(eBook PDF) Effective Cybersecurity: A Guide to

Using Best Practices and Standards download

https://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-effective-
cybersecurity-a-guide-to-using-best-practices-and-standards/

Download full version ebook from https://ebooksecure.com

We believe these products will be a great fit for you. Click
the link to download now, or visit ebooksecure.com
to discover even more!

(eBook PDF) A Risk Professional's Survival Guide:

Applied Best Practices in Risk Management

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-a-risk-professionals-
survival-guide-applied-best-practices-in-risk-management/

(eBook PDF) Information Governance: Concepts,

Strategies, and Best Practices

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-information-governance-
concepts-strategies-and-best-practices/

(eBook PDF) Change Management: A Guide to Effective

Implementation 4th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-change-management-a-
guide-to-effective-implementation-4th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Regression & Linear Modeling: Best

Practices and Modern Methods

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-regression-linear-
modeling-best-practices-and-modern-methods/
(eBook PDF) Policing America: Challenges and Best
Practices 9th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-policing-america-
challenges-and-best-practices-9th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Modeling and Simulation: Challenges and

Best Practices for Industry

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-modeling-and-simulation-
challenges-and-best-practices-for-industry/

(eBook PDF) Human Capital Management Standards: A

Complete Guide

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-human-capital-
management-standards-a-complete-guide/

(eBook PDF) Effective Training Systems Strategies and

Practices 5th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-effective-training-
systems-strategies-and-practices-5th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Improving Board Risk Oversight Through Best

Practices

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-improving-board-risk-
oversight-through-best-practices/
 Appendix A: References and Standards
Appendix B: Glossary
Index

Appendix C (Online Only): Answers to Review Questions

You can find Appendix C at informit.com/title/9780134772806.
Click the Downloads tab to access the PDF file.

7
Table of Contents
Preface
Chapter 1: Best Practices, Standards, and a Plan of Action
1.1 Defining Cyberspace and Cybersecurity
1.2 The Value of Standards and Best Practices Documents
1.3 The Standard of Good Practice for Information Security
1.4 The ISO/IEC 27000 Suite of Information Security Standards
ISO 27001
ISO 27002
1.5 Mapping the ISO 27000 Series to the ISF SGP
1.6 NIST Cybersecurity Framework and Security Documents
NIST Cybersecurity Framework
NIST Security Documents
1.7 The CIS Critical Security Controls for Effective Cyber Defense
1.8 COBIT 5 for Information Security
1.9 Payment Card Industry Data Security Standard (PCI DSS)
1.10 ITU-T Security Documents
1.11 Effective Cybersecurity
The Cybersecurity Management Process
Using Best Practices and Standards Documents
1.12 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
1.13 References

Part I: Planning for Cybersecurity

Chapter 2: Security Governance
2.1 Security Governance and Security Management

8
2.2 Security Governance Principles and Desired Outcomes
Principles
Desired Outcomes
2.3 Security Governance Components
Strategic Planning
Organizational Structure
Roles and Responsibilities
Integration with Enterprise Architecture
Policies and Guidance
2.4 Security Governance Approach
Security Governance Framework
Security Direction
Responsible, Accountable, Consulted, and Informed
(RACI) Charts
2.5 Security Governance Evaluation
2.6 Security Governance Best Practices
2.7 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
2.8 References
Chapter 3: Information Risk Assessment
3.1 Risk Assessment Concepts
Risk Assessment Challenges
Risk Management
Structure of This Chapter
3.2 Asset Identification
Hardware Assets
Software Assets
Information Assets
Business Assets
Asset Register
3.3 Threat Identification

9
 The STRIDE Threat Model
Threat Types
Sources of Information
3.4 Control Identification
3.5 Vulnerability Identification
Vulnerability Categories
National Vulnerability Database and Common
Vulnerability Scoring System
3.6 Risk Assessment Approaches
Quantitative Versus Qualitative Risk Assessment
Simple Risk Analysis Worksheet
Factor Analysis of Information Risk
3.7 Likelihood Assessment
Estimating Threat Event Frequency
Estimating Vulnerability
Loss Event Frequency
3.8 Impact Assessment
Estimating the Primary Loss
Estimating the Secondary Loss
Business Impact Reference Table
3.9 Risk Determination
3.10 Risk Evaluation
3.11 Risk Treatment
Risk Reduction
Risk Retention
Risk Avoidance
Risk Transfer
3.12 Risk Assessment Best Practices
3.13 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
3.14 References

10
Chapter 4: Security Management
4.1 The Security Management Function
Security Planning
Capital Planning
4.2 Security Policy
Security Policy Categories
Security Policy Document Content
Management Guidelines for Security Policies
Monitoring the Policy
4.3 Acceptable Use Policy
4.4 Security Management Best Practices
4.5 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
4.6 References

PART II: Managing the Cybersecurity Function

Chapter 5: People Management
5.1 Human Resource Security
Security in the Hiring Process
During Employment
Termination of Employment
5.2 Security Awareness and Education
Security Awareness
Cybersecurity Essentials Program
Role-Based Training
Education and Certification
5.3 People Management Best Practices
5.4 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
5.5 References

11
Chapter 6: Information Management
6.1 Information Classification and Handling
Information Classification
Information Labeling
Information Handling
6.2 Privacy
Privacy Threats
Privacy Principles and Policies
Privacy Controls
6.3 Document and Records Management
Document Management
Records Management
6.4 Sensitive Physical Information
6.5 Information Management Best Practices
6.6 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
6.7 References
Chapter 7: Physical Asset Management
7.1 Hardware Life Cycle Management
Planning
Acquisition
Deployment
Management
Disposition
7.2 Office Equipment
Threats and Vulnerabilities
Security Controls
Equipment Disposal
7.3 Industrial Control Systems

12
 Differences Between IT Systems and Industrial Control
Systems
ICS Security
7.4 Mobile Device Security
Mobile Device Technology
Mobile Ecosystem
Vulnerabilities
Mobile Device Security Strategy
Resources for Mobile Device Security
7.5 Physical Asset Management Best Practices
7.6 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
7.7 References
Chapter 8: System Development
8.1 System Development Life Cycle
NIST SDLC Model
The SGP’s SDLC Model
DevOps
8.2 Incorporating Security into the SDLC
Initiation Phase
Development/Acquisition Phase
Implementation/Assessment Phase
Operations and Maintenance Phase
Disposal Phase
8.3 System Development Management
System Development Methodology
System Development Environments
Quality Assurance
8.4 System Development Best Practices
8.5 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms

13
 Review Questions
8.6 References
Chapter 9: Business Application Management
9.1 Application Management Concepts
Application Life Cycle Management
Application Portfolio Management
Application Performance Management
9.2 Corporate Business Application Security
Business Application Register
Business Application Protection
Browser-Based Application Protection
9.3 End User-Developed Applications (EUDAs)
Benefits of EUDAs
Risks of EUDAs
EUDA Security Framework
9.4 Business Application Management Best Practices
9.5 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
9.6 References
Chapter 10: System Access
10.1 System Access Concepts
Authorization
10.2 User Authentication
A Model for Electronic User Authentication
Means of Authentication
Multifactor Authentication
10.3 Password-Based Authentication
The Vulnerability of Passwords
The Use of Hashed Passwords
Password Cracking of User-Chosen Passwords

14
 Password File Access Control
Password Selection
10.4 Possession-Based Authentication
Memory Cards
Smart Cards
Electronic Identity Cards
One-Time Password Device
Threats to Possession-Based Authentication
Security Controls for Possession-Based Authentication
10.5 Biometric Authentication
Criteria for Biometric Characteristics
Physical Characteristics Used in Biometric
Applications
Operation of a Biometric Authentication System
Biometric Accuracy
Threats to Biometric Authentication
Security Controls for Biometric Authentication
10.6 Risk Assessment for User Authentication
Authenticator Assurance Levels
Selecting an AAL
Choosing an Authentication Method
10.7 Access Control
Subjects, Objects, and Access Rights
Access Control Policies
Discretionary Access Control
Role-Based Access Control
Attribute-Based Access Control
Access Control Metrics
10.8 Customer Access
Customer Access Arrangements
Customer Contracts
Customer Connections

15
 Protecting Customer Data
10.9 System Access Best Practices
10.10 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
10.11 References
Chapter 11: System Management
11.1 Server Configuration
Threats to Servers
Requirements for Server Security
11.2 Virtual Servers
Virtualization Alternatives
Virtualization Security Issues
Securing Virtualization Systems
11.3 Network Storage Systems
11.4 Service Level Agreements
Network Providers
Computer Security Incident Response Team
Cloud Service Providers
11.5 Performance and Capacity Management
11.6 Backup
11.7 Change Management
11.8 System Management Best Practices
11.9 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
11.10 References
Chapter 12: Networks and Communications
12.1 Network Management Concepts
Network Management Functions
Network Management Systems

