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 c. Typechecking for React Applications
i. PropTypes
ii. Flow
iii. TypeScript
d. Test-Driven Development
i. TDD and Learning
e. Incorporating Jest

i. Create React App and Testing

f. Testing React Components
i. Queries
ii. Testing Events
iii. Using Code Coverage
12. 11. React Router
a. Incorporating the Router
b. Router Properties
i. Nesting Routes
c. Using Redirects
i. Routing Parameters
13. 12. React and the Server
a. Isomorphic Versus Universal
i. Client and Server Domains
b. Server Rendering React
 c. Server Rendering with Next.js
d. Gatsby
e. React in the Future
14. Index
 Learning React
SECOND EDITION

Modern Patterns for Developing React Apps

Alex Banks and Eve Porcello

Learning React

by Alex Banks and Eve Porcello

Copyright © 2020 Alex Banks and Eve Porcello. All rights reserved.

Printed in the United States of America.

Published by O’Reilly Media, Inc., 1005 Gravenstein Highway North,

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Revision History for the Second Edition
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978-1-492-05172-5
[LSI]
Preface

This book is for developers who want to learn the React library while
learning the latest techniques currently emerging in the JavaScript
language. This is an exciting time to be a JavaScript developer. The
ecosystem is exploding with new tools, syntax, and best practices that
promise to solve many of our development problems. Our aim with this
book is to organize these techniques so you can get to work with React
right away. We’ll get into state management, React Router, testing, and
server rendering, so we promise not to introduce only the basics and
then throw you to the wolves.

This book does not assume any knowledge of React at all. We’ll
introduce all of React’s basics from scratch. Similarly, we won’t
assume that you’ve worked with the latest JavaScript syntax. This will
be introduced in Chapter 2 as a foundation for the rest of the chapters.

You’ll be better prepared for the contents of the book if you’re

comfortable with HTML, CSS, and JavaScript. It’s almost always best
to be comfortable with these big three before diving into a JavaScript
library.

Along the way, check out the GitHub repository. All of the examples
are there and will allow you to practice hands-on.

Conventions Used in This Book

The following typographical conventions are used in this book:

Italic
Indicates new terms, URLs, email addresses, filenames, and file
extensions.

Constant width
Used for program listings, as well as within paragraphs to refer to
program elements such as variable or function names, databases,
data types, environment variables, statements, and keywords.

Constant width bold

Shows commands or other text that should be typed literally by the
user.

TIP
This element signifies a tip or suggestion.

NOTE
This element signifies a general note.

WARNING
This element indicates a warning or caution.
Using Code Examples
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Copyright 2020 Alex Banks and Eve Porcello, 978-1-492-05172-5.”

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Acknowledgments
Our journey with React wouldn’t have started without some good old-
fashioned luck. We used YUI when we created the training materials
for the full-stack JavaScript program we taught internally at Yahoo.
Then in August 2014, development on YUI ended. We had to change
all our course files, but to what? What were we supposed to use on the
front-end now? The answer: React. We didn’t fall in love with React
immediately; it took us a couple hours to get hooked. It looked like
React could potentially change everything. We got in early and got
really lucky.

We appreciate the help of Angela Rufino and Jennifer Pollock for all
the support in developing this second edition. We also want to
acknowledge Ally MacDonald for all her editing help in the first
edition. We’re grateful to our tech reviewers, Scott Iwako, Adam
Rackis, Brian Sletten, Max Firtman, and Chetan Karande.

There’s also no way this book could have existed without Sharon
Adams and Marilyn Messineo. They conspired to purchase Alex’s first
computer, a Tandy TRS 80 Color Computer. It also wouldn’t have
made it to book form without the love, support, and encouragement of
Jim and Lorri Porcello and Mike and Sharon Adams.

We’d also like to acknowledge Coffee Connexion in Tahoe City,

California, for giving us the coffee we needed to finish this book, and
its owner, Robin, who gave us the timeless advice: “A book on
programming? Sounds boring!”
Chapter 1. Welcome to React

What makes a JavaScript library good? Is it the number of stars on

GitHub? The number of downloads on npm? Is the number of tweets
that ThoughtLeaders™ write about it on a daily basis important? How
do we pick the best tool to use to build the best thing? How do we
know it’s worth our time? How do we know it’s good?

When React was first released, there was a lot of conversation around
whether it was good, and there were many skeptics. It was new, and the
new can often be upsetting.

To respond to these critiques, Pete Hunt from the React team wrote an
article called “Why React?” that recommended that you “give it
[React] five minutes.” He wanted to encourage people to work with
React first before thinking that the team’s approach was too wild.

Yes, React is a small library that doesn’t come with everything you
might need out of the box to build your application. Give it five
minutes.

Yes, in React, you write code that looks like HTML right in your
JavaScript code. And yes, those tags require preprocessing to run in a
browser. And you’ll probably need a build tool like webpack for that.
Give it five minutes.

As React approaches a decade of use, a lot of teams decided that it’s

good because they gave it five minutes. We’re talking Uber, Twitter,
Airbnb, and Twitter—huge companies that tried React and realized that
it could help teams build better products faster. At the end of the day,
isn’t that what we’re all here for? Not for the tweets. Not for the stars.
Not for the downloads. We’re here to build cool stuff with tools that
we like to use. We’re here for the glory of shipping stuff that we’re
proud to say we built. If you like doing those types of things, you’ll
probably like working with React.

A Strong Foundation
Whether you’re brand new to React or looking to this text to learn
some of the latest features, we want this book to serve as a strong
foundation for all your future work with the library. The goal of this
book is to avoid confusion in the learning process by putting things in a
sequence: a learning roadmap.

Before digging into React, it’s important to know JavaScript. Not all of
JavaScript, not every pattern, but having a comfort with arrays, objects,
and functions before jumping into this book will be useful.

In the next chapter, we’ll look at newer JavaScript syntax to get you
acquainted with the latest JavaScript features, especially those that are
frequently used with React. Then we’ll give an introduction to
functional JavaScript so you can understand the paradigm that gave
birth to React. A nice side effect of working with React is that it can
make you a stronger JavaScript developer by promoting patterns that
are readable, reusable, and testable. Sort of like a gentle, helpful
brainwashing.
From there, we’ll cover foundational React knowledge to understand
how to build out a user interface with components. Then we’ll learn to
compose these components and add logic with props and state. We’ll
cover React Hooks, which allow us to reuse stateful logic between
components.

Once the basics are in place, we’ll build a new application that allows
users to add, edit, and delete colors. We’ll learn how Hooks and
Suspense can help us with data fetching. Throughout the construction
of that app, we’ll introduce a variety of tools from the broader React
ecosystem that are used to handle common concerns like routing,
testing, and server-side rendering.

We hope to get you up to speed with the React ecosystem faster by

approaching it this way—not just to scratch the surface, but to equip
you with the tools and skills necessary to build real-world React
applications.

React’s Past and Future

React was first created by Jordan Walke, a software engineer at
Facebook. It was incorporated into Facebook’s newsfeed in 2011 and
later on Instagram when it was acquired by Facebook in 2012. At
JSConf 2013, React was made open source, and it joined the crowded
category of UI libraries like jQuery, Angular, Dojo, Meteor, and others.
At that time, React was described as “the V in MVC.” In other words,
React components acted as the view layer or the user interface for your
JavaScript applications.
From there, community adoption started to spread. In January 2015,
Netflix announced that they were using React to power their UI
development. Later that month, React Native, a library for building
mobile applications using React, was released. Facebook also released
ReactVR, another tool that brought React to a broader range of
rendering targets. In 2015 and 2016, a huge number of popular tools
like React Router, Redux, and Mobx came on the scene to handle tasks
like routing and state management. After all, React was billed as a
library: concerned with implementing a specific set of features, not
providing a tool for every use case.

Another huge event on the timeline was the release of React Fiber in
2017. Fiber was a rewrite of React’s rendering algorithm that was sort
of magical in its execution. It was a full rewrite of React’s internals that
changed barely anything about the public API. It was a way of making
React more modern and performant without affecting its users.

More recently in 2019, we saw the release of Hooks, a new way of

adding and sharing stateful logic across components. We also saw the
release of Suspense, a way to optimize asynchronous rendering with
React.

In the future, we’ll inevitably see more change, but one of the reasons
for React’s success is the strong team that has worked on the project
over the years. The team is ambitious yet cautious, pushing forward-
thinking optimizations while constantly considering the impact any
changes to the library will send cascading through the community.

As changes are made to React and related tools, sometimes there are
breaking changes. In fact, future versions of these tools may break
some of the example code in this book. You can still follow along with
the code samples. We’ll provide exact version information in the
package.json file so that you can install these packages at the correct
version.

Beyond this book, you can stay on top of changes by following along
with the official React blog. When new versions of React are released,
the core team will write a detailed blog post and changelog about
what’s new. The blog has also been translated into an ever-expanding
list of languages, so if English isn’t your native language, you can find
localized versions of the docs on the languages page of the docs site.

