani, ii. 302; and
the gravity of Pulci has been maintained of late by such respectable
authorities as Foscolo and Panizzi. Ginguéné, who does not go this
length, thinks the death of Orlando, and his last prayer, both pathetic
and sublime. I can see nothing in it but the systematic spirit of parody
which we find in Pulci. But the lines on the death of Forisena, in the
fourth canto, are really graceful and serious. The following remarks on
Pulci’s style come from a more competent judge than myself.
“There is something harsh in Pulci’s manner, owing to his abrupt
transition from one idea to another, and to his carelessness of
grammatical rules. He was a poet by nature, and wrote with ease, but
he never cared for sacrificing syntax to meaning; he did not mind
saying anything incorrectly, if he were but sure that his meaning would
be guessed. The rhyme very often compels him to employ expressions,
words, and even lines which frequently render the sense obscure and
the passage crooked, without producing any other effect than that of
destroying a fine stanza. He has no similes of any particular merit, nor
does he stand eminent in description. His verses almost invariably
make sense taken singly, and convey distinct and separate ideas.
Hence he wants that richness, fulness, and smooth flow of diction,
which is indispensable to an epic poet, and to a noble description or
comparison. Occasionally, when the subject admits of a powerful
sketch which may be presented with vigour and spirit by a few strokes
boldly drawn, Pulci appears to a great advantage.”—Panizzi on romantic
poetry of Italians, in the first volume of his Orlando Innamorato, p.
298.

84. A foreigner must admire the vivacity of the narrative, the

humorous gaiety of the characters, the adroitness of the satire. But
the Italians, and especially the Tuscans, delight in the raciness of
Pulci’s Florentine idiom, which we cannot equally relish. He has not
been without influence on men of more celebrity than himself. In
several passages of Ariosto, especially the visit of Astolfo to the
moon, we trace a resemblance not wholly fortuitous. Voltaire, in one
of his most popular poems, took the dry archness of Pulci, and
exaggerated the profaneness, superadding the obscenity from his
own stores. But Mr. Frere, with none of these two ingredients in his
admirable vein of humour, has come, in the War of the Giants, much
closer to the Morgante Maggiore than any one else.
Platonic 85. The Platonic academy, in which the chief of the
theology of Medici took so much delight, did not fail to reward his
Ficinus.
care. Marsilius Ficinus, in his Theologica Platonica
(1482), developed a system chiefly borrowed from the later
Platonists of the Alexandrian school, full of delight to the credulous
imagination, though little appealing to the reason, which, as it
seemed remarkably to coincide in some respects with the received
tenets of the church, was connived at in a few reveries, which could
not so well bear the test of an orthodox standard. He supported his
philosophy by a translation of Plato into Latin, executed at the
direction of Lorenzo, and printed before 1490. Of this translation
Buhle has said, that it has been very unjustly reproached with want
of correctness; it is, on the contrary, perfectly conformable to the
original, and has even, in some passages, enabled us to restore the
text; the manuscripts used by Ficinus, I presume, not being in our
hands. It has also the rare merit of being at once literal,
perspicuous, and in good Latin.[416]
[416] Hist. de la Philosophie, vol. ii. The fullest account of the philosophy of
Ficinus has been given by Buhle. Those who seek less minute
information may have recourse to Brucker or Corniani; or, if they are
content with still less, to Tiraboschi, Roscoe, Heeren, or the Biographie
Universelle.