16
 Network Management Architecture
12.2 Firewalls
Firewall Characteristics
Types of Firewalls
Next-Generation Firewalls
DMZ Networks
The Modern IT Perimeter
12.3 Virtual Private Networks and IP Security
Virtual Private Networks
IPsec
Firewall-Based VPNs
12.4 Security Considerations for Network Management
Network Device Configuration
Physical Network Management
Wireless Access
External Network Connections
Firewalls
Remote Maintenance
12.5 Electronic Communications
Email
Instant Messaging
Voice over IP (VoIP) Networks
Telephony and Conferencing
12.6 Networks and Communications Best Practices
12.7 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
12.8 References
Chapter 13: Supply Chain Management and Cloud Security
13.1 Supply Chain Management Concepts
The Supply Chain

17
 Supply Chain Management
13.2 Supply Chain Risk Management
Supply Chain Threats
Supply Chain Vulnerabilities
Supply Chain Security Controls
SCRM Best Practices
13.3 Cloud Computing
Cloud Computing Elements
Cloud Computing Reference Architecture
13.4 Cloud Security
Security Considerations for Cloud Computing
Threats for Cloud Service Users
Risk Evaluation
Best Practices
Cloud Service Agreement
13.5 Supply Chain Best Practices
13.6 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
13.7 References
Chapter 14: Technical Security Management
14.1 Security Architecture
14.2 Malware Protection Activities
Types of Malware
The Nature of the Malware Threat
Practical Malware Protection
14.3 Malware Protection Software
Capabilities of Malware Protection Software
Managing Malware Protection Software
14.4 Identity and Access Management
IAM Architecture

18
 Federated Identity Management
IAM Planning
IAM Best Practices
14.5 Intrusion Detection
Basic Principles
Approaches to Intrusion Detection
Host-Based Intrusion Detection Techniques
Network-Based Intrusion Detection Systems
IDS Best Practices
14.6 Data Loss Prevention
Data Classification and Identification
Data States
14.7 Digital Rights Management
DRM Structure and Components
DRM Best Practices
14.8 Cryptographic Solutions
Uses of Cryptography
Cryptographic Algorithms
Selection of Cryptographic Algorithms and Lengths
Cryptography Implementation Considerations
14.9 Cryptographic Key Management
Key Types
Cryptoperiod
Key Life Cycle
14.10 Public Key Infrastructure
Public Key Certificates
PKI Architecture
Management Issues
14.11 Technical Security Management Best Practices
14.12 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions

19
14.13 References
Chapter 15: Threat and Incident Management
15.1 Technical Vulnerability Management
Plan Vulnerability Management
Discover Known Vulnerabilities
Scan for Vulnerabilities
Log and Report
Remediate Vulnerabilities
15.2 Security Event Logging
Security Event Logging Objective
Potential Security Log Sources
What to Log
Protection of Log Data
Log Management Policy
15.3 Security Event Management
SEM Functions
SEM Best Practices
15.4 Threat Intelligence
Threat Taxonomy
The Importance of Threat Intelligence
Gathering Threat Intelligence
Threat Analysis
15.5 Cyber Attack Protection
Cyber Attack Kill Chain
Protection and Response Measures
Non-Malware Attacks
15.6 Security Incident Management Framework
Objectives of Incident Management
Relationship to Information Security Management
System
Incident Management Policy
Roles and Responsibilities

20
 Incident Management Information
Incident Management Tools
15.7 Security Incident Management Process
Preparing for Incident Response
Detection and Analysis
Containment, Eradication, and Recovery
Post-Incident Activity
15.8 Emergency Fixes
15.9 Forensic Investigations
Prepare
Identify
Collect
Preserve
Analyze
Report
15.10 Threat and Incident Management Best Practices
15.11 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
15.12 References
Chapter 16: Local Environment Management
16.1 Local Environment Security
Local Environment Profile
Local Security Coordination
16.2 Physical Security
Physical Security Threats
Physical Security Officer
Defense in Depth
Physical Security: Prevention and Mitigation Measures
Physical Security Controls
16.3 Local Environment Management Best Practices

21
16.4 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
16.5 References
Chapter 17: Business Continuity
17.1 Business Continuity Concepts
Threats
Business Continuity in Operation
Business Continuity Objectives
Essential Components for Maintaining Business
Continuity
17.2 Business Continuity Program
Governance
Business Impact Analysis
Risk Assessment
Business Continuity Strategy
17.3 Business Continuity Readiness
Awareness
Training
Resilience
Control Selection
Business Continuity Plan
Exercising and Testing
Performance Evaluation
17.4 Business Continuity Operations
Emergency Response
Crisis Management
Business Recovery/Restoration
17.5 Business Continuity Best Practices
17.6 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions

22
17.7 References

Part III: Security Assessment

Chapter 18: Security Monitoring and Improvement
18.1 Security Audit
Security Audit and Alarms Model
Data to Collect for Auditing
Internal and External Audit
Security Audit Controls
18.2 Security Performance
Security Performance Measurement
Security Monitoring and Reporting
Information Risk Reporting
Information Security Compliance Monitoring
18.3 Security Monitoring and Improvement Best Practices
18.4 Key Terms and Review Questions
Key Terms
Review Questions
18.5 References
Appendix A: References and Standards
Appendix B: Glossary
Index

Appendix C (Online Only): Answers to Review Questions

You can find Appendix C at informit.com/title/9780134772806.
Click the Downloads tab to access the PDF file.

23
Preface
There is the book, Inspector. I leave it with you, and you cannot doubt
that it contains a full explanation.
—The Adventure of the Lion’s Mane, by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle

Background
Effective cybersecurity is very difficult. A number of organizations,
based on wide professional input, have developed best-practices
types of documents as well as standards for implementing and
evaluating cybersecurity. On the standards side, the most
prominent player is the National Institute of Standards and
Technology (NIST). NIST has created a huge number of security
publications, including 9 Federal Information Processing
Standards (FIPS) and well over 100 active Special Publications
(SP) that provide guidance on virtually all aspects of cybersecurity.
Equally important is the International Organization for
Standardization (ISO) 27000 series of standards on information
security management systems. Other organizations that have
produced cybersecurity standards and guidelines include:
ISACA/COBIT: The COBIT-5 for information security and
related documents are widely used by the industry.
ITU Telecommunication Standardization Sector (ITU-T):
Most important are the series X.1050 through X.1069 on
security management.
Internet Society (ISOC): A number of published standards
and RFCs relate to cybersecurity.
In addition, a number of professional and industry groups have
produced best-practices documents and guidelines. The most
important such document is The Standard of Good Practice for
Information Security (SGP), produced by the Information Security
Forum (ISF). This almost 300-page document provides a wide
range of best practices based on the consensus of industry and

24
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 CHAPTER X
The enemies of the Borgia pour into Rome—Fears of
the Sacred College—Orsini and Colonna—The
Cardinals and Valentino—Caesar enters into an
agreement with France—The Cardinal d’Amboise—
Scheming before the conclave—Caesar leaves Rome
—Return of Giuliano della Rovere—The conclave—
Election of Francesco Piccolomini to the Papacy—
The new Pope supports Caesar—Valentino’s fortunes
ebb—Death of Pius III.—Machinations preparatory
to electing his successor.