Learning React: Second Edition Changes

This is the second edition of Learning React. We felt it was important
to update the book because React has evolved quite a bit over the past
few years. We intend to focus on all the current best practices that are
advocated by the React team, but we’ll also share information about
deprecated React features. There’s a lot of React code that was written
years ago using old styles that still works well and must be maintained.
In all cases, we’ll make mention of these features in a sidebar in case
you find yourself working with legacy React applications.

Working with the Files

In this section, we’ll discuss how to work with the files for this book
and how to install some useful React tools.
File Repository
The GitHub repository associated with this book provides all the code
files organized by chapter.

React Developer Tools

We’d highly recommend installing React Developer Tools to support
your work on React projects. These tools are available as a browser
extension for Chrome and Firefox and as a standalone app for use with
Safari, IE, and React Native. Once you install the dev tools, you’ll be
able to inspect the React component tree, view props and state details,
and even view which sites are currently using React in production.
These are really useful when debugging and when learning about how
React is used in other projects.

To install, head over to the GitHub repository. There, you’ll find links
to the Chrome and Firefox extensions.

Once installed, you’ll be able to see which sites are using React.
Anytime the React icon is illuminated in the browser toolbar as shown
in Figure 1-1, you’ll know that the site has React on the page.
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
from its becoming flooded, now suddenly became so dry that there was but
half a fathom of water on its bar; and over this it was impossible even for
the admiral’s small vessel to pass. He had no remedy, therefore, but to have
recourse to patience—that virtue of which he stood so much in need
throughout his memorable career—and to await the return of the rainy
season.
Meanwhile the Cacique Quibian, as was but natural, looked with
jealousy upon the proceedings of the strangers who were making
themselves so much at home within his territories. Under pretext of
preparing for war upon a neighbouring chief, he summoned his fighting
men to assemble on the river Veragua. But suspicion was aroused in the
mind of the admiral’s notary, who obtained permission to reconnoitre the
Indian camp. On his return, he gave it as his opinion that a large party of
natives whom he had observed on the march had been on their way to
surprise the Spanish settlement. Columbus, being unwilling to accept this
view without further confirmation, gave permission to Mendez to proceed
on a second scouting expedition, the result of which was such as to dispel
his doubts; whilst any lingering disbelief was banished by information
conveyed to him by a native who had acted as interpreter, and who revealed
to the admiral the designs of his countrymen, which he had overheard. It
had been the intention of Quibian to surprise the harbour at night; to burn
the ships and houses; and to effect a general massacre.
In view of the above disclosures, Columbus set a double watch upon the
harbour: but his brother, the Adelantado, resolved upon more vigorous
measures. At the head of seventy-four men, together with the interpreter, he
set off in boats for the Veragua, and landed below the house of Quibian,
before the latter had notice of his movements. Then taking with him only
five men, he ascended the hill, ordering the others to follow with great
caution. On a given signal they were to surround the dwelling. The cacique
was seized by Don Bartholomew, and, after a violent struggle, was bound
hand and foot. His household, consisting of about fifty persons, were
likewise made prisoners; and so well were the Adelantado’s measures taken
that no blood was shed on the occasion.
Committing his prize to the care of his pilot, with orders to take him on
board his boat, the Adelantado, with a portion of his men, set out in pursuit
of the Indians who had escaped. But the wily cacique was more than a
match for the honest pilot. On his complaining piteously of the pain caused
by his bonds, the soft-hearted Sanchez was induced to loosen the cord; upon
which Quibian, watching his opportunity, plunged into the water and
disappeared. On the following morning the Adelantado, being convinced of
the futility of pursuit, returned to the ships with the spoils of Quibian’s
mansion, which amounted to the insignificant value of three hundred
ducats.
All was now apparently tranquil; and the rainy season having once more
set in, Columbus took leave of his brother, and got under weigh with three
of the caravels, leaving the fourth for the use of the settlement. The ships,
having been towed over the bar, anchored within a league of the shore, to
await a favourable wind. It was the intention of the admiral to touch at
Hispaniola, and thence to send his brother supplies and reinforcements. As
the adverse wind detained him for some time, he sent a boat on shore to
procure wood and water. It was well for the colony that he did so. The
Cacique Quibian had not perished, as was supposed, but had found his way
ashore. When he saw the vessels bearing his family to afar, he was driven to
despair, and thought only of vengeance. Assembling his warriors, he
approached the settlement secretly, and fell upon the Spaniards when they
were completely off their guard. After a severe struggle, the Indians were
driven back, but not before they had killed one Spaniard and wounded eight
others. Notwithstanding this warning, the boat’s crew sent by Columbus
proceeded up the river, and, being surprised by the Indians, were cut off,
one man alone escaping.
This misfortune filled the colony with dismay, more especially as the
Indians forthwith renewed hostilities. As it was considered no longer safe to
remain in the fortress, owing to its vicinity to the wood, the Adelantado
erected a barricade in an open space by the sea. The Indians were deterred
by the firearms of the Spaniards from venturing forth from the forest; but
the latter looked forward with the utmost dread to the hour when the
ammunition should be exhausted, and when they should be driven forth in
search of food.
In the meanwhile Columbus was subjected to scarcely less anxiety. The
non-return of his boat foreboded disaster; and he did not venture to risk his
only remaining boat, on account of the heavy surf on the shore. An
occurrence had also taken place which added not a little to the gloom on
board of the squadron. It had been the intention of Columbus to carry
Quibian’s family to Spain, as hostages for the good behaviour of the Indians
during his absence. The captives, however, were determined to secure their
liberty, if possible. The hatchway above the forecastle where they slept had
not been fastened, as it was out of reach of the prisoners, and as some of the
crew slept upon it. This neglect being observed by the captives, despair lent
them ingenuity. Collecting together a quantity of the ballast, they raised a
heap beneath the hatchway. Several Indians mounting on the stones, by a
simultaneous effort, then raised it, violently dislodging the sleeping seamen.
The Indians instantly sprang forth, and many, plunging into the sea, swam
ashore. Some, however, were caught and forced back into their place of
imprisonment. In the morning it was found that all the prisoners had hanged
themselves.
In this state of perplexity, one brave man volunteered to bring
1503.
relief to the admiral’s mind. Pedro Ledesma of Seville offered, if
the boat should take him to the edge of the surf, to swim ashore through it, a
feat which he successfully accomplished. He returned to the ships, to tell
his commander that the Adelantado’s party were in all but open mutiny, and
that they were sworn, if the admiral should refuse to take them on board, to
depart in the caravel so soon as it might be practicable. Columbus, as may
be supposed, was in no slight alarm for his brother, placed as he was
between mutineers and savages. There appeared nothing to do but to take
the whole party on board, and to return to the settlement at some future day;
but the state of the weather was such as to render the execution of this plan
not a little difficult. After nine boisterous days, however, the sea again
became calm, and great exertion was made to get the people off ere the bad
weather should return. In this emergency, the services of Diego Mendez
were especially useful. Having lashed two Indian canoes together, he
erected on them a raft, upon which the stores left on shore and on the
caravel were towed out to the ships. In this manner, in the course of two
nights and days, everything of value was conveyed on board the squadron,
Mendez and five companions being the last to leave the shore.
The joy of the Spaniards was unbounded on finding themselves once
more afloat. The wind becoming favourable, Columbus, towards the end of
April 1503, set sail for the last time from the disastrous coast from which
his descendant takes his title.[E] Instead, however, of making direct for
Hispaniola, he, to the surprise of his pilot and crews, stood along the coast
to the eastward.
 This study of the currents had taught him that, in order to avoid being
carried beyond his destined port, he must first gain considerable way to the
east. At Porto Bello he was obliged to leave one of his caravels, it being so
pierced by worms that it could no longer be kept afloat. Even his two
remaining vessels, into which were now crowded the crews of the four,
were in a very unseaworthy condition, and were only kept afloat by
incessant labour at the pumps. Continuing onwards, they passed Porto
Retrete and approached the entrance of the Gulf of Darien, when, yielding
to the remonstrance of his captains and pilots, the admiral bade final
farewell to the mainland; and on the 1st of May he stood northward in quest
of Hispaniola. At this point of his career we must take leave of the
discoverer of America. To pursue further the narrative of his last voyage
would take us beyond the limits within which this work must be confined,
that is to say, beyond the limits of South America.
Note.—The problem of rendering in English the names of places in foreign countries
is one of some difficulty, and rests rather on conventionality than on principle. It is solved
by different writers in different fashions. Greek purists have for some time past lost no
opportunity, in writing Greek words, of substituting the original Greek K for the Roman C;
but they still respect the latter in names of such places, familiarized to our ears by
Scripture, as Corinth and Crete. In like manner Oriental purists, such as Sir Frederic
Goldsmid and Colonel Malleson, have done their best to introduce into English literature a
system of orthography as to Oriental names which is, of course, in place in the schoolroom
of a professor of Oriental languages, but which has not yet made itself fully accepted by
the general English reader. Those of us whose acquaintance with Indian history began with
the reading of Macaulay’s Essays on Clive and Hastings, are loth to accept Pílasi for
Plassey and Lakhnao for the capital of the princely House of Oude.
To look nearer home, it would be pedantic to use El Kahira for Cairo, or Dimishk for
Damascus. It would be little less so, although strictly correct, to use Venezia for Venice,
Roma for Rome, or Livorno for Leghorn. We have added an s—why, I know not—to the
French spelling of the word Marseille. That port is as familiar in our mouths as Liverpool
or Glasgow, but we invariably write it and pronounce it Marseilles. In writing Spanish or
Portuguese words applied to names of places in South America, I find a considerable
divergence of custom amongst authors. To take the one name of Assumption, for instance.
The capital of Paraguay is so written by the Robertsons and other writers, whilst in
Southey’s History of Brazil it is throughout written Assumpcion. In Washburn’s History of
Paraguay it becomes Asuncion, the original Spanish name, which I see no reason to
supersede. As a rule I have followed the native names of places in Portuguese or Spanish
America, they being for the most part those by which they are known in England.
 CHAPTER II.