Doctrine of 86. But the Platonism of Ficinus was not wholly that of
Averroes on the master. It was based on the emanation of the
the soul.
human soul from God, and its capacity of reunion by an ascetic and
contemplative life; a theory perpetually reproduced in various
modifications of meaning, and far more of words. The nature and
immortality of the soul, the functions and distinguishing characters
of angels, the being and attributes of God, engaged the thoughtful
mind of Ficinus. In the course of his high speculations he assailed a
doctrine, which, though rejected by Scotus and most of the
schoolmen, had gained much ground among the Aristotelians, as
they deemed themselves, of Italy; a doctrine first held by Averroes;
that there is one common intelligence, active, immortal, indivisible,
unconnected with matter, the soul of human kind, which is not in
any one man, because it has no material form, but which yet assists
in the rational operations of each man’s personal soul, and from
those operations which are all conversant with particulars, derives its
own knowledge of universals. Thus, if I understand what is meant,
which is rather subtle, it might be said, that as in the common
theory particular sensations furnish means to the soul of forming
general ideas, so, in that of Averroes, the ideas and judgments of
separate human souls furnish collectively the means of that
knowledge of universals, which the one great soul of mankind alone
can embrace. This was a theory built, as some have said, on the bad
Arabic version of Aristotle which Averroes used. But, whatever might
have first suggested it to the philosopher of Cordova, it seems little
else than an expansion of the Realist hypothesis, urged to a degree
of apparent paradox. For if the human soul, as an universal, possess
an objective reality, it must surely be intelligent; and, being such, it
may seem no extravagant hypothesis, though one incapable of that
demonstration we now require in philosophy, to suppose that it acts
upon the subordinate intelligences of the same species, and receives
impressions from them. By this also they would reconcile the
knowledge we were supposed to possess of the reality of universals,
with the acknowledged impossibility, at least in many cases, of
representing them to the mind.
Opposed by 87. Ficinus is the more prompt to refute the Averroists,
Ficinus. that they all maintained the mortality of the particular
soul, while it was his endeavour, by every argument that erudition
and ingenuity could supply, to prove the contrary. The whole of his
Platonic Theology appears a beautiful, but too visionary and
hypothetical, system of theism, the groundworks of which lay deep
in the meditations of ancient oriental sages. His own treatise, of
which a very copious account will be found in Buhle, soon fell into
oblivion; but it belongs to a class of literature, which, in all its
extension, has, full as much as any other, engaged the human mind.
Desire of man88. The thirst for hidden knowledge, by which man is
to explore distinguished from brutes, and the superior races of men
mysteries.
from savage tribes, burns generally with more
intenseness in proportion as the subject is less definitely
comprehensible, and the means of certainty less attainable. Even our
own interest in things beyond the sensible world does not appear to
be the primary or chief source of the desire we feel to be acquainted
with them; it is the pleasure of belief itself, of associating the
conviction of reality with ideas not presented by sense; it is
sometimes the necessity of satisfying a restless spirit, that first
excites our endeavour to withdraw the veil that conceals the mystery
of their being. The few great truths in religion that reason discovers,
or that an explicit revelation deigns to communicate, sufficient as
they may be for our practical good, have proved to fall very short of
the ambitious curiosity of man. They leave so much imperfectly
known, so much wholly unexplored, that in all ages he has never
been content without trying some method of filling up the void.
These methods have often led him to folly, and weakness, and
crime. Yet as those who want the human passions, in their excess
the great fountains of evil, seem to us maimed in their nature, so an
indifference to this knowledge of invisible things, or a premature
despair of attaining it, may be accounted an indication of some
moral or intellectual deficiency, some scantness of due proportion in
the mind.
Various 89. The means to which recourse has been had to
methods enlarge the boundaries of human knowledge in matters
employed.
relating to the Deity, or to such of his intelligent creatures as do not
present themselves in ordinary objectiveness to our senses, have
been various, and may be distributed into several classes. Reason
Reason and itself, as the most valuable, though not the most
inspiration. frequent in use, may be reckoned the first. Whatever
deductions have suggested themselves to the acute, or analogies to
the observant mind, whatever has seemed the probable
interpretation of revealed testimony, is the legitimate province of a
sound and rational theology. But so fallible appears the reason of
each man to others, and often so dubious are its inferences to
himself, so limited is the span of our faculties, so incapable are they
of giving more than a vague and conjectural probability, where we
demand most of definiteness and certainty, that few, comparatively
speaking, have been content to acquiesce even in their own
hypothesis upon no other grounds than argument has supplied. The
uneasiness that is apt to attend suspense of belief has required, in
general, a more powerful remedy. Next to those who have solely
employed their rational faculties in theology, we may place those
who have relied on a supernatural illumination. These have
nominally been many; but the imagination, like the reason, bends
under the incomprehensibility of spiritual things; a few excepted,
who have become founders of sects, and lawgivers to the rest, the
mystics fell into a beaten track, and grew mechanical even in their
enthusiasm.
Extended 90. No solitary and unconnected meditations, however,
inferences either of the philosopher or the mystic, could furnish a
from sacred
books. sufficiently extensive stock of theological faith for the
multitude, who, by their temper and capacities, were
more prone to take it at the hands of others than choose any tenets
for themselves. They looked, therefore, for some authority upon
which to repose; and instead of builders, became as it were
occupants of mansions prepared for them by more active minds.
Among those who acknowledged a code of revealed truths, the
Jews, Christians, and Mahometans, this authority has been sought in
largely expansive interpretations of their sacred books; either of
positive obligation, as the decisions of general councils were held to
be, or at least of such weight as a private man’s reason, unless he
were of great name himself, was not permitted to contravene. These
expositions, in the Christian Church, as well as among the Jews,
were frequently allegorical; a hidden stream of esoteric truth was
supposed to flow beneath all the surface of Scripture; and every text
germinated, in the hands of the preacher, into meanings far from
obvious, but which were presumed to be not undesigned. This
scheme of allegorical interpretation began among the earliest
fathers, and spread with perpetual expansion through the middle
ages.[417] The Reformation swept most of it away; but it has
frequently revived in a more partial manner. We mention it here only
as one great means of enabling men to believe more than they had
done, of communicating to them what was to be received as divine
truths, not additional to Scripture, because they were concealed in
it, but such as the church could only have learned through its
teachers.
[417] Fleury (5me discours), xvii. 37. Mosheim, passim.