Rome was in a tumult; the enemies of the House of Borgia and of

the Spanish party began to pour into the city. The Orsini were the
first to appear; Fabio, Niccolò, and Giangiordano, with their
followers, at once prepared to take possession of their estates in the
Romagna. Prospero Colonna led his army up to the very gates of the
city. The Vitelli were advancing on Città di Castella, Giampaolo
Baglioni attacked Perugia; Urbino, Camerino, Cagli, and Piombino
were ready to revolt; Caesar’s domain was to crumble away in a day.
Valentino did not lose courage; he was resolute, defiant; he had—so
he told Machiavelli later—prepared for everything, even for the death
of the Pope—for all but one contingency, and that was his own
illness.
The streets were thronged with troops; the Spanish cardinals,
officials, retainers, hangers-on, spies, informers, bullies were panic-
stricken; they barricaded their doors and armed themselves. It was
feared the French would seize the opportunity and advance on the
city, and to the south not far away was the army of the King of
Spain. The Sacred College, whose duty it was to elect a successor to
Alexander, had no military force at their command, and they were
afraid to appeal to Caesar, who, with his well-disciplined troops and
able commanders, was still the strongest power in the city.
The Orsini and the Colonna, now at the very gates of Rome,
were ready to fly at Valentino’s throat. The cardinals Santa Croce,
Cesarini, and De’ Medici went to the warder of the Castle of St.
Angelo, Francesco de Roccamura, a Spaniard, to assure themselves
of his support, and, although he was one of Alexander’s creatures, to
his great credit and in spite of Caesar’s efforts to win him over, he
remained faithful to the Sacred College as the representative of the
papal power. He trained his cannon on the streets leading to the
castle and his men shouted “Collegio, Collegio! Chiesa, Chiesa!” The
same afternoon the Spanish mob burned the Orsini palaces on
Monte Giordano.
August 21st the cardinals, to the number of seventeen, again
met in the Minerva, and the question of entering into some
agreement with Valentino was discussed at length. The Duke had
professed loyalty and devotion to the Sacred College, and Pandolfo,
a notary, was directed to confer with Caesar’s secretary, Agapito of
Amelia.
August 22nd, through his secretary, Caesar swore obedience to
the cardinals, who confirmed him in his office of Captain-General of
the Church. The cardinals had warned both the Colonna and the
Orsini to keep away from Rome, but, disregarding their orders,
Prospero Colonna entered the city with a small force of cavalry. The
next day Ludovico and Fabio Orsini also appeared with their
followers. Determined to avenge the murder of their kinsmen and
the plundering of their estates, they sought Caesar, and failing to
find him, they wrecked their vengeance on the Castilians generally.
Valentino and the Spanish cardinals kept to the Vatican, and without
the whole city was in a tumult. Gangs of ruffians rushed about
shouting “Colonna! Orsini! Borgia!”
Caesar’s political sagacity coming to his aid, he endeavoured to
separate the Colonna, whom he had injured the least, from the
Orsini. These great rival families had been brought together by the
wrongs they had suffered at the hands of the Borgia. Caesar offered
to restore the property of the Colonna, and this offer Prospero
promptly accepted, at the same time promising in return to support
the Duke. This agreement saved Caesar for a time, and it was
thought that in the impending conclave a Pope favourable to the
Borgia might be elected. The Orsini were frightened and, yielding to
the demands of the cardinals, withdrew from the city during the
night of August 24th.
 PROSPERO COLONNA
From an early engraving.
To face p. 244.