THE DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

1508-1514.

In the return of Columbus to Europe after his fourth and last

1508.
voyage, King Ferdinand was roused by the accounts which he
gave of Veragua into an ardent longing to possess that wealthy territory. He
resolved, therefore, to found colonies upon that coast, and to place them
under an able governor. But before he had proceeded to carry his resolution
into practice, the great admiral was no more. In looking about for a capable
commander, it might have been supposed that the king would have selected
his brother, Don Bartholomew, who had accompanied him in his last
voyage. Columbus had, however, left vast claims behind him, of which his
family were the heirs, and which the mean and jealous monarch was
unwilling to recognise. His choice of an officer, therefore, fell on the gallant
and enterprising Alonzo de Ojeda, who at this period was idling his time in
Hispaniola,—his purse being empty, but his spirit as high as ever. His
generous character and reckless bearing had endeared to him the veteran
pilot, Juan de la Cosa, who offered him the use of his savings for the
purpose of fitting out his expedition.
Ojeda, however, had a rival in the person of Diego de Nicuesa. Both
were accomplished cavaliers, well fitted by their spirit of enterprise to do
what men could do in fulfilment of the unforeseen and almost superhuman
tasks that lay before them. King Ferdinand, being unwilling to lose the
services of Nicuesa, appointed him, too, to a government; that is to say, he
granted to each permission to conquer and govern a portion of the continent
which lies along the Isthmus of Darien,—the boundary line to pass through
the Gulf of Urabá. The eastern portion, extending to Cape de la Vela, was
named New Andalusia, and was granted to Ojeda. The country to the west,
including Veragua, and reaching to Cape Gracias à Dios, was assigned to
Nicuesa. Both governors were to draw supplies in common from the island
of Jamaica, and each was to enjoy for ten years the profits of the mines he
might discover, with the usual deduction for the Crown.
 Ojeda, by the aid of Juan de la Cosa, fitted out a ship and two
brigantines, carrying between them about two hundred men. Nicuesa
furnished four large vessels, carrying a much larger force. Ojeda, being
somewhat jealous of the superior show of his rival, persuaded one of his
friends, a lawyer called the Bachelor Enciso, to invest his money—two
thousand castillanos—in his enterprise.
He was to remain behind in Hispaniola, to enlist recruits and provide
supplies. Before setting out, the two rival governors, as was perhaps to be
expected, fell into a dispute concerning the island of Jamaica, which they
were to hold in common; and Ojeda took the opportunity of challenging
Nicuesa to meet him in single combat. The feud, however, was smothered
by the judicious interference of Juan de la Cosa. Nicuesa’s engaging
manners brought so many volunteers to his standard that he had to purchase
another ship in order to convey them. He was not, however, a man of
business, and was so over-reached in making his arrangements that he had
considerable difficulty in escaping from his creditors and setting out for the
scene of his government.
Never were a set of gallant adventurers exposed to more dire
1509.
disaster and more grievous suffering and disappointment than
were those who composed the armaments of Ojeda and Nicuesa,
respectively. On the 10th of November 1509, the former set sail from San
Domingo, having added to his squadron another ship and another hundred
men. Amongst the adventurers on board was one who was destined to fill a
larger space in history than was Ojeda himself,—namely, Francisco Pizarro,
the future conqueror of Peru. The expedition soon arrived in the harbour of
Carthagena; but the natives, who had been irritated by the proceedings of
previous European visitors, flew to arms at the first sight of the strangers.
They were a war-like race, of Carib origin, and were given to the use of
poisoned arrows.
The pilot, Juan de la Cosa, who had previously visited this coast with
Bastides, was much alarmed at the aspect of affairs, and earnestly besought
Ojeda to quit this neighbourhood and to found his settlement on the Gulf of
Urabá where the people were less savage, more especially in respect to the
use of poisoned arrows. Ojeda, however, whose daring was excessive, had
no objection to fighting, the rather as it would, he hoped, give him an early
opportunity of sending a ship full of slaves to San Domingo, wherewith to
pay his debts. Ojeda, who had escaped from innumerable dangers, and
imagined himself to be under the especial protection of the Virgin, boldly
charged the Indians, on their declining to make peace. They were soon
routed; a number being killed, and others taken prisoners. The dashing
leader had the temerity to pursue the enemy far into the forest, where they
were driven from their stronghold. Seventy Indians were then made
captives and were sent to the ships.
The infatuated Ojeda, not content with these successes, continued his
pursuit of the fugitives; but in the dusk of the evening, his men, imagining
that the Indians were dispersed and subdued, separated in search of plunder
amongst the houses of a deserted village. Of a sudden the savages rushed
forth from the surrounding forest. The Spaniards, rallying in small parties,
although they fought bravely, fell fast beneath the clubs and poisoned
arrows of the numbers that surrounded them. Ojeda, throwing himself upon
his knees, and sheltering himself with his buckler, escaped the poisoned
shower; but he was only saved by the arrival of La Cosa with a few
followers, for all those with him had been slain. A like fate now befell the
companions of the veteran pilot; whilst La Cosa himself was wounded, and
unable to follow his leader when he sprang like a tiger on the enemy,
dealing death to the right and left. La Cosa took refuge in an Indian cabin
until but one man with him was left alive. With his dying breath he
despatched this last companion with a message to Ojeda. This Spaniard and
his commander alone survived of seventy men whom the head-strong Ojeda
had led on this rash and uncalled-for expedition.
Alarmed at the prolonged absence of their leader and his men, the
Spaniards on board the ships sent armed detachments in boats along the
shore, who sounded trumpets and fired signal-guns. They were answered
only by the defiant war-whoops of the Indians; but at length, in a tangled
thicket of mangroves, the figure of a human being was descried in Spanish
attire. It was Alonzo de Ojeda, so wasted with fatigue and hunger that he
was for some time incapable of speaking. When they had given him food
and wine, he was enabled to recount the wreck his rashness had wrought.
His shield bore the marks of three hundred arrows, and he ascribed his
safety to the protection of the Virgin alone.
While his friends were still on shore, they beheld some ships standing
towards the harbour. It was the squadron of Nicuesa, on whose arrival
Ojeda now looked with alarm. He had nothing, however, to dread from the
generous cavalier, whose first act was to put himself and his men under the
orders of Ojeda, with the object of avenging the deaths of his comrades.
This was soon effectually done. Proceeding to the spot where the massacre
had occurred, they found the Indian village buried in sleep. It was forthwith
wrapt in flames; and the inhabitants, who rushed forth, were either slain by
the Spaniards or driven back to perish in the fire. No quarter was shown to
sex or age. The spoil in the village was great, for the share of Nicuesa and
his men was valued at seven thousands castillanos. Nicuesa now pursued
his voyage to Veragua.
Ojeda, who had by this time had enough of Carthagena, embarking,
steered for the Gulf of Urabá. His people were much disheartened, and the
aspect of the coast along which they passed was not such as to console
them. They heard the roars of tigers and lions, and were disconcerted when
one of their horses, passing along the bank of a river, was seized by an
alligator and dragged under the water. Ojeda fixed his settlement on a spot
to which he gave the name of San Sebastian, trusting that the martyr, who
had himself been slain by arrows, would protect his Spaniards from a like
fate. Here he erected a wooden fort and drew a stockade around the place.
He further sent a ship to San Domingo bearing a letter to his associate
Enciso, in which he urged him to join him without delay.
Meanwhile Ojeda determined to make a progress through his territory,
and he set out with an armed band to visit a neighbouring cacique. On
entering the forest, however, he and his followers were assailed by a shower
of poisoned arrows from the covert, in consequence of which a number of
his men died raving with torments. The rest retreated in confusion, and it
was only when their provisions began to run short that Ojeda could
persuade them once more to take the field. They were so beset, however, on
all sides by the savages, and lost so many by their poisoned wounds, that
the Spaniards would no longer venture forth at all, contenting themselves
for food with such herbs and roots as they could find. Their numbers
became so thinned by disease that it was with difficulty that sentinels could
be procured to mount guard.
Through all this Ojeda continued to bear a charmed life; and the Indians
determined to test his invulnerability. When they next attacked the fort, and
Ojeda as usual sallied forth to repel them, four of their picked marksmen
were placed in ambush with orders to single him out. Three of the arrows
struck his shield, doing him no injury; the fourth pierced his thigh. He was
borne back to the settlement suffering great torments. He had the hardihood
to order his doctor to apply two plates of iron, made red hot, to the orifices
of his wound, an ordeal which he endured without flinching. Whether or not
it was owing to this terrible treatment, his life was preserved, though at the
cost of a fearful inflammation.
Whilst the colony was enduring the straits above described, a strange
ship was seen making for San Sebastian. It did not, however, as was
expected, bring Enciso with the looked-for stores. It was a vessel that had
belonged to a Genoese, of which a certain Talavera, with some other
reckless debtors, had taken possession at San Domingo, and who, to the
number of seventy, now came to swell the ranks of Ojeda’s followers. They
sold their provisions to that governor, whose men were thus rescued from
starvation.
Still was the arrival of Enciso delayed, and at length Ojeda was forced to
come to a compromise with his desperate followers. It was agreed between
them that he himself should proceed in one of the vessels to San Domingo,
in quest of supplies and reinforcements, and that they—that is to say, the
bulk of the colonists—should remain for fifty days at San Sebastian, at the
end of which time, should he not have returned, they were to be free to
depart in the other brigantines to Hispaniola. Meanwhile Francisco Pizarro
was to command the colony in his absence, or until the arrival of Enciso.
Ojeda embarked in the ship that had brought Talavera; but when he
attempted to take the command, he was resisted by that individual backed