Confidence in91. Another large class of religious opinions stood on a

traditions. somewhat different footing. They were in a proper
sense, according to the notions of those times, revealed from God;
though not in the sacred writings which were the chief depositories
of his word. Such were the received traditions in each of the three
great religions, sometimes, absolutely infallible, sometimes, as in the
former case of interpretations, resting upon such a basis of
authority, that no one was held at liberty to withhold his assent. The
Jewish traditions were of this kind; and the Mahometans have trod
in the same path, we may add to these the legends of saints: none,
perhaps, were positively enforced as of faith; but a Franciscan was
not to doubt the inspiration and miraculous gifts of his founder. Nor
was there any disposition in the people to doubt of them; they filled
up with abundant measure the cravings of the heart and fancy, till,
having absolutely palled both by excess, they brought about a kind
of reaction, which has taken off much of their efficacy.
Confidence in92. Francis of Assisi may naturally lead us to the last
individuals as
mode in which the spirit of theological belief manifested
inspired.
itself; the confidence in a particular man, as the organ of
a special divine illumination. But though this was fully assented to by
the order he instituted, and probably by most others, it cannot be
said that Francis pretended to set up any new tenets, or enlarge,
except by his visions and miracles, the limits of spiritual knowledge.
Nor would this, in general, have been a safe proceeding in the
middle ages. Those who made a claim to such light from heaven as
could irradiate what the church had left dark seldom failed to
provoke her jealousy. It is, therefore, in later times, and under more
tolerant governments, that we shall find the fanatics, or impostors,
whom the multitude has taken for witnesses of divine truth, or at
least as interpreters of the mysteries of the invisible world.
Jewish 93. In the class of traditional theology, or what might be
Cabbala. called complemental revelation, we must place the
Jewish Cabbala. This consisted in a very specific and complex
system, concerning the nature of the Supreme being, the emanation
of various orders of spirits in successive links from his essence, their
properties and characters. It is evidently one modification of the
oriental philosophy, borrowing little from the Scriptures, at least
through any natural interpretation of them, and the offspring of the
Alexandrian Jews, not far from the beginning of the Christian æra.
They referred it to a tradition from Esdras, or some other eminent
person, on whom they fixed as the depositary of an esoteric
theology communicated by divine authority. The Cabbala was
received by the Jewish doctors in the first centuries after the fall of
their state; and after a period of long duration, as remarkable for the
neglect of learning in that people as in the Christian world, it revived
again in that more genial season, the eleventh and twelfth centuries,
when the brilliancy of many kinds of literature among the Saracens
of Spain excited their Jewish subjects to emulation. Many
conspicuous men illustrate the Hebrew learning of those and the
succeeding ages. It was not till now, about the middle of the
fifteenth century, that they came into contact with the Christians in
theological philosophy. The Platonism of Ficinus, derived, in great
measure, from that of Plotinus and the Alexandrian school, was
easily connected, by means especially of the writings of Philo, with
the Jewish orientalism, sisters as they were of the same family.
Several forgeries in celebrated names, easy to affect and sure to
deceive, had been committed in the first ages of Christianity by the
active propagators of this philosophy. Hermes Trismegistus, and
Zoroaster, were counterfeited in books which most were prone to
take for genuine, and which it was not then easy to refute on critical
grounds. These altogether formed a huge mass of imposture, or, at
best, of arbitrary hypothesis, which, for more than a hundred years
after this time, obtained an undue credence, and consequently
retarded the course of real philosophy in Europe.[418]
[418] Brucker, vol. ii. Buhle, ii. 316. Meiners, Vergl. der Sitten, iii. 277.

Picus of 94. They never gained over a more distinguished

Mirandola. proselyte, or one whose credulity was more to be
regretted, than a young man who appeared at Florence in 1485,
John Picus of Mirandola. He was then twenty-two years old, the
younger son of an illustrious family, which held that little principality
as an imperial fief. At the age of fourteen he was sent to Bologna,
that he might study the canon law, with a view to the ecclesiastical
profession; but after two years he felt an inexhaustible desire for
more elevated though less profitable sciences. He devoted the next
six years to the philosophy of the schools, in the chief universities of
Italy and France: whatever disputable subtilties the metaphysics and
theology of that age could supply, became familiar to his mind; but
to these he added a knowledge of the Hebrew and other eastern
languages, a power of writing Latin with grace, and of amusing his
leisure with the composition of Italian poetry. The natural genius of
Picus is well shown, though in a partial manner, by a letter which will
be found among those of Politian, in answer to Hermolaus Barbarus.
His correspondent had spoken with the scorn, and almost bitterness,
usual with philologers, of the Transalpine writers, meaning chiefly
the schoolmen, for the badness of their Latin. The young scholastic
answered, that he had been at first disheartened by the reflection
that he had lost six years’ labour; but considered afterwards, that
the barbarians might say something for themselves, and puts a very
good defence in their mouths; a defence which wants nothing but
the truth of what he is forced to assume, that they had been
employing their intellects upon things instead of words. Hermolaus
found, however, nothing better to reply than the compliment, that
Picus would be disavowed by the schoolmen for defending them in
so eloquent a style.[419]
[419] The letter of Hermolaus is dated Apr. 1485. He there says, after many
compliments to Picus himself: Nec enim inter autores Latinæ linguæ
numero Germanos istos et Teutonas qui ne viventes quidem vivebant,
nedum ut extincti vivant, aut si vivunt, vivunt in pœnam et
contumeliam. The answer of Picus is dated in June. A few lines from
his pleading for the schoolmen will exhibit his ingenuity and elegance.
Admirenture nos sagaces in inquirendo, circumspectors in explorando,
subtiles in contemplando, in judicando graves, implicitos in vinciendo,
faciles in enodando. Admirentur in nobis brevitatem styli, fœtam rerum
multarum atque magnarum, sub expositis verbis remotissimas
sententias, plenas quæstionum, plenas solutionum, quam apti sumus,
quam bene instructi ambiguitates tollere, scrupos diluere, involuta
evolvere, flexanimis syllogismis et infirmare falso et vera confirmare.
Viximus celebres, o Hermolae, et posthac vivemus, non in scholis
grammaticorum et pædagogiis, sed in philosophorum coronis, in
conventibus sapientum, ubi non de matre Andromaches, non de Niobes
filiis, atque id genus levibus nugis, sed de humanarum divinarumque
rerum rationibus agitur et disputatur. In quibus meditandis, inquirendis
et enodandis, ita subtiles acuti acresque fuimus, ut anxii quandoque
nimium et morosi fuisse forte videamur, si modo esse morosus
quispiam aut curiosus nimio plus in indagando veritate potest. Polit.
Epist. lib. 9.