In the meantime the Italian cardinals had been insisting that

Caesar also leave Rome. The Sacred College had secured about two
thousand troops and had placed the city under the protection of the
ambassadors of the Emperor, of Spain, France, and Venice, who—
August 25th—went to Valentino, whom they found in the Vatican
stretched upon a bed, but completely dressed and surrounded by
the Spanish cardinals, and requested him to leave the palace. This
he refused to do, saying that he was ill and that he would be safe
nowhere else. Thereupon they offered him the Castle of St. Angelo
for his abode. Caesar asked permission for his troops also to occupy
the stronghold. He was still Duke of Romagna and he had more than
nine thousand men under his command. He also had large amounts
of money on deposit with Alessandro Spanocchi, consequently he
was treated as a reigning prince. Both the Spanish and French
ambassadors knew that his aid would be valuable in the war in
Naples, and Prospero Colonna was endeavouring to persuade him to
enter the service of Gonsalvo de Cordova. At the same time France
was trying to secure him.
Finally, to the utter dismay of Colonna and the Spanish cardinals,
he decided to cast his fortunes with the latter power, for September
1st, through the mediation of Grammont, the French ambassador, he
entered into an agreement by which he was to place his troops at
the service of France in the Regno and to hold himself in readiness
at all times to aid the King, and to use all his influence with the
Spanish cardinals to secure the election of the Cardinal of Rouen to
the Papacy.
No sooner had Georges d’Amboise, Cardinal of Rouen, learned of
the death of Alexander VI. than he set out in great haste for Rome,
feeling certain that he could be elected to succeed the Borgia. The
Papacy was the dream of his life, and he was ardently supported by
the King, who would profit greatly by the election of his minister. In
fact, Louis thought that if Amboise, his intimate friend, his subject,
his Prime Minister, became Pope he could easily make himself master
of all Italy. Amboise, with the French army under the very walls of
Rome, promptly secured a strong following in the Sacred College.
By his agreement with France Caesar was assured the protection
of the King both as to his person and his property. The same day—
September 1st—Valentino entered into an arrangement with the
Sacred College, one clause of which required him to leave Rome
within three days. Prospero Colonna had also been compelled to
depart, and the ambassadors of Maximilian and of Louis XII.
guaranteed that while the papal throne was vacant Caesar, the
Colonna, and the Spanish forces would not approach within ten
miles of Rome; the orators of Venice and France did the same with
respect to the French army and the Orsini.
Giustinian says it was agreed that Prospero Colonna should leave
September 2nd, and Caesar, with all his artillery, the following day.
Colonna did depart on the appointed day and Caesar withdrew a
little later with all his troops, horse, foot, and artillery. The Duke
himself was so ill that he had to be borne on a litter. The Venetian
orator adds: “Now that Caesar has gone it is thought that the
election will take place quietly and without any disturbance, since
every one respects the Sacred College.” Still, some uneasiness was
felt lest the French should cause a disturbance, because Odoardo
Bugliotto, the King’s valet, had arrived with a large amount of
money, determined to make the Cardinal of Rouen Pope. Monsignor
de Trans had told Giustinian that neither Ascanio Sforza nor any of
the other cardinals then in France would attend the conclave,
“nevertheless, yesterday evening the report was circulated, and this
morning it was confirmed, that Amboise, Sforza, San Malo, and
27
Aragona were already on the way, and,” he adds, “if this is true
there will be much intriguing, for these men are seditious and
shameless and with their astuteness and machinations cause much
disturbance, and may God in his mercy watch over Christendom.”
The same day—September 2nd—Giustinian informs his
Government: “It is learned that Valentino, without the knowledge of
any one, has entered into an agreement with France.”
Prospero Colonna was greatly chagrined by Caesar’s last trick,
and when he left Rome he took with him the Princess of Squillace
—“who will be some comfort to him—while the Prince went with the
Duke. The Princess departed willingly, hoping to recover her estates
in the Regno—in any event there is little love between her and her
husband as they are entirely unlike.” Owing to the trouble and
discord she had occasioned in the family, the Princess Sancia had
been imprisoned by Alexander VI. in the Castle of St. Angelo.
Burchard describes Valentino’s departure in detail. The very
morning of the agreement he paid his troops and sent thirteen
heavy wagons laden with engines of war forward through
Trastevere. He had three large bombards, two medium, and eight
small ones. Then he dispatched his guard to the Milvius Bridge,
there to await him. More than a hundred wagons were required for
his baggage. They left the Vatican by the Viridaria Gate and
proceeded to Monte Mario, the Duke borne on a litter by twelve
halberdiers. After him was led a magnificent charger with trappings
of black velvet, embroidered with his arms and the ducal crown.
The Spanish and French ambassadors accompanied him as far
as the city gate. Caesar set out for Nepi, a town belonging to his
family, the citadel of which was still loyal to him. Gregorovius says
his mother Vannozza and his brother Giuffre accompanied him.
Valentino was still a power to be reckoned with, and he
undoubtedly hoped to secure the election of a Pope who would be
friendly to himself and the Borgia family, for he knew that he could
count on the votes of the eleven Spanish cardinals.
Alexander’s obsequies began September 4th, and in accordance
with the papal custom continued for nine days. The cardinals,
however, soon lost interest in the ceremonies and were anxious to
enter into conclave. One after another the cardinals who, for various
reasons, had been living abroad returned. All Rome was looking
forward to the event which to Caesar was the most momentous in
his entire career—not excepting the election of his own father to the
Papacy—for not only his future but his very life depended on the
outcome.
The French army, under Monsignor de La Trémoille and the
Marquis of Mantua, had entered the Romagna, where they were
ordered to remain until a successor to Alexander had been elected.
Giuliano della Rovere, after an absence of ten years in France,
returned to Italy September 3rd; Cardinal Colonna, who had been
hiding in Sicily for five years, appeared a few days later; the 9th the
Romans received Riario in triumph, and the next day Ascanio Sforza,
Georges d’Amboise, and the Cardinal d’Aragona made their entry.
Amboise had secured Sforza’s release from prison and had brought
him with him from France, counting upon securing his vote. The
Cardinal of Rouen also felt certain that at the proper moment Caesar
would throw the votes of the Spanish cardinals for him, and he
believed that the near presence of the French troops would influence
the Sacred College in his favour, because they would immediately
see that the Papacy would be greatly strengthened by having the
support of the armies of France. He, however, was not slow to
discover that Ascanio Sforza was the favourite of the Romans;
moreover, the Sacred College promptly requested Amboise not to
permit any of the French troops to enter the city.
When Giustinian called upon Giuliano della Rovere on his arrival
in Rome the cardinal remarked to him: “I am here in my own
interests and not in those of any one else; I am not here to cast my
vote for the Cardinal of Rouen unless I should see that even without
my vote he could be elected—which I think is impossible.” He added
that he was a good Italian and that he could not be forced to make
a Pope unless it were for the good of the Christian religion and the
peace and welfare of Italy; he also expressed great affection for
Venice and promised to consider her interests.
September 16, 1503, thirty-eight cardinals entered the conclave
which was held in the Vatican. They first drew up an agreement
which was to be submitted to any power that would guarantee their
rights; they also promised to reform the abuses which were wellnigh
universal in ecclesiastical affairs, and agreed to summon a council
for that purpose within two years; they also promised to prosecute
the war against the Turks. The urgency of the situation in which they
were placed cut short the discussion. The Italians and the Spaniards
united against Amboise and agreed to elect a Pope who could not
long survive, and, September 22nd, on the second scrutiny they
selected Francesco Piccolomini, Cardinal of Siena, to be the supreme
head of the Church. He adopted the name Pius III.
Piccolomini had been Cardinal-Deacon forty-three years; he was
a man of probity, advanced in years, and a sufferer from the gout,
with not long to live. Giuliano della Rovere, seeing that his own
election was impossible, had secured the elevation of Piccolomini.
French politics had failed signally, and Pius III. promptly compelled
the Marquis of Mantua to withdraw his troops from the Romagna.
The college had been divided into three nearly equal factions—
the French, the Spanish, and the Italian, whose respective
candidates were Georges d’Amboise, Bernardino Carvajal, and
Giuliano della Rovere. Caesar for obvious reasons had supported the
French candidate, and had succeeded in frustrating Della Rovere’s
plans; the latter, however, had immediately discerned the true
situation, and with the aid of Oliviero Caraffa, Cardinal of Naples,
and Girolamo Basso della Rovere, Cardinal of Recanati, succeeded in
placing his Eminence of Siena in the papal chair, thereby giving
himself time to perfect his own plans for securing the great prize on
the demise of Pius III., which was sure to take place soon.
Pius III. was born in Siena in 1439, consequently at the time of
his elevation to the Papacy he was sixty-four years of age. The
cardinals who had procured his election in the hope that he would
not survive long were not disappointed, for he died twenty-seven
days after assuming the tiara—so promptly that the usual rumour of
poison immediately spread. At first it was whispered that Pandolfo
Petrucci, tyrant of Siena, was guilty of the crime, and later the
enemies of Julius II. fancied they discovered the hand of the
Cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincola in the sudden death. Although
Pandolfo had committed many atrocities, it is extremely unlikely that
any crime in this instance had been committed. As to Della Rovere,
he knew that the new Pope could not live long, and therefore had no
need to shorten his days; in fact, he had procured his election for
the express purpose of gaining time to perfect his own plans to
secure the throne of St. Peter.
Caesar had also been active in effecting the election of
Piccolomini, who, in the event of his elevation, had promised to
confirm him in his office of Captain-General of the Church and Vicar
of Romagna. Immediately after his elevation to the Papacy the new