by his entire crew. The result was that the fiery Ojeda was thrown into
irons, from which he was only released because no other person on board
was capable of managing the ship. As it was, the pirates had allowed the
vessel to be carried so far out of her course for San Domingo that Ojeda had
no other resource but to run it ashore on the southern coast of Cuba.
When on shore the truce was continued between Ojeda and his late
associates; for they felt that none of the party but he could guide them in
their forlorn plight. They were too disheartened to force their way through
the inhabited country, where they would have to fight the irritated natives;
and therefore Ojeda, who had only before him a choice of evils, led them
through the savannas and marshes, whence, with incredible labour, they at
length emerged on an Indian village. Their sufferings had been intense and
incessant, and out of the number of seventy who had set out, but one-half
survived. With these Ojeda continued his march to Cape de la Cruz,
whence, by means of a canoe, he was able to communicate with the
Spaniards on the island of Jamaica. A caravel was sent to bring the party to
the latter island, and from there, after a short delay, Ojeda set sail for San
Domingo, leaving Talavera and his friends behind him. These were,
however, soon afterwards arrested, and tried for their act of piracy, Talavera
and several of his accomplices being hanged. At San Domingo nothing was
known respecting the Bachelor Enciso, who had long since set out to join
his chief, and who had not afterwards been heard of. Thus was the last hope
of Ojeda gone. He was reduced to beggary, and his gallant spirit was at
length so crushed by misfortune, that with his last breath he asked that he
might be buried at the gate of the monastery of San Francisco, so that, in
expiation of his former pride, every one who should enter might tread upon
his grave.
To return to Nicuesa:—On leaving Carthagena, he continued his voyage
to the coast assigned to him as a government. The squadron arrived in due
course at Veragua, but during a storm the vessel of Nicuesa became
separated from her companions. Being stranded in a river, and his ship
being in danger of falling to pieces, Nicuesa and his companions had to
save themselves by passing to the shore by means of a rope. No sooner had
they reached it than the caravel broke up, their provisions and clothing
being carried off by the waters. Fortunately their boat was cast ashore, and
in it four seamen put to sea, keeping abreast of the main body, which had to
find its way along the shore, and ferrying them across the rivers and bays in
their way. The sufferings of Nicuesa and his men were extreme, and their
food consisted only of such herbs and roots and shellfish as they could
gather. They were, however, proceeding in a wrong direction. The boat’s
crew were convinced of this fact, though they despaired of being able to
convince Nicuesa; and so one night they took the law into their own hands
and departed in the boat, leaving their commander and his party on an
island. As they had anticipated, they ere long fell in with the other vessels,
who had taken refuge in the river of Belen, and a boat was forthwith sent to
rescue the forlorn party.
Nicuesa and his famished companions now rejoined his people at Belen,
where, of the gallant band of seven hundred men who had sailed with him
from San Domingo, he now found but three hundred half-starved survivors.
His first care was to take measures for their relief; but, as will be
remembered from the experience of Columbus and his brother, the Indians
of this coast were by no means pleasant to deal with. Many of the Spanish
foragers were slain, and those who escaped this fate were so enfeebled that
it was with the utmost difficulty they could carry their provisions home.
Disheartened by so many miseries, Nicuesa determined to abandon this
disastrous settlement. Amongst his followers was a Genoese sailor who had
been on this coast with Columbus, and who now described to his
commander the harbour with which the admiral had been so pleased as to
give it the name of Porto Bello. For this spot, under the guidance of the
Genoese, Nicuesa steered, and he found the traces of the admiral’s visit as
had been described to him. A part of the crew were sent on shore for
provisions, but they were assailed by the Indians, whom they were too
worn-out to resist. Disappointed in the hope of finding a refuge in this
place, Nicuesa continued his course for seven leagues further, and reached
the harbour to which Columbus had given the name of Puerto de
Bastimientos, or Port of Provisions. It was surrounded by a fruitful country,
and the weary Nicuesa exclaimed, “Here let us rest, in the name of God!”
His followers, interpreting his words as a favourable omen, the harbour
received the name of Nombre de Dios, which it retains at the present day.
The misfortunes of Nicuesa and his band were, however, not yet at an end.
On mustering his forces, he found but one hundred emaciated beings left.
He then despatched his caravel to Hispaniola for provisions; but it never
returned, and he was equally unsuccessful in his search for supplies upon
the spot.
Meanwhile, as has been already said, long before Ojeda’s
1510.
return to San Domingo, his partner, the Bachelor Enciso, set out
to rejoin his chief at Carthagena. The Bachelor arrived at this fatal spot in
ignorance of the conflict in which Juan de la Cosa had met his death, and of
that in which he was avenged. He therefore, without hesitation, landed a
number of men to repair his boat. A multitude of Indians gathered around
them. Their experience of the force of the white men had been so recent as
to make it prudent for them to keep at a safe distance. On being convinced,
however, that these strangers came with no hostile intent, the natives threw
down their weapons, and treated the Spaniards with the utmost friendship,
supplying them with bread, fish, and other provisions.
At Carthagena Enciso was not a little surprised by the arrival of a
brigantine. It was commanded by Francisco Pizarro, who, it will be
remembered, had been left in charge on Ojeda’s departure from San
Sebastian. The small brigantine contained all that was left of the colony that
had been founded with such high hopes. On the departure of Ojeda, his
followers had remained in the fortress during the term agreed upon of fifty
days. As soon afterwards as their numbers became so far reduced by death
as to be capable of being contained in the two brigantines, they set sail from
the fatal spot. Encountering rough weather, one of the brigantines went
down with all hands; the other, as has been said, was steered for
Carthagena, in order to procure provisions.
Nothing daunted by the experience of his predecessors, and taking with
him Pizarro and his crew, though sorely against the will of the latter, Enciso
set out for San Sebastian. From the very moment, however, of his arrival
there, ill-luck attended the unfortunate Bachelor. On entering the harbour
his vessel struck on a rock, and he and his crew escaped with difficulty to
the brigantine of Pizarro, their vessel going down, together with the whole
of the live-stock and supplies destined for the colony. On landing, he found
that the fortress and houses had been burnt by the Indians. The Spaniards
remained for a few days, subsisting on such supplies as the colony afforded.
But they had a conflict with the Indians, which revived their fears of
poisoned arrows and thoroughly disgusted them with the locality,—a
feeling shared by Enciso. At this gloomy moment, one man stepped forward
from the crowd, who from this time till his premature death, stood in the
foremost ranks of his countrymen in the New World, and who occupies a
place amongst American discoverers second only to Columbus. This was
the gallant and famous Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, destined to be the first
European who should set eyes on the Pacific Ocean. Vasco Nuñez was a
native of Xeres, and was the scion of a noble family. Being a man of
prodigal habits, in order to evade his creditors, he had been conveyed on
board Enciso’s ship, concealed in a cask. He now informed his leader that,
several years previously, he had sailed along that coast with Bastides and
had explored the gulf of Urabá. He remembered an Indian village on the
banks of the river Darien, situated in a fertile country, which was said to
possess gold-mines. Above all, the natives did not use poisoned arrows.
Thither he now offered to conduct his chief.
The offer of Nuñez being accepted, Enciso sailed for the spot. On
landing, he was opposed by the cacique, who, however, was soon put to
flight, leaving much plunder and food behind him. Here Enciso determined
to establish his colony, to which he gave the name of Santa Maria de la
Antigua del Darien. No sooner was his colony established, than Enciso,
somewhat prematurely, began to make his authority felt. His first edict
forbade all private dealings with the natives for gold, on pain of death,—a
proceeding little to the taste of the loose band which he had gathered around
him. The result was that some of his followers determined to have recourse
to the law on their own behalf. The boundary line between the jurisdictions
which had been assigned to Ojeda and Nicuesa respectively was drawn
through the centre of the Gulf of Urabá. As the village of Darien lay on the
western side, it was clearly within the government of Nicuesa, and therefore
Enciso, the lieutenant of Ojeda, possessed no jurisdiction there. In this
manner the unfortunate Bachelor found himself reduced to the ranks.
It is proverbially more easy to pull down a government than to set one
up, and such proved to be the case on this occasion. Vasco Nuñez and one
Zamudio were appointed alcaldes by popular election; but it was deemed
better to appoint a governor, if they could only agree upon one. Whilst the
question was being disputed, the colony was surprised by the arrival of a
vessel under the command of Rodrigo de Colmenares, bringing supplies for
Nicuesa. This incident determined the colonists’ choice in favour of the
latter cavalier, if only he could be found. Colmenares accordingly
proceeded along the coast in search of him. Looking into every bay and
harbour, he at length discovered a brigantine which had been sent out by
Nicuesa in search of provisions. By this vessel he was guided to Nombre de
Dios, where Nicuesa was discovered, no longer indeed the brilliant cavalier,
but a squalid and cast-down wretch. Of his once numerous band of
followers but sixty feeble, emaciated men remained.
The arrival of Colmenares with a supply of food had an immediate
reviving effect; and, in particular, Nicuesa, on hearing that he was requested
to come and rule over the settlement of Darien, became changed as if struck
by an enchanter’s wand. But Nicuesa, whose misfortunes had failed to teach
him prudence, now split upon the rock on which the fortunes of Enciso had
been wrecked. When he heard that large quantities of gold had been
retained by private individuals, he rashly gave out that he would make them
refund it. This word was sufficient for the envoys who had been sent by the
colonists to request him to come and rule over them. The result was that