95. He learned Greek very rapidly, probably after his

His credulity in
the Cabbala. coming to Florence. And having been led, through
Ficinus, to the study of Plato, he seems to have given up his
Aristotelian philosophy for theories more congenial to his susceptible
and credulous temper. These led him onwards to wilder fancies.
Ardent in the desire of knowledge, incapable, in the infancy of
criticism, to discern authentic from spurious writings, and perhaps
disqualified, by his inconceivable rapidity in apprehending the
opinions of others from judging acutely of their reasonableness,
Picus of Mirandola fell an easy victim to his own enthusiasm and the
snares of fraud. An impostor persuaded him to purchase fifty
Hebrew manuscripts, as having been composed by Esdras, and
containing the most secret mysteries of the Cabbala. From this time,
says Corniani, he imbibed more and more such idle fables, and
wasted in dreams a genius formed to reach the most elevated and
remote truths. In these spurious books of Esdras, he was astonished
to find, as he says, more of Christianity than Judaism, and trusted
them the more confidently for the very reason that demonstrates
their falsity.[420]
[420] Corniani, iii. 63. Meiners, Lebensbeschreibungen berühmter Männer ii.
21. Tiraboschi, vii. 325.

His literary 96. Picus, about the end of 1486, repaired to Rome, and
performances.with permission of Innocent VIII., propounded his
famous nine hundred theses, or questions, logical, ethical,
mathematical, physical, metaphysical, theological, magical, and
cabbalistical; upon every one of which he offered to dispute with any
opponent. Four hundred of these propositions were from
philosophers of Greece or Arabia, from the schoolmen, or from the
Jewish doctors; the rest were announced as his own opinions,
which, saving the authority of the church, he was willing to defend.
[421] There was some need of this reservation; for several of his

theses were ill-sounding, as it was called, in the ears of the

orthodox. They raised a good deal of clamour against him; and the
high rank, brilliant reputation, and obedient demeanour of Picus
were all required to save him from public censure or more serious
animadversions. He was compelled, however, to swear that he would
adopt such an exposition of his theses as the pope should set forth.
But as this was not done, he published an apology, especially
vindicating his employment of cabbalistical and magical learning.
This excited fresh attacks, which in some measure continued to
harass him, till, on the accession of Alexander VI. to the papal chair,
he was finally pronounced free from blameable intention. He had
meantime, as we may infer from his later writings, receded from
some of the bolder opinions of his youth. His mind became more
devout, and more fearful of deviating from the church. On his first
appearance at Florence, uniting rare beauty with high birth and
unequalled renown, he had been much sought by women, and
returned their love. But at the age of twenty-five he withdrew
himself from all worldly distraction, destroying, as it is said, his own
amatory poems, to the regret of his friends.[422] He now published
several works, of which the Heptaplus is a cabbalistic exposition of
the first chapter of Genesis. It is remarkable that, with his excessive
tendency to belief, he rejected altogether, and confuted in a distinct
treatise, the popular science of astrology, in which men so much
more conspicuous in philosophy have trusted. But he had projected
many other undertakings of vast extent; an allegorical exposition of
the New Testament, a defence of the Vulgate and Septuagint against
the Jews, a vindication of Christianity against every species of
infidelity and heresy; and finally, a harmony of philosophy,
reconciling the apparent inconsistencies of all writers, ancient and
modern, who deserved the name of wise, as he had already
attempted by Plato and Aristotle. In these arduous labours he was
cut off by a fever at the age of thirty-one, in 1494, on the very day
that Charles VIII. made his entry into Florence. A man, so justly
called the phœnix of his age, and so extraordinarily gifted by nature,
ought not to be slightly passed over, though he may have left
nothing which we could read with advantage. If we talk of the
admirable Crichton, who is little better than a shadow, and lives but
in panegyric, so much superior and more wonderful a person as
John Picus of Mirandola should not be forgotten.[423]
[421] Meiners, p. 14.
[422] Meiners, p. 10.
[423] The long biography of Picus in Meiners is in great measure taken from a
life written by his nephew, John Francis Picus, count of Mirandola,
himself a man of great literary and philosophical reputation in the next
century. Meiners has made more use of this than any one else; but
much will be found concerning Picus, from this source, and from his
 own works, in Brucker, Buhle, Corniani, and Tiraboschi. The epitaph on
Picus by Hercules Strozza is, I believe, in the church of St. Mark:—
Joannes jacet hic Mirandola; cætera nôrunt
Et Tagus et Ganges; forsan et Antipodes.