Pope began to bestow marks of his favour upon Valentino.
Bonafede, Bishop of Chiusi, Caesar’s representative during the
conclave, was made Governor of Rome the very day the new Pontiff
was proclaimed.
September 23rd the Pope granted Giustinian an audience, during
which the Venetian ambassador interceded in favour of the
Romagnol barons, who had returned to their estates. His Holiness
replied: “As far as Cesena is concerned, I agree perfectly with your
Illustrious Signory, but as to the other lords, God has punished them
for their sins with a tristo instrument, and I wish to remind the
Senate that all the troubles of Italy originated in Romagna.” Then he
said, smiling, “Perhaps God will restore these lords after they have
done penance.” Undoubtedly the Pontiff had made some sort of an
agreement with Caesar, for he did not hesitate to maintain the
Duke’s rights in Romagna. He even went so far as to dispatch a
legate to Perugia to break up the league which Valentino’s enemies
had formed against him, and he also sent commissioners through
Romagna to urge the people to be loyal to him.
Thus enjoying the favour of the new Pope, Caesar returned to
Rome with a considerable following October 3rd. He was
accompanied by Cardinals Amboise, Sanseverino, and D’Albret.
The Pope, however, did not support Caesar very actively. In fact,
when he urged obedience upon the Romagnols, he remarked that he
would give the Duke no further aid—he wished, not to be a warlike
Pope, but a pacific one, to bring peace and quiet to Christendom.
Regarding Valentino, the Pope advised the Republic to do nothing,
because it would soon be all over with him—his illness was a
punishment from God. The 29th the ambassador writes: “Valentino
has sent messengers from Nepi to Rome to ask the Pope’s
assistance, but the only result so far is a few briefs.”
Caesar had only 200 men left; Ugo Moncada with the flower of
his troops had deserted him, and 2,000 men who had been under
the command of Romolino also left. Alessandro Spanocchi, the
Duke’s treasurer, tried to send money of his for deposit in Florence,
Milan, Bologna, and Ferrara—14,000 to 20,000 ducats. It was said
that the Florentines offered Valentino a free passage through their
territory in case he wished to go to Romagna.
The following day the Pope issued a brief threatening with
excommunication any one who should refuse to return any money or
other property removed from the apostolic palace during the illness
of Pope Alexander VI.—evidently this was aimed at Caesar and his
agents.
Nothing escapes Giustinian. “The Duke is still at Nepi in bad
health, and deserted by nearly every one. The Pope has given him
fair words, but Caesar is distrustful.” October 1st Bartolomeo
d’Alviano requested the Venetian orator to secure the Senate’s
permission for him to attack Caesar in Nepi; he also informed the
ambassador that Caterina Sforza desired to join in the undertaking
and had promised him a large sum of money, but he had refused his
consent because he would have been obliged in return to help her
recover her own estates, which would offend Venice. October 2nd
the orator writes that the Duke of Urbino had sent a courier to Rome
with a letter in which he said he had attempted, but unsuccessfully,
to persuade the people of Fano, which was in the possession of
Valentino’s forces, to return to the Holy See—and he asked
permission to compel them to do so. The Cardinal San Pietro ad
Vincola accompanied the messenger and explained all to his
Holiness, who replied that he could not make any open
demonstration against Caesar, but that he was willing that the Duke
of Urbino should do what he could—that it would not displease him;
which shows that the Pope was willing they should do as they saw fit
with respect to this Duke of Valence, provided it did not appear to
come from him. The Pope decided Valentino should return to Rome,
and he arranged to put the palace of the Cardinal of Ferrara near St.
Peter’s at his disposal. His Holiness stated that he could not bring
himself to use extreme measures with respect to the Duke—that he
had decided to have pity on him—however, “the chief reason why
the Pope has been so indulgent is that he heard the Duke was very
ill and incapable of taking the field, and being by nature very
determined and avaricious, he hopes in case the Duke dies, without
using force, to get possession of the money and other valuables he
removed from Rome, although I think—and this is the opinion of
many—that in this he will be disappointed, because the greater part
of the valuables have been taken to the castle of Forli and the
money deposited in various places. The reason the Duke asked to be
allowed to return to Rome is because he is afraid of Alviano, who is
trying in every way to get his clutches on him.”
Valentino entered Rome October 3rd with his entire force, about
150 men-at-arms, 500 foot-soldiers, and a few light horse.
Burchard’s mention of Caesar’s return is even more concise.
The Duke was lodged in the palace of the Cardinal of San
Clemente, and many of the high Church dignitaries immediately
called upon him. “He is still sick,” adds Giustinian, “and it is thought
he will die.” Two days later the orator writes, perhaps somewhat
regretfully: “Valentino is not as ill as was supposed; he talks
arrogantly and boasts that he will shortly recover all his domain. To-
day the Cardinal of Rouen went to see him and succeeded in getting
30,000—some say 50,000—ducats from him. Although the Pope is
not very favourably disposed towards him, Valentino, to obtain his
support, is said to have lent him a large sum of money for his
coronation expenses. It is believed here that the Pope will regard
this money as his own and keep it, together with the other valuables
collected after the publication of the brief of excommunication, and
also the 24,000 ducats found on deposit in the bank in the name of
the duchetti”—the little Dukes, Don Giovanni and Don Rodrigo.
 The cardinals San Pietro ad Vincola and San Giorgio complained
to the Pope of Caesar’s presence in the city, and the ambassador
reports a conversation he had with his Holiness, in which the latter
said: “I am neither a saint nor an angel, but a man, and one who
does not fancy that he knows everything. I have been deceived. I
thought the Duke would ask to be made Captain-General of the
Church, and then I should have told him that I had no money for
soldiers.” It was rumoured in Rome that the city of Pesaro had been
captured in the name of Caesar, with the aid of Florence, and the
Duke became more arrogant and threatening. The French and the
Cardinal of Volterra were scheming to get him to enter the service of
Florence.
The Pope was crowned in St. Peter’s, October 8th, but the event
in comparison with the actions of Valentino was of slight importance
in the opinion of Giustinian; the Florentines were negotiating with
him, and he was busily engaged enlisting soldiers for use in
Romagna. The agent of the Duke of Urbino informed the Venetian
orator that Soderini, Cardinal of Volterra, had asked him in what
manner the Republic of Venice had helped Valentino, and that he
had also tried to convince him that insomuch as Alexander VI. was
dead, there was no reason whatever to accord Caesar any protection
any longer; to which Giustinian replied that it would be a mistake for
Urbino to second the endeavours of Venice, who was trying to get
possession of Romagna, for in that case Valentino, France, and the
other powers would take steps against him, and the Duke of Urbino
would lose his domain for the third time; “then I advised him to
make a compact with Florence and the French.” Urbino was,
however, more inclined toward Venice. The very day Pius III. was
crowned he issued a bull appointing Caesar Gonfalonier of the
Church.
Valentino felt that his star was again in the ascendant.
Favourable reports were coming in from the Romagna, and about
the end of September the people of Cesena had dispatched an
ambassador whom Caesar received graciously and thanked for the
loyalty of his people. Immediately after the victories of Carpineto
and Martirana, he sent letters to the Romagnols urging them to
resist until he should be well enough to come to their assistance.
The States he had more recently acquired were somewhat doubtful,
but most of them remained loyal to him. His bitterest enemy, Giulio
Orsini, had made peace with him, and the Pope gave him permission
to embark on a new campaign to punish Pandolfo Malatesta for his
attempt to seize Rimini, and Sforza for his movement against Pesaro,
and also to chastise the Duke of Urbino for endeavouring to recover
his own property.
Alvisi publishes a brief issued by the Pope October 13th, in which
he requests the Florentines to allow Caesar, “whom he loves
tenderly, paternally, on account of his rare and superior virtues,” to
lead his army through their territory.
It is difficult to judge how sincere the Pope was, but it is certain
that all Italy, except Romagna, feared and hated Caesar, and
rejoiced in his downfall; many were afraid that he might rise again;
every one was eager to betray him; Ferrara, in spite of Lucretia
Borgia’s marriage with Alfonso d’Este, hated him—the daughter of a
dead Pope was of slight account in Italian politics. The Romagnol
barons had entered into a treaty with him, but had no intention of
keeping it. Bartolomeo d’Alviano and Baglioni were gathering an
army to crush him, and, in conjunction with the Orsini, were trying
to get possession of his person; shortly after his return to Rome his
enemies entered into a solemn compact to pursue him to the death.
Even Spain’s representative in Naples, Gonsalvo de Cordova, signed
the agreement.
Annibale Bentivoglio came to Rome early in October ostensibly
to do homage to the Pope, but in reality to watch Caesar’s
movements. The Holy Father told Bentivoglio he had written the
briefs in Caesar’s favour in good faith, but that henceforth he would
do nothing for him—but at the same time he was careful to add that
he would do nothing to injure him. Dissatisfied with this, Bentivoglio
asked Cardinal della Rovere to get the Pope’s permission for him to
attack Caesar. This the cardinal promised to endeavour to do, and
Riario likewise agreed to use his influence to this end.
In the meantime Valentino’s forces were rapidly dwindling away;
of the 6,000 foot-soldiers and 600 men-at-arms he had at the time
of his father’s death, not half were left to him. The clouds were fast
gathering; even the Florentines, who pretended to be his friends,
were more than suspicious of him. Gonsalvo de Cordova
promulgated an edict forbidding the Spanish captains to serve under
Caesar’s orders, and commanding them immediately to report to
himself to check Louis XII., who was advancing on Naples; October
14th the edict, in the name of Castile, was solemnly proclaimed in
Rome before Valentino’s palace and in two other places. Small
companies of men under the lieutenants of Alviano, of Baglioni, and
Orsini were constantly being brought to Rome. The Pope held a
conference with the ambassadors of the various powers, and asked
them to put a stop to Alviano’s operations in the Romagna; this they
diplomatically declined to do.
Caesar’s palace was surrounded; it was impossible for him to