when Nicuesa arrived at Darien—he having delayed on the way on a slave-
capturing expedition,—instead of the welcome which he had every reason
to anticipate, he was received with the request that he would lose no time in
retracing his way to Nombre de Dios.
Nicuesa had to pass the night in his vessel, and when next day he was
permitted to land, the only friend he found on his side was Vasco Nuñez,
who, being himself a well-born cavalier, was touched by the misfortunes of
the other. The only terms, however, which Nicuesa could obtain were, that
he should be permitted to depart in an old brigantine, the worst in the
harbour. Seventeen persons followed the unfortunate gentleman on board.
Their vessel set sail on the 1st of March 1511, and was steered for
Hispaniola. Nothing more was ever heard of Nicuesa and his companions,
whose fate added another to the countless secrets of the deep.
We have now to trace the daring adventures of one of the two men who
rose to deathless renown on the ruins of the disastrous expeditions whose
general fate has been recently narrated. Since the two rival governors,
Ojeda and Nicuesa, had started from San Domingo in 1509, full of hope,
and exulting in power, nearly all their gallant followers had perished by the
poisoned arrows of the Indians, by shipwreck, or by the slower process of
disease or starvation. The two leaders, after undergoing protracted trials and
sufferings of every description, had sunk into the grave, by land or by
water, in misery; but two humble followers survived, who were each
destined to climb to the highest round of the ladder of fame. These were
Vasco Nuñez de Balboa and Francisco Pizarro. We are concerned in the first
instance with the doings of the former.
No sooner had Nicuesa quitted for ever the coast of Darien than the
community fell back into its former condition of being in want of a ruler.
The Bachelor Enciso again advanced his claims, but he found in Vasco
Nuñez a powerful and popular rival, and one who had every quality likely
to give him influence over a fickle populace. Nuñez had likewise the
advantage of his position as alcalde. Proceeding according to the forms of
law, he summoned the Bachelor to stand his trial on the charge of having
usurped the powers of alcalde mayor beyond the territories under the
jurisdiction of Ojeda. The charge being, in point of fact, true, although
without any direct evil intention on Enciso’s part, that lawyer was found
guilty and thrown into prison. He was, however, after a time released, and
he obtained permission to return to Spain. Foreseeing that he would not be
silent in respect to the treatment he had received, Vasco Nuñez prevailed
upon the other alcalde, Zamudio, to proceed to Spain in the same vessel, so
that he might be at hand to answer any charge which Enciso might advance.
He was likewise to put forward the services which had been rendered to the
colony by Vasco Nuñez. In the same vessel sailed his friend the Regidor
Valdivia, who was to alight at Hispaniola, and who was charged with a
handsome present to the royal treasurer Pasamonte, after delivering which
he was to return with provisions and recruits.
Vasco Nuñez was now left in sole control at Darien, and he forthwith set
about the duties of his government with the remarkable energy peculiar to
his character. He despatched two brigantines to bring away the followers of
Nicuesa who had remained at Nombre de Dios, and who were now
overjoyed at being rescued from their miserable position. On returning to
the Isthmus, the brigantines met with two Spaniards who had fled from
Nicuesa’s vessel some time before, and had taken refuge with a cacique
called Careta, who had treated them with remarkable kindness. Being
Spanish adventurers, their first proceeding on rejoining their countrymen
was, as a matter of course, to betray him. Vasco Nuñez, taking with him a
hundred and thirty men, set out for the residence of the cacique, and was
received and entertained with the usual Indian hospitable welcome. On his
demanding a supply of provisions for the colony, however, the cacique,
who naturally did not feel bound to provide, gratis, for a whole band of
hungry invaders, excused himself on some plea which may not have been
exactly true. The Spaniard appeared to acquiesce, and departed with all his
men as if for his settlement. Returning, however, in the dead of night, he
surrounded the dwelling of Careta, and made prisoners of the cacique, his
wives and children. Having helped himself to his store of provisions, he
then returned in his brigantines to Darien.
The above infamous proceeding had a better ending than might have
been anticipated. The broken-hearted Careta, bewailing his hard lot to
Nuñez, actually so far succeeded in convincing him of the impolicy, if not
the infamy of his conduct, that he agreed to set him free, the latter
undertaking to be his ally, and leaving his daughter to be the wife of Nuñez.
The Spanish leader next repaired to Coyba, to assist Careta against a
neighbouring chief called Ponca, whom he obliged to take refuge in the
mountains. Whilst on a friendly visit to the cacique of Comagre, Nuñez
heard from the son of that chieftain of a region beyond the mountains, on
the shores of a mighty sea, which might be discerned from their summits,
where gold was as plentiful as was iron with the Spaniards. In reply to his
anxious inquiries, Vasco Nuñez learned that the task of penetrating to this
sea, and to the golden region by its shores, was difficult and dangerous. It
would require, said the son of Comagre, at least a thousand armed men.
There was in the way a great cacique called Tubanamá, whose territories
abounded in gold, but who would oppose their passage with a mighty force.
Such was the first intimation received by Vasco Nuñez of the existence of
the Pacific Ocean.
On his return to Darien, the whole soul of the Spaniard became absorbed
in the idea of prosecuting the discovery of the sea beyond the mountains.
The brigantine which had returned with Valdivia from Hispaniola, was
again despatched to that colony, bearing a letter to Don Diego Columbus, in
which Vasco Nuñez informed him of the intelligence which he had
received, and in which he entreated him to use his influence with the king,
in order that the necessary thousand men might be obtained. Nuñez at the
same time transmitted fifteen thousand crowns in gold, to be remitted as the
royal fifths of what he had collected.
About this time the settlement of Darien was threatened with
destruction, in consequence of a conspiracy on the part of certain Indian
caciques, and which was only frustrated owing to the devotion to Vasco
Nuñez of an Indian girl whom he had captured, and to whom her brother
had revealed the plot. Being forewarned of the hostile intentions of the
conspirators, Nuñez promptly took steps to defeat them, getting possession
of the persons of the Indian general and several of his confederates. The
general was shot, and the other leaders were hanged; whilst, as a further
precaution, a wooden fort was erected at the settlement.
It was not merely with the natives that Nuñez had to contend; for the
colony of Darien, not being as yet under any authority properly constituted
by the crown, seems to have been more than usually fractious. Evil tidings,
too, reached Nuñez from Spain. His late colleague, the alcalde Zamudio,
wrote that the Bachelor Enciso had laid his complaints before the throne,
and had succeeded in obtaining a sentence, condemning Vasco Nuñez in
costs and damages. Nuñez was likewise to be summoned to Spain, to
answer the charges against him on account of his treatment of Nicuesa.
The captain-general of Darien—for to such rank had Nuñez been
advanced by a commission from the royal treasurer of Hispaniola—was at
first stunned by this communication; but, being a brave man, he did not
long remain cast down. His intelligent and energetic mind quickly
conceived the idea of anticipating his summons to Spain by some gallant
service which would convert his disgrace into triumph; and what service
could be so effective, with this object in view, as the discovery of the
Southern Sea and the gold-laden realms by its shores! He had not, it is true,
the thousand soldiers which the youthful cacique had said were needed for
the enterprise; but, since time was pressing, and fame and fortune were at
stake, he must make the best use of those he had.
Inspecting the band of adventurers by whom he was
1513
surrounded, Nuñez selected one hundred and ninety from the
most resolute amongst their number. In addition to these well-armed men,
he was aided in his enterprise by a detachment of Indian allies, as likewise
by a number of blood-hounds. With this strangely-composed force, Vasco
Nuñez set out from Darien on the 1st of September 1513, in a brigantine
and nine canoes. Landing at Coyba, he was welcomed by Careta, and
supplied by him with guides. Leaving nearly half his men at Coyba to guard
his brigantine and canoes, he set out upon his march, having previously
caused mass to be performed for the success of his expedition. His march,
as might be expected, was troublesome; for the Spaniards were oppressed
by the weight of their armour as well as by the tropical sun. In climbing the
rocky mountains, however, and in struggling through the forests, they were
relieved by the Indians from the burthen of their provisions, and were
guided by them in finding the paths. From time to time they had to change
their guides, sending back those who had previously accompanied them.
They had likewise to make frequent halts, to recruit the health of some of
their number after their fatigues.
Vasco Nuñez was possessed of an engaging manner which won the
confidence of every one with whom he was brought into contact, and which
had a peculiar fascination for the Indians. When Ponca, the enemy of Careta
(whom the latter had driven into the mountains), was induced to come into
his presence, he not only showed him no ill-will, but freely imparted to him
such information as he possessed regarding the countries whither Nuñez
was bound. Pointing to a lofty mountain in the distance, he informed him
that when he should have scaled its summit he should behold the sea spread
out below him. Animated by this cheering intelligence, and furnished with
fresh guides, Nuñez resumed his march; having first sent back to Coyba,
such of his men as he deemed too feeble for the enterprise.
 So toilsome did the journey now become that it took Nuñez and his party
four days to accomplish ten leagues—they suffering much, meanwhile,
from hunger. They had now arrived in the territory of a cacique at war with
Ponca, and who set upon the Spaniards with a numerous body of warriors,
thinking, on account of their small number, that he was secure of a victory.
On the first discharge of their firearms, however, he had reason to alter his
opinion, his people being forced to hasty flight, leaving the cacique and six
hundred men dead upon the field. The caciques brother and other chiefs
who were taken prisoners, were clad in white robes of cotton; which
circumstance led to their being accused of crimes so revolting to the
Spaniards, that they gave them to be torn to pieces by the blood-hounds. It
is stated that amongst the prisoners taken on this occasion were several
negro slaves. If this were so, their appearance in South America at this time