State of 97. If, leaving the genial city of Florence, we are to

learning in
Germany.
judge of the state of knowledge in our Cisalpine regions,
and look at the books it was thought worth while to
Agricola. publish, which seems no bad criterion, we shall rate but
lowly their proficiency in the classical literature so much valued in
Italy. Four editions, and those chiefly of short works, were printed at
Deventer, one at Cologne, one at Louvain, five perhaps at Paris, two
at Lyons.[424] But a few undated books might, probably, be added.
Either, therefore, the love of ancient learning had grown colder,
which was certainly not the case, or it had never been strong
enough to reward the labour of the too sanguine printers. Yet it was
now striking root in Germany. The excellent schools of Munster and
Schelstadt were established in some part of this decade; they
trained those who were themselves to become instructors; and the
liberal zeal of Langius extending beyond his immediate disciples,
scarce any Latin author was published in Germany in which he did
not correct the text.[425] The opportunities he had of doing so were
not, as has been just seen, so numerous in this period as they
became in the next. He had to withstand a potent and obstinate
faction. The mendicant friars of Cologne, the head-quarters of
barbarous superstition, clamoured against his rejection of the old
school-books, and the entire reform of education. But Agricola
addresses his friend in sanguine language: “I entertain the greatest
hope from your exertions, that we shall one day wrest from this
insolent Italy her vaunted glory of pre-eminent eloquence; and
redeeming ourselves from the opprobrium of ignorance, barbarism,
and incapacity of expression which she is ever casting upon us, may
show our Germany so deeply learned, that Latium itself shall not be
more Latin than she will appear.”[426] About 1482, Agricola was
invited to the court of the elector palatine at Heidelberg. He seems
not to have been engaged in public instruction, but passed the
remainder of his life, unfortunately too short, for he died in 1485, in
diffusing and promoting a taste for literature among his
contemporaries. No German wrote in so pure a style, or possessed
so large a portion of classical learning. Vives places him in dignity
and grace of language even above Politian and Hermolaus.[427] The
praises of Erasmus, as well as of the later critics, if not so marked,
are very freely bestowed. His letters are frequently written in Greek;
a fashion of those who could; and as far as I have attended to them,
seem equal in correctness to some from men of higher name in the
next age.
[424] Panzer.
[425] Meiners, Lebensbesch. ii. 328. Eichhorn, iii. 231-239.
[426] Unum hoc tibi affirmo, ingentem de te concipio fiduciam, summamque
in spem adducor, fore aliquando, ut priscam insolenti Italiæ, et
propemodum occupatam bene dicendi gloriam extorqueamus;
vindicemusque nos, et ab ignavia, qua nos barbaros, indoctosque et
elingues, et si quid est his incultius, esse nos jactitant, exsolvamus,
futuramque tam doctam et literatam Germaniam nostram, ut non
Latinius vel ipsum sit Latium. This is quoted by Heeren, p. 154, and
Meiners, ii. 329.
[427] Vix et hac nostra et patrum memoria fuit unus atque alter dignior, qui
multum legeretur, multumque in manibus haberetur, quam Radulphus
Agricola Frisius; tantum est in ejus operibus ingenii, artis, gravitatis,
dulcedinis, eloquentiæ, eruditionis; at is paucissimis noscitur, vir non
minus, qui ab hominibus cognosceretur, dignus quam Politianus, vel
Hermolaus Barbarus, quos mea quidem sententia, et majestate et
suavitate dictionis non æquat modo, sed etiam vincit. Vives, Comment.
in Augustin. (apud Blount, Censura Auctorum, sub nomine Agricola.)
Agnosco virum divini pectoris, eruditionis reconditæ, stylo minime
vulgari, solidum, nervosum elaboratum, compositum. In Italia summus
esse poterat, nisi Germanium prætulisset. Erasmus in Ciceroniano. He
speaks as strongly in many other places. Testimonies to the merits of
Agricola from Huet, Vossius, and others, are collected by Bayle, Blount,
Baillet, and Niceron. Meiners has written his life, ii. pp. 332-363; and
several of his letters will be found among those addressed to Reuchlin,
Epistolæ ad Reuchlinum; a collection of great importance for this
portion of literary history.
Rhenish 98. The immediate patron of Agricola, through whom he
academy. was invited to Heidelberg, was John Camerarius, of the
house of Dalberg, bishop of Worms, and chancellor of the Palatinate.
He contributed much himself to the cause of letters in Germany;
especially if he is to be deemed the founder, as probably he should
be, of an early academy, the Rhenish Society, which, we are told,
devoted its time to Latin, Greek, and Hebrew criticism, astronomy,
music, and poetry; not scorning to relax their minds with dances and
feasts, nor forgetting the ancient German attachment to the flowing
cup.[428] The chief seat of the Rhenish Society was at Heidelberg; but
it had associate branches in other parts of Germany, and obtained
imperial privileges. No member of this academy was more
conspicuous than Conrad Celtes, who has sometimes been reckoned
its founder, which, from his youth, is hardly probable, and was, at
least, the chief instrument of its subsequent extension. He was
indefatigable in the vineyard of literature, and, travelling to different
parts of Germany, exerted a more general influence than Agricola
himself. Celtes was the first from whom Saxony derived some taste
for learning. His Latin poetry was far superior to any that had been
produced in the empire; and for this, in 1487, he received the laurel
crown from Frederic III.[429]
[428] Studebant eximia hæc ingenia Latinorum, Græcorum, Ebræorumque
scriptorum lectioni, cumprimis criticæ; astronomiam et artem musicam
excolebant. Poesin atque jurisprudentiam sibi habebant commendatam;
imo et interdum gaudia curis interponebant. Nocturno nimirum
tempore, defessi laboribus, ludere solebant, saltare, jocari cum
mulierculis, epulari, ac more Germanorum inveterato strenue potare.
Jugler, Hist. Litteraria, p. 1993 (vol. iii.). The passage seems to be
taken from Ruprecht, Oratio de Societate Litteraria Rhenana, Jenæ,
1752, which I have not seen.
[429] Jugler, ubi suprà. Eichhorn, ii. 557. Heeren, p. 100. Biogr. Universelle,
art. Celtes, Dalberg, Trithemius.