escape. In case he attempted to flee by way of Ostia, Mottino,
formerly captain of Alexander’s galleys, was ready to pounce upon
him, and Giustinian says: “This Alviano is like a mad dog determined
to fly at his throat.”
Valentino, however, bribed the guards at the Porta Viridaria, and
Burchard records that he escaped with all his men October 15th, but
that some of his people immediately deserted and returned to Rome.
When Orsini heard of his flight he hurriedly left the city by another
gate, and Caesar, finding his road cut off, returned to Rome, where
he was admitted to the Vatican. All but seventy of his men-at-arms
abandoned him, and they, together with a few foot-soldiers, acted as
a guard before the palace.
On the ground that he was a common criminal the Orsini
protested to the Pope against affording him any protection.
 Rome was on the verge of civil war; the Orsini burnt the Torrione
gate, and Fabio Orsini and Renzo di Ceri were ordered to attack the
Borgo which Caesar had fortified. With the Torrione gate destroyed,
it was easy to get into the Vatican. Valentino was driven to the wall,
when Cardinals Borgia, Salerno, Sorento, and Arborea had him
conducted through the subterranean passage to Hadrian’s Mole,
where for a time at least he was safe. With him he had his natural
children and the little Dukes of Nepi and of Sermoneta. His palace in
the Borgo was sacked and plundered. October 16th Giustinian
tersely records: “The Duke has retreated to castle S. Angelo with
four or five servants; his people are scattered; the Orsini have
surrounded the castle; they are trying to persuade the Spanish
ambassador to take steps to prevent him getting away.”
At the same time the Spanish cardinals were endeavouring to
induce the warder to permit Valentino to escape disguised as a friar.
But the Orsini were vigilant and took every precaution to prevent
this. Caesar was deserted by all his people; what little property he
had managed to save was now gone; the captain of the guard, a
nephew of the Pope, secured the greater part of it, and even the
magnificent Bartolomeo d’Alviano obtained two beautiful chargers;
all was scattered and Valentino was in sore straits.
The Orsini, finding themselves baffled, instituted a civil suit
against their enemy for seizing the estates of the barons, and
demanded that he be held in the castle of St. Angelo until a decision
could be rendered.
To some extent Caesar still enjoyed the favour of the Pope, and
he conceived the idea of escaping by night and joining Michelotto at
the castle of Soriana, where, he believed, he might collect an army
and recover Romagna. He, however, had no chance to carry out this
plan, for the one friend still left—if friend he could be called—Pope
Pius III., died during the night of October 18, 1503, thus promptly
fulfilling the hopes and expectations of many of the cardinals.
Piccolomini had reigned just twenty-seven days. September 27th he
had undergone a painful operation, and the Venetian ambassador
followed his illness day by day as closely as he had done that of his
predecessor. October 16th he states that fears for the Pontiff’s life
were felt; he was worse the next day and during the night his
brothers removed his valuables from the Vatican to a place of safety.
The Orsini, determined to force the election of a Pope of their choice
when Pius passed away, remained in Rome.
When Alexander VI. died, the most scurrilous epitaphs were
found affixed to the palace walls, but when Pius III. passed away,
numerous laudatory epigrams were discovered. Angelo Colucci drew
a striking comparison of the short but respectable reign of
Piccolomini and the shameless pontificate of his predecessor.
The death of Pius was a great blow to Caesar, who had enjoyed
his support for a time. Even now, however, his courage did not
entirely desert him. Machiavelli, who arrived in Rome October 26th,
wrote the Signory that the Duke was more hopeful than ever of
accomplishing great things—providing a friendly Pope is elected. It
was said that Caesar finally despairing of any other aid, had made
some sort of a compact with the Cardinal of San Giorgio.
The Sacred College, after seriously considering the demands of
the Orsini that Caesar be held until a new Pope was elected, decided
that they had no authority to do so. During the meeting the Cardinal
of Rouen defended Caesar, hoping thereby to secure the support of
the Spanish prelates who were still devoted to Valentino and were
themselves influential and united. The cardinals decided that the
Duke was at liberty to go and come as he saw fit. There was,
however, little likelihood that he would leave, as he was safer where
he was than he would be anywhere else; moreover, when the new
Pope should be elected he would be in the best possible position to
secure his favour through the mediation of the cardinals who might
remain loyal to him. How influential Caesar still was is shown by the
orator’s remark that all those who aspired to the Pontificate were
ready to promise him anything he asked to secure the votes of the
Spanish cardinals and “there is one thing certain,” he adds: “no one
will be Pope who does not consent to all of Valentino’s demands.”
 The Spanish prelates seemed to favour the astute Cardinal of
San Pietro ad Vincola, but Santa Prassede and Alexandrino were also
strong candidates.
Burchard records that the Cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincola came
to the apostolic palace October 29th with Valentino and his Spanish
cardinals, and entered into an agreement with them by which he
promised, when he became Pope, to make Caesar Captain-General
of the Church, and also to protect his interests and restore him to
his estates; the Duke on his part was to aid Della Rovere in the
conclave, and all the Spanish cardinals promised to cast their votes
for him. The evening of October 30th, the obsequies of the deceased
Pope being over, the cardinals agreed among themselves that the
Cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincola should be his successor. The same
day Machiavelli informed his Signory that Giuliano della Rovere had
secured the promise of the majority of the votes of the Sacred
College “by means adapted to this end.”
Giustinian repeats the various rumours current regarding the
momentous event, the election of the new Pope. The very day of the
Pontiff’s death he wrote: “There are three strong candidates—
Naples, San Pietro ad Vincola, and San Giorgio; the Spaniards incline
to the second because he will be able to satisfy their demands the
best. The Cardinal of Naples may get a few votes, but he is
suspected of being French. San Giorgio’s age is against him,
consequently Della Rovere is the strongest candidate. Sforza,
Colonna, and Rouen are not mentioned now.”
The day following the Pope’s decease all the cardinals were
“intent on their machinations, some with little respect to God and
the dignity of their office. Bargains are openly made; the terms are
no longer in hundreds, but in thousands and tens of thousands—to
the measureless shame of our religion, and insult to God; there is
now no difference between the Papacy and the Sultanate—it will go
to the highest bidder.”
October 22nd the Orsini complained to the Sacred College of
their treatment and Alessandrino and Medici were delegated to
confer with them and Caesar. The Orsini, feeling that they had been
grievously wronged, and at the same time not wanting to oppose
the Holy See and the Sacred College, promised that if the Duke
would leave Italy and go to France or some other place they would
allow him safe passage; on the other hand, if he desired to remain
in Italy in the Province of Gesia, they demanded that he be required
to give security for his appearance before the future Pope to answer
the charges lodged against him; they also agreed to give bonds to
appear and defend an action he had threatened to bring against
them. “It is not known what Caesar said to these suggestions; many
think he will decide to go to France, but some say he will remain
here.” The next day the orator heard that Valentino had resolved to
leave Italy, and that he had asked for eight or ten days in which to
make his preparations; he also demanded that the Orsini be required
to leave Rome and to give him a safe-conduct as they had agreed. It
is clear that he asked for this time to enable him to persuade the
Sacred College to force the Orsini to leave Rome and also to permit
him to carry on his machinations in connection with the election.
The obsequies of the deceased Pope continued, but attracted
little attention, the impending election of his successor being the all-
absorbing topic—while the electioneering proceeded and the scandal
increased.
Cardinal Colonna went over to the Spanish faction, and this
again rendered the situation more complicated. The 27th of the
month the Venetian ambassador wrote that it was still uncertain who
would secure the great prize. The cardinals of Naples and San Pietro
ad Vincola were now the leading candidates; Ascanio Sforza was
also mentioned. The ambassador adds that while “the wishes of the
King of France have some weight, the Duke’s desires are more
important than anything else—and may God save us from having a
Pope who, under obligations to Valentino, may convulse the affairs
of all Italy and even of all Christendom.”
Reports reached Rome that Antonio Ordelaffi had captured Forli
and that Sforza had recovered Pesaro; at the same time Pandolfo
Petrucci had entered Rimini, taken the fortress, and put Caesar’s
men to rout; this renewed activity was directly due to the Pope’s
death and Caesar’s retreat to the Castle of St Angelo.
The Duke was greatly discouraged by this news and dispatched
a messenger to the Venetian ambassador to ask the help of the
Senate. By this time Alviano and the Orsini had, in obedience to the
wishes of the cardinals, left Rome with nearly all their troops.
The Pope’s obsequies were concluded the 29th. Giampaolo
Baglioni was still in Rome under the protection of the Cardinal of
Rouen, who stated he desired his presence for his own security. The
Sacred College, however, to render this unnecessary, enlisted about
five hundred foot-soldiers to guard the conclave. Caesar was still in
the Castle of St. Angelo and daily received visits from Cardinals
Borgia, Loris, Romolino, and Vera to confer regarding the future
Pope.
Although Valentino had received the safe-conduct he made no
move to depart; in fact, he had no intention of going before the
election of the new Pope. The morning of the 30th it became known
that Della Rovere had reached an agreement with the Spanish
cardinals and Rouen, and his election was assured. The betting,
according to Giustinian, ran as high as 82 per cent. on Della Rovere
as against 6 per cent. on the field—just how bets were placed in
those days is not known.
 CHAPTER XI
Election of Giuliano della Rovere—Julius II. and Caesar
Borgia—Caesar leaves Rome—Machiavelli and
Caesar—Arrest of Caesar—Victory of Gonsalvo de
Cordova at the Garigliano—Caesar goes to Naples—
Gonsalvo seizes Valentino and sends him to Spain—
Caesar imprisoned in the Castle of Chinchilla—
Jeanne la Folle and Philippe le Beau—Caesar is
transferred to the Castle of Medina del Campo—His
escape.