has never been explained.
Vasco Nuñez, having distributed the spoil taken in the village of the late
cacique, selected fresh guides from amongst his prisoners. His effective
Spaniards now numbered only sixty-seven, and with these he started at the
dawn of day on the 26th of September, to climb the last height that lay
between him and the vision to which he looked forward. About ten o’clock
the party emerged from the forest and stood on the open summit, which
alone remained to be ascended. Vasco Nuñez, commanding his followers to
halt, set out for the mountain top, in order that he might be the first
European to gaze on the longed-for sea. At sight of the glorious prospect his
first impulse was to sink upon his knees and pour out his heart to Heaven.
He then made his people ascend, in order that their eyes too might be
gladdened, and that their hearts should rejoice. It was a solemn moment in
the lives of all; and with the deep religious feeling with which these
pioneers of discovery were animated, they joined in one general prayer to
God that He would guide and aid them to conquer for their king the sea and
lands before them, which till now their Holy Faith had never reached. His
men, for their part, embracing Vasco Nuñez, promised to follow him till
death. Amongst them there happened to be a priest, who now led the chaunt
Te Deum laudamus! Their last act before leaving the spot was to witness an
attestation that Nuñez took possession of the sea, its islands and
surrounding lands, in the name of the sovereigns of Castile, in token of
which a cross was erected and a pile of stones raised, the names of the
Castilian sovereigns being carved on trees.
 Having performed this important duty, Vasco Nuñez now descended into
the regions that lay between the mountains and the Pacific. He was again
encountered by a warlike cacique, who forbade him to set foot upon his
territory. The result, however, of the first onset of the Spaniards was the
same as had been the case with their last enemy. The Indians having taken
to flight, Nuñez commanded his men to refrain from useless slaughter. The
cacique, having been brought before him, presented five hundred pounds
weight of gold as a peace-offering. A scouting party having found the sea at
a distance of two days’ journey, and Nuñez having been rejoined by his men
whom he had left behind him, he now established the headquarters at the
village of this cacique, while he himself proceeded with a small party to
explore the coast. After traversing a region clothed down to the water’s
edge by thick forests, Nuñez arrived on a bay to which, on account of the
date, he gave the name of St Michael’s. When the receding tide had risen, he
marched into the water, and waving his banner, formally took possession of
these seas and coasts, and of all appertaining to them, in the name of the
Castilian sovereigns. He likewise cut crosses on three trees, in honour of the
Three Persons of the Trinity.
The Spaniards were now to encounter a new form of danger, of the
nature of which, notwithstanding all their previous experience, they had
never dreamt. Having been successful in obtaining a considerable quantity
of gold whilst at his headquarters of Chiapes, Nuñez determined to explore
the borders of a neighbouring gulf; nor was he deterred by the warnings of
his host against the danger of venturing to sea in the stormy season then
commencing. Vasco Nuñez, who looked upon himself as being an apostle of
the faith, had a firm belief in the especial protection of God, and therefore
despised the caution given. His Indian host, whose experience of the stormy
gulf by no means led him to entertain a like confidence, was nevertheless
too polite not to accompany the daring stranger, whose party of sixty men
embarked in nine canoes on the 17th of October.
When the Spaniards were fairly launched, and when it would have
seemed pusillanimous to retreat, the wisdom of the cacique’s advice began
to be perceived. The wind raised a heavy sea, which broke over the rocks
and reefs with which the gulf abounded. Even the Indians, accustomed as
they were to those seas, showed signs of alarm. They succeeded, however,
in lashing the canoes together, two and two, and thus prevented them from
upsetting, until, towards evening, they reached a small island. Here landing,
they fastened the canoes to the shore, and sought a dry place where the
party might repose. But they were soon awakened by the rapid rising of the
water, upon which they had not counted; and they at length found
themselves almost to their waists in water. The wind, however, lulled, and
the sea became calm, and after a time it began to subside. They found their
canoes seriously damaged; whilst their clothing and food were washed
away. There was nothing for it but to repair the canoes as best they could;
after which they set out on their return to the shore. They had to labour all
day long, enduring severe hunger and thirst; but at night they had the
satisfaction of reaching the land.
Leaving a portion of his men with the canoes, Nuñez set out for the
neighbouring Indian village, from which the inhabitants were driven before
the firearms and dogs of the invaders. A quantity of provisions, besides
pearls and gold, rewarded the brigands; and on the following day the
cacique, who had been so violently driven into the woods, was induced to
return to his home, the object of his despoiler in inviting him being a desire
to ascertain the source whence he procured his pearls. Fear opened the heart
of the poor Indian, who, in his awe of the superhuman strangers, as he
thought them, gave Vasco Nuñez golden ornaments weighing six hundred
and fourteen crowns, and two hundred pearls of great beauty; he further
sent a number of his men to fish for pearls for the Spaniards.
The cacique informed Nuñez that the coast which he saw before him
continued onwards without end, and that far to the south there was a
country abounding in gold; its inhabitants, he said (alluding to the llama),
made use of quadrupeds to carry burdens. Inspired by this intelligence,
Nuñez determined to emerge from the gulf and to take possession of the
mainland beyond. The cacique having furnished him with a canoe of state,
he departed in it on the 29th of October, and was piloted by the Indians as
far as to the point of the gulf, when he again marched into the sea and took
possession of it. He saw before him a line of coast rising above the horizon,
which the Indians said abounded in pearls. To this island and the
surrounding group he gave the name of the Pearl Islands. On the 3rd of
November he set out to visit other parts of the coast. Entering a great river,
which the party ascended with difficulty, Nuñez next morning surprised a
village on its banks, and obtained from the cacique, as the price of his
liberty, more gold and pearls, and a supply of provisions.
 From this point Vasco Nuñez determined to set out on his return to
Darien. After having been entertained during three days by the cacique
whom he had robbed, he set out well furnished with provisions, which were
carried by the subjects of the Indian chief. His route now lay over sterile
mountains, and he and his men suffered much from the absence of water;
for the burning heat had dried up all the mountain streams. The fevered
Spaniards were, however, gently urged by the Indians to proceed, and were
at length rewarded by arriving in a deep glen which contained a cool
fountain. They were now in the territory of a chief called Poncra, who had
the reputation of possessing great riches. At the approach of the Spanish
bandits, Poncra and his people fled from their village, in which Nuñez and
his men appropriated to themselves property to the value of three thousand
crowns of gold. Poncra having been caught, was brought before Nuñez,
together with three of his subjects; but neither threats nor torture could
compel him to betray the locality of his treasures. Under these
circumstances, the unfortunate wretch was accused by his enemies of
certain practices of which he may or may not have been guilty. In any case
Nuñez had no sort of authority to be his judge. He was enraged, however, at
his obstinacy in refusing to reveal his treasures, and Poncra and his three
companions were given to be torn, to pieces by the blood-hounds. We shall
soon have to ask the reader’s sympathy for the fate of Vasco Nuñez himself;
meanwhile, it may be well to bear in mind of what atrocious conduct he
could on occasion be guilty towards others.
The Spaniards halted during thirty days at the village of the ill-fated
Poncra, during which time they were rejoined by their companions who had
been left behind. And here it may be observed that it appears somewhat
strange that the energetic Vasco Nuñez, over whose head a grave accusation
at this time hung, and who had undertaken his expedition to the Pacific in
order to anticipate its evil results, should have apparently wasted so much
time at this spot, since it was everything to him that not an hour should be
lost in making his magnificent discovery known in Spain.
On departing from the village of Poncra, the Spaniards were
accompanied by one of the caciques of the mountain, who not only lodged
and fed them, but further presented them with the value of two thousand
crowns. The Spaniards, on leaving the district, bent their course for some
time along the river Comagre. When they abandoned it, owing to the
precipitous nature of its banks, they had to trust entirely to their Indian
guides. Had these deserted them, they would have been lost in the thick
forests and unseen morasses. In their journey they were the victims of their
own avarice; for they had loaded most of the Indians with gold alone, and
now found themselves destitute of provisions. Many of their Indian bearers,
oppressed by their burdens, sank down to perish by the way.
The Spaniards had still to pass through the territories of the most warlike
cacique of the mountains. His reputation was so considerable that Nuñez
dreaded to attack him with his worn-out followers; he therefore had
recourse to stratagem. Taking with him seventy of the strongest of his party,
he made a forced march to the neighbourhood of the cacique’s residence,
which at midnight he suddenly assaulted, capturing Tubanamá and all his
family. The cacique, being threatened with death, agreed to purchase his life
with jewels of gold to the value of three thousand crowns, and further to
levy double that sum from his subjects; which having done, he was set at
liberty.
Nuñez, returning to the village where he had left his men, now
1514.
resumed his march to Darien. He and his party being much
affected by the climate, could proceed but slowly; but they at length arrived
on the sea coast in the territories of their ally Comagre. That cacique was
now dead, and had been succeeded by his son, the youth who had first
given information to Nuñez of the existence of the Southern Sea. Nuñez
next proceeded to Ponca, where he heard of the arrival of a ship and
caravel from Hispaniola. Hastening onwards to Coyba, the residence of his
ally Careta, he embarked in the brigantine on January 28th, 1514, and
arrived at Darien on the following day. He had been absent for five months,
and was met with the most joyful welcome on the part of the entire colony.