Reuchlin. 99. Reuchlin, in 1482, accompanied the duke of

Wirtemberg on a visit to Rome. He thus became acquainted with the
illustrious men of Italy, and convinced them of his own pretensions
to the name of a scholar. The old Constantinopolitan Argyropulus, on
hearing him translate a passage of Thucydides, exclaimed, “Our
banished Greece has now flown beyond the Alps.” Yet Reuchlin,
though from some other circumstances of his life a more celebrated,
was not probably so learned or so accomplished a man as Agricola;
he was withdrawn from public tuition by the favour of several
princes, in whose courts he filled honourable offices; and after some
years more, he fell unfortunately into the same seducing error as
Picus of Mirandola, and sacrificed his classical pursuits for the
Cabbalistic philosophy.
French 100. Though France contributed little to the philologer,
language and several books were now published in French. In the Cent
poetry.
Nouvelles Nouvelles, 1486, a slight improvement in
polish of language is said to be discernible.[430] The poems of Villon
are rather of more importance. They were first published in 1489;
but many of them had been written thirty years before. Boileau has
given Villon credit for being the first who cleared his style from the
rudeness and redundancy of the old romancers.[431] But this praise,
as some have observed, is more justly due to the duke of Orleans, a
man of full as much talent as Villon, with a finer taste. The poetry of
the latter, as might be expected from a life of dissoluteness and
roguery, is often low and coarse; but he seems by no means
incapable of a moral strain, not destitute of terseness and spirit.
Martial d’Auvergne, in his Vigiles de la Mort de Charles VII., which,
from its subject, must have been written soon after 1460, though
not printed till 1490, displays, to judge from the extracts in Goujet,
some compass of imagination.[432] The French poetry of this age was
still full of allegorical morality, and had lost a part of its original
raciness. Those who desire an acquaintance with it may have
recourse to the author just mentioned, or to Bouterwek; and
extracts, though not so copious as the title promises, will be found in
the Recueil des Anciens Poètes Français.
[430] Essai du C. François de Neufchâteau sur les meilleurs ouvrages en
prose; prefixed to Œuvres de Pascal (1819), i. p. cxx.
 [431]
Villon fut le primer dans des siècles grossiers
Debrouiller l’art confus de nos vieux romanciers.
Art Poétique, l. i. v. 117.

[432] Goujet, Bibliothèque Française, vol. x.