The last day of October the cardinals entered into conclave, and
November 1, 1503, Giuliano della Rovere, Cardinal of San Pietro ad
Vincola, was elected Pope on the first scrutiny. Thus the nephew of
Sixtus IV., after nineteen years of waiting, aspiring, scheming, years
of exile, of strife, of hopes and fears, realised the ambition of his life.
At the fifteenth hour the window was thrown open, the cross
held out, and the announcement made that the most reverend
Cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincola had been elected supreme head of
the Christian Church. The new Pope was pleased to assume the
name Julius II.
Giustinian conceives that Venice will profit by the election of
Della Rovere, who was reputed to be a man of his word. He was
sixty years of age and had no nephews for whom it would be
necessary to find places. Caesar therefore felt sure of the new
Pontiff’s favour.
 Almost immediately after Della Rovere’s election chambers over
the audience-hall were, by the Pope’s orders, placed at Valentino’s
disposal, and there he took up his residence.
The Venetian orator had heard that the new Pope had
dispatched briefs to Romagna of the same tenor as those which Pius
III. had issued in the interests of Valentino, and he went to the
Pontiff and asked whether the report was true, to which his Holiness
replied: “Ambassador, do not for a moment think that I will fail in
anything I have promised you; I give you my word that I have
written no such briefs, and I do not intend to do so, and” he added,
“even if I had written them you know I would at the same time have
taken steps to prevent them from doing any harm”—that is, he
would have given those to whom they were sent to understand that
they were not to be observed—modern politics has made but little
advance in duplicity. “It is true Agapito has asked me to write them,
but I will do nothing. Ambassador, it is not necessary for you to
remind me that we should not favour the Duke in the affairs of
Romagna, because this is our office, this territory being ours,
mediate vel immediate; therefore whoever holds it holds it as a vicar
or feudatory of the Church.”
The Pope’s coronation was set for November 19th, and as early
as the 3rd Giustinian was informed that Julius had written
Guidobaldo di Montefeltre, Duke of Urbino, requesting him to be
present at the ceremony. This special invitation shows that the new
Pope was on the side of Caesar’s enemies. Although the Cardinal of
San Giorgio feared that if Guidobaldo absented himself from his
State it would afford Caesar a chance to injure him, it can hardly be
supposed that the Pope invited the Duke of Urbino to Rome simply
to give Valentino an opportunity to destroy him or attack his capital
city.
It is difficult to see how Caesar, himself a past-master in duplicity
and cunning, could have placed any dependence upon the promises
Della Rovere had made to him to secure his elevation to the Papacy.
Just what were the terms of the bargain is not known; the cardinal
had but one end in view—the assuring of his own election; and once
elected, he would not hesitate to break the agreement he had made.
It is true he carried out some of the stipulations by appointing
Valentino Captain-General of the Church and guaranteeing him the
nominal possession of Romagna, but the very day of his election he
began to aid and encourage the Duke’s enemies.
Alexander VI. had urged the Sacred College never to make
Giuliano della Rovere pope, and he was correct in regarding him as
an implacable enemy of his House. Caesar himself almost
immediately discovered that he had made a mistake and was on his
guard. November 12th the Pope formally took possession of the
Castle of St. Angelo, placing the Bishop of Sinigaglia in command of
it.
The following day a council was held by the Pope, Amboise,
Soderini, the Cardinal of Ferrara, the Spanish cardinals, and Caesar,
regarding the departure of Valentino, and it was agreed that he
should at once go to Ferrara and his troops to Imola, which was still
held by his lieutenants. The Duke, however, seemed suspicious and
irresolute—perhaps owing to a sort of stupor into which he had been
thrown by the reverses he had suffered—for he was neither
accustomed to misfortunes nor able to bear them.
Giustinian writes November 6th: “The Duke is still in the palace
but has little reputation; he made every effort to obtain an audience
with his Holiness but failed. He is very submissive and has
repeatedly sent to ask me to come and confer with him regarding his
affairs, but I declined, for various reasons, among them being the
fact that he quite ignored the Republic during his days of prosperity.”
Caesar continued to enlist troops but with what end in view is not
clear.
The Cardinal of Cosenza told the orator that his Holiness was
considering an alliance between one of his great-nieces and the little
Duke of Camerino. It was also reported that the Pope intended to
give Caesar the strong Castle of Civita Castellana for his residence,
but this statement was not confirmed.
 It was even arranged that when the proposal should be made in
consistory to give the office of Gonfalonier of the Church to
Valentino it should be merely for form’s sake to satisfy him. About
the middle of November it became known that Cesena desired to be
freed from Caesar’s authority and return to that of the Church. The
Pope’s coronation was postponed for a week “on the advice of the
astrologers, who stated that the stars would be more propitious for
his Holiness that day.”
“The Pope is most harshly disposed towards the Duke, and it is
said has ordered Pandolfo Petrucci to treat him as an enemy; his
Holiness looks for Caesar’s destruction, but does not want it to
appear that he has any part in it.”
Julius II. had conceived the idea of recovering the strongholds in
the Romagna for himself, and he soon discovered that Caesar
actually expected to retain them. The Borgia, shrewd as he was, was
no match for the Della Rovere in cunning; the Pope outwitted him at
every turn, and he did not hesitate to tell Giustinian that “the Duke
shall never have so much as a single tower of my fortresses. All I
owe him is to save his life and protect his property—in interceding
for him with the Florentines it was really to save Romagna for the
Church.” The Pope told the orator that as soon as he had secured
possession of the castles he would send Caesar away. Clearly his
Holiness did not want to be compelled to use force to get possession
of the strongholds; he was trying to delude Caesar into giving them
up, and then he would cast him aside.
The orator confesses that the Pope’s mind is “ambiguous” to him
—me ambigua—but he promptly discovered that he wanted to crush
the Duke, and this view was confirmed by many of those in the
Pope’s confidence; some, however, maintained that he was well
disposed toward Valentino.
November 19th occurred the event to which all had been eagerly
looking forward—Caesar’s departure from Rome. He went to Ostia,
where he was met by Mottino with two galleys to take him to
Tuscany. There were various rumours regarding the place where he
intended to disembark; the Venetian orator was told that Viareggio,
a town belonging to the Duke of Ferrara, was his destination. He had
with him about 160 horse.
Valentino was greatly changed when Machiavelli saw him in
Rome, and both he and Giustinian regarded Caesar as lost; the latter
saw him “fearful and terrified,” while Machiavelli wrote: “The Duke
allows himself to be carried away by his confident mind”; he also
said Valentino was “changeable, irresolute, and suspicious.”
Worn out by his reverses, he had at first thought of going to
Romagna. But when he embarked he had decided to go either to
Livorno or Genoa and thence to Ferrara. Machiavelli, who had
assured him that Florence would grant him a safe conduct, said that
if the Signory failed him “Caesar would make a compact with the
Venetians and the devil and would go to Pisa and devote all the
money, forces, and allies that remained to him to injuring the
Republic.”
The 18th, the very day that Caesar left the Palace, Julius II.
dispatched briefs to Romagna in which he said he had disapproved
of the bestowal of the vicariate upon Valentino by Alexander VI., and
he exhorted the people to raise the standard of the Church, in
whose possession he intended Romagna should remain. A few days
later he told Cardinal Soderini that it would have been wiser, he
thought, to have placed the strongholds of Romagna under Caesar’s
command, as it would be better for him than for the Venetians to
have them. Soderini went to Ostia and made certain proposals to
Caesar, which were rejected. November 24th the Pope ordered
Mottino to hold Valentino, and at the same time he arranged with
Soderini to impede the progress of Michelotto, who had started
forward with the Duke’s cavalry. The same day he appointed the
Bishop of Ragusa, Giovanni Sacchi, Governor of Romagna and
Bologna, and directed him to take possession of the province in the
name of the Church, and he again called upon the cities to raise the
papal standard.
 The general opinion in Rome was that Julius II. was only waiting
for a more favourable opportunity to give Caesar the final blow, and
the joy felt at his departure was wellnigh universal. Agapito and
Romolino, his two closest friends, men whose names had been
connected with some of his most atrocious crimes, had refused to
accompany him and remained in Rome.
The Pope had also instructed Soderini to demand the surrender
of the citadel of Forli, and Caesar’s refusal to comply was what
caused his Holiness to seize him and hold him prisoner.
Machiavelli reported to his Government the rumours which filled
Rome when Caesar’s arrest became known; it was even said that his
Holiness had ordered him to be flung into the Tiber, and he adds: “If
this has not been done it will be done shortly, in my opinion; we see
that the Pope has commenced to pay his debts very honourably; his
pen and ink are all that are necessary—nevertheless his praise is in
all men’s mouths!”
The night of November 27th the papal guard set out for Ostia to
arrest Caesar, but they did not have to proceed far, for, searching the
boats they chanced to come upon, they found him on a little craft on
the Tiber about two miles from Rome.
The troops he had embarked at Ostia, finding themselves
without a head, left the galleys and went back to Rome, while the
gentlemen of his suite returned to their estates.
At first the Pope had Caesar taken to Magliano, a place about
seven miles from Rome, where he was closely guarded, but not
treated harshly. Julius undoubtedly wished to avoid the use of force
with Caesar as far as possible and to secure his own ends peaceably
if it could be done. He may have feared that if he too openly
disclosed his real purpose Valentino’s lieutenants would surrender
the castles they still held to some other power, for several were
casting longing eyes upon them. Later the Pope ordered Valentino to
be brought back to Rome and had him lodged in the Vatican.
 Giustinian informs his Government, November 28th, that the
Pontiff, to justify himself for arresting Caesar, especially in the eyes
of the Spanish cardinals, held a convocation, which was attended by
fifteen cardinals, to whom he explained that as Venice had been
active in Romagna, not against the Church or the Holy See, but only
against Valentino, and also to restrain the Florentines, who appeared
to have designs upon the same territory, he had decided to remove
the cause, in order that the Republic would have no pretext for
going any farther. Therefore he had given the Duke to understand
that he must surrender the territory now in his possession into the
hands of the Pope and must give the countersigns of the fortresses;