CHAPTER III.

THE COLONY OF DARIEN; FATE OF VASCO NUÑEZ.

1514-1517.

Once more at Darien, Vasco Nuñez lost no time in drawing up for the king
a report of his expedition across the mountains to the Southern Sea, in
which report he states that during the expedition he had not lost a single
man in battle. But, by a singular mischance, the vessel which bore his friend
and messenger, Arbolanche, who had himself taken part in the toils and
dangers which he was to describe, did not sail from Darien until the
beginning of March. This delay ruined the rising fortunes of Vasco Nuñez.
The Bachelor Enciso, as has been already said, had carried his
complaints against Nuñez to the foot of the throne; and when, in May 1513,
he was followed by Caÿzedo and Colmenares with their glowing account of
the province of Zenu, with its mountain streams that flowed over golden
sands, their news served but to hasten the appointment of a governor over
this favoured region. The royal choice fell, on the recommendation of
Fonseca the Bishop of Burgos, upon Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly
called Pedrarias, who, on July 27th of the same year, was appointed ruler
over Darien. The new governor was an elderly gentleman of rank, who had
been brought up in the royal household and had afterwards distinguished
himself as a soldier; but he has been well called, as his subsequent actions
proved him to be, “a suspicious, fiery, arbitrary old man.”[F]
The envoys of Nuñez had asked King Ferdinand for a thousand men,
wherewith to enable their master to make the discovery of the Southern Sea.
Ferdinand fully appreciated the importance of the enterprise; and, although
he did not intend it for Nuñez, he assigned twelve hundred men to Pedrarias
for its accomplishment. It so happened that at this time the Great Captain,
the famous Gonsalvo de Córdova, was preparing to return to Naples; and
the chivalry of Spain were thronging to enlist under his banner. His
armament was, however, countermanded when on the point of sailing; and
thus a large number of young nobles and cavaliers, who had set their hearts
on winning their spurs, had their plans suddenly thwarted. Pedrarias had a
host of volunteers anxious to join his expedition to the country which had
already received the appellation of Castilla del Oro, or Golden Castile. In
order to enable him to comply with the wishes of these applicants, he was
permitted to increase his force to the number of fifteen hundred men; but in
the end some two thousand embarked. Pedrarias was likewise accompanied
by a bishop and four principal officers, one of whom was the Bachelor
Enciso, now appointed alguazil mayor. He was also accompanied by his
wife Doña Isabella de Bobadilla. He received instructions not to admit any
lawyers into his colony,—an instruction subsequently more than once
repeated in respect to Spanish-American colonies.
 Scarcely had his fleet of fifteen vessels set sail from San
1514.
Lucar, on the 12th of April 1514, when Arbolanche arrived,
bearing the news of the glorious exploits of Nuñez. Had he come but a few
days earlier, how widely different would have been the future of that
cavalier! King Ferdinand gazed with delight on the pearls and gold which
the messenger of Nuñez laid before him, and his imagination was carried
away by the tale of the unknown seas and wonderful realms which were
about to be brought under his sway. The popularity of Nuñez suddenly
became unbounded, and the fame of his exploits resounded throughout
Spain. The ill impression which had been produced on the king’s mind by
the reports of Enciso was forthwith obliterated, and the Bishop of Burgos
was instructed to devise some means of rewarding his surpassing services.
But meanwhile the cavalier himself was afar off, and the waves of the
Atlantic were fast bearing to Darien the jealous old man who was to see in
Nuñez only one who had robbed him of the glory which he had proposed to
himself of being the first discoverer of the Southern Sea and the conqueror
of the regions of gold and pearls on its shores.
Meanwhile Vasco Nuñez was governing the region subjected to his rule
in such a manner as to prove that the popular selection which had elevated
him to the position of chief was justified by his qualities as a peaceful ruler
no less than by his exploits as a warlike adventurer. The settlement
contained upwards of two hundred houses or huts, and the constant effort of
the captain-general was to bring the neighbourhood into such a state of
cultivation as to render Darien independent of Europe for supplies. Its
population now amounted to about five hundred Europeans and fifteen
hundred Indians. The climate being depressing, Nuñez, who was a born
governor, took advantage of every means to keep his people in good spirits,
devoting the holidays as they came round to national sports and games,
including tilting matches. He was singularly successful in securing the
friendship, as well as in gaining the respect, of the natives; so that the
Spaniards could travel, even singly, all over the district in perfect safety. It
was certainly a circumstance full of misfortune, as well for Spain as for the
inhabitants of the Isthmus, that when, after the experience of so many
unfortunate colonising expeditions and so many incapable leaders, one was
at length found admirably suited alike for the requirements of peace and of
war, he should have had so soon to give place to a man whose age unfitted
him to fulfil the duties of leader, and whose temper prevented him from
recognising the merits of those who acted under him.
In June the fleet of Pedrarias arrived in the Gulf of Urabá.
1514.
The new governor, knowing the character and the renown of
Nuñez, was somewhat apprehensive lest he should decline to render up
peaceful possession of his government, and he accordingly thought it
prudent to cast anchor about a league and a half from the shore, and to send
a messenger in advance to announce his arrival. He need not, however, have
felt any misgiving; for Nuñez forthwith sent back his messenger with
congratulations on his safe arrival, and with the expression of his own
readiness and that of all the colony to obey his orders. It is true that some
fiery adherents of the popular leader expressed their desire to repel the
intruder; but these were at once discountenanced by their chief. The new
governor, disembarking on the last day of June, made his entrance into
Darien at the head of two thousand armed men, he leading his wife by the
one hand and having Bishop Quevedo on the other; whilst a train of
youthful cavaliers formed his body-guard. Vasco Nuñez came forth
unarmed to meet him, attended by a detachment of his scarred and veteran
troops. He conducted his guests to his humble straw-thatched abode, where
he laid before them such a repast as this embryo city of the forest might
afford, the only beverage procurable being water. We may well believe that
the courtly cavaliers who formed the governor’s train were somewhat taken
aback by the simple nature of their first entertainment in Golden Castile.
Pedrarias, on the day of his arrival, summoned Vasco Nuñez to his
presence and held with him a long private conference, at which the historian
Oviedo assisted. In accordance with the governor’s request, Vasco Nuñez
gave an account in writing, in the course of two days, of his administration
during the past three years. He likewise described the rivers and mountains
where he had found gold, the caciques who were his allies, and his journey
to the Southern Sea and to the Isle of Pearls. Having thus obtained the
information which he required, and which Nuñez alone could furnish,
Pedrarias next proceeded to take the residencia of the late captain-general,
that is to say, he instituted an inquiry into his past conduct, the result being
that for the injuries done to Enciso and others, Nuñez was condemned to
pay a large amount, although he was acquitted of the criminal charges
brought against him. The governor was now his declared enemy, and would
have sent him in chains to Spain, to be tried for the death of Nicuesa, had he
not been warned by the Bishop Quevedo, who was Nuñez’ friend, that his
arrival in Spain would be the signal of his triumph, and that the result would
in all probability be his return to Panamá with increased power and
position. Nuñez had likewise found an advocate in the wife of the governor,
who could not but admire his character and exploits. Under these
circumstances it was thought better to detain him at Darien under a cloud.
His property, which had been sequestrated, was, however, restored to him.
Nuñez, in his letter to the king, had advised the creation of settlements in
the territories of Comagre, Ponca, and Pocorosa, with a view to establishing
a line of posts across the mountains between Darien and the Southern Sea;
and it was now determined to carry out this plan. Whilst preparations were
being made with this view, the Spaniards who had accompanied Pedrarias
began to suffer greatly from the effects of the climate, and were likewise
sorely pressed by hunger. The colony had not been in any way prepared for