European 101. The modern drama of Europe is derived, like its

drama. poetry, from two sources, the one ancient or classical,
the other mediæval; the one an imitation of Plautus and Seneca, the
other a gradual refinement of the rude scenic performances,
Latin. denominated miracles, mysteries, or moralities. Latin
plays upon the former model, a few of which are extant, were
written in Italy during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and
sometimes represented, either in the universities, or before an
audience of ecclesiastics and others who could understand them.[433]
One of these, the Catinia of Secco Polentone, written about the
middle of the fifteenth century, and translated by a son of the author
into the Venetian dialect, was printed in 1482. This piece, however,
was confined to the press.[434] Sabellicus, as quoted by Tiraboschi,
has given to Pomponius Lætus the credit of having re-established
the theatre at Rome, and caused the plays of Plautus Terence, as
well as some more modern, which we may presume to have been in
Latin, to be performed before the pope, probably Sixtus IV. And
James of Volterra, in a diary published by Muratori, expressly
mentions a History of Constantine represented in the papal palace
during the carnival of 1484.[435] In imitation of Italy, but, perhaps, a
little after the present decennial period, Reuchlin brought Latin plays
of his own composition before a German audience. They were
represented by students of Heidelberg. An edition of his
Progymnasmata Scenica, containing some of these comedies, was
printed in 1498. It has been said that one of them is taken from the
French farce Maître Patelin[436]; while another, entitled Sergius,
according to Warton, flies a much higher pitch, and is a satire on
bad kings and bad ministers; though, from the account of Meiners, it
seems rather to fall on the fraudulent arts of the monks.[437] The
book is very scarce, and I have never seen it. Conrad Celtes, not
long after Reuchlin, produced his own tragedies and comedies in the
public halls of German cities. It is to be remembered, that the oral
Latin language might at that time be tolerably familiar to a
considerable audience in Germany.
[433] Tiraboschi, vii. 200.
[434] Id. p. 201.
[435] Id. p. 204.
[436] Greswell’s Early Parisian Press, p. 124; quoting la Monnoye. This seems
to be confirmed by Meiners, i. 63.
[437] Warton, iii. 203. Meiners, i. 62. The Sergius was represented at
Heidelberg about 1497.

Orfeo of 102. The Orfeo of Politian has claimed precedence as

Politian. the earliest represented drama, not of a religious nature,
in a modern language. This was written by him in two days, and
acted before the court of Mantua in 1483. Roscoe has called it the
first example of the musical drama, or Italian opera; but though he
speaks of this as agreed by general consent, it is certain that the
Orfeo was not designed for musical accompaniment, except,
probably, in the songs and choruses.[438] According to the analysis of
the fable in Ginguéné, the Orfeo differs only from a legendary
mystery by substituting one set of characters for another; and it is
surely by an arbitrary definition that we pay it the compliment upon
which the modern historians of literature seem to have agreed.
Several absurdities which appear in the first edition are said not to
exist in the original manuscripts from which the Orfeo has been
reprinted.[439] We must give the next place to a translation of the
Menæchmi of Plautus, acted at Ferrara in 1486, by order of Ercole I.,
and, as some have thought, his own production, or to some original
plays said to have been performed at the same brilliant court in the
following years.[440]
[438] Burney (Hist. of Music, iv. 17) seems to countenance this; but
Tiraboschi does not speak of musical accompaniment to the Orfeo; and
 Corniani only says, alcuni di essi sembrano dall’autor destinati ad
accoppiarsi colla musica. Tali sono i canzoni e i cori alla Greca. Probably
Roscoe did not mean all that his words imply; for the origin of
recitative, in which the essence of the Italian opera consists, more than
a century afterwards, is matter of notoriety.
[439] Tiraboschi, vii. 216. Ginguéné, iii. 514. Andrès (v. 125), discussing the
history of the Italian and Spanish theatres, gives the precedence to the
Orfeo as a represented play, though he conceives the first act of the
Celestina to have been written and well known not later than the
middle of the fifteenth century.
[440] Tiraboschi, vii. 203, et post. Roscoe, Leo X., ch. ii. Ginguéné,vi. 18.

Origin of 103. The less regular, though in their day not less
dramatic interesting, class of scenical stories, commonly called
mysteries.
mysteries, all of which related to religious subjects, were
never in more reputation than at this time. It is impossible to fix
their first appearance at any single æra, and the inquiry into the
origin of dramatic representation must be very limited in its subject,
or perfectly futile in its scope. All nations, probably, have at all times,
to a certain extent, amused themselves both with pantomimic and
oral representation of a feigned story; the sports of children are
seldom without both; and the exclusive employment of the former,
instead of being a first stage of the drama, as has sometimes been
assumed, is rather a variety in the course of its progress.
Their early 104. The Christian drama arose on the ruins of the
stage. heathen theatre: it was a natural substitute of real
sympathies for those which were effaced and condemned. Hence we
find Greek tragedies on sacred subjects almost as early as the
establishment of the church, and we have testimonies to their
representation at Constantinople. Nothing of this kind being proved
with respect to the west of Europe in the dark ages, it has been
conjectured, not improbably, though without necessity, that the
pilgrims, of whom great numbers repaired to the East in the
eleventh century, might have obtained notions of scenical dialogue,
with a succession of characters, and with an ornamental apparatus,
in which theatrical representation properly consists. The earliest
mention of them, it has been said, is in England. Geoffrey,
afterwards abbot of St. Albans, while teaching a school at Dunstable,
caused one of the shows, vulgarly called miracles, on the story of St.
Catherine, to be represented in that town. Such is the account of
Matthew Paris, who mentions the circumstance incidentally, in
consequence of a fire that ensued. This must have been within the
first twenty years of the twelfth century.[441] It is not to be
questioned, that Geoffrey, a native of France, had some earlier
models in his own country. Le Bœuf gives an account of a mystery
written in the middle of the preceding century, wherein Virgil is
introduced among the prophets that come to adore the Saviour;
doubtless in allusion to the fourth eclogue.
[441] Matt. Paris, p. 1007 (edit. 1684). See Warton’s 34th section (iii. 193-
233), for the early drama, and Beauchamps, Hist. du Théâtre Français,
vol. i., or Bouterwek, v. 95-117, for the French in particular; Tiraboschi,
ubi suprà, or Riccoboni, Hist. du Théâtre Italien, for that of Italy.