but for fear that he would not give the true countersigns it seemed
advisable to his Holiness to have the Duke brought to Rome and
kept in a safe place until their correctness could be verified. This
done, the Duke could go whithersoever he wished. All seemed
satisfied. The 29th Valentino was brought back to Rome and lodged
in the chambers of the Cardinal of Salerno. “The Pope says that
when he has secured possession of the strongholds he will permit
him to depart—but God knows what will become of him,” adds the
orator.
The 1st of December news reached Rome that Michelotto had
been captured and all his men slain or dispersed by Giampaolo
Baglioni somewhere between Perugia and Florence. This was a
crushing blow to Caesar, who now had little hope left—he was “no
longer considered of much importance.”
At this time the Cardinal of Rouen was making preparations to
leave Rome for the Court of the Emperor at Florence, and Caesar
desired to go with him, but to this the cardinal would not consent.
Before Amboise set out the Pope commanded Valentino to send one
of his officers, Pedro de Oviedo, accompanied by a prelate, to obtain
the surrender of the places his supporters were still holding in
Romagna, but before consenting Caesar asked Amboise to give him
a guarantee in writing that the Pope would keep the promises he
had made to him before the conclave. Amboise, however, refused to
do this, and after the Cardinal’s departure the Duke, finding his last
support taken from him, acceded to the Pope’s demands. The
commandant of Caesar, however, thinking or pretending to think
there was treachery, seized the unfortunate Oviedo and hanged him
from the battlements forthwith as a traitor to his sovereign.
When he learned of this the Pope was beside himself—in fact, as
Carlo da Moncalieri expressed it, he was “mad as the devil”—alterato
come il diavolo—and threatened to put Caesar in prison for life.
Believing that he had found some way to tell the commandant to
disregard the order he had given, the Pope had Valentino confined in
the Borgia Tower. He nevertheless continued to treat with him, and
again allowed him to go to Ostia, this time in charge of the Spanish
Cardinal Carvajal, with the understanding that he was to be given his
liberty when his officers surrendered the strongholds in Romagna.
Giustinian records the hanging of Oviedo December 20th and
Caesar’s transfer to the Borgia Tower, and adds: “Terrified by recent
events, the Cardinal of Sorento and Cardinal Borgia have left the city
—possibly to go to the Spanish camp. It is believed by many that
their flight was due to Valentino’s affairs or because they had
acquiesced in the poisoning of Cardinal Sant Angelo.” When the
Cardinals Francesco Romolino and Francesco Borgia fled to Naples
with the little Dukes to ask Gonsalvo of Cordova for protection
Vannozza and the Borgia ilk were trying to save their plunder. Much
of it was intercepted and seized when they endeavoured to send it
from the city to a place of safety. Some of the wagons dispatched
from Rome to Ferrara in the name of the Cardinal d’Este were
stopped by the Florentines, while others from Cesena were captured
by Giovanni Bentivoglio.
Caesar was wellnigh ruined when an event occurred which
immediately restored the waning influence of the Spanish cardinals
with the Pope, who was a French sympathiser, and this was the
victory of Gonsalvo de Cordova at the Garigliano, December 31st,
which finally assured the Regno to the Spanish crown.
For some time Valentino was partly forgotten, but he was still in
the Vatican as late as January 15, 1504, and was planning to go to
Ferrara, although Alfonso d’Este was by no means anxious to have
him. Just what was to be done with him was a puzzling question. It
was finally decided to send him to Civitavecchia in the custody of the
Cardinal of Santa Croce, and the Pope told the Venetian orator that
he wished to make one more attempt to reach a settlement in order
that he might be able to justify himself in the eyes of the world for
the steps he would be compelled to take against Valentino if the
latter failed to keep the promises he had made to him.
January 18th, through the mediation of Don Diego de Mendoza,
the Spanish ambassador, it was arranged that Caesar should give the
countersigns of all the castles still remaining to him, and that he
himself should go to Ostia in the custody of the Cardinal of Santa
Croce and then, when the strongholds were surrendered, he should
be allowed to depart for France. There was some delay in carrying
out the agreement, due to recent events in Forli and Imola, but
February 14, 1504, the Duke set out for Ostia, and in taking leave of
him his Holiness “caressed him and promised him his support.”
The Pope was suffering from the gout, which appears to have
been essentially a papal disease at that time, and had remained in
bed the greater part of the day. Valentino, accompanied by a few of
his own people and Francesco del Rio, the Pope’s treasurer, set out
for Ostia the same night. According to Giustinian, while there he was
closely guarded, and consequently greatly annoyed.
The commissioners, who had been furnished the new
countersigns, had in the meantime again gone to Romagna, but they
did not succeed in securing possession of the strongholds, for the
warders of Cesena and Bertinoro, distrusting the Pope’s promises,
dispatched messengers to Rome to tell him they would surrender the
strongholds if he would release the Duke, but in case he was not
willing to set Valentino free “they could not honourably relinquish the
castles,” on hearing which his Holiness fell into a violent passion and
shouted at them: “You want to brazen it out. Away with you! If you
don’t give them up peaceably I will make you. You wanted to
surrender them to the Venetians, but they would not have them!”
And he drove the messengers from the room.
Mottino, who was to take Caesar to France on one of his galleys,
had been directed by the Holy Father not to leave port, even after
the strongholds had been surrendered to the Pope’s representatives,
until he received specific orders to do so.
The Cardinal of Santa Croce, however, when messengers
brought the news that Cesena and Bertinoro had been surrendered,
did not wait for definite orders from the Pope to set his prisoner
free, but let him go February 26th, after obtaining his written
promise never to take part in any war against the Holy Father or any
of his kinsmen.
Caesar and two of his people took horse, and, following the
coast, rode to Naples, where he joined Gonsalvo de Cordova, from
whom Cardinals Borgia and Romolino had previously secured a safe-
conduct for the Duke. At Naples several of his family were awaiting
him, among them his brother Giuffre and his sister-in-law Sancia.
About the middle of April Giustinian informed his Government
that the affairs of Valentino, so far as the Pope was concerned, were
settled, and there were no further difficulties to be apprehended.
April 20th the Pope received a letter from Mottino informing him
that Caesar had left Ostia and was on his way to Naples. His
Holiness was much disturbed by this news and immediately sent a
messenger to summon the French ambassador. The Cardinal of
Salerno informed the Venetian orator that the Cardinal of Santa
Croce, fearing that the Pope, even after the strongholds had been
surrendered, would on some pretext refuse Valentino his liberty, had
immediately set him free. The Pope was greatly annoyed by Santa
Croce’s action and charged him with breach of faith. The orator
adds: “Many are pleased by Caesar’s departure, but others are
greatly displeased. Opinions differ as to what Valentino will do; some
think he will cause the Pope trouble.” His Holiness evidently had not
intended Valentino should get away.
 In a letter to the Cardinal of Salerno, received in Rome May 3rd,
Caesar said he had not yet had an opportunity to speak to the
Spanish commander; he also asked the cardinal to supply him with
funds, which the prelate promptly did.
When Baldassare di Scipione arrived in Rome from Naples he
reported that Gonsalvo had received Caesar in the most cordial
manner and had called on him, as all the other Spanish officers had
done. Rome was filled with rumours regarding the coming of Caesar
by the favour of the Spaniards to help the Pisans.
When the Roman barons in the Spanish army at the Garigliano
learned of the death of Piero de’ Medici they began to take a lively
interest in the affairs of Tuscany and decided to send forces there;
while the Florentines, disturbed by the military preparations about
Siena, had sent assistance to the Lord of Piombino, who felt his
people were opposed to him. Bartolomeo d’Alviano was to have had
charge of the forces which were to be dispatched to Tuscany, but
Gonsalvo preferred Caesar on account of the friends upon whom he
could still count in Piombino and Pisa. Early in May active
preparations were well under way. In Rome Baldassare di Scipione
publicly stated that his lord “would soon return and give his enemies
cause to think of him.” The Pisans sent an ambassador to Caesar
and he dispatched Ranieri della Sassetta with a considerable force to
them. Giulio degli Alberini was waiting in the harbour of Naples to
transport the cannons and other machines of war; everything was
ready and the main body of troops was to start in a few days, when,
on the night of May 26th, as Valentino was coming from a
conference with the Spanish captains, he was arrested by the
castellan, Nugnio Campeio.
The Pope had sent a special envoy to Gonsalvo de Cordova to
urge him not to assist Valentino in any way; and there is no doubt
whatever that it was at the instigation of the Holy Father that the
Duke was finally again seized. The very night that Valentino was
arrested the Pope, thinking that the Duke’s treasurer, Alessandro di
Franzo, who was then in Rome, and had in his possession about
300,000 ducats, which he was about to remove to Naples, might
endeavour to leave, had guards stationed at all the gates of the city
and allowed no one to depart. All the following day the gates were
kept closed and watched by the papal troops. During the night the
Governor of Rome had patrols about the city and all suspected
persons were arrested and examined. Even the house of Madonna
Vannozza, Caesar’s mother, was carefully searched.
May 29th Giustinian states that, accompanied by Cardinal
Grimani, he went to the Castle of St. Angelo to see the Pope, who
informed them that the Bishop of Cervia had shown him letters from
the Great Captain, saying that Valentino, having in mind certain
undertakings which would be harmful to Italy, had, by his orders,
been confined in the castle, and also requesting that his Holiness be
informed of the fact.
Welcome to Our Bookstore - The Ultimate Destination for Book Lovers
Are you passionate about testbank and eager to explore new worlds of
knowledge? At our website, we offer a vast collection of books that
cater to every interest and age group. From classic literature to
specialized publications, self-help books, and children’s stories, we
have it all! Each book is a gateway to new adventures, helping you
expand your knowledge and nourish your soul
Experience Convenient and Enjoyable Book Shopping Our website is more
than just an online bookstore—it’s a bridge connecting readers to the
timeless values of culture and wisdom. With a sleek and user-friendly
interface and a smart search system, you can find your favorite books
quickly and easily. Enjoy special promotions, fast home delivery, and
a seamless shopping experience that saves you time and enhances your
love for reading.
Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and
personal growth!

ebooksecure.com