such an accession to its numbers; nor were there any neighbouring friendly
Indians on whom to fall back for a supply of provisions. Men brought up in
luxury, and who were clad in fine raiment, were glad to procure herbs and
roots, or were actually perishing from starvation. One of the principal
hidalgos dropped down dead in the street, starved. Within a month’s time
seven hundred men had perished, whilst Pedrarias himself was taken
seriously ill. The provisions which had been brought out were now
exhausted, and the horrors of famine stared the whole colony in the face. In
this gloomy state of affairs Pedrarias was glad to give permission to a ship-
load of starving adventurers to depart for Cuba and for Spain.
When the governor had recovered from his malady, he urged on the
expeditions which he had planned; but he was careful not to permit Vasco
Nuñez to acquire additional renown by taking part in them. That cavalier
was still allowed to remain under the cloud of a judicial inquiry hanging
over him. Notwithstanding the provision which had been made not to admit
lawyers into the colony, the legal profession was at this time so flourishing
at Darien that it was estimated that there were about forty lawsuits to each
colonist.
Vasco Nuñez, oppressed by this inaction, determined to prosecute his
plans on his own account, without reference to the governor; and he
despatched one Garabito to Cuba to enlist men for an expedition across the
mountains and to found a colony on the Southern Sea. Whilst Garabito was
absent, Nuñez was condemned to behold his schemes ruined, owing alone
to the incapacity and brutality of those entrusted by Pedrarias with the
mission of carrying them out. Amongst the leaders employed by the
governor was one Juan de Ayora, who was sent with four hundred men to
build forts in the countries ruled over by Comagre, Pocorosa, and
Tubanamá respectively. This officer proved himself an exceptional ruffian
even amongst the Spanish transatlantic adventurers of the day. According to
Oviedo, who was at this time notary of the colony, he not only demanded of
the chiefs and their subjects the authorised requisitions to avert war, but,
pouncing upon the caciques and principal men by night, he put them to the
torture in quest of gold. Some he then caused to be put to death; others were
given to be devoured by the dogs; whilst others again were reserved for new
forms of torment. Their wives and daughters were taken from them, and
were made slaves and concubines according to the good pleasure of this
Ayora.
One of the first victims of this expedition was Comagre himself, the
same youthful cacique who had given to Vasco Nuñez the earliest
information of the existence of the sea beyond the mountains, and who had
told him that a thousand men would be needed for its discovery. Little did
he imagine that he himself would be one of the victims of the thousand men
who had now been brought by his advice! The chiefs with whom Vasco
Nuñez had cemented a friendship came forth in turn to lay their gold before
Ayora. The valiant Tubanamá, being of a less submissive turn of mind, took
to arms, but to no avail. Another cacique, having put his women and
children in safety, laid wait in ambuscade and attacked the Spaniards,
wounding Ayora himself.
The proceedings of Ayora towards another cacique are thus described by
a lawyer sent on a mission of inquiry to the West Indies a few years later by
Cardinal Ximenes. On the approach of the Spaniards, the cacique in
question, under the belief that he was about to welcome his old friend
Nuñez, had prepared for him the best entertainment within his means,
including roast-meat, game, and wine. On his inquiring for the chief, Ayora
was pointed out to him, but he replied that this was not Nuñez. He was,
however, to become well acquainted with his present guest during their
brief intercourse. After having partaken of his hospitality, Ayora sent for
him and demanded gold. This not being forthcoming in sufficient quantity,
the cacique was bound, upon which his vassals were desired by him to
bring all the gold in their possession. The amount, however, did not satisfy
the invader, who ordered the cacique to be burnt alive.[G]
Not being troubled as to the means he took to obtain it, it was but natural
that this scoundrel should gather together a considerable quantity of gold; it
is some satisfaction to the moral sense to know that neither Ayora nor any
one else was any the better for it. The idea of delivering up his ill-gotten
treasures was repugnant to the avarice of this robber, who secretly made off
with them to sea and was never more heard of. The colony which he had
founded at Santa Cruz met with no better fate. The garrison, having given
much offence to the Indians, were beset at night by Pocorosa and his
people; a desperate struggle ensued, but when morning broke, only five
Spaniards were left alive to carry the tale to Darien. It may here be
mentioned that Hurtado, who had been sent by Pedrarias to discover the
causes in the delay of the return of Ayora, brought back with him to Darien
a hundred peaceful Indians, of whom he disposed as slaves. A number of
these had been lent to him as carriers by the cacique Careta, the friend and
ally of Nuñez.
In a letter addressed to Vasco Nuñez, King Ferdinand
1515.
expressed his high sense of his merits and services, and
constituted him Adelantado of the Southern Sea, and governor of the
provinces of Panamá and Coybá. He was, however, to be subordinate to
Pedrarias. A letter was likewise written at the same time to the latter,
informing him of this arrangement, and requiring him to consult with Vasco
Nuñez upon all affairs of importance. This communication was a severe
blow to the vanity of the jealous old man; and upon its receipt, he
summoned a council to deliberate as to what action should be taken. It was
finally arranged that the above-mentioned titles and dignities should be
nominally conferred upon Nuñez, but that for the meantime he was not to
enter into possession of the territories assigned to him.
At this critical moment Carabito, the agent of Nuñez, happened to return
from Cuba with a vessel freighted with arms and ammunition, and having
seventy men on board. He anchored at some distance from Darien, but sent
word of his arrival to Nuñez, all of which became speedily known to
Pedrarias. The suspicious mind of the latter taking the alarm, he at once
ordered Nuñez to be seized and confined; but he was prevailed upon by the
bishop to inquire into the matter calmly, the result being that, as nothing
treasonable was proved against him, Nuñez was set at liberty.
The bishop next endeavoured to persuade Pedrarias to employ Vasco
Nuñez on an expedition which he was about to despatch to the Southern Sea
and to the Isle of Pearls. As, however, there was much credit and probably
much wealth to be derived from it, Pedrarias preferred to give the command
to his own kinsman, Morales, with whom he associated Francisco Pizarro,
who had been in Nuñez’ expedition to the same region. Gaspar Morales
accordingly started with sixty men, and traversed the mountains by a
shorter route than that which had previously been taken. He arrived at the
territories of a cacique named Tutibrá, where he left one-half of his men
under Peñalosa, whilst with the remainder he set out in canoes for the Pearl
Islands. On arriving at the Isla Rica, so named by Nuñez, they experienced
a warm reception from the cacique, who sallied forth four times against
them, but who was as often repulsed with loss. His warriors were paralysed
by the firearms and the blood-hounds, and the cacique was at length obliged
to sue for peace. He presented to his guests as a peace-offering a basket
filled with pearls, two of them being of remarkable size and beauty. Taking
Morales and Pizarro to the summit of a wooden tower, he pointed proudly
to a long vista of islands subject to his sway, and promised his new friends
as many pearls as they might desire so long as they should continue to give
him their friendship.
Turning towards the mainland, which stretched away mountain upon
mountain as far as the eye could reach, the communicative chief told his
guests of a country of inexhaustible riches that lay in that direction. His
words and suggestions were not lost upon one of the two men who listened
to him. The cacique further agreed to become the vassal of the king of
Castile, and to pay him an annual tribute of one hundred pounds weight of
pearls. The party then returned to the mainland at another point than that at
which they had embarked, when Morales sent a detachment of ten men to
conduct Peñalosa and his party from the village of Tutibrá.
During the absence of the Spanish leaders at the islands, a conspiracy
had been formed by a large number of the caciques along the coast to
massacre the whole band of invaders. This measure was undoubtedly the
result of grossly tyrannical conduct on the part of the Spaniards. By some
writers the provocation is ascribed to Peñalosa; by others it is given to
Morales himself, who is stated on one occasion to have come upon an
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