105. Fitz-Stephen, in the reign of Henry II., dwells on

Extant English
mysteries. the sacred plays acted in London, representing the
miracles or passions of martyrs. They became very common by the
names of mysteries or miracles, both in England and on the
Continent, and were not only exhibited within the walls of convents,
but upon public occasions and festivals for the amusement of the
people. It is probable, however, that the performers for a long time
were always ecclesiastics. The earlier of those religious dramas were
in Latin. A Latin farce exists on St. Nicholas, older than the
thirteenth century.[442] It was slowly that the modern languages were
employed; and perhaps it might hence be presumed, that the
greater part of the story was told through pantomime. But as this
was unsatisfactory, and the spectators could not always follow the
fable, there was an obvious inducement to make use of the
vernacular language. The most ancient specimens appear to be
those which Le Grand d’Aussy found among the compositions of the
Trouveurs. He has published extracts from three; two of which are in
the nature of legendary mysteries, while the third, which is far more
remarkable, and may possibly be of the following century, is a
pleasing pastoral drama, of which there seem to be no other
instances in the mediæval period.[443] Bouterwek mentions a
fragment of a German mystery, near the end of the thirteenth
century.[444] Next to this it seems that we should place an English
mystery called The Harrowing of Hell. “This,” its editor observes, “is
believed to be the most ancient production in a dramatic form in our
language. The manuscript from which it is now printed is on vellum,
and is certainly as old as the reign of Edward III., if not older. It
probably formed one of a series of performances of the same kind,
founded upon Scripture history.” It consists of a prologue, epilogue,
and intermediate dialogue of nine persons, Dominus, Sathan, Adam,
Eve, &c. Independently of the alleged age of the manuscript itself,
the language will hardly be thought later than 1350.[445] This,
however, seems to stand at no small distance from any extant work
of the kind. Warton having referred the Chester mysteries to 1327,
when he supposes them to have been written by Ranulph Higden, a
learned monk of that city, best known as the author of the
Polychronicon, Roscoe positively contradicts him, and denies that
any dramatic composition can be found in England anterior to the
year 1500.[446] Two of these Chester mysteries have been since
printed; but notwithstanding the very respectable authorities which
assign them to the fourteenth century, I cannot but consider the
language in which we now read them not earlier, to say the least,
than the middle of the next. It is possible that they have in some
degree been modernised. Mr. Collier has given an analysis of our
own extant mysteries, or, as he prefers to call them, Miracle-plays.
[447] There does not seem to be much dramatic merit, even with

copious indulgence, in any of them; and some, such as the two

Chester mysteries, are in the lowest style of buffoonery; yet they are
of some importance in the absolute sterility of English literature
during the age in which we presume them to have been written, the
reigns of Henry VI. and Edward IV.
[442] Journal des Savans, 1828, p. 297. These farces, according to M.
Raynouard, were the earliest dramatic representations, and gave rise
to the mysteries.
 [443] Fabliaux, ii. 119.
[444] ix. 265. The Tragedy of the Ten Virgins was acted at Eisenach in 1322.
This is evidently nothing but a mystery. Weber’s Illustrations of
Northern Poetry, p. 19.
[445] Mr. Collier has printed twenty-five copies (why veteris tam parcus
aceti?) of this very curious record of the ancient drama. I do not know
that any other in Europe of that early age has yet been given to the
press.
[446] Lorenzo de’ Medici, i. 399. Roscoe thinks the few extracts in Bouterwek,
is rather there is reason to conjecture that the Miracle-play acted at
Dunstable was in dumb show; and assumes the same of the
“grotesque exhibitions” known by the name of The Harrowing of Hell.
In this we have just seen that he was mistaken, and probably in the
former.
[447] Hist. of English Dramatic Poetry, vol. ii. The Chester mysteries were
printed for the Roxburgh Club, by my friend Mr. Markland; and what
are called the Townley mysteries are announced for publication.

First French106. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were fertile

theatre. of these religious dramas in many parts of Europe. They
were frequently represented in Germany, but more in Latin than in
the mother-tongue. The French scriptural theatre, whatever may
have been previously exhibited, seems not to be traced in
permanent existence beyond the last years of the fourteenth
century. It was about 1400, according to Beauchamps, or some
years before, as the authorities quoted by Bouterwek imply, that the
Confrairie de la Passion de N. S. was established as a regular body
of actors at Paris.[448] They are said to have taken their name from
the mystery of the passion, which in fact represented the whole life
of our Lord from his baptism, and was divided into several days. In
pomp of show they far excelled our English mysteries, in which few
persons appeared, and the scenery was simple. But in the mystery
of the passion, eighty-seven characters were introduced in the first
day; heaven, earth, and hell combined to people the stage; several
scenes were written for singing, and some for choruses. The
dialogue, of which I have only seen similar to that of our own